Welcome to the first-ever FVM Collective Member Spotlight! If you haven't yet heard about our FVM Collective, please read about it here.
Today we are highlighting our events and venue partner, Town Loft.
When my family and I first moved to Kingston about two years ago, we were not very familiar with local event or studio spaces.
A few months later, when I was looking for a light and airy photoshoot space, I posted a status update on Facebook asking for recommendations. Town Loft was repeatedly mentioned by friends and acquaintances, so I knew I had to check it out!
Since then, I have rented the space to shoot photos and videos, and host workshops. I've also attended a number of meetings, workshops and events in the Town Loft space.
Owner Jane is super helpful, and will work with you to modify and customize the space for your needs. Hi Jane!
If you're looking for a space to host your next event or photo/videoshoot, Fresh Voice Media recommends the Town Loft!


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The 1978 LAV HS 748 accident occurred on 3 March 1978 when Hawker Siddeley HS 748 YV-45C, of LAV (Línea Aeropostal Venezolana), crashed into the sea close to Caracas-Maiquetía Airport (CCS/SVMI), Venezuela. All 46 on board were killed.

Accident
Two minutes after takeoff from Caracas-Maiquetía Airport (CCS/SVMI), on a domestic flight to Cumaná Airport (CUM/SVCU) the pilot declared an emergency and said he was returning to the airport due to problems with an attitude indicator. The aircraft crashed into the sea killing all 43 passengers and three crew. Due to the depth of the water it was not possible to recover major parts of the aircraft.

References

External links
ASN accident report

Airliner accidents and incidents caused by instrument failure
Accidents and incidents involving the Hawker Siddeley HS 748
Aviation accidents and incidents in 1978
1978 in Venezuela
Aviation accidents and incidents in Venezuela

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


I am thrilled...after 7 months, I finally have my signs completed!!! Yahooooo!
Thank you to Elliot Mattice and Kathy for painting them (they also painted the mural in Doug's fish fry, try to find the hidden things in that mural:) . Thank you to Shelly and Mark Strang for designing them. Thank you to Pete for introducing me to Elliot and Kathy. And thank you to Joe for hanging them up!!!!!
7 months have flown by, business is excellent! Life is grand! Thank you ever so much to everyone who has made my life a dream come true!


text:
#pragma once

#ifdef __cplusplus
extern "C" {
#endif

void esp_restart(void);

#ifdef __cplusplus
}
#endif

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Where is your favorite place to go for a run or walk in Macomb County?
If you want to go for a good run or walk, which street, pathway, or park to do you choose in Macomb County? What makes it the best? How close is it to your home?
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Roman mosaic from Dougga, Tunisia (2nd century AD): the two slaves carrying wine jars wear typical slave clothing and an amulet against the evil eye on a necklace; the slave boy to the left carries water and towels, and the one on the right a bough and a basket of flowers.[1]
Captives in Rome, a nineteenth-century painting by Charles W. Bartlett
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Slavery in ancient Rome played an important role in society and the economy. Besides manual labour, slaves performed many domestic services and might be employed at highly skilled jobs and professions. Accountants and physicians were often slaves. Slaves of Greek origin in particular might be highly educated. Unskilled slaves, or those sentenced to slavery as punishment, worked on farms, in mines, and at mills.
Slaves were considered property under Roman law and had no legal personhood. Most slaves would never be freed. Unlike Roman citizens, they could be subjected to corporal punishment, sexual exploitation (prostitutes were often slaves), torture and summary execution. Over time, however, slaves gained increased legal protection, including the right to file complaints against their masters.
One major source of slaves had been Roman military expansion during the Republic. The use of former enemy soldiers as slaves led perhaps inevitably to a series of en masse armed rebellions, the Servile Wars, the last of which was led by Spartacus. During the Pax Romana of the early Roman Empire (1st–2nd centuries AD), the emphasis was placed on maintaining stability, and the lack of new territorial conquests dried up this supply line of human trafficking. To maintain an enslaved workforce, increased legal restrictions on freeing slaves were put into place. Escaped slaves would be hunted down and returned (often for a reward). There were also many cases of poor people selling their children to richer neighbours as slaves in times of hardship.
Further information: Slavery in antiquity
In his Institutiones (161 AD), the Roman jurist Gaius wrote that:
[Slavery is] the state that is recognized by the ius gentium in which someone is subject to the dominion of another person contrary to nature.
—  Gaius, Institutiones 1.3.2[2]
The 1st century BC Greek historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus indicates that the Roman institution of slavery began with the legendary founder Romulus giving Roman fathers the right to sell their own children into slavery, and kept growing with the expansion of the Roman state. Slave ownership was most widespread throughout the Roman citizenry from the Second Punic War (218–201 BC) to the 4th century AD. The Greek geographer Strabo (1st century AD) records how an enormous slave trade resulted from the collapse of the Seleucid Empire (100–63 BC).[3]
The Twelve Tables, Rome's oldest legal code, has brief references to slavery, indicating that the institution was of long standing. In the tripartite division of law by the jurist Ulpian (2nd century AD), slavery was an aspect of the ius gentium, the customary international law held in common among all peoples (gentes). The "law of nations" was neither considered natural law, thought to exist in nature and govern animals as well as humans, nor civil law, belonging to the emerging bodies of laws specific to a people in Western societies.[4] All human beings are born free (liberi) under natural law, but slavery was held to be a practice common to all nations, who might then have specific civil laws pertaining to slaves.[4] In ancient warfare, the victor had the right under the ius gentium to enslave a defeated population; however, if a settlement had been reached through diplomatic negotiations or formal surrender, the people were by custom to be spared violence and enslavement. The ius gentium was not a legal code,[5] and any force it had depended on "reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct".[6]
Vernae (singular verna) were slaves born within a household (familia) or on a family farm or agricultural estate (villa). There was a stronger social obligation to care for vernae, whose epitaphs sometimes identify them as such, and at times they would have been the children of free males of the household.[7][8] The general Latin word for slave was servus.
Roman mosaic depicting slaves performing agricultural tasks
Slavery and warfare
Throughout the Roman period, many slaves for the Roman market were acquired through warfare. Many captives were either brought back as war booty or sold to traders,[9] and ancient sources cite anywhere from hundreds to tens of thousands of such slaves captured in each war.[10][11] These wars included every major war of conquest from the Monarchical period to the Imperial period, as well as the Social and Samnite Wars.[12] The prisoners taken or retaken after the three Roman Servile Wars (135–132, 104–100, and 73–71 BC, respectively) also contributed to the slave supply.[13] While warfare during the Republic provided the largest figures for captives,[14] warfare continued to produce slaves for Rome throughout the imperial period.[15]
Piracy has a long history of adding to the slave trade,[16] and the period of the Roman Republic was no different. Piracy was particularly lucrative in Cilicia where pirates operated with impunity from a number of strongholds. Pompey was credited with effectively eradicating piracy from the Mediterranean in 67 BC.[17] Although large-scale piracy was curbed under Pompey and controlled under the Roman Empire, it remained a steady institution, and kidnapping through piracy continued to contribute to the Roman slave supply. Augustine lamented the wide-scale practice of kidnapping in North Africa in the early 5th century AD.[18]
Trade and economy
During the period of Roman imperial expansion, the increase in wealth amongst the Roman elite and the substantial growth of slavery transformed the economy.[19] Although the economy was dependent on slavery, Rome was not the most slave-dependent culture in history. Among the Spartans, for instance, the slave class of helots outnumbered the free by about seven to one, according to Herodotus.[20] In any case, the overall role of slavery in Roman economy is a discussed issue among scholars.[21][22][23]
Delos in the eastern Mediterranean was made a free port in 166 BC and became one of the main market venues for slaves. Multitudes of slaves who found their way to Italy were purchased by wealthy landowners in need of large numbers of slaves to labour on their estates. Historian Keith Hopkins noted that it was land investment and agricultural production which generated great wealth in Italy, and considered that Rome's military conquests and the subsequent introduction of vast wealth and slaves into Italy had effects comparable to widespread and rapid technological innovations.[3]
Augustus imposed a 2 percent tax on the sale of slaves, estimated to generate annual revenues of about 5 million sesterces—a figure that indicates some 250,000 sales.[24] The tax was increased to 4 percent by 43 AD.[25] Slave markets seem to have existed in every city of the Empire, but outside Rome the major center was Ephesus.[24]
4th-century sarcophagus relief of Valerius Petronianus, with his slave holding writing tablets
Estimates for the prevalence of slavery in the Roman Empire vary. Estimates of the percentage of the population of Italy who were slaves range from 30 to 40 per cent in the 1st century BC, upwards of two to three million slaves in Italy by the end of the 1st century BC, about 35% to 40% of Italy's population.[26][27][28] For the empire as a whole during the period 260–425 AD, according to a study done by Kyle Harper, the slave population has been estimated at just under five million, representing 10–15% of the total population of 50–60 million inhabitants. An estimated 49% of all slaves were owned by the elite, who made up less than 1.5% of the empire's population. About half of all slaves worked in the countryside where they were a small percentage of the population except on some large agricultural, especially imperial, estates; the remainder of the other half were a significant percentage – 25% or more – in towns and cities as domestics and workers in commercial enterprises and manufacturers.[29]
Roman slavery was not based on ideas of race.[30][31] Slaves were drawn from all over Europe and the Mediterranean, including Gaul, Hispania, North Africa, Syria, Germany, Britannia, the Balkans, Greece, etc. Those from outside of Europe were predominantly of Greek descent[citation needed], while the Jewish ones never fully assimilated into Roman society, remaining an identifiable minority. The slaves (especially the foreigners) had higher mortality rates and lower birth rates than natives and were sometimes even subjected to mass expulsions.[32] The average recorded age at death for the slaves of the city of Rome was extraordinarily low: seventeen and a half years (17.2 for males; 17.9 for females).[33] By comparison, life expectancy at birth for the population as a whole was in the mid-twenties (36% of men and 27% of women could expect to reach the age of 62 if they succeeded in reaching the age of 10).[citation needed]
Slave Market in Ancient Rome, by Jean-Léon Gérôme
New slaves were primarily acquired by wholesale dealers who followed the Roman armies.[34] Many people who bought slaves wanted strong slaves, mostly men.[35] Child slaves cost less than adults[36] although other sources state their price as higher.[37] Julius Caesar once sold the entire population of a conquered region in Gaul, no fewer than 53,000 people, to slave dealers on the spot.[38]
Within the empire, slaves were sold at public auction or sometimes in shops, or by private sale in the case of more valuable slaves. Slave dealing was overseen by the Roman fiscal officials called quaestors.
Sometimes slaves stood on revolving stands, and around each slave for sale hung a type of plaque describing their origin, health, character, intelligence, education, and other information pertinent to purchasers. Prices varied with age and quality, with the most valuable slaves fetching high prices. Because the Romans wanted to know exactly what they were buying, slaves were presented naked. The dealer was required to take a slave back within six months if the slave had defects that were not manifest at the sale, or make good the buyer's loss.[39] Slaves to be sold with no guarantee were made to wear a cap at the auction.[citation needed]
Debt slavery
Main article: Nexum
Nexum was a debt bondage contract in the early Roman Republic. Within the Roman legal system, it was a form of mancipatio. Though the terms of the contract would vary, essentially a free man pledged himself as a bond slave (nexus) as surety for a loan. He might also hand over his son as collateral. Although the bondsman could expect to face humiliation and some abuse, as a legal citizen he was supposed to be exempt from corporal punishment. Nexum was abolished by the Lex Poetelia Papiria in 326 BC, in part to prevent abuses to the physical integrity of citizens who had fallen into debt bondage.
Roman historians illuminated the abolition of nexum with a traditional story that varied in its particulars; basically, a nexus who was a handsome but upstanding youth suffered sexual harassment by the holder of the debt. In one version, the youth had gone into debt to pay for his father's funeral; in others, he had been handed over by his father. In all versions, he is presented as a model of virtue. Historical or not, the cautionary tale highlighted the incongruities of subjecting one free citizen to another's use, and the legal response was aimed at establishing the citizen's right to liberty (libertas), as distinguished from the slave or social outcast (infamis).[40]
Cicero considered the abolition of nexum primarily a political maneuver to appease the common people (plebs): the law was passed during the Conflict of the Orders, when plebeians were struggling to establish their rights in relation to the hereditary privileges of the patricians. Although nexum was abolished as a way to secure a loan, debt bondage might still result after a debtor defaulted.[41]
Mosaic depicting two female slaves (ancillae) attending their mistress
Slaves worked in a wide range of occupations that can be roughly divided into five categories: household or domestic, imperial or public, urban crafts and services, agriculture, and mining.[42]
Epitaphs record at least 55 different jobs a household slave might have,[42] including barber, butler, cook, hairdresser, handmaid (ancilla), wash their master's clothes, wet nurse or nursery attendant, teacher, secretary, seamstress, accountant, and physician.[3] A large elite household (a domus in town, or a villa in the countryside) might be supported by a staff of hundreds.[42] The living conditions of slaves attached to a domus (the familia urbana), while inferior to those of the free persons they lived with, were sometimes superior to that of many free urban poor in Rome.[43] Household slaves likely enjoyed the highest standard of living among Roman slaves, next to publicly owned slaves, who were not subject to the whims of a single master.[39] Imperial slaves were those attached to the emperor's household, the familia Caesaris.[42]
In urban workplaces, the occupations of slaves included fullers, engravers, shoemakers, bakers, mule drivers, and prostitutes. Farm slaves (familia rustica) probably lived in more healthful conditions. Roman agricultural writers expect that the workforce of a farm will be mostly slaves, managed by a vilicus, who was often a slave himself.[42]
"Eros, Posidippus' Cook, this is his site" ("SER" presumably short for "SERVUS", "slave"): epitaph on a stele[44]
Slaves numbering in the tens of thousands were condemned to work in the mines or quarries, where conditions were notoriously brutal.[42] Damnati in metallum ("those condemned to the mine") were convicts who lost their freedom as citizens (libertas), forfeited their property (bona) to the state, and became servi poenae, slaves as a legal penalty. Their status under the law was different from that of other slaves; they could not buy their freedom, be sold, or be set free. They were expected to live and die in the mines.[45] Imperial slaves and freedmen (the familia Caesaris) worked in mine administration and management.[46]
In the Late Republic, about half the gladiators who fought in Roman arenas were slaves, though the most skilled were often free volunteers.[47] Successful gladiators were occasionally rewarded with freedom. However gladiators, being trained warriors and having access to weapons, were potentially the most dangerous slaves. At an earlier time, many gladiators had been soldiers taken captive in war. Spartacus, who was a rebel gladiator, led the great slave rebellion of 73–71 BC.
Servus publicus
A servus publicus was a slave owned not by a private individual, but by the Roman people. Public slaves worked in temples and other public buildings both in Rome and in the municipalities. Most performed general, basic tasks as servants to the College of Pontiffs, magistrates, and other officials. Some well-qualified public slaves did skilled office work such as accounting and secretarial services. They were permitted to earn money for their personal use.[48]
Because they had an opportunity to prove their merit, they could acquire a reputation and influence, and were sometimes deemed eligible for manumission. During the Republic, a public slave could be freed by a magistrate's declaration, with the prior authorization of the senate; in the Imperial era, liberty would be granted by the emperor. Municipal public slaves could be freed by the municipal council.[48]
Treatment and legal status
Relief from Smyrna (present-day İzmir, Turkey) depicting a Roman soldier leading captives in chains
According to Marcel Mauss, in Roman times the persona gradually became "synonymous with the true nature of the individual" but "the slave was excluded from it. servus non habet personam ('a slave has no persona'). He has no personality. He does not own his body; he has no ancestors, no name, no cognomen, no goods of his own."[49] The testimony of a slave could not be accepted in a court of law[50] unless the slave was tortured—a practice based on the belief that slaves in a position to be privy to their masters' affairs would be too virtuously loyal to reveal damaging evidence unless coerced.
Rome differed from Greek city-states in allowing freed slaves to become citizens. After manumission, a male slave who had belonged to a Roman citizen enjoyed not only passive freedom from ownership, but active political freedom (libertas), including the right to vote.[51] A slave who had acquired libertas was thus a libertus ("freed person", feminine liberta) in relation to his former master, who then became his patron (patronus). As a social class, freed slaves were libertini, though later writers used the terms libertus and libertinus interchangeably.[52][53] Libertini were not entitled to hold public office or state priesthoods, nor could they achieve senatorial rank. During the early Empire, however, freedmen held key positions in the government bureaucracy, so much so that Hadrian limited their participation by law.[54] Any future children of a freedman would be born free, with full rights of citizenship.
Although in general freed slaves could become citizens, with the right to vote if they were male, those categorized as dediticii suffered permanent disbarment from citizenship. The dediticii were mainly slaves whose masters had felt compelled to punish them for serious misconduct by placing them in chains, branding them, torturing them to confess a crime, imprisoning them or sending them involuntarily to a gladiatorial school (ludus), or condemning them to fight with gladiators or wild beasts. Dediticii were regarded as a threat to society, regardless of whether their master's punishments had been justified, and if they came within a hundred miles of Rome, they were subject to reenslavement.[55]
Roman slaves could hold property which, despite the fact that it belonged to their masters, they were allowed to use as if it were their own.[56] Skilled or educated slaves were allowed to earn their own money, and might hope to save enough to buy their freedom.[57][58] Such slaves were often freed by the terms of their master's will, or for services rendered. A notable example of a high-status slave was Tiro, the secretary of Cicero. Tiro was freed before his master's death, and was successful enough to retire on his own country estate, where he died at the age of 99.[59][60][61] However, the master could arrange that slaves would only have enough money to buy their freedom when they were too old to work. They could then use the money to buy a new young slave while the old slave, unable to work, would be forced to rely on charity to stay alive.[62]
Several emperors began to grant more rights to slaves as the empire grew. Claudius announced that if a slave was abandoned by his master, he became free. Nero granted slaves the right to complain against their masters in a court. And under Antoninus Pius, a master who killed a slave without just cause could be tried for homicide.[63] Legal protection of slaves continued to grow as the empire expanded. It became common throughout the mid to late 2nd century AD to allow slaves to complain of cruel or unfair treatment by their owners.[64] Attitudes changed in part because of the influence among the educated elite of the Stoics, whose egalitarian views of humanity extended to slaves.
There are reports of abuse of slaves by Romans, but there is little information to indicate how widespread such harsh treatment was. Cato the Elder was recorded as expelling his old or sick slaves from his house. Seneca held the view that a slave who was treated well would perform a better job than a poorly treated slave. As most slaves in the Roman world could easily blend into the population if they escaped, it was normal for the masters to discourage slaves from running away by putting a tattoo reading "Stop me! I am a runaway!" or "tax paid" if the slaves were owned by the Roman state on the foreheads of their slaves.[65] For this reason, slaves usually wore headbands to cover up their disfiguring tattoos and at the Temple of Asclepius, the Greek god of healing, in Ephesus, archeologists have found thousands of tablets from escaped slaves asking Asclepius to make the tattoos on their foreheads disappear.[66] Crucifixion was the capital punishment meted out specifically to slaves, traitors, and bandits.[67][68][69][70] Marcus Crassus was supposed to have concluded his victory over Spartacus in the Third Servile War by crucifying 6,000 of the slave rebels along the Appian Way.
Rebellions and runaways
Moses Finley remarked, "fugitive slaves are almost an obsession in the sources". Rome forbade the harbouring of fugitive slaves, and professional slave-catchers were hired to hunt down runaways. Advertisements were posted with precise descriptions of escaped slaves, and offered rewards.[71] If caught, fugitives could be punished by being whipped, burnt with iron, or killed. Those who lived were branded on the forehead with the letters FUG, for fugitivus. Sometimes slaves had a metal collar riveted around the neck. One such collar is preserved at Rome and states in Latin, "I have run away. Catch me. If you take me back to my master Zoninus, you'll be rewarded."[39]
There was a constant danger of servile insurrection, which had more than once seriously threatened the republic.[72] The 1st century BC Greek historian Diodorus Siculus wrote that slaves sometimes banded together to plot revolts. He chronicled the three major slave rebellions: in 135–132 BC (the First Servile War), in 104–100 BC (the Second Servile War), and in 73–71 BC (the Third Servile War).[73]
Serfdom
In addition to slavery, the Romans also practiced serfdom. By the 3rd century AD, the Roman Empire faced a labour shortage. Large Roman landowners increasingly relied on Roman freemen, acting as tenant farmers, instead of slaves to provide labour.[74] The status of these tenant farmers, eventually known as coloni, steadily eroded. Because the tax system implemented by Diocletian assessed taxes based on both land and the inhabitants of that land, it became administratively inconvenient for peasants to leave the land where they were counted in the census.[74] In 332 AD Emperor Constantine issued legislation that greatly restricted the rights of the coloni and tied them to the land. Some see these laws as the beginning of medieval serfdom in Europe.
Slavery in philosophy and religion
Classical Roman religion
The religious holiday most famously celebrated by slaves at Rome was the Saturnalia, a December festival of role reversals during which time slaves enjoyed a rich banquet, gambling, free speech and other forms of license not normally available to them. To mark their temporary freedom, they wore the pilleus, the cap of freedom, as did free citizens, who normally went about bareheaded.[75][76] Some ancient sources suggest that master and slave dined together,[77][78] while others indicate that the slaves feasted first, or that the masters actually served the food. The practice may have varied over time.[79] Macrobius (5th century AD) describes the occasion thus:
Meanwhile, the head of the slave household, whose responsibility it was to offer sacrifice to the Penates, to manage the provisions and to direct the activities of the domestic servants, came to tell his master that the household had feasted according to the annual ritual custom. For at this festival, in houses that keep to proper religious usage, they first of all honor the slaves with a dinner prepared as if for the master; and only afterwards is the table set again for the head of the household. So, then, the chief slave came in to announce the time of dinner and to summon the masters to the table.[80][81]
Saturnalian license also permitted slaves to enjoy a pretense of disrespect for their masters, and exempted them from punishment. The Augustan poet Horace calls their freedom of speech "December liberty" (libertas Decembri).[82][83] In two satires set during the Saturnalia, Horace portrays a slave as offering sharp criticism to his master.[84][85][86] But everyone knew that the leveling of the social hierarchy was temporary and had limits; no social norms were ultimately threatened, because the holiday would end.[87]
Another slaves' holiday (servorum dies festus) was held August 13[88] in honor of Servius Tullius, the legendary sixth king of Rome who was the child of a slave woman. Like the Saturnalia, the holiday involved a role reversal: the matron of the household washed the heads of her slaves, as well as her own.[89][90]
The temple of Feronia at Terracina in Latium was the site of special ceremonies pertaining to manumission. The goddess was identified with Libertas, the personification of liberty,[91] and was a tutelary goddess of freedmen (dea libertorum). A stone at her temple was inscribed "let deserving slaves sit down so that they may stand up free."[92][93]
Female slaves and religion
At the Matralia, a women's festival held June 11 in connection with the goddess Mater Matuta, free women ceremonially beat a slave girl and drove her from the community. Slave women were otherwise forbidden from participation.[94]
Slave women were honored at the Ancillarum Feriae on July 7.[95][96] The holiday is explained as commemorating the service rendered to Rome by a group of ancillae (female slaves or "handmaids") during the war with the Fidenates in the late 4th century BC.[97][98] Weakened by the Gallic sack of Rome in 390 BC, the Romans next had suffered a stinging defeat by the Fidenates, who demanded that they hand over their wives and virgin daughters as hostages to secure a peace. A handmaid named either Philotis or Tutula came up with a plan to deceive the enemy: the ancillae would put on the apparel of the free women, spend one night in the enemy camp, and send a signal to the Romans about the most advantageous time to launch a counterattack.[94][99] Although the historicity of the underlying tale may be doubtful, it indicates that the Romans thought they had already had a significant slave population before the Punic Wars.[100]
Dedication to Mithras by the Imperial slave Atimetus; a great number of inscriptions from around the Empire record votive offerings from slaves and freedmen
Mystery cults
The Mithraic mysteries were open to slaves and freedmen, and at some cult sites most or all votive offerings are made by slaves, sometimes for the sake of their masters' wellbeing.[101] The cult of Mithras, which valued submission to authority and promotion through a hierarchy, was in harmony with the structure of Roman society, and thus the participation of slaves posed no threat to social order.[102]
Stoic philosophy
The Stoics taught that all men were manifestations of the same universal spirit, and thus by nature equal. Stoicism also held that external circumstances (such as being enslaved) did not truly impede a person from practicing the Stoic ideal of inner self-mastery: It has been said that one of the more important Roman stoics, Epictetus, spent his youth as a slave.
See also: Christianity and slavery
Both the Stoics and some early Christians opposed the ill treatment of slaves, rather than slavery itself. Advocates of these philosophies saw them as ways to live within human societies as they were, rather than to overthrow entrenched institutions. In the Christian scriptures, equal pay[clarification needed] and fair treatment of slaves was enjoined upon slave masters, and slaves were advised to obey their earthly masters, even if their masters are unfair, and lawfully obtain freedom if possible.[103][104][105][106]
Certain senior Christian leaders (such as Gregory of Nyssa and John Chrysostom) called for good treatment for slaves and condemned slavery, while others supported it.[citation needed] Christianity gave slaves an equal place within the religion, allowing them to participate in the liturgy. According to tradition, Pope Clement I (term c. 92–99), Pope Pius I (158–167) and Pope Callixtus I (c. 217–222) were former slaves.[107]
Writing after the legalization of Christianity by Roman authorities, Saint Augustine, who came from an aristocratic background and likely grew up in home where slave labor was utilized, described slavery as being against God's intention and resulting from sin.[108] By the early 4th century, the manumission within the church, was incorporated into Roman law. Slaves could be freed by a ritual in a church, officiated by an ordained bishop or priest. Subsequent laws, such as the Novella 142 of Justinian in the sixth century, gave to the bishops the power to free slaves.[109] The early Christian Church never renounced slavery as an institution outright, choosing instead to promote more humane treatment for slaves who according to the Church were commanded by God to obey their earthly masters. In contrast to the pagan Roman viewpoint, Roman Christians, even those who were not abolitionists, preached that slaves were still human and not property. Overall Roman attitudes towards slavery generally emphasized more humane treatment of slaves and promoted manumission. Sexual slavery was strictly forbidden by the Church and institutions as gladiator matches, would come to be outlawed due to Christian pressure.[110]
Although ancient authors rarely discussed slavery in terms of morals, because their society did not view slavery as the moral dilemma we do today,[111] they included slaves and the treatment of slaves in works in order to shed light on other topics—history, economy, an individual's character—or to entertain and amuse. Texts mentioning slaves include histories, personal letters, dramas, and satires, including Petronius' Banquet of Trimalchio, in which the eponymous freedman asserts "Slaves too are men. The milk they have drunk is just the same even if an evil fate has oppressed them."[112] Many literary works may have served to help educated Roman slave owners navigate acceptability in the master-slave relationships in terms of slaves' behavior and punishment. To achieve this navigation of acceptability, works often focus on extreme cases, such as the crucifixion of hundreds of slaves for the murder of their master. We must be careful to recognize these instances as exceptional and yet recognize that the underlying problems must have concerned the authors and audiences.[113] Examining the literary sources that mention ancient slavery can reveal both the context for and contemporary views of the institution. The following examples provide a sampling of different genres and portrayals.
Plutarch mentioned slavery in his biographical history in order to pass judgement on men's characters. In his Life of Cato the Elder, Plutarch revealed contrasting views of slaves. He wrote that Cato, known for his stringency, would resell his old servants because "no useless servants were fed in his house", but that he himself believes that "it marks an over-rigid temper for a man to take the work out of his servants as out of brute beasts".[114]
A prolific letter writer, Cicero even wrote letters to one of his administrative slaves, one Marcus Tullius Tiro. Even though Cicero himself remarked that he only wrote to Tiro "for the sake of keeping to [his] established practice",[115] he occasionally revealed personal care and concern for his slave. Indeed, just the fact that Tiro had enough education and freedom to express his opinions in letters to his master is exceptional and only allowed through his unique circumstances.[116] First, as an administrative slave, Tiro would have enjoyed better living and working conditions than the majority of slaves working in the fields, mines, or workhouses. Also, Cicero was an exceptional owner, even taking Tiro's education into his own hands.[117] While these letters suggest a familiarity and connection between master and slave, each letter still contains a direct command, suggesting that Cicero calculatingly used familiarity in order to ensure performance and loyalty from Tiro.[118]
Roman comedies
Main article: Theatre of ancient Rome
In Roman comedy, servi or slaves make up the majority of the stock characters, and generally fall into two basic categories: loyal slaves and tricksters. Loyal slaves often help their master in their plan to woo or obtain a lover (the most popular plot-driving element in Roman comedy). They are often dim, timid, and worried about what punishments may befall them. Trickster slaves are more numerous and often use their masters' unfortunate situation to create a "topsy-turvy" world in which they are the masters and their masters are subservient to them. The master will often ask the slave for a favor and the slave only complies once the master has made it clear that the slave is in charge, beseeching him and calling him lord, sometimes even a god.[119] These slaves are threatened with numerous punishments for their treachery, but always escape the fulfillment of these threats through their wit.[119]
Depictions of slaves in Roman comedies can be seen in the work of Plautus and Publius Terentius Afer. Dartmouth associate professor Roberta Stewart has stated that Plautus' plays represent slavery "as a complex institution that raised perplexing problems in human relationships involving masters and slaves".[120] Terence added a new element to how slaves were portrayed in his plays, due to his personal background as a former slave. In the work Andria, slaves are central to the plot. In this play, Simo, a wealthy Athenian wants his son, Pamphilius, to marry one girl but Pamphilius has his sights set on another. Much of the conflict in this play revolves around schemes with Pamphilius's slave, Davos, and the rest of the characters in the story. Many times throughout the play, slaves are allowed to engage in activity, such as the inner and personal lives of their owners, that would not normally be seen with slaves in every day society. This is a form of satire by Terence due to the unrealistic nature of events that occurs between slaves and citizens in his plays.[121]
Freeing a slave was called manumissio, which literally means "sending out from the hand". The freeing of the slave was a public ceremony, performed before some sort of public official, usually a judge. The owner touched the slave on the head with a staff and he was free to go. Simpler methods were sometimes used, usually with the owner proclaiming a slave's freedom in front of friends and family, or just a simple invitation to recline with the family at dinner.
A felt cap called the Pileus was given to the former slave as symbol of manumission.
Slaves were freed for a variety of reasons; for a particularly good deed toward the slave's owner, or out of friendship or respect. Sometimes, a slave who had enough money could buy his freedom and the freedom of a fellow slave, frequently a spouse. However, few slaves had enough money to do so, and many slaves were not allowed to hold money. Slaves were also freed through testamentary manumission, by a provision in an owner's will at his death. In 2 BCE, Augustus restricted the number of slaves that could be freed at once from a single household, depending on the number of slaves belonging to the household; in a household with three to ten slaves, no more than half could be freed; in a household with ten to thirty slaves, no more than a third could be freed; in a household with thirty to one hundred slaves, no more than a quarter could be freed; in a household with over one hundred slaves, no more than one-fifth could be freed, and under no circumstances was it permitted to free more than one hundred slaves at a time. [122] In 4 AD, another law prohibited the manumission of slaves younger than thirty years of age, with some exceptions.[123]
Freedmen
Cinerary urn for the freedman Tiberius Claudius Chryseros and two women, probably his wife and daughter
A freed slave was the libertus of his former master, who became his patron (patronus). The two had mutual obligations to each other within the traditional patronage network. The terms of his manumission might specify the services a libertus owed. A freedman could "network" with other patrons as well.
As a social class, former slaves were libertini. Men could vote and participate in politics, with some limitations. They could not run for office, nor be admitted to the senatorial class. The children of former slaves enjoyed the full privileges of Roman citizenship without restrictions. The Latin poet Horace was the son of a freedman, and an officer in the army of Marcus Junius Brutus.
Some freedmen became very powerful. Many freedmen had important roles in the Roman government. Freedmen of the Imperial families often were the main functionaries in the Imperial administration. Some rose to positions of great influence, such as Narcissus, a former slave of the Emperor Claudius.
Other freedmen became wealthy. The brothers who owned House of the Vettii, one of the biggest and most magnificent houses in Pompeii, are thought to have been freedmen. A freedman designed the amphitheater in Pompeii.
A freedman who became rich and influential might still be looked down on by the traditional aristocracy as a vulgar nouveau riche. Trimalchio, a character in the Satyricon, is a caricature of such a freedman.
Slavery in ancient Greece
Slavery in antiquity
History of slavery
^ Described by Mikhail Rostovtzev, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Tannen, 1900), p. 288.
^ Fields, Nic. Spartacus and the Slave War 73–71 BC: A Gladiator Rebels against Rome. (Osprey 2009) p. 17–18.
^ a b c Moya K. Mason, "Roman Slavery: The Social, Cultural, Political, and Demographic Consequences", accessed 17 March 2021
^ a b Brian Tierney, The Idea of Natural Rights (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2002, originally published 1997 by Scholars Press for Emory University), p. 136.
^ R. W. Dyson, Natural Law and Political Realism in the History of Political Thought (Peter Lang, 2005), vol. 1, p. 127.
^ David J. Bederman, International Law in Antiquity (Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 85.
^ Bradley (1994), pp. 33–34, 48–49
^ Mouritsen (2011), p. 100
^ Dupont p. 63.
^ Tim Cornell 'The Recovery of Rome' in CAH2 7.2 F.W. Walbank et al. (eds.) Cambridge.
^ Wickham (2014), pp. 210–217
^ W.V. Harris. 1979. War and Imperialism in Republican Rome 327–70 B.C.. Oxford, p. 59 n. 4.
^ Fields, pp. 7, 8–10.
^ K.R. Bradley. 2004. 'On Captives under the Principate', Phoenix 58,3/4:, 299; Brunt 1971 Italian Manpower, Oxford, p. 707; Hopkins 1978, pp. 8–15. This view has been challenged more recently by Wickham (2014).
^ Bradley 2004, pp. 298–318.
^ V. Gabrielsen 'Piracy and the Slave-Trade' in A. Erskine (ed.) A Companion to the Hellenistic World (London, 2003) pp. 389–404.
^ Plutarch, Pompey 24-8.
^ St. Augustine Letter 10.
^ Hopkins, Keith. Conquerors and Slaves: Sociological Studies in Roman History. Cambridge University Press, New York. Pgs. 4–5
^ Herodotus, Histories 9.10.
^ Finley, Moses I. (1960). Slavery in classical Antiquity. Views and controversies. Cambridge.
^ Finley, Moses I. (1980). Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology. Chatto & Windus.
^ Montoya Rubio, Bernat (2015). L'esclavitud en l'economia antiga: fonaments discursius de la historiografia moderna (Segles XV-XVIII). Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté. pp. 15–25. ISBN 978-2-84867-510-7.
^ a b Harris (2000), p. 721
^ Harris (2000), p. 722
^ Welcome to Encyclopædia Britannica's Guide to History
^ Walter Scheidel. 2005. 'Human Mobility in Roman Italy, II: The Slave Population', Journal of Roman Studies 95: 64–79. Scheidel, p. 170, has estimated between 1 and 1.5 million slaves in the 1st century BC.
^ Wickham (2014), p. 198 notes the difficulty in estimating the size of the slave population and the supply needed to maintain and grow the population.
^ No contemporary or systematic census of slave numbers is known; in the Empire, under-reporting of male slave numbers would have reduced the tax liabilities attached to their ownership. See Kyle Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425. Cambridge University Press, 2011, pp. 58–60, and footnote 150. ISBN 978-0-521-19861-5
^ Bruce W. Frier and Thomas A. J. McGinn. 2004. A Casebook on Roman Family Law. Oxford University Press: American Philological Association. p. 15
^ Stefan Goodwin. 2009. Africa in Europe: Antiquity into the Age of Global Expansion. Lexington Books. vol. 1, p. 41, noting that "Roman slavery was a nonracist and fluid system".
^ Noy, David (2000). Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers. Duckworth with the Classical Press of Wales. ISBN 978-0-7156-2952-9.
^ Harper, James (1972). Slaves and Freedmen in Imperial Rome. Am J Philol.
^ This is contested by Wickham (2014), pp. iv, 202–205.
^ William L. Westermann, The slave systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, The American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, US.
^ de souza,Philip:"the roman news" , page 11. Candlewick press, 1996.;
^ Roman Society, Roman Life
^ a b c Johnston, Mary. Roman Life. Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1957, p. 158–177
^ P.A. Brunt, Social Conflicts in the Roman Republic (Chatto & Windus, 1971), pp. 56–57.
^ Brunt, Social Conflicts in the Roman Republic, pp. 56–57.
^ a b c d e f "Slavery in Rome," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 323.
^ Roman Civilization Archived 2009-02-03 at the Wayback Machine
^ CIL VI, 6246.
^ Alfred Michael Hirt, Imperial Mines and Quarries in the Roman World: Organizational Aspects 27–BC AD 235 (Oxford University Press, 2010), sect. 3.3.
^ Hirt, Imperial Mines and Quarries, sect. 4.2.1.
^ Alison Futrell, A Sourcebook on the Roman Games (Blackwell, 2006), p. 124.
^ a b Adolf Berger. 1991. Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law. American Philosophical Society (reprint). p. 706.
^ Marcel Mauss. 1979. "A Category of the human mind: the notion of the person, the notion of 'self'". In: Marcel Mauss. 1979. Sociology and psychology. Essays. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. p. 81.
^ Ingram, John Kells (1911). "Slavery" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. 25 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 216–227.
^ Fergus Millar, The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic (University of Michigan, 1998, 2002), pp. 23, 209.
^ Mouritsen (2011), p. 36
^ Adolf Berger, entry on libertus, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law (American Philological Society, 1953, 1991), p. 564.
^ Berger, entry on libertinus, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 564.
^ Jane F. Gardner. 2011. "Slavery and Roman Law", in The Cambridge World History of Slavery. Cambridge University Press. vol. 1, p. 429.
^ Gamauf (2009)
^ Kehoe, Dennis P. (2011). "Law and Social Function in the Roman Empire". The Oxford Handbook of Social Relations in the Roman World. Oxford University Press. pp. 147–8.
^ Bradley (1994), pp. 2–3
^ Cicero, Ad familiares 16.21
^ Jerome, Chronological Tables 194.1
^ William Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology vol. 3, p. 1182 Archived 2006-12-07 at the Wayback Machine
^ "Slavery in the Roman Empire".
^ Dillon, Matthew and Garland, Lynda. Ancient Rome: From the Early Republic to the Assassination of Julius Caesar. Routledge, 2005. Pg 297
^ McGinn, Thomas. Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press, 2003 Pg. 309
^ Maylor, Adrienne The Poison King Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010 page 20.
^ Maylor, Adrienne. The Poison King. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010. pp. 20–21.
^ Strauss, pp. 190–194, 204
^ Fields, pp. 79–81
^ Losch, p. 56, n. 1
^ see also Philippians 2:5–8.
^ Bradley, Keith Resisting Slavery in Ancient Rome
^ Naerebout and Singor, "De Oudheid", p. 296
^ Siculus, Diodorus. The Civil Wars 111–121. 73–71 BC
^ a b Mackay, Christopher (2004). Ancient Rome: A Military and Political History. New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 298. ISBN 978-0521809184.
^ H.S. Versnel, "Saturnus and the Saturnalia," in Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion: Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual (Brill, 1993, 1994), p. 147
^ Dolansky (2010), p. 492
^ Seneca, Epistulae 47.14
^ Barton (1993), p. 498
^ Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.24.22–23
^ Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A Sourcebook (Cambridge University Press, 1998), vol. 2, p. 124.
^ Horace, Satires 2.7.4
^ Hans-Friedrich Mueller, "Saturn", in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 221,222.
^ Horace, Satires, Book 2, poems 3 and 7
^ Catherine Keane, Figuring Genre in Roman Satire (Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 90
^ Maria Plaza, The Function of Humour in Roman Verse Satire: Laughing and Lying (Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 298–300 et passim.
^ Barton (1993), passim
^ Richard P. Saller, "Symbols of Gender and Status Hierarchies in the Roman Household," in Women and Slaves in Greco-Roman Culture (Routledge, 1998; Taylor & Francis, 2005), p. 90.
^ Plutarch, Roman Questions 100
^ Saller, "Symbols of Gender and Status Hierarchies," p. 91.
^ Servius, in his note to Aeneid 8.564, citing Varro.
^ Livy, 22.1.18
^ Peter F. Dorcey, The Cult of Silvanus: A Study in Roman Folk Religion (Brill, 1992), p. 109.
^ a b Bradley (1994), p. 18
^ The calendar of Polemius Silvius is the only one to record the holiday.
^ William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1908), p. 176.
^ Plutarch, Life of Camillus 33, as well as Silvius.
^ By Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.11.36
^ Jennifer A. Glancy, Slavery in Early Christianity (Oxford University Press, 2002; First Fortress Press, 2006), p. 27
^ K.R. Bradley, "On the Roman Slave Supply and Slavebreeding," in Classical Slavery (Frank Cass Publishers, 1987, 1999, 2003), p. 63.
^ Clauss (2001), pp. 33, 37–39
^ Clauss (2001), pp. 40, 143
^ Ephesians 6:5–9
^ Colossians 4:1
^ 1Corinthians 7:21.
^ "1 Peter 2:18 Slaves, in reverent fear of God submit yourselves to your masters, not only to those who are good and considerate, but also to those who are harsh". biblehub.com. Retrieved 2016-02-17.
^ Catholic Encyclopedia Slavery and Christianity
^ Augustine of Hippo. ""Chapter 15 - Of the Liberty Proper to Man's Nature, and the Servitude Introduced by Sin—A Servitude in Which the Man Whose Will is Wicked is the Slave of His Own Lust, Though He is Free So Far as Regards Other Men." in City of God (Book 19 )". Retrieved 11 February 2016. God ... did not intend that His rational creature, who was made in His image, should have dominion over anything but the irrational creation - not man over man, but man over the beasts ... the condition of slavery is the result of sin ... It [slave] is a name .. introduced by sin and not by nature ... circumstances [under which men could become slaves] could never have arisen save [i.e. except] through sin ... The prime cause, then, of slavery is sin, which brings man under the dominion of his fellow [sinful man] ... But by nature, as God first created us, no one is the slave either of man or of sin.
^ Youval Rotman, "Byzantine Slavery and the Mediterranean World", Harvard University Press, 2009 p. 139
^ Codex Theodosianus, 9.40.8 and 15.9.1; Symmachus. Relatio, 8.3.
^ Isaac, Benjamin (2006). "Proto-Racism in Graeco-Roman Antiquity". World Archaeology. 38 (1): 32–47. doi:10.1080/00438240500509819.
^ Westermann, William Linn (1942). "Industrial Slavery in Roman Italy". The Journal of Economic History. 2 (2): 161. doi:10.1017/S0022050700052542.
^ Hopkins, Keith (1993). "Novel Evidence for Roman Slavery". Past & Present. 138: 6, 8. doi:10.1093/past/138.1.3.
^ Mellor, Ronald. The Historians of Ancient Rome. New York: Routledge, 1997. (467).
^ Cicero. Ad familiares 16.6
^ Bankston (2012), p. 209
^ a b Segal, Erich. Roman Laughter: The Comedy of Plautus. New York: Oxford University Press, 1968. (99–169).
^ Stewart, Roberta (2012). Plautus and Roman Slavery. Malden, MA: Oxford.
^ Terence, Terence (2002). Andria. Bristol Classical Press.
^ Bradley (1994), p. 10.
^ Bradley (1994), p. 156.
Bankston, Zach (2012). "Administrative Slavery in the Ancient Roman Republic: The Value of Marcus Tullius Tiro in Ciceronian Rhetoric". Rhetoric Review. 31 (3): 203–218. doi:10.1080/07350198.2012.683991.
Barton, Carlin A. (1993). The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster. Princeton University Press.
Bradley, Keith (1994). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521378871.
Clauss, Manfred (2001). The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His Mysteries. Translated by Richard Gordon. Routledge.
Dolansky, Fanny (2010). "Celebrating the Saturnalia: religious ritual and Roman domestic life". In Beryl Rawson (ed.). A Companion to Families in the Greek and Roman Worlds. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 488–503. doi:10.1002/9781444390766.ch29. ISBN 978-1-4051-8767-1.
Gamauf, Richard (2009). "Slaves Doing Business: The role of Roman Law in the Economy of a Roman Household". European Review of History. 16 (3): 331–346. doi:10.1080/13507480902916837.
Harris, W. V. (2000). "Trade". The Cambridge Ancient History: The High Empire A.D. 70–192. 11. Cambridge University Press.
Mouritsen, Henrik (2011). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press.
Santosuosso, Antonio (2001). Storming the Heavens. Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-3523-0.
Wickham, Jason Paul (2014). The Enslavement of War Captives by the Romans to 146 BC (PDF) (PhD thesis). Liverpool University.
Bosworth, A. B. 2002. "Vespasian and the Slave Trade." Classical Quarterly 52:350–357.
Bradley, Keith. 1994. Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Fitzgerald, William. 2000. Slavery and the Roman Literary Imagination. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Hopkins, Keith. 1978. Conquerors and Slaves. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Hunt, Peter. 2018. Ancient Greek and Roman Slavery. Chichester, UK: Wiley Blackwell.
Joshel, Sandra R.. 2010. Slavery in the Roman World. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Watson, Alan. 1987. Roman Slave Law. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.
Yavetz, Zvi. 1988. Slaves and Slavery in Ancient Rome. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.
Library resources about
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historiography of the fall
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
import React from 'react';
import UserTimeline from './user/user_timeline';
import { connect } from 'react-redux';
import * as actions from '../actions';

class Profile extends React.Component {
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}

function mapStateToProps(state){
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export default connect(mapStateToProps, actions)(Profile);


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"use strict";

/**
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wow! I have a blog! It's sort of crept up on me.
I've been so busy getting the website and web shop finally organised that I haven't really had a chance to think about how I might start this blog and what suitably groundbreaking insight I might share with you.The reality is that the kids don't go back to school until tomorrow, then there is the bomb site of a house to deal with, the result of 2 months summer holidays. Then I might be able to get back to doing some serious jewellery making AND start this blog in earnest……..I'll be back soon!
Posted on 03.02.11	This entry was posted in news. Bookmark the permalink.


text:
Q: Primes from arithmetic and geometric progressions The five primes, 131, 157, 211, 349, 739, are neither in arithmetic or geometric progression, but are instead the sum of the five corresponding terms of an arithmetic and geometric progression.
Are there arbitrarily long sequences of primes with this property, that is, that they are the sum of the corresponding terms of an arithmetic and a (non-constant) geometric progression?
https://puzzling.stackexchange.com/questions/89739/primes-from-arithmetic-and-geometric-progressions/89740#89740

A: Claim: I actually have almost zero knowledge in this domain, and this answer is totally based on the correctness of this wiki page. Moreover, it could be that I misunderstood the content of that page, so it would be kind of some expert to point out to me if I made a mistake.
Quote from that wiki page:

More precisely, given any integer-valued polynomials $P_1,\cdots, P_k$ in one unknown $m$ all with constant term $0$, there are infinitely many integers $x$, $m$ such that $x + P_1(m), \cdots, x + P_k(m)$ are simultaneously prime.

From what I understand, this implies (or means) that there exists positive integers $x$ and $m$ such that all the $x + P_i(m)$ are primes.
Now for any fixed $k$, simply take $P_i(m) = m^i + im$. We will then have:
$$x + P_i(m) = (x + im) + m^i,$$
where $(x + im)_i$ and $(m^i)_i$ are arithmetic and geometric progressions, respectively.

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This week's Terrific Tudors were: Nathaniel, Maddie, Oliver, Benjamin, Jemma and Solomon. Congratulations for working so hard this week!
Congratulations to this week's Terrific Tudors: Lily, Morgan, Heather, Joel, Honey and Martha.
Well done to our Terific Tudors from this week: Isla, Max, Chris, Sophie, Clementine and Alex.
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text:
»Seafood - on the Kitchen Table from Antiquity Till Today
TopatoDarth Vader / Author
Archaeological evidence proves that ancient peoples have eaten seafood since time immemorial. Professor and nutritionist from the University of Toronto Stephen Klein believes that seafood, which comprised 50% of the diet of our ancestors around 20 thousand years ago, helped their mental development significantly.
Apparently, seafood was present in the first specialties in human history and this has not changed even in our time.
In Brazil, there is even a popular anecdote. It goes that there once lived a king, who loved eating pudding more than anything in the world, made from corn starch, milk, eggs and crab and lobster meat. Once, when he was eating his favorite pudding, there came a messenger with important news, but the king was so preoccupied that he did not allow him to enter his chambers.
The unheard news cost the king his throne. There must be no unheard news for a king on the throne. Since then, locals have had a saying, which states that eating crab pudding can turn the world upside down.
Seafood contains large amounts of protein and amino acids, many vitamins, iodine, iron, copper, manganese, cobalt, phosphorus and 30 essential macro- and microelements. In addition, meat from crustaceans contains the least amount of calories and cholesterol.
Other peoples are also no less fond of crustaceans and other seafood. Of course, the ancient Romans had no way of knowing about the nutritional value of seafood delicacies and ate them mostly because of their taste.
Delicacies such as lobster and shrimp were not allowed for the slaves. This type of food was accessible only to nobles and the aristocracy.
In ancient Egypt, there was a lot of food from crustaceans. Some recipes have remained unchanged even until today.
In Japan, their main food source was seafood in raw form. The goal was not to ruin the natural taste and for the nutritional value and substances not to be removed during heat treatment. The Chinese, in turn, prepared it with many spices.
In the Scandinavian nations, seafood soups are highly esteemed, while in Russia - boiled crabs take the spotlight. The European tradition of lobster and crawfish being present at the dinner table was introduced during the reign of Catherine the Great. The empress would host feasts with dishes of shrimp with sesame seeds and lobsters, roasted in wine made from redcurrants and pineapple.
In modern-day seafood restaurants, there are aquariums filled with live fish, crabs, lobsters. This convinces customers of the freshness of the products and also allows them to pick out their own food.
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Some_abc_productId

1
f77110f0-a911-1b70-7b1a
e80080a9-c19b-4a86-9c2f

2
f77110f0-a911-1b70-7b1a
d3381e9-b29e-1a86-9c2f

3
a99972b9-c329-1c55-6a3b
c678e3-3229e-32a86-0c2g

4
a99972b9-c329-1c55-6a3b
yu1e9-c29e-8n5t-i7dj

@Entity
@Data
@Table(name = "PORTAL")
@Builder
@NoArgsConstructor
@AllArgsConstructor
public class Portal {

    @Id
    @GeneratedValue(generator = "PORTAL_ID_SEQ")
    @Column(name = "PORTAL_ID")
    private Integer id;

    @OneToMany(fetch = FetchType.LAZY, cascade = CascadeType.ALL)
    @JoinColumn(name = "PORTAL_SERV_ID", nullable = false)
    private Service service;

    @OneToOne(fetch = FetchType.LAZY, cascade = CascadeType.ALL)
    @JoinColumn(name = "SOMEABC_PRDCT_ID", nullable = false)
    private Product Product

Based on the table structure attached I had designed the entity. But I'm not sure about the mapping and the fetch type is defined as exact. We have the primary key as ID, and we have multiple services for some product as defined in column2 and column3.


WHY SHOULD the preaching of the Gospel seem so foolish? In writing to the Corinthians Paul said that preaching Christ crucified was a stumbling block to the Jews and foolishness to the Greeks (1 Corinthians 1:23).
I suppose that it was a stumbling block to the Jews because the idea of their Messiah ending up as a criminal before men and accursed in the sight of God (Galatians 3:13) was completely foreign to everything that they had anticipated. Even the disciples found this difficult to contemplate in anticipation and to adjust to in retrospect -- until the reality of the Resurrection changed the whole picture for them. Yet why should it seem so foolish to the Greeks?
The fact is that many religions of the Old World expected a sacrifice to be made on behalf of their devotees -- and often a human sacrifice -- so that the Crucifixion per se was not such a surprising thing. Yet Paul's words are certainly true, that the Greeks somehow or other viewed what Paul preached with amusement and unbelief. But I wonder whether it was the Crucifixion in itself that they found foolish. In speaking before Agrippa (Acts 26:6-8) it seems rather clear that the "incredible thing" was not so much the Crucifixion, but rather the Resurrection.
have admired courage, and especially the supreme example of courage which we witness when one individual lays down his life for another. A few have thought such self-sacrifice is silly. (1) To my knowledge all cultures recognize it as bravery.
So I think in the final analysis that even today -- perhaps one ought to say more especially today -- the really surprising and challenging element in the Gospel message is not so much the sacrifice that was involved, but the Resurrection.
I should not want to be misunderstood here, because without this sacrifice there could be no salvation for man. Nevertheless, without the Resurrection the sacrifice would have been ineffective. This is true from the historical point of view, from the theological point of view, and from the experiential point of view. It is true historically, because, but for the fact of the Resurrection, the Church, as the continuing body of believers who proclaim the truth in each generation, would never have come into being. It is true theologically, because the Resurrection was the proof, the validation of the efficacy, of the acceptability to God of the sacrifice which the Lord Jesus had made of Himself: it was needed to complete it. And it is true experientially in that the whole foundation of the new life of the child of God personally is the indwelling presence, the reincarnation, of the resurrected Lord in the heart and life of the believer.
very important, indeed fundamental, part of the Gospel. Is it possible that by over-emphasis on the Crucifixion and neglect of the Resurrection we are actually distorting the truth?


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Tarbiat Modares University Press
Volume 4, Issue 1 (2016) Health Educ Health Promot 2016, 4(1): 15-26 | Back to browse issues page
Amirsardari M, Fathizadeh S, Tavousi M, Garmaroudi G, Montazeri A. Psychometric Properties of International Children and Youth Resilience Measurement (CYRM-28) Scale. Health Educ Health Promot. 4 (1) :15-26
URL: http://hehp.modares.ac.ir/article-5-5447-en.html
Psychometric Properties of International Children and Youth Resilience Measurement (CYRM-28) Scale
Majid Amirsardari1, Shadi Fathizadeh2, Mahmoud Tavousi3, Gholamreza Garmaroudi *4, Ali Montazeri5
1- MSc of Health Education and Promotion, Department of Health Education and promotion ,Faculty of Health , Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran Email: amirsardari.m@gmail.com
2- PhD Student of Health Education and Promotion, Department of Health Education and promotion ,Faculty of Health Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Isfahan university of medical science Isfahan ,Iran
3- Associate Professor, Health Metrics Research Center, Iranian Institute for Health Sciences Research, ACECR, Tehran, Iran
4- Associate Professor, Health Education & Promotion , Department of Health Education and Promotion, Faculty of Health and Health Research Institute, Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran
5- Professor ,Mental Health Research Group, Health Metrics Research Center, Iranian Institute for Health Sciences Research, ACECR, Tehran, Iran
Aim: The present study was conducted to validate the international version of the resilience scale (CYRM-28) among adolescent youth students.
Methods: The first original scale was translated into Persian language by two experts. Then an integrated version of the two was translated to the language of the original version again; then it was ensured that the content of the Persian and English versions' was matched. The Persian version scale was filled in by 412 high school students (270 males and 142 females) in Tehran, who were selected as a random cluster. Regarding the clear scale structure to assess the validity, construct validity was used (confirmatory factor analysis) using the LISREL software version 8.8. In addition, scale reliability was examined using the two methods of internal correlation coefficient and test-retest.
Findings: Fit Index confirmed the resilience scales' fit ness in confirmatory factor analysis. In examining the reliability using the internal correlation calculation method (Cranach's alpha), the value of each sub-scale item, as well as that of total questions was higher than the standard value of 0.7 to confirm the tool's reliability. In examining the reliability using test-retest method, correlation coefficient of each sub-scale in two steps was at an acceptable level and significant.
Conclusion: The present study confirmed the three-factor structure of CYRM-28 scale, including the individual sub-scale's relationship with the primary caregiver and contextual factors in the Persian version of the scale. This study showed that the reliability and validity of the Persian version of CYRM-28 was suitable for measuring the resilience of Iranian children and youth.
Keywords: Resilience, Children, Youth, Psychometrics
Article Type: Original Article | Subject: Health Promotion
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Melaleuca subfalcata is a shrub in the myrtle family Myrtaceae, and is endemic to the south of Western Australia. It has fibrous bark and pink to purple flowers in spikes, mostly on the side branches.

Description
Melaleuca subfalcata is a shrub which grows to a height of  and has rough, fibrous bark. Its leaves are arranged alternately and are  long,  wide, linear to narrow elliptic in shape and curved, so that they are almost sickle-shaped.

The flowers are a shade of pink to purple, arranged in a spike on the sides of the branches and sometimes on the ends of branches that continue to grow after flowering. The spikes are up to  in diameter and contain 5 to 30 individual flowers. The petals are  long and fall off as the flowers mature. The stamens are arranged in five bundles around the flower, each bundle with 11 to 22 stamens. Flowers appear from November to March and the fruit which follow are woody capsules,  long, sometimes arranged in clusters.

Taxonomy and naming
Melaleuca subfalcata was first formally described in 1847 by Nikolai Turczaninow in "Bulletin de la classe physico-mathematique de l'Academie Imperiale des sciences de Saint-Petersburg". The specific epithet (subfalcata) is from the Latin word falcatus meaning "curved" or "sickle-shaped" and the prefix -sub meaning "under" in reference to the leaves being curved, almost like a sickle.

Distribution and habitat
This melaleuca occurs in and between the Ongerup, Lake King and Israelite Bay districts in the Esperance Plains, Jarrah Forest and Mallee biogeographic regions. It grows in sand or clay over laterite on undulating plains and rocky hillsides.

Conservation
Melaleuca subfalcata is listed as "not threatened" by the Government of Western Australia Department of Parks and Wildlife.

References

subfalcata
Myrtales of Australia
Plants described in 1847
Endemic flora of Western Australia
Taxa named by Nikolai Turczaninow


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Charles Ornstein Named Senior Editor of ProPublica's Local Reporting Network
by ProPublica
Nov. 13, 2017, 10 a.m. EST
ProPublica announced today that senior reporter Charles Ornstein is moving to the newly created role of senior editor overseeing the ProPublica Local Reporting Network. The new initiative, designed to support accountability reporting at local and regional news organizations, will pay for a reporter to do investigative journalism at each of six news organizations in cities with a population below 1 million.
In his new role, Ornstein, who has covered health care and the pharmaceutical industry for ProPublica since 2008, will help oversee the reporters to guide and elevate the work. Working in collaboration with the reporters' home newsrooms and within ProPublica, he will help execute stories in a variety of forms that may range from traditional newspaper features, to magazine and radio to TV pieces. Ornstein is also responsible for directing the vision and shape of the new endeavor. With 239 applications received from 45 states, plus Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico, the winning proposals will be announced in early December.
One of the nation's preeminent health care reporters, Ornstein previously worked at the Los Angeles Times and the Dallas Morning News. His Los Angeles Times series exposing deadly medical problems and racial injustice at Martin Luther King Jr./Drew Medical Center – co-reported with a team that included Tracy Weber, now also a ProPublica senior editor – won the Pulitzer Prize for public service, widely considered the highest honor in American journalism. Ornstein's work at ProPublica has included projects on Big Pharma's payments to doctors, gaping holes in the oversight of Medicare's massive prescription drug program, widespread violations in patient privacy, as well as the health impacts of Agent Orange exposure and the failures of the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs to respond. His series on California's shockingly poor oversight of nurses, co-reported for ProPublica with Weber, was a finalist for the 2010 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service.
"Again and again, Charlie has recognized new ways of doing investigative work, co-piloting some of our most powerful data and engagement reporting," said ProPublica managing editor Robin Fields. "He has long been a leader in our newsroom – as a mentor, creative engine and exemplary colleague – and it's possible that no reporter anywhere has done more to free health care data and harness it in the service of accountability journalism. All that makes Charlie ideally suited to oversee our Local Reporting Network, helping to revive investigative journalism in local newsrooms across America and to embody ProPublica's mission and values in this work."
Ornstein will transition into his new role over the next couple of months and will report to deputy managing editor Eric Umansky.
ProPublica is an independent, nonprofit newsroom that produces investigative journalism with moral force. Learn more.


One of my favorite things to do with Basic Seasoned Ground Beef is make pastelón; the Puerto Rican equivalent of Shepherd's Pie. It doesn't take a lot of active prep (although it does require oven time in addition to stove top time) and it is a warming dish that will take everyone to their happy place. Click here for Pastelón de Platanos – Plantain Pastelón – another classic version of this dish). The more beef you use, the thicker it will be. You can also substitute Pollo Guisado (stewed chicken). The first section is the yuca preparation, but I also include the beef and chicken recipes in this post so you have them handy.
Reminder! Yuca can be bought peeled, chunked and frozen in most supermarkets (even if you don't have a big Latin population in your neighborhood). In diverse neighborhoods you may find it fresh, but it is such a pain to peel that I rarely bother. You can always substitute potato, but you won't get the chewy density that is part of yuca's appeal.
1 pint-1 qt Basic Seasoned Ground Beef at room temp (see recipe below) or Pollo Guisado (Stewed Chicken) in the amount of the recipe below.
Boil two quarts water (or enough to eventually cover the yuca) and add salt and lemon juice. Add yuca and return to boil. Cover and boil until very soft, about an hour. Don't worry about it losing shape; you will be mashing the bejesus out of it.
Meanwhile, preheat oven to 350°F. Take an 8×8 casserole/oven dish (must have sides!) and grease lightly with vegetable oil. Drain cooked yuca, and mash with a potato masher until most lumps are gone. As you mash, pull out the thick central fibers, which are inedible.
Line the bottom of the dish with half the mashed yuca. Spread the ground beef mixture evenly over. Top the beef with the remaining yuca. It will be sticky, so do the best you can; dollops are fine if it won't spread for you.
Place in preheated oven, covered with aluminum foil, for 30 minutes. Remove foil (brush with butter if desired) and cook for an additional 10 minutes. Let stand for 10 minutes or so before serving.
Hmmm, I searched high and low for the yuca at my grocery store and couldn't find it. I will be trying the picadillo though as it looks yummy and I've got all the ingredients.
Natalia, this sounds delicious. I will try it. You are right, with "Yuca Goya empaquetada", which is so good, why bother peeling?
Very cool twist. I love the olives and bring on the heat!


The number of corporations sending their employees on trips aboard is declining - though those that do should still purchase business travel insurance.
The Guild of Travel Management Companies (GTMC) has revealed that organisations have reduced their air travel by 17 per cent in 2009, despite hotel bookings remaining strong throughout the first three months of this year.
However, the research did disclose that rail journeys have risen in popularity, with organisations increasing their use of this form of transport by 14 per cent.
Phillip Carlisle, CTMC chief executive, claimed that the results of the survey had produced an "accurate snapshot" of the industry.
He said: "The continuing growth in rail travel year on year shows a change in business traveller behaviour which may well continue when the UK emerges from the recession."
Last month, the corporate services provider A T Kearney claimed that business travel is essential to a globalised economy and cannot just stop.


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Free streetcar rides topped 50K
The numbers are in for the free weekend rides. But the city hasn't revealed how many rode during the first paid day.
Free streetcar rides topped 50K The numbers are in for the free weekend rides. But the city hasn't revealed how many rode during the first paid day. Check out this story on cincinnati.com: http://cin.ci/2cWVVvB
Sharon Coolidge, scoolidge@enquirer.com Published 11:24 a.m. ET Sept. 13, 2016 | Updated 1:57 p.m. ET Sept. 13, 2016
Streetcar officially opens
Cincinnati City Councilmen, Kevin Flynn, left, Chris Seelbach and P.G. Sittenfeld, ride the Cincinnati Bell Connector during the inaugural streetcar opening day. For the opening weekend, rides are free. The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Riders on Cincinnati Red Bikes helped kick off the official opening of the Cincinnati Bell Connector at Washington Park during the inaugural streetcar opening day. The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
The Cincinnati Bell Connector goes through Downtown and Over-The-Rhine. The Enquirer/Liz Dufour
Earl Clark , 93, rides the Cincinnati Bell Connector during the inaugural streetcar opening day. Clark, from Saylor Park, road the last streetcar in April of 1951. On the ride, he said, "This is once in a lifetime. I'm so glad it's being well patronized. The will connect (young people) to everything." The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Nancy Hales, wife of Portland Mayor Charlie Hales, rides the inaugural Cincinnati Bell Connector on opening day. Portland has had a streetcar since 2000. She said, "We've watched all the challenges and this city has had the most dramatic transformation and embraced the change more than any other city." The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
John Schneider, left, helped get the streetcar, now called the Cincinnati Bell Connector, going over 10 years ago. At right is Eric Avner, Vice President for the Hale U.S. Bank Foundation. The foundation has helped fund the streetcar that officially opened today. The two were participating in opening ceremonies at Washington Park. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
The Cincinnati Bell Connector is officially open following ceremonies at Washington Park. The 3.6 loop goes through downtown Cincinnati and Over-The-Rhine. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Rayshawn Price of the West End rides on the Cincinnati Bell Connector on the streetcar's opening day Friday. The Enquirer/Meg Vogel
Cincinnati City Manager Harry Black was all smiles during opening ceremonies at Washington Park for the Cincinnati Bell Connector on opening day. The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
A Metro bus drives alongside the streetcar in Over-the-Rhine last fall. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Riders wait for the Cincinnati Bell Connector on the opening day of the streetcar following opening ceremonies at Washington Park. The first weekend is free. The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Passengers fill the Cincinnati Bell Connector for the first ride open to the public Friday, September 9, 2016. The streetcar will be free and open to the public this weekend. The Enquirer/Meg Vogel
Former Mayor Mark Mallory speaks during the opening ceremonies for the Cincinnati Bell Connector at Washington Park. Mallory was a huge supporter of the streetcar. The 3.6 loop goes through downtown Cincinnati and Over-The-Rhine. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Derek Bauman, All Aboard Ohio Vice-Chair and Southwest Ohio Director, Facebook lives the opening ceremonies for the Cincinnati Bell Connector at Washington Park. The streetcar is officially open to riders. The 3.6 loop goes through downtown Cincinnati and Over-The-Rhine. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Earl Clark , 93, during the opening ceremonies for the Cincinnati Bell Connector. Clark, from Saylor Park, road the last streetcar in April of 1951. later, on the ride, he said, "This is once in a lifetime. I'm so glad it's being well patronized. The will connect (young people) to everything." The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
The Cincinnati Bell Connector is now open. The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The streetcar is making it's way down Race street. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Riders wait for the Cincinnati Bell Connector on the opening day of the streetcar. Weekend ridership has been 300 percent to 500 percent higher than expected. The Enquirer/Liz Dufour
Passengers fill the Cincinnati Bell Connector at the Fountain Square stop Friday, September 9, 2016. The streetcar will offer free rides this weekend. The Enquirer/Meg Vogel
Riders wait for the Cincinnati Bell Connector on the opening day of the streetcar. The first weekend is free. The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
Cincinnati City Councilman David Mann, left, and John Detrick, project manager for the Cincinnati Bell Connector, ride during the inaugural streetcar opening day. The 3.6 mile long route goes through downtown and Over-The-Rhine has been 10 years in the making. The Enquirer/ Liz Dufour
The Cincinnati Bell Connector passes by Findlay Market on Monday.(Photo: The Enquirer/Liz Dufour)Buy Photo
The numbers are in.
The Cincinnati Bell Connector's grand opening weekend saw 50,646 passenger trips, according to the Southwest Ohio Regional Transit Authority. Compare that to Kansas City, where 32,326 people rode the streetcar its first weekend earlier this year. The first weekend here and in Kansas City were free for riders, though in Cincinnati those fares were covered by donors, including Believe in Cincinnati and the U.S. Bank Haile Foundation.
READ MORE: Complete coverage of Cincinnati's streetcar
Riders are tracked via sensor inside the streetcar's doors.
"It's great to see so many Cincinnatians enjoying our newest transportation option," Councilman Chris Seelbach said. "This number blew all expectations out of the water. I hope to see this momentum continue as we look to improve and expand transit options in more neighborhoods."
Passengers filled the Cincinnati Bell Connector for its grand opening on Friday, September 9. The Enquirer/Meg Vogel
Numbers for Monday - the first paid day of operation - were not included in the release. The Enquirer has requested those numbers.
By day:
* Friday: 18,141 passenger trips
* Saturday: 17,160 passenger trips
* Sunday: 15,345 passenger trips
High ridership came despite Saturday night issues that included heavy rain at times and a bomb threat that prompted police to halt streetcar service for an hour while a security check was done.
The streetcar opened Friday at noon, a project eight years in the making. The $148 million streetcar runs on a 3.6-mile loop, from The Banks to Over-the-Rhine, making 18 stops.
It costs $1 to ride for two hours, or $2 for a day pass. Ridership is projected at 3,000 people a day.
Read or Share this story: http://cin.ci/2cWVVvB
Hannah Sparling
Cranley on streetcar: 'These numbers are only going to get worse.'
Streetcar funding plan passes council committee by one vote, heads to full council for vote.
New streetcar director: 'Give me a chance'
Streetcar budget: no decisions, plenty of 'heartburn.'
City, streetcar may compete for ad dollars


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The Food Chain Newsletter
Current: The impact of plant diseases
The impact of plant diseases
New approaches to protecting our favourite foods.
The potato blight (Phytophthora infestans) that caused the Great Irish Famine of the mid-nineteenth century, continues to be the primary disease affecting potatoes. In the UK, potato farmers spend £55m a year on average trying to keep blight at bay, while in the Republic of Ireland, it is estimated that €5 million is spent annually on fungicides to mitigate the impacts of the disease, and this corresponds to between 15 and 20 fungicide applications per season. According to the Sainsbury Laboratory, global crop losses from late blight are £3.5 billion annually. And that is just one particular pathogen.
An estimated 10-16% of global harvest (or US$220 billion worth) is lost to plant pests every year, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). This includes huge losses in some of the world's key commodities. A report by members of the International Society for Plant Pathology, published in Nature Ecology & Evolution in March this year, painted a picture of the potential devastation in five crops that together make up about half the global human calorie intake: wheat losses of 10-28%; rice losses of 25-41%; maize losses of 20-41%; potato losses of 8-21%; and soybean losses of 11-32%. In all, there were 137 pathogens and pests eating away at these crops. "We are losing a significant amount of food on a global scale to pests and diseases at a time when we must increase food production to feed a growing population," said Neil McRoberts, associate professor at the University of California and co-author of the paper. Let's not forget, these crops are not just food for the rich – they are the livelihoods for millions of people.
Take coffee. In 2012-13, coffee leaf rust (Hemileia vastatrix) spread quickly through the highlands of Central America, affecting more than 50% of the crop. Some Guatemalan producers lost up to 85% of their crop, with total losses in the region of US$500m and nearly 350,000 labourers put out of work, according to a report commissioned by Fairtrade Australia and New Zealand in 2016.
More recently, in Italy, 100,000 jobs have reportedly been lost in the olive oil supply chain as the country battles adverse weather and Xylella fastidiosa, which the European Commission has called "one of the most dangerous plant bacteria worldwide". As National Geographic reported last year: "There is no known cure. Once the bacteria infiltrate a host, the plant stays infected until it dies." As do the producers' businesses. The Italian farmers' association, Coldiretti, warned the government in May that this could be an "irreversible trend if no action is taken". As the trees withered on the farms, production of olive oil fell by around 50% (to 185,000 tonnes). Producers took to the streets wearing orange vests (gilet arancioni), having tired of national and regional policy "that did not seriously face the Xylella catastrophe" and the adverse weather, according to those interviewed by the Financial Times.
Indeed, start to look at the impact of plant diseases on our food commodities and there are myriad alarm bells ringing loud and clear. But is anyone listening? "As humans we are transfixed by diseases like malaria, HIV and TB, but we don't think about diseases to crops," explains Sarah Gurr, professor of molecular plant pathology and chair in food security at the University of Exeter. "It's about time we did." Professor Gurr has been banging this drum for a number of years (and has just received funding from the Canadian charitable organisation, CIFAR, to keep doing so). In 2012, for example, she co-authored a paper published in Nature that warned: "If severe epidemics in all five crops [rice, wheat, maize, potatoes and soybean] were to occur simultaneously, this would leave food sufficient for only 39% of the world's population." The probability of that happening is very low, the authors admitted. Nevertheless, even low-level persistent disease leads to losses that, if mitigated, would be sufficient to feed "8.5% of the seven billion humans alive in 2011".
Since then, the warnings have become increasingly stark. "To avoid a global collapse in our ability to control fungal infections and to avoid critical failures in medicine and food security, we must improve our stewardship of extant chemicals, promote new antifungal discovery, and leverage emerging technologies for alternative solutions," noted Matthew Fisher et al in their paper for Science in May 2018. So, how did we get here? Intensive farming practices, cultivation of relatively few crops species and overuse of existing chemicals, certainly haven't helped. Monocultures have in some cases "vastly increased" the susceptibility of harvests to pathogens. As Professor Gurr suggests, in some cases supply is totally reliant on a very narrow genetic resource; which is just daft".
Take the banana. The "world's most important fruit", as the FAO calls it, is in the top 10 staple foods globally and represents 270g of every kilo of fruit bought in the UK (Kantar, 2017). However, only one variety of banana – Cavendish – is traded internationally (hundreds of varieties are grown for domestic consumption). This leaves the whole market perennially threatened by Panama Disease, its very own Sword of Damocles. Panama Disease is caused by the soil-borne fungus Fusarium oxysporum f.sp. cubense. To date, four races of this pathogen have been described which attack different banana cultivars. Growers have already shifted once to cultivars resistant to race 1. But now they're facing a new strain – race 4 – which attacks Cavendish clones (as well as other banana varieties) and has been moving westward since 2010. There are no alternative tradable varieties available and no existing chemical disease controls, so if this race reaches Latin America and the Caribbean, supply to the US and EU will collapse, with significant impacts on the Irish and UK diets and on producers in the developing world.
For the past three years, the £1.2m BananEx project (aka 'Securing the future of the UK's favourite fruit') has been looking at building resilience in the supply chain, whilst scientists in the UK, Israel, Ecuador and Australia are all racing to deliver a genetically modified Cavendish banana that is resistant to Panama disease. "Even if you are able to tweak a Cavendish clone to be disease resistant there is nothing stopping the fungi from potentially evolving to beat it again," Dr Dan Bebber, who leads the BananEx project at the University of Exeter, told The Guardian last year.
Given the threat to global food supplies (not to mention national economies) from plant disease, it is little surprise to see both gene editing and genetic modification bubbling up to the surface. Traditional breeding programmes work at a snail's pace compared to superfast gene editing techniques in particular. At the same time, fungicide use is being restricted and those agrochemicals that are still in use are becoming increasingly redundant as resistant strains are evolving every three to four years. "Readers might not want to hear it, but GM is the best approach," says Professor Gurr.
But it's not the only approach, she adds: We also need to be far less reliant on high yield harvests derived from vast monocultures of monogenetically disease resistant crops, such as robusta and Arabica for coffee. We need more research into the potential of ancient varieties and let's eat more seasonally because demand for things like strawberries at Christmas accelerates the emergence of diseases." Indeed, the globalisation of our food systems has brought us variety and choice, but carting food all over the world can result in plant diseases hitching a ride. An ability to survive independently outside of their host, as a free-living saprophyte or spores in the environment, has allowed fungi to pop up in unexpected places. More than half of all emerging diseases of plants are thought to be spread by introduction. The second most important factor is weather.
The changing climate appears to be turbo-charging the spread of fungi in particular. The banana once again provides a case in point. Climate change has produced favourable temperatures for spore germination and growth of the fungus Pseudocercospora fijiensis, which causes Black Sigatoka disease and can reduce the fruit in infected banana plants by up to 80%, according to research by Dr Bebber published in Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B in May. There is also evidence that plant pathogenic fungi and oomycetes are moving polewards – at a speed of 8km a year, according to a 2013 study in Nature Climate Change. Coffee crops are under threat, for example, as leaf rust moves to the mountainous regions in Columbia where previously it was too cool for the fungus to survive.
Still, it's early days in understanding the complex interactions between climate change and crop pests and pathogens. "Despite significant impacts on food security, nutrition and livelihoods, data on the scale, scope and trends of the problem are sparse and outdated," says Cambria Finegold, global director for digital development at CABI, which in June received a US$200,000 grant from the Grand Challenges programme – an initiative of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation – to measure and estimate the global burden of crop pests and diseases. The data could be invaluable, helping to predict which regions might be susceptible to emerging diseases and diverting them to resistant or different crops. However, the need for further resources is clear. As Professor Gurr says: "These diseases are moving fast and we need to protect our crops."
ABOUT DAVID BURROWS
David Burrows is a freelance writer specialising in sustainability within the food chain. A graduate in agricultural sciences, he researches and writes features and reports for publications including Just-Food.com, FoodNavigator.com, FoodserviceFootprint.com, Poultry Business, Pig World, The Grocer, and Transform.
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