It's a new era for menswear.
It comes as no surprise that womenswear fashion shows are littered with celebrities sitting in the front row. Luxury brands, like Chanel, Versace and Christian Dior, can even get the biggest names in Hollywood out of hiding. Menswear runways, however, have had a little bit less hype...'til now.
With Off-White's Virgil Abloh's debut as Louis Vuitton's menswear artistic director—and a cadre of his celebrity pals—more attention is being paid to a fashion sector that typically doesn't get a lot of press. The brand's spring/summer 2019 runway was a testament to that, with everyone from Kanye West and Kim Kardashian (who made her first trip back to Paris since the robbery) to Rihanna and Bella Hadid.
While the announcement of Virgil's leadership still remains controversial (the American designer never went to fashion school), his streetwear sensibilities influenced celebrity showgoers' style for the good, giving us a fresh take on typically stuffy front-row fashion.
Keep scrolling to see Louis Vuitton's star-studded front row.
This is what a utilitarian jumpsuit looks like through a high-fashion perspective. The see-through bag in orange piping was the perfect complement.
The "Girls" singer brought a little streetwear cred to the high-fashion event, something designer Virgil Abloh is a master at.
Not many people know that Kanye and Virgil interned at Fendi together. Later, Kanye brought the designer on as artistic director of Yeezy and Jay-Z's Watch the Throne tour. The rest is history. Oh, and the color of Kim's topper? A must-try this summer.
Of course, Virgil's model BFF would be there to support the designer's debut show.
The Black Panther actor looked both comfortable and very high fashion.
The model, posing with her DJ husband, looked like a Matrix-cowgirl hybrid—and we're into it.
The R&B singer was looking swag in electric-blue trousers, an even bolder yellow button-up and animal-print loafers.
Whose look did you like best?


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Netflix is getting rid of written user reviews
Netflix is sunsetting written reviews on its platform.
Image: istock / Getty Images
By Matt Binder 2018-07-06 14:59:43 UTC
Looks like the next generation of movie reviewers are going to need to find a new outlet to hone their craft. Or, more likely, trolls are going to need to find a new place to complain about the ruination of their childhoods thanks to the next Star Wars film.
Netflix has announced that as of July 30, users will no longer be able to leave a written review on the movie or TV show they just watched. Following that, by mid-August users will no longer be able to read the reviews they have already posted as they will all be removed from the platform. The thumbs up/thumbs down rating system will remain.
SEE ALSO: Netflix tests new price increase strategy for 'Ultra' subscription plan
The streaming media company has started informing users who have recently used the written reviews feature via email:
"You contributed a review on Netflix within the last year. We wanted to let you know that this feature will be retired on July 30th due to declining usage.
We appreciate you taking time to write a review. All of your reviews will be available at netflix.com/reviews through July 30th."
Last year, Netflix removed another user rating feature when it phased out the five-star rating system. However, unlike the star rating feature, written reviews were much less prominent throughout the media company and didn't influence Netflix watch recommendations to its subscribers. Users could only read and write reviews on the Netflix website and the written review feature was not implemented in any of its apps. Also, as Engadget points out, most third party Netflix apps completely ignored the written review feature.
While, Netflix is blaming declining use of written reviews as the reason for the feature's coming removal, it is noteworthy that the streaming service is removing yet another way for users to voice their opinions and critiques about the movies and shows on Netflix. The company is notorious for not sharing data related to how content on its service is performing with outside tracking organizations. These changes also come at a time when Netflix is focusing resources into its own original content.
So, if you are a Netflix subscriber that took full advantage of the written reviews feature, make a copy of all your reviews as soon as you can. Soon, the only way you can voice your opinion on the streaming service's Bright sequel – at least on Netflix itself – is giving it a thumbs down.
WATCH: Netflix's 'Dear White People' is back and more relevant than ever
Topics: critics, Movies, netflix, Reviews, Tech

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Pregnancy affects just about every aspect of your life, including your oral health. There are many myths surrounding the increased risk of tooth loss because the baby draws calcium from the woman's body, but they are not factual. That said, pregnant women are more prone to dental problems because of the surge in estrogen and progesterone hormones, which are claimed to exaggerate the response of gum tissue to plaque.
What dental problems are pregnant women prone to?
Without proper oral hygiene, including professional cleaning to remove plaque and tartar, pregnancy can cause gum disease, which is characterized by red, tender, swollen gums that bleed easily even with light brushing.
This condition is referred to as pregnancy gingivitis, and affects most pregnant women to some extent. The symptoms can start to show as early as the second month of pregnancy. It should be treated immediately to keep it from advancing to the more serious form known as periodontitis.
Besides gum disease, pregnant women are also prone to developing pregnancy tumors, which are non-cancerous inflammations that develop due to irritation of swollen gums. In most cases, the tumors shrink on their own after delivery; but if they feel uncomfortable and interfere with your eating habits, brushing, and other oral care procedures, you may ask your dentist to remove them.
There are studies that show a correlation between gingivitis and preterm, low-birthweight babies. This is because punctured gums can allow bacteria from your mouth to get into the bloodstream, from where they can travel to the uterus. In the womb, they can trigger the release of prostaglandins that are claimed to induce premature labor.
See related article: Can You Visit the Dentist While Pregnant?
The best way to prevent gingivitis during pregnancy is by keeping your teeth and gums clean, with particular focus on the gum line. Brush your teeth twice a day and floss at least once a day. For some women, brushing triggers morning sickness. If this happens, rinse your mouth with fluoride and antiplaque mouthwashes.
It is also important to maintain a healthy diet that is high in vitamin C and B12, which strengthen your oral cavity and keep your mouth healthy. Regular professional cleanings can also help reduce the risk of gum disease, gum irritation, and pregnancy tumors.
Non-emergency dental procedures can be performed at any point during the pregnancy. But in the event of a dental emergency that requires anesthesia or a prescription, you should consult your obstetrician first.


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Why Kerry's Endorsement Won't Help Obama
by Stuart Rothenberg January 11, 2008 · 10:26 AM EST
Shortly after Massachusetts Senator John Kerry announced his endorsement of Presidential hopeful Barack Obama, more than a few voices suggested that it could be a significant plus for Obama's campaign.
One reporter described Kerry's announcement as a "major endorsement," and said that it "could boost Obama's presidential bid by attracting more support from the Democratic establishment, which has largely supported Clinton, the former first lady."
Another political reporter suggested that the endorsement could "provide some organizational muscle to Obama," while a third reporter offered the very curious comment that the endorsement would help because Obama "needs to show donors, voters and activists that he can attract more traditional support and win over the decision makers in the party."
One media political blog reported that University of Virginia political scientist Larry Sabato said that "Kerry can help by making some Democratic loyalists, particularly older women, take a second look at Obama."
Even my good friend Chris Cillizza of Washingtonpost.com seemed to accept that the Kerry endorsement was a significant plus for Obama. He, like many others, cited Kerry's "3 million-plus person e-mail list from his run for president," which he said "should be a financial windfall for Obama's campaign."
Cillizza added that "the remnants" of Kerry's "national operation in every state" will mean "donors, activists and operatives" who can help Obama's existing backers. Finally, he quoted an anonymous "Kerry advisor" (whom I expect isn't so anonymous to veteran political reporters) crowing about Kerry's organization in South Carolina.
The problem with all of these assessments is that they don't hold up under scrutiny. Virtually all of them are based on the fundamentally flawed assumption that an endorsement in a Presidential race can somehow transfer the past supporters of one politician to another. That almost never happens.
Exactly how and why would Kerry's endorsement help Obama attract support from the Democratic establishment? Are there a lot of people in the "Democratic establishment" who can't make up their mind about which Democrat to support (or are supporting another candidate) but will follow the lead of a single U.S. senator, especially when many, many more elected officials have supported Clinton?
And why on earth would "older women" so value Kerry's endorsement that they would "take a second look at Obama?" Where is the evidence or even the logic to that? If the supposedly incomparable Oprah Winfrey couldn't deliver women voters to Obama in New Hampshire, why would John Kerry be able to do so in South Carolina or California?
Given that Obama has virtually matched the party's top fundraiser, Hillary Rodham Clinton, dollar for dollar since he entered the race and has performed stunningly well in the early Democratic Presidential tests, there is no evidence or logic behind the assertion that Obama needs "to show donors, voters and activists that he can attract more traditional support and win over the decision makers in the party."
Attracting more "donors, voters and activists," of course, would help Obama, but it borders on ridiculous to say that there are a lot of voters out there who are waiting to see that Obama can attract "more traditional support" before they support him. That's not how real people think.
Chris's comment about Kerry's list, which was echoed by others, at the very least, seems misleading. Some of those 3 million people must have already contributed to either Obama or Clinton. Am I gullible enough to believe that Clinton donors on that list will now write a check to Obama because Kerry has endorsed him?
And while Kerry may be able to raise money for the party's campaign committee or House and Senate candidates, that's very different from raising money for a Presidential hopeful in a race where the top three candidates are already well known. Will he raise some for Obama? Yes, of course. But it's not likely to be so much as to affect the Obama-Clinton contest.
Finally, the idea that Kerry could be a significant help to Obama in South Carolina, a state where Obama is far stronger than Kerry ever was, is difficult to believe.
Too many observers, I'm afraid, seem to think that every campaign development is important and changes the political equation. Even smart people, like Chris, who will tell you that most endorsements by individual members of Congress don't matter much, get swept along with the campaign hype.
They all should remember the words repeated most recently by Congressman Henry Cuellar (D-Texas), who, when asked about an endorsement in his own race, said, "I find that with any endorsement, you get half of their friends and all of their enemies."
Even if some endorsements matter, there is no compelling evidence that I know of that Kerry's will. Indeed, the endorsement by Kerry, who is more associated with the past than with the future, fundamentally contradicts the Obama message and could turn out to be a liability.
This story first appeared in RothenbergPoliticalReport.com on .
© 2008, RothenbergPoliticalReport.com, — All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.


A long round-up of 387 short stories, which will soon come to an end on December 31, 2014. I will for sure miss it.
This entry was posted in 387 Short Stories, short stories and tagged 387 short stories, short stories on August 20, 2014 by thehungryreader.
Thrillers and mysteries somehow are not meant for me. Though I love reading them, it is way too agonizing to wait till the end and figure what happened and why. More so, also books that reveal the killer right at the beginning leave me a little confused. I mean, then why should the book merit a reader? But there are some books, where even if you know of the killer right at the beginning; you continue reading it, because there is so much more to the book. "Blow Fly" by Patricia Cornwell is one such book. There are several plots running in one book and I absolutely loved the way it is written.
I had heard of the book through my The Novel Cure Reading Project. It was listed under "B" – the first book in "Fear of Balding". There is more than one bald or balding character in this book and not to forget that since this book deals with forensics – there is but obviously a lot of hair. Hair, hair everywhere – unfortunately for some, not on the head. "Blow Fly" is a Kay Scarpetta novel. Scarpetta is Cornwell's most famous medical examiner and forensic expert. The book takes off as being the fourth in a series on the side. There are a lot of other books featuring Scarpetta; however, this one is the fourth in a separate series.
Kay Scarpetta is dealing with an old enemy, an old lover, and a brutal murderer. The action spreads across Florida and sometimes also in flashback in France (though not many moments there). It was a bit difficult to get into the book, given that I had not read the other three. Kay is grieving for Benton Wesley. On the other hand, there is her niece Lucy who has her own agenda and own past that comes to light. Then there is Jean-Baptiste Chardonne, in prison, awaiting death row. Not to forget the strongest of them, who is out, on a murderous spree with his own motives. Jean wants to see Kay about the murders and he is the only one who can help. That is the plot of the book.
There are a lot of characters that enter this book, from the other three books. So this book cannot be read as a stand-alone for sure. I tried and now to get some context I need to read the other three. The writing is slow in most places, but somehow the plot makes up for it. You might think of it to be a fast read, however it is not. What got me on with the book was the uniqueness of the story in most places and the language Cornwell uses, with the good dose of emotions and feelings.
All said and done, "Blow Fly" sure is one of those night time reads that requires a big hot cup of coffee or hot chocolate, the rain lashing against the window and a killer on the prowl, searching for his or her next victim.
Sun Dog by Monique Roffey.
Just ordered it. Cannot wait for it to be delivered.
This entry was posted in Books, Hachette Book Group, Review, Sphere Books and tagged Blow Fly, crime, Fear of Balding, Forensics, Patricia Cornwell, Sphere Books, The Novel Cure Challenge on August 15, 2014 by thehungryreader.


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Advanced search Back to last search results
Stained Glass in Wales
Stained glass is a term commonly used to describe a range of techniques for decorating and making images with coloured glass, usually for windows. The technique of silver staining glass is often used in conjunction with painting in black or brown on clear and coloured glass.
The techniques most familiar to us were discovered in the middle ages, but these skills were neglected from the later-sixteenth century. Until the nineteenth century, windows were usually painted with enamels and became a predominantly painted art.
This changed in the mid-nineteenth century with the advent of the Gothic Revival, and the rediscovery of the artistry of the medieval craftsmen resulted in the production of thousands of stained glass windows for churches in a way that defines modern perception of the art.
Over the last sixty years artists working with glass have taken the use of glass in new directions for a wide range of interior and exterior architectural contexts.
This catalogue draws together hundreds of examples of the art in Wales from the fourteenth century up to the present day. These examples are searchable by date, artist, subject and location, listing about 2,700 windows with over 7,000 photographs from more than 500 sites across Wales.
Although this database is not a complete inventory of such material, it is hoped that it will form the basis for further investigation and research, as well as future publications.
Please use the Quick Search box above to enter a search term, or click on the Search tab above for more accurate searches. Click on the Browse tab above to browse through artists and makers, subjects, and locations.
In order to continue to improve the Stained Glass in Wales Catalogue in the future, we would value your comments and suggestions. Please complete our brief questionnaire
Database © 2011-2019 University of Wales. Individual images are credited with individual copyright owners. All material on this website is protected by copyright law and users are reminded to respect the rights of copyright holders represented on the database.
Database and software developed by Technoleg Taliesin Cyf. © 2011-2019


The consumer electronics show this year marked a turning point in the convergence of consumer and enterprise digital technologies.
The keynote schedule told the story—from Bill Gates sixth-straight preshow opener, in which he demonstrated a personal video player, to Intels Paul Otellini and his HDTV chip to Carly Fiorinas surprising late-night deal with Apple and its iPod platform. Even FCC Chairman Michael Powell heralded the transition in a keynote interview, noting that Microsofts Xbox Live was essentially VOIP and that consumer electronics devices have been recast from "toys" to "lifestyle management" devices.
Nowhere is this transformation more apparent than in cell phones. Driven by carriers bundling cameras with entry-level phones, cell phones are forcing PDAs aside as the foundation of enterprise platforms. Current bandwidth limitations are the only thing holding camera phones back from being videoconferencing end points. Bluetooth already lets me ship images and even video from my Nokia 3650 to my Macintosh laptop or, via an adapter, to my iPod.
Going the other way, Bluetooth gives my laptop network access for the few times Im out of range of the Wi-Fi grid, albeit at dial-up rates. Turning graphics off helps, but I also have to turn off my RSS reader and its 150-plus subscriptions to avoid saturating the connection. And I frequently lose access with my current provider, AT&T Wireless.
These experiences didnt prepare me for the sight of a Sprint phone emitting live MSNBC broadcasts. The brainchild of Idetic, the MobiTV service streams 15 channels of news, sports, music and childrens programming for a flat fee exclusive of your Sprint airtime.
Its just one or two frames a second, but thats enough to render the gist of talking-head news reports. The audio plays through the speakerphone on several models or through an ear bud for privacy in noisy surroundings. Audio is prioritized over video, with frame rates improving with better signal reception.
The core of the service is a highly scalable transaction management system, built in C and C++ to handle mass-market loads. Java and Brew connect to the back end, leveraging a common set of technologies that include content and transaction caching, compression, network optimization, connection and request pooling, interfaces to multiple carriers, logging, and billing.
In several days of living with the device, a low-end ($50 to $70 with activation) Samsung camera phone, the service worked in virtually all conditions—in the car, high-rise office buildings, even tunnels—but not underground parking lots. When reception weakened, audio sometimes dropped but was cached and picked up from that point in the stream.
The screen size—approximately 126 by 92 pixels—made it impossible to read news crawls or financial data on CNBC, but that data could be fed to the closed-caption window below the video area. Idetic CEO and Chairman Phillip Alvelda said XML is used extensively as the transaction language communicating to the servers and as the underlying format for caption feeds from CNN, ESPN, ABC and other networks.
Currently, phones running on the Sprint network will not interrupt the stream for a phone call, although one phone, the Samsung A620, will interrupt for a text message. Enabling interactive feedback, planned by Idetic for the future, would allow polling, voting, upselling and home shopping transactions.
Next on my wish list are DVR capabilities—the ability to pause or store and retrieve news segments, weather reports, sports replays or even ads. Alvelda said the gating factor for DVR is not so much the technology or limited storage as it is the digital rights management issues that come into play when data is stored even temporarily on the client.
Videoconferencing will have to wait as well, given the asymmetrical nature of todays networks. But that wouldnt prevent some enterprising developers from orchestrating todays combination of Apple iChatAV streams with RSS enclosure routers and hooking up to Idetics back-end servers to create a new world of disruptive real-time networks. Dont forget to say cheese.
Contributing Editor Steve Gillmor is editor of eWEEK.coms Messaging and Collaboration Center. He can be reached at steve_gillmor@ziffdavis.com.


Expect a virtual tableau of art and cuisine, where the palette of sights, sounds, textures and aromas from open kitchens create a delightful sensory experience. Enjoy an elegant buffet, or Continental and Asian à la carte offerings, served in chic interiors and a backdrop of vibrant Hendra Gunawan artwork.
It will be better if you provide free flow drink.
Complementary pumpkin soup is delicious.
The food & quality just ok, nothing special.
(-) Compared to others 5 stars hotels, this buffet it's so standard and a little bit pricey.
(+) Atmosphere & Service is excellent!
All was well prepared. Food, services, drinks, desserts, from A to Z.
I amazed with the their hospitality, fast response, love the service quality.
Asking to change our table, she said is reserved but until we left the cafe, that table still empty.
Excellent food, excellent ambiance and excellent service from a very good staff.
Good service from the receptionist until billing. The food a little bit standard (the variety and the taste). The main point of the night is menu of the day. The fish and the chicken from the menu of the day, two thumbs up.
penerangan sangat kurang di meja saya.
Ms. Kate helps us a lot while serving the 3 main course food to all our doctors. I know she and her team try to serve us the best as they can and the best food from our team is the beef menu on 26th March 2019.
The food is so limited, salmon sashimi out of stock.. for the special menu (they called stall) its not all you can eat.. you can not eat as much do you want in buffet restaurant.. so confused..
I think with  the price you charge, you'd better provide free drink (from boiled water ) like the Grand Hyatt Jakarta does. Shangri La even provide fruit juice and jamu drink.
the menu should be better with more variety..
we found that chicken dominated the protein menu.. we like more beef and fish.
But we loved the taste of the grilled chicken.
Over all service, atmosphere, value for money its good. Then food & drink not bad.
If it's your first time, trust their waiters/waitresses recommendations because we did and it was very satisfying!
Cake nya enak banget, bener bener cake yang sangat lezat.
Everything was great! Especially the services was so wow!
Definitely not our first time holding events at Arts Cafe, Raffles Jakarta.


Discussion in 'Westside Offroad Group' started by Brendo310, Jan 9, 2015.
Westside Offroad Group is proud to announce the Rear Shock Tower systems from RPG Offroad that pulls 18" of controlled wheel travel!
The bed cage uses your choice of either 16" Fox 3.0 piggyback bypass shocks, 16" Fox 3.5" piggyback bypass shocks and pulls 18" of controlled wheel travel when combined with custom built National Leaf Springs and our custom extended shackles. Through our extensive torture testing, we've found this setup extremely reliable, smooth, and effective at conquering the roughest terrain, the largest whoops, and the biggest jumps that the Raptor can handle. The increased droop travel provided by a bed cage system makes terrain that would have been spine shattering in even a Stage 4 Raptor, cushion soft.
RPG's bed cage is the perfect solution for mounting your shocks and retaining as much usable bed space as possible. RPG Offroad engineering philosophy is to maximize both utility and performance, so the rack is low profile, both length and height wise, by design. Its low profile design ensures use of bed covers to protect your cargo. The design also minimizes the amount of cutting required to install the cage, minimizing the loss of usable bed cargo capacity.
Huge gains in shock travel lead to increased speed and control and we think that leads to increased fun in the desert playgrounds. Minimal impact on your usable bed space and utility matches the Raptor's concept of a desert monster you can use daily. Built using laser cut sheet metal, CNC bent, seamless tubing, precision welding in-house at RPG HQ for optimum fit and strength, and powdercoated black for protection against the elements. The RPG bed cage is your next step in unleashing your Raptor's desert conquering prowess.
For those of you interested in adding functionality to the RST18, there's also the RST18 with Recovery Rack. Designed as a full bed system that gives you all the proven performance gains from the standard setup, and also adds on mounts for mounts for two 35" or 37" spare tires, a mounted floor jack and options for one 5 gallon jug with a Pelican case or 3 mounts for 5 gallon water or fuel jugs.
Both kits are available for ordering now! Poke around on the website, figure out which kit you'd like, what shocks you want to run, and call me at 855-WOG-OFRD and I'll put together a deal for you on a kit that'll crush any factory replacement 3.0 Raptor!
Gus00SVTL, LandFill, EFTOBIAS and 2 others like this.
EFTOBIAS, Westside Offroad Group and Brendo310 like this.
Is there a template provided for cutting the bed?
Thank You for your donations to Avery. We hit our goal!
We recommend you have this kit installed at a shop but yes, we provide a template and instructions for installation.
Any other questions please feel free to ask.
The RST 18" has been updated to be even more BEAST MODE than before!
We are proud to announce the RST 18" can now accept, Fox 3.0 16" Fox 3.5 16" and the all new Fox 4.0 16"
With the addition of the all new Fox 4.0 bypass shock your options of terrain and possibilities have been expanded to a whole new realm!
what would the travel numbers bet approx with Deaver springs?
If I already have your standard duty stage 3 rear would I have to buy new leafs? Also does this still work with your air bump and frame brace?


Here's some things on faith and fatness that I ran across this past week. Find something fabulous or frown-worthy you think I should see? Leave a comment, use the contact form, or tweet it to me!
Over at The Gospel Coalition, Lindsey Carlson wrote about her faith and her weight in her article, The Weight That So Easily Entangles.
That is just simply beautiful!
However, elsewhere in her article there still seems to be the general conclusion that if one is fat, then weight is a "struggle" or an "affliction" or body size is alluded to being a burden we were never intended to carry. I'd love to see us place the blame for the "fear, shame, and helplessness" on the shoulders of a society that teaches us that fat bodies are to be feared or shamed. I'd love to place the burdensome weight on a diet-industry that churns us through yo-yo dieting patterns that make us feel helpless while they line their pockets with money.
I refuse to accept that burden or shame, they are not mine, that is a burden I was never intended to carry.
One thing that I notice constantly is the way "fat jokes" (or, fatphobia) is so a part of our life and casual conversation that most of us don't realize it happens or that we participate. I'm going to try to keep up with where I hear that kind of stuff in specifically Christian contexts and point them out here as an awareness exercise.
I See You at A Deeper Story moved me to tears. (in a good way!) Andrea Levendusky tells us about her daughter, who really sees people in all their beauty and wonder and glory.
Personal note from this fat woman: I never mind when kids ask me about my body. They notice things; it's what they do. It's my pleasure to answer with a smile.
this very short story originally appeared on my blog Mashena.
Your fifth grade classmate pointed out that you were the first to look like a woman. It was not a compliment. You turned your face down in shame. But chin up, dear one. You have always been heavy and full, defying fashion's cute little insistence that a halter top is not actually a neck-breaking torture device. Bursting the seams of life with your wideness and waves that defy the stringent rules of straight lines.
Body, this I promise you: I will not squeeze you, strain you, or compress you to meet an unattainable ideal. I will not wish for another body simply because the world has not yet learned how to embrace your greatness sufficiently.
You have been knit together. Strong and Sturdy. Delicate and Fragile. You will break and heal. You have scars and beauty marks.
I will remind you of what exactly the design of the Creator God has made you heavy and full of. You are full of promise, passion, forgiveness intelligence, and stubbornness. You are heavy with possibility, strength, humanity, courage, love, and, yes, even (especially) beauty.
Embrace the momentum of the passionate Creator and find your heaviness to be a force.
P.S. And there is nothing, not even a little part, of you that is empty because you have not grown life inside of you and given it birth and nourishment.


Welcome to Dr. Hans Bodendorfer » Dr. Hans Bodendorfer Steuerberatungsges.m.b.H.
We are your specialist for the whole range of professional services from the audit of annual financial statements and other business audits through to the complete spectrum of tax, legal and business consultancy services.
We offer professional services to medium-sized firms, international companies as well as freelancers and associations. Offering personal and individual advice to our clients is our upper most priority.
We are located in the centre of Vienna since 1997. Dr. Hans Bodendorfer has experience in auditing since 1991 and in tax consulting since 1987. Dr. Hans Bodendorfer is a member of Kammer der Steuerberater und Wirtschaftsprüfer and of Institut Österreichischer Wirtschaftsprüfer.
The quality assurance system of auditors has to be certified under the Austrian Quality Assurance Law (A-QSG) of August 10, 2005 for the first time by December 31, 2010.
Dr. Hans Bodendorfer Wirtschaftsprüfungsges.m.b.H has fulfilled this requirement and holds the necessary licence since December, 2010.


where is the Laplacian operator iterated times and is defined by (1.4)and is the Diamond operator iterated times and is defined by (1.2). We obtain an interesting kernel related to the nonlinear heat equation.
DOI: 10.12732/ijpam.v93i1.4 How to cite this paper?


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ConvictionHistoryMuslim Rule
Religious Minorities Under Muslim Rule
Tesneem Alkiek
PDFAnimationInfographicQ&A
Religious minorities are often depicted as oppressed and vulnerable victims of their Muslim rulers. This portrayal, however, is far from accurate. This brief paper seeks to reorient our understanding of the rights and responsibilities that religious minorities possessed under Muslim rule.
In January of 2016, scholars from around the world gathered in Marrakesh, Morocco to discuss a very pressing concern: the status of religious minorities in Muslim-majority lands.[1] This issue has emerged to the forefront of international concerns thanks to the mortifying actions of ISIS, who have sought to kill, enslave, and exile others based on religious differences.[2] Over two hundred and fifty scholars, as a result, committed to attending the conference in order to re-establish environments of religious tolerance and peace. To do so, they returned to the basis of legal and historical texts – primarily the Charter of Medina that was contracted by the Prophet ﷺ between Muslims and other religious groups after he migrated to the city of Medina. These leaders from over one hundred and twenty countries and a wide variety of backgrounds concluded their conference with an official statement known as the Marrakesh Declaration, which denounced all forms of bigotry and intolerance and called for a commitment to the principles of justice, freedom, and equality for all.
Historical and legal texts spanning centuries have debated issues related to non-Muslim minorities. Modern scholarship has swung in both directions, with some academics such as Bat Yeʾor denouncing Islam as an oppressive religion that incites intolerance, and others such as Milka Levy-Rubin arguing that the agreements contracted by the early Muslims with minorities were far more progressive than the precedents set by their neighbors.[3] Despite their contrasting viewpoints, these conversations are important in shaping the type of paradigm that can accommodate relations with religious minorities today.
This paper is not intended to highlight all of the legalities related to religious minorities, nor does it seek to defend the actions of Muslims or non-Muslims in regard to religious minorities; rather, it seeks to provide an overview of the topic at hand through contextualization. As this paper will demonstrate, there are varying scholarly opinions in addition to political, social, and economic circumstances that affect the discourse on religious minorities, making it nearly impossible to examine all of the factors in one book, let alone a single paper. Providing context to this discussion, however, will lead to a greater understanding of the topic as a whole and hopefully will provide resources that will clarify particular questionable instances that one may come across.
The Protected People
To begin, we need to first grasp the basic terminology relevant to the study of religious minorities. Religious minorities are known as dhimmīs, short for ahl al-dhimmah, or people of the dhimmah, a term that later became synonymous with the People of the Book.[4] The original meaning of al-dhimmah, however, meant protection, and it was often short for dhimmat–Allah wa-rasūlih, or the "protection of God and His Prophet."[5] In short, the concept originally had a divine connotation, or a meaning that was directly related to the power of God. However, the concept soon morphed into a technical legal term with the progression of classical scholarship, and it consequently lost its transcendent dimension.[6] As a result, ahl al-dhimmah, or people of the dhimmah, has become a legal term and not a reference to the recipients of divine protection. It is important to discuss the etymology of the word because it demonstrates the significance of the people of the dhimmah who, at the very root of it all, are people who were to be protected on behalf of God and His Prophet ﷺ – an immense responsibility. This status is awarded to People of the Book (who according to many scholars includes Zoroastrians and others) who agree through contract to pay the jizyah, or poll-tax, in exchange for that protection.[7] In sum, the formation of the people of the dhimmah was rooted in religious minorities paying a tax that exempted them from military service. Much more nuance can be embedded within all of these terms that are sometimes highly contested among scholars, but considering the limited scope of this paper, we will move forward to address the larger picture at hand.
The power of the Muslim state was dependent on its ability to provide two precious resources to its people: security and justice.[8] Christians and Jews and other minorities were not technically citizens of the Muslim state; they were considered outsiders under the protection of the state, leading to the title of dhimmah, or protected people.[9] Their protection was guaranteed in a number of ways: by providing them with legal autonomy – meaning they could maintain their religious practices without interference – and protection during war. That said, there have no doubt been incidents throughout history in which that protection was threatened or revoked and the Muslim ruler engaged in persecution of religious minorities.[10] The fact remains, however, that there was never widespread systematic persecution of Christians, for example, in the Islamic world as there was in the late Roman Empire.[11] And the hostile circumstances that did occasionally arise, were not due to Islamic legislation per se, but were rather a result of an amalgam of social, political, and economic circumstances. So while Christians historically at times suffered at the hands of Muslims, it was almost never a result of their being Christian, or their beliefs, but a result of various factors related to the pursuit of power.[12]
Historical Foundations
The Charter of Medina
Before delving into the technicalities, it is important to begin by reflecting on some of the historical foundations relevant to the treatment of religious minorities. We begin at the time of the Prophet ﷺ, who upon his arrival in Medina, contracted a treaty with the non-Muslims that essentially established rights and responsibilities between the various Muslim groups and the Jewish tribes. Although the authenticity of this document is doubted among some academics, it is crucial to note that historians, both Muslim and non-Muslim, recognize its significance because despite there being no original document available, its conditions have been attested and adhered to by Muslims throughout history.[13] So, for example, when Muslim scholars discuss the issue of religious minorities, this document is frequently cited and is widely held to be authentic.[14]
This treaty was discussed in the news in 2016 when the group of scholars met in Morocco to discuss the treatment of religious minorities in the Muslim world. The conclusion reached at this conference was that current Muslim leaders need to be held accountable and that the treatment of minorities today must reflect the justice and ethics designed by the Prophet ﷺ in the Charter of Medina. In any case, to sum up, this treaty serves as our starting point for interreligious relationships; in essence, it allowed Jews to continue their lives without interference while obligating them to help defend the city if necessary—an expectation of all people participating in the treaty and not particularly limited to the Jews.
The Pact of ʿUmar
The second, and ostensibly the more historically impactful document is the Pact of ʿUmar, or al-shurūṭ al-ʿumarrīyah, which consisted of a list of agreements between Umar b. al-Khattab (ra) during his caliphate and the people of Syria.[15] It is to this pact that the "controversial issues" are traced back. The pact has been broken down into various sub-themes by later scholars but can essentially be summarized as promoting Christian and Jewish self-government and legal autonomy, while also requiring their support against enemies of the state when needed. The nuances of this pact are important to discuss because, as we will come to see, later Muslim scholars based a lot of their legal arguments about religious minorities on it. Imam Ibn al-Qayyim (ra), the student of Ibn Taymīyah, for example, wrote what is considered to be the most comprehensive work on the regulations pertaining to religious minorities in his compendium, Aḥkām ahl al-dhimmah, which spans close to two thousand pages.[16] One of the most commonly cited sources that is encountered in this massive legal text is the Pact of ʿUmar, to which Ibn al-Qayyim actually dedicates an entire portion of his compendium for analysis.[17] He also goes as far as mentioning that the Pact is so well-known among the people that it was not necessary to cite its isnād, or chain of authority.[18]
Now, when you take a closer look at the details of the ordinances in the pact, you will come across what a lot of Islamophobes and Orientalists cite as evidence for Muslim intolerance of non-Muslims. Take for example the notion that Christians and Jews must dress differently from the Muslims. This example is one among many that are interpreted as "discriminatory laws" rooted in humiliating the non-Muslim, but let us take a closer look.
Albrecht Noth, a scholar well known for his analysis of the Pact of ʿUmar argues that these regulations were designed for a long-term coexistence between Muslims and non-Muslims, and by no means sought to persecute non-Muslims.[19] At the same time, however, the Pact mainly dealt with what he calls the "sensitivities of Muslims" and not the victimization of religious minorities.[20] The reality of the matter was that the Muslims were at war and then entered a new place as a minority. When the Muslim army entered a newly conquered land, in the case of justifiable war, the inhabitants of that land were presented with one of three options, according to the hadith of the Prophet ﷺ: respond to the call of Islam, surrender through treaty and become a dhimmī, or leave the land.[21] As you can imagine, the majority of situations resulted in the people agreeing to remain as Christians, Jews, or Zoroastrians in exchange for abiding by the rules that they themselves agreed to. At the end of the day, the Muslims were initially outnumbered so they needed to take extra precautions to ensure that their authority would not be challenged. This new environment also posed a threat to the still developing Muslim identity.[22] Hence, when examining the ordinances, it is understandable that they would favor Muslims as they now governed the land.
There are a few approaches that can be taken when discussing the nature of these laws. First, we should consider a more contextual perspective on the so-called "discriminatory laws." Take for example the ghiyār element, which is the term later developed to express the requirement that non-Muslims dress differently. To start, distinctive dress codes were very common in this era to demonstrate one's social ranking, and Milka Levy-Rubin provides evidence of this being common throughout the Sasanian Empire. More interesting, however, is the origin of the dress code. A famous piece of clothing that the Christians and Jews were required to wear was the zunnār or belt.[23] Historically, however, the belt was foreign to Arab Muslims, considering its Greek origin. And so presumably the Arab Muslims only encountered the belt as the Islamic Empire expanded. The belt, in essence, was an item of clothing introduced by the non-Muslims to the Muslims, so at the end of the day the Pact of ʿUmar required them to wear something they had always worn. Noth further argues that the other ghiyār elements also subsumed customs the non-Muslims presumably already followed. Thus, he posits that non-Muslims were not being forced to wear clothes that were discriminatory; rather, they were required to not copy the Muslims in their dress.[24] And for the record, this was still not discriminatory, because the Prophet ﷺ himself commanded Muslims to not dress or act like the non-Muslims, so this law was in effect a two-way street.[25] Some scholars have even contended that the point of creating these physical distinctions was simply for administrative purposes, so as to not wrongfully punish a non-Muslim for selling wine or to collect the jizyah tax from a Muslim because the collector was confused as to who was Muslim and who was not.[26]
The uniqueness of the Pact of ʿUmar arises from the broader expectations it expressed for a society of both Muslims and non-Muslims. The heart of the Pact consists of ordinances that promote religious legal autonomy. So what exactly does that imply? Early Islamic society was composed of multiple religious communities living together with each following its own law and religious leader. This was by no means common historically. In Hellenistic societies and under Roman rule, most emperors before Constantine persecuted Christians. There was no option of living autonomously.[27] By allowing religious communities to adhere to separate bodies of law, boundaries were created between those communities.[28] That also translated into the Muslim government not interfering with these systems and thus allowing them to continuously develop.[29] There are two potential ways you can view this construction of society: you can either say to yourself, "Well that's great, religious people can continue to follow their religions respectively," or you can see it as creating a rigid demarcation between dhimmīs and Islamic society at large. For Muslims, the sharīʿah encompasses both creed and religious laws. So the permission for religious minorities to freely adhere to their own respective sharīʿah is one of the strongest expressions of tolerance found in the Pact of ʿUmar. Many Christians and Jews also affirm the positive aspects of this Pact, as discussed below.
Both legal scholars and social historians have acknowledged that law in general can be used as a form of social control, so the Christian and Jewish communities at that time no doubt appreciated the power to continue administering their own religious laws.[30] An example of lack of Muslim interference within communal spheres is demonstrated in a group of Nestorians, a Christian sect. The synod of George the First in the late 7th century allowed their church to legalize marriages in the presence of a Christian judge because, prior to that new ruling, marriages in this group of Nestorians occurred only through the civil courts.[31] At the time, however, the Muslim rulers appointed judges on behalf of the Nestorians, but the Nestorians required that judges be chosen through the consent of the community. As a result, Imam Abu Hanīfah allowed them to appoint their own judges. This example demonstrates that not only did the Muslim authority not intervene in other religious communities, but these communities also sought to maintain their own religious autonomy.
Along with religious autonomy came the option for Christians and Jews to seek legal counsel from the Muslim courts. But this was a concern for the Christian and Jewish religious elites because it threatened their judicial authority. If members of their congregations were turning away from their respective courts to seek justice from the qāḍīs (Muslim judges), then you can only imagine how that would strip these elites of their social and legal power. You cannot command people in your community to do things based on your religious calls and create a culture of normative behavior if they are not turning to you for religious advice. Those religious leaders who sought to preserve their authority consequently went out of their way to ensure that their communities remained loyal. Jewish women in the Umayyad period, for example, would lose their property rights if they sought a divorce in rabbinical courts, so naturally many of these women would go to Muslim courts to get a divorce in order to prevent that loss.[32] In turn, the rabbis issued a new decree by which women could sue for divorce without losing their property rights. As a result, more Jewish women remained within their communities and continued to maintain religious autonomy.
As a side note, one might notice that the regulations for minorities were based on a society that was defined by religion. People were associated with their religious communities as markers of their "national" identity. Neophyte Edelby argues "the Semites were unique among ancient peoples in that they never conceived any form of social organization other than theocracy, with God as the sole source of law."[33] For a long time, the only social groups in the East were groups formed by religious communities. Islam, Edelby argues in particular, views religions as nationalities because for every nation, God has sent a scripture.[34] Either way, in the modern context, when we think about many of the laws regulating minorities, we view them as a form of religious discrimination, but the reality of the matter is that religion was the only form of distinctive identity in that era. So the regulations were not necessarily because someone was Jewish or Christian, but because, before the rise of the nation-state, religion was the distinctive marker of identity.
Historical Precedence
Let us return to the main discussion of contextualizing our understanding of religious minority treatment. If we trace back a little earlier before the pacts with the ahl al-dhimmah, or the protected people, became more formalized, the Muslims were engaging in relationships with non-Muslims. This was around the period of the futuḥāt, or during the Muslim expansion.[35] Throughout this period, when a city had to surrender to the Muslim army out of weakness, they would initiate contracts and present stipulations that were all self-imposed measures on their own behalf. Albrecht Noth's research demonstrates that a lot of those self-imposed measures parallel what later appeared in the shurūṭ.[36] In other words, a lot of the supposedly discriminatory ordinances in the Pact of ʿUmar were among the stipulations non-Muslims had set for themselves upon surrender.
More interesting, however, is the historical precedent set by the Byzantine and Sasanian empires, the two main powers that preceded the Islamic Empire. When tracing back to that time, it is evident that Muslim conquerors actually employed the same framework for surrender agreements as those empires.[37] In her book Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire, Milka Levy-Rubin analyzes the forms of contracts created in the Byzantine and Sasanian Empires, among others, to determine whether or not the Islamic process was novel. Among her conclusions was that Muslim sources describe a method analogous to the process known from the pre-Islamic Near East: once a city surrendered, it received amān, or security, also referred to as pistis in the Roman Empire.[38] The granting of amān was usually accompanied by a document listing the conditions that were agreed upon in the ṣulḥ or peace agreement. On a similar note, throughout the Byzantine Empire, various groups also had certain regulations imposed on them; so for instance, Jews could not testify against Christians and were banned from holding public office. In both the Byzantine and Sasanian Empires, furthermore, a public distinction was made between Christians and non-Christians, and Zoroastrians and non-Zoroastrians, respectively.[39] So intermarriage, for example, between the two groups was highly contested or prohibited.[40] Sasanians also implemented a tribute tax similar to the jizyah upon able-bodied men in exchange for military protection.[41] The purpose of these few examples is to demonstrate that the Muslims did not introduce some foreign paradigm that enraged the non-Muslims. Yes, these regulations at times were limiting, but in the sociopolitical context of the time it was not only normative but also liberating in other ways.
From Theory to Practice
So what exactly happened in reality? There was a lot of legal content circulating on the place of religious minorities in Muslim societies, but at the end of the day, these laws were rarely implemented except in prominent Muslim centers or capitals, and even then incompletely and sporadically.[42] For instance, many scholars maintained that non-Muslims could not serve in government positions. Yet, the Caliph Al-Mansur was among many caliphs who did not abide by that rule and hired non-Muslims, like a Jew named Musa, to be a revenue collector.[43] Even so, not long after, Caliph Al-Mutawakkil reenacted the law that no non-Muslim should be in government service.[44] The experience and knowledge of Christians and Jews who already held government positions were more useful in the service of the caliph, not to mention they did not pose a threat to his rule.[45] Thus, Caliph Al-Mutawakkil promoted the service of non-Muslims in government despite its prohibition or discouragement by many scholars.
Or take the example of a Christian vizier, in Baghdad, ʿAbdūn b. Sāʿid, who visited the qāḍī, Ismail b. Ishāk, who rose up to greet him.[46] He noticed people disapproved and so when the vizier left, the qāḍī turned to the people and quoted the verse of the Quran: "Allah does not forbid you to have dealings with those who have not fought with you for religion's sake, nor driven you out of your homes, from being righteous toward them and acting justly towards them; indeed Allah loves those who are just" [60:8]. The qāḍī then stated, "This man manages the business of Muslims; he is the ambassador between us and the caliphs." So from this example, and countless others, it is apparent that the practical implementation of regulations regarding religious minorities was dependent ultimately on the whims of the ruler and those he placed in positions of power.
Since the role of religious minorities in the Islamic Empire was left to the final authority of the sultan, oftentimes scholarly opinions were entirely disregarded. Under many circumstances, nevertheless, the ruler would appoint a chief judge or scholar to deal with the rights of religious minorities (among other issues). It is necessary to consider the various legal rulings on these issues because whether or not they were actually implemented, the opinion of a prominent local scholar would no doubt shape the opinions and attitude of the general public, and consequently, the overall environment that Muslims and non-Muslims shared.
Classical Scholarship
As mentioned earlier, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzīyah's text, Aḥkām ahl al-dhimmah, is a foundational source in regard to the rulings related to the protected people. The text is truly unparalleled, particularly as a result of the author's process of providing proofs for his arguments. In order to arrive at his conclusions, Ibn al-Qayyim references the most popular scholarly opinions on each matter and then proceeds to discuss the strengths and weaknesses of their arguments. Essentially, reading Ibn al-Qayyim's book, and his positions on many issues, involves also reading the opinions of Imam Mālik, Imam Aḥmed, Abu Ḥanīfah, Imam Shāfiʿī, and the like.[47] The work was originally composed in response to a number of questions Ibn al-Qayyim was asked on various related issues such as: how the jizyah was assigned, its purpose, how much was charged, and for whom it was required. Besides probing into the matter of the jizyah, the book also addresses practical questions that result from relationships with religious minorities; e.g., is their meat permissible; are they permitted to sell wine?
Considering the depth of Ibn al-Qayyim's work, the focus here is on analyzing his opinions in the first section on the jizyah as a means of identifying some of his overarching views on religious minorities. Among his foremost discussions, Ibn al-Qayyim defines who falls under the category of People of the Book (i.e., potential dhimmīs). He contends early on that the Zoroastrians are considered among the People of the Book by way of consensus of the scholars as evinced in Prophetic narrations.[48] Imam Abu Ḥanīfah goes as far as extending the community of dhimmah to include foreign pagans, allowing far more than simply Christians and Jews to be included among those who are to be protected by the Muslim state.[49] Furthermore, the companions of al-Shāfiʿī asserted that since the jizyah is in exchange for military protection, it is only taxable upon male ) fighters, and thus women, children, monks, and the disabled were exempt from the tax.[50] Hence, in certain places like Jurjān and Darband, minorities who provided military service were exempted from paying the jizyah altogether.[51]
In regard to the technicalities related to the jizyah, nuances stem from the translation and understanding of verse 29 in Surah al-Tawbah:
Fight those who do not believe in Allah or in the Last Day and who do not consider unlawful what Allah and His Messenger have made unlawful and who do not adopt the religion of truth from those who were given the Scripture – [fight] until they give the jizyah willingly [ʿan yadin] while they are humbled [ṣāghirūn].[52]
In his analysis of this verse, Ibn al-Qayyim explores countless scholarly viewpoints that are frequently contrasted; an indication that there are multiple perspectives from which to understand these highly nuanced terms. The most often debated concepts in the verse center around what the jizyah is, how it is paid, and what it signifies. Among the numerous opinions, Ibn al-Qayyim highlighted the position of his shaykh, Ibn Taymīyah, who asserted that the word jizyah is derived from al-jazāʾ, or compensation, because the jizyah can either be seen as a form of subjugation as a compensation for non-Muslim disbelief, or can be seen as a form of gentleness as a compensation for Muslim guardianship.[53] This suggests that the formation of dhimmī communities based on compensation of the jizyah can be viewed from varying perspectives: if a dhimmī continues to defy Muslim rule, then his punishment is his payment, but if a dhimmī accepts the rule and pays the jizyah, then he will be rewarded with the protection of the Muslim Empire. In both cases, the dhimmī is required to pay the jizyah, but it is noteworthy to emphasize this alternative perspective because it indicates that the payment of the jizyah did not necessarily have to be something negative in the eyes of the Muslim or non-Muslim. On that account, Ibn al-Qayyim additionally posits that the notion of ṣighār, often translated as "humiliation," could simply imply the obligation of the dhimmī to pay the jizyah and remain under the rule of the Muslim community.[54] Therefore, once a dhimmī rebels against the rule, he threatens the notion of ṣighār and consequently forfeits his rights and protection. The dhimmīs are a community being granted protection in exchange for that loyalty, so once one of those factors is denied, the other is omitted as well.
In terms of the amount of the jizyah to be paid, Ibn al-Qayyim refers that judgment to the scholar responsible for collecting the jizyah because there is no set amount declared in sources for the sharīʿah.[55] He also adds that the type of payment does not need to be limited to gold or silver, but can be collected in the form of any material item (e.g., clothes or weapons), or "whatever is easiest for them."[56] I highlight these words because Ibn al-Qayyim, as was evident throughout many portions of his text, constantly reiterated the necessity of easing the circumstances of the non-Muslim community. To support this notion, Ibn al-Qayyim also provides scholarly opinions from ʿUmar (ra) and Imam Shāfiʿī, among others, who assert that the amount of the jizyah should depend on the economic status of the payee: the poor and rich should pay a fee relative to their means (i.e., the poor should pay less).[57] The jizyah should therefore not overburden the one who cannot afford it, and the payee should also be given the option of paying through non-monetary means if that is easier for them. The jizyah, furthermore, is only taxable upon able-bodied men (i.e., men who can fight in battle) and not women, children, the poor, the sick, or even monks since they would not typically engage in battle. This contrasts with the zakah tax that Muslim men, women, and children are all obliged to pay, in addition to the military service Muslim men must engage in. Thus, in many ways the jizyah tax can be considered similar to the zakah tax that Muslims are required to pay.
Ibn al-Qayyim further insists on this point by dedicating another section of his text to the protection of the dhimmī.[58] In order to demonstrate the enormity of infringing upon their rights, he utilizes anecdotes that occasionally incorporate Prophetic hadith and Quranic verses. The first anecdote, for instance, narrates the story of a man named Hāshim who, after witnessing a group of people in Palestine suffering under the jizyah, proclaimed that the Prophet ﷺ said, "Verily on the Day of Judgment God will torment those who torment people in this world."[59] Through the citation of this narration, Ibn al-Qayyim reminds us of the humanity of the protected people, and warns against taking advantage of them by any means. In a later example, Ibn al-Qayyim cites the actions of the Caliph ʿUmar who was once approached with a lot of wealth that was collected as jiyzah.[60] Based on the great amount of money that he was given, the Caliph exclaimed, "I think you have destroyed the people!" Those who collected the money responded that it was not true—they only collected the amount without interrogation, distress, or harm to the people, to which ʿUmar responded, "Praise be to God who did not place that [responsibility] in my hands nor under my rule." This particular incident of the Caliph demonstrates the justice and compassion with which he acted, and strengthens Ibn al-Qayyim's demand that dhimmīs be treated with generosity and mercy. On a similar note, when Muslim-ruled Syria was threatened by incoming Roman troops, the Arab general and Companion, Abu ʿUbaydah b. al-Jarrāḥ, wrote hastily to his governors to return the jizyah to the people with treaties in that land:
We give you back the money that we took from you, as we have received news that a strong force is advancing against us. The agreement between us was that we should protect you, and as this is not now in our power, we return you all that we took. But if we are victorious we shall consider ourselves bound to you by the old terms of our agreement.[61]
In response to Abu ʿUbaydah's orders, many Christians praised their Muslim overlords and prayed for their victory over the Romans since the latter would have stolen all of their wealth.[62]
One of the most striking aspects about Ibn al-Qayyim's compendium is that his legal rulings are far from generous; in many instances, his interpretation of the law takes the strictest approach. His constant reminders on the necessity of acting with kindness and compassion, however, counter this stringency. He ardently declares that the purpose of the jizyah is to strip non-Muslims of their dignity, but then shortly thereafter calls upon Muslims to treat non-Muslims in a respectful manner. The irony is very much present. In essence, Ibn al-Qayyim is putting forth a notion that while paying the jizyah may be theoretically demeaning, in practice, non-Muslims should always be treated with dignity. This serves as a reminder of the legitimacy and power of the Muslim community—the word of God is held high on earth. But along with this power must come the righteous treatment of all of God's creation, and that can only be achieved through many of the characteristics Ibn al-Qayyim demands of the Muslim community: justice, mercy, and kindness.
The rights and responsibilities of religious minorities, as we have seen, are not always a simple matter. Throughout history there have been diverse scholarly opinions on the laws regarding relationships between Muslims and non-Muslims; however, the manifestations of these regulations were dependent on the judgment of the sultan in his respective political, economic, and social milieu. The dhimmī paradigm that was established at an early stage of Islamic civilization was consequently flexible in nature and has generally resulted in tolerant societies. Many scholars today, nevertheless, want to move beyond the mere concept of "tolerance" since the notion of a minority citizenship often leads to forms of discrimination.[63] Hence, prominent scholars such as Yusuf al-Qaradawi have taken crucial steps in creating a "fiqh of citizenship" in Muslim-ruled nations that advocates for equal rights among Muslims and non-Muslims by adopting modern forms of citizenry.
In any case, when reflecting on the dhimmī model that took precedence throughout Muslim societies historically, it is important to also reflect on the standard that is set in America today. We too have a system that requires taxation and submission to the state through various responsibilities. An American citizen is treated rather distinctly from a non-American citizen—we have different rights and responsibilities. As citizens, we live with a privilege that many times blinds us from recognizing our exclusive lines at airports when entering the country, or the priority we are given in applying for schools and jobs, or the ease of obtaining visas for travel. These are all forms of honor that we have been granted simply on account of our citizenship. And we too have a form of taxation upon individuals that in essence symbolizes one's submission to the state. So before reflexively criticizing the practices of former societies, one needs to understand the historical context of those practices and reflect on current-day parallels.
Read, "Tolerance, Minorities, and Ideological Perspectives", a continuation of this publication, here: https://bit.ly/2H9Cpe5
[1] www.marrakeshdeclaration.org.
[2] See for example: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/mar/15/isis-genocide-of-religious-minorities-us-house-statement
[3] Bat Yeʾor, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam (Cranbury: Associated University Presses, 1985), 36; Milka Levy-Rubin, Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire: From Surrender to Coexistence (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
[4] In many cases, the non-Muslims were actually the majority, but were referred to as a minority in a cultural and political sense; Uriah Furman, "Minorities in Contemporary Islamist Discourse," Middle Eastern Studies 36 (2000): 2.
[5] Levy-Rubin, 41.
[6] Mahmoud Ayoub, "Dhimmah in Qurʾan and Hadith," in Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society, ed. Robert Hoyland, 25-35 (Wiltshire: The Cromwell Press, 2004), 34-5. Originally published in The Formation of the Classical Islamic World, vol. 18, ed. Lawrence I. Conrad (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004).
[7] Based on evidence from hadith, Ibn al-Qayyim asserts that the scholars have reached a consensus that al-majūs, also known as Magians or Zoroastrians, are among the People of the Book; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzīyah, Ahkām ahl al-dhimmah, ed. Yusūf al-Bakrī and Aḥmad al-ʿArārūri (Dammām: Dār Ramādī li-l-Nashr, 1418/1997), 79.
[8] S.D. Goitein, "Minority Selfrule and Government Control" in Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society, ed. Robert Hoyland (Wiltshire: The Cromwell Press, 2004), 160. Originally published in The Formation of the Classical Islamic World, vol. 18, ed. Lawrence I. Conrad (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004).
[9] Goitein, 163.
[10] An infamous persecution of Christians that has been recorded was led by the Fatimid Caliph al-Ḥakīm who retracted his efforts at the end of his reign and reinstituted traditional measures of tolerance; Cl. Cahen, "Dhimma," in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs, eds. Consulted online on 20 October 2016.
[11] Sidney Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque: Christians and Muslims in the World of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), 148.
[12] Griffith, 148.
[13] Anver Emon, "Reflections on the 'Constitution of Medina': An Essay on Methodology and Ideology in Islamic Legal History," UCLA Journal of Islamic and Near Eastern Law 1, no. 103 (2001): 103.
[14] Ibn al-Qayyim, 14; Levy-Rubin, 59.
[15] A.S. Tritton, The Caliphs and their Non-Muslim Subjects (London: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1970), 8.
[16] Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzīyah, Ahkām ahl al-dhimmah, ed. Yusūf al-Bakrī and Aḥmad al-ʿArārūri (Dammām: Dār Ramādī li-l-Nashr, 1418/1997).
[17] Ibn al-Qayyim, 14.
[18] Levy-Rubin, Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire, 59.
[19] Albrecht Noth, "Problems of Differentiation between Muslims and non-Muslims: Re-Reading the 'Ordinances of ʿUmar' (Al-Shurūṭ al-ʿUmariyya)" in Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society, ed. Robert Hoyland (Wiltshire: The Cromwell Press, 2004), 104-5. Originally published in The Formation of the Classical Islamic World, vol. 18, ed. Lawrence I. Conrad (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004).
[20] Noth, 105.
[21] Ibn al-Qayyim, 87. Another common option that existed besides war was the peace-treaty (ṣulḥ) contracts that did not necessitate payment of the jizyah. Both the Umayyad and Abbasid Empires, for example, established ṣulḥ agreements with the Byzantine Empire in order to maintain regional peace and promote trade. For more, see M. Khadduri, "Ṣulḥ," Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs, eds. Consulted online on 12 July 2017.
[24] Noth, 116-7.
[25] Noth, 119; See M.J. Kister, "'Do Not Assimilate Yourselves…'Lā Tashabbahū…," in Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society, ed. Robert Hoyland, 125-153, (Wiltshire: The Cromwell Press, 2004). Originally published in The Formation of the Classical Islamic World, vol. 18, ed. Lawrence I. Conrad (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004).
[26] Cahen, "Dhimma."
[27] Michael Morony, "Religious Communities in Late Sasanian and Early Muslim Iraq" in Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society, ed. Robert Hoyland (Wiltshire: The Cromwell Press, 2004), 1. Originally published in The Formation of the Classical Islamic World, vol. 18, ed. Lawrence I. Conrad (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004).
[28] Uriel I. Simonsohn, A Common Justice: The Legal Alliances of Christians and Jews under Early Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 5.
[29] Morony, 9.
[30] Simonsohn, 10-11.
[31] Morony, 13.
[33] Neophyte Edelby, "The Legislative Autonomy of Christians in the Islamic World" in Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society, ed. Robert Hoyland (Wiltshire: The Cromwell Press, 2004), 44. Originally published in The Formation of the Classical Islamic World, vol. 18, ed. Lawrence I. Conrad (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004).
[34] Edelby, 45. His opinion, however, does not detract from the possibility of other allegiances (e.g. national affiliations). The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ, for example, did not require people to disavow their tribes in favor of a sole religious allegiance.
[35] Noth, "Problems of Differentiation between Muslims and Non-Muslims," 113.
[37] Levy-Rubin, 26.
[39] Levy-Rubin, 121.
[40] Levy-Rubin, 116-7.
[41] Morony, "Religious Communities," 7.
[42] Uriel I. Simonsohn, A Common Justice, 7; Cahen, "Dhimma."
[43] A.S. Tritton, The Caliphs and their Non-Muslim Subjects, 22.
[44] Tritton, 23.
[47] Many other scholars who focused on the rules of religious minorities are also cited. These include, but are not limited to, Qāḍī Abū Yūṣuf (d. 183 AH) in his book Kitāb al-kharāj, al-Khallāl (d. 311 AH) in his Aḥkām ahl al-milal, and al-Farrāʾ (d. 458 AH) in his Al-Aḥkām al-Sulṭāniyyah.
[49] Ibn al-Qayyim, 87; Ibn al-Qayyim also states that all disbelievers should pay the jizyah, People of the Book or not, implying that even pagans could join the dhimmī community; Ibn al-Qayyim, 89.
[50] Ibn al-Qayyim, 122.
[52] Qur'an 9:29; translation from Sahih International, obtained from www.quran.com.
[53] Ibn al-Qayyim, 119; This is also the view of al-Qāḍī Abu Yaʿlā in his al-Aḥkām al-Sulṭānīyah.
[57] Ibn al-Qayyim, 132-133.
[59] Similar versions of the ḥadīth read, "Whoever harms a dhimmī, then I will be his adversary on the Day of Judgement [narrated by Imam Aḥmad]" and "Whoever harms a dhimmī, then he has harmed me [the Prophet]. And whoever harms me, has harmed God [narrated by al-Albānī]."
[61] Thomas Walker Arnold, Preaching of Islam: A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith (London: Constable & Robinson Ltd., 1913), 61.
[62] Arnold, 61. See also J. J. Saunders, A History of Medieval Islam (London: Routledge, 2002), 53.
[63] David H. Warren and Christine Gilmore, "One nation under God? Yusuf al-Qaradawi's changing Fiqh of citizenship in the light of the Islamic legal tradition," Contemporary Islam 8 (2014), 218.
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