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THE DEATH OF HADI SALEH
The Vision and Dilemma of Iraqi Civil Society
Z Magazine/Foreign Policy in Focus, 1/04
When they came for Hadi Saleh, they found him at home in Baghdad with his family. First, they bound his hands and feet with wire. Then they tortured him, cutting him with a knife. He finally died of strangulation, but apparently that wasn't enough. Before fleeing, his assailants pumped bullets into his dead body.
No group claimed credit for his assassination on January 4. Nobody knows for sure who carried it out. But for many Iraqis, the manner of his death was a signature.
In 1969, when he was only twenty, sentenced to death in a Baathist prison, such murderous tactics were already becoming well known. For the next thirty-plus years the Mukhabarat, Saddam Hussein's secret police, used them against his friends and coworkers. In early January in Baghdad, killers intent on sending the same bloody message finally visited these horrors on him.
Iraq has never been a very safe place for trade unionists, socialists or democratic-minded people. The year before Saleh was born, over 300 students and railway workers were machine-gunned in Baghdad for protesting the agreement by Iraq's puppet king to hand over airbases to the British, the country's former occupiers. The 1948 massacre was called Al-Wathbah (The Leap). It was a moment when millions of Iraqis became convinced that their country could be more than an impoverished, oil-cursed British protectorate.
Later Saleh must have remembered, though he would have been only ten at the time, the next defining moment in Iraq's popular history. In one of the few times when Iraqi progressives seemed to be on top, they finally threw out the king in 1958. For a few years, organizing unions, breaking up the big estates, and building public housing for the urban poor were not just dreams, but government policy. Oil was nationalized, and the revenue used to build universities, hospitals and big government-owned factories.
That vision of Iraq as a country with a future was strong enough to shape the generation of Saleh and his friends. It still does today. But for Americans, who know little of Iraqi history, that vision is unknown. The idea that millions of this country's people might have a long record of supporting radical progressive ideas, and that they might have paid for those ideas with death and prison, is inconceivable.
Iraqis like Hadi Saleh, trying to hold fast to the dream, and organize a civil society that could bring it into being, are simply invisible. So it's no accident that his death wasn't reported by the mainstream US media. It didn't fit the images of soldiers and warfare, of bearded terrorists and roadside bombs. This is the paradigm through which Americans are taught to understand the occupation of a country, whether they support or oppose it. The Hadi Salehs, in that frame of reference, shouldn't be there, so all too often, they simply aren't.
Yet Hadi Saleh did exist. He believed in a progressive and democratic country, in ways not so different from millions of blue-state Americans. He and other Iraqi unionists, women's rights advocates, and militants of leftwing political parties might not make it onto the evening news in New York or Los Angeles, but they inherit the vision of Iraq as a peaceful country, with a government committed to social justice, using its oil wealth to give common people a decent chance at life.
These are dangerous ideas today - they've always been so in Iraq. Thirty-five years ago, these notions got Hadi Saleh arrested, accused of being a trade unionist and a red. After narrowly escaping execution, and then spending five years locked away, he joined many of his compatriots who'd already fled into exile.
For thirty years Hadi Saleh lived abroad in Korea and Sweden. In Iraq he'd been a printer, a liberal occupation that has probably produced more of the world's leftists than any other. An exile's life, though, requires doing whatever work comes to hand, trying to keep faith with politics and memories. He became a dapper, well-dressed man, adapted to many cultures and languages. Exile made him a political organizer - always a wanderer, always dreaming of someday going home.
Given Saddam Hussein's brutal hold on power, that didn't seem likely for decades. In Iraq, the unions Saleh had helped to build were turned inside out by the Baathist state, their officials transformed into agents who spied on workers and turned militants over to the police. From outside Iraq, in 1984, Saleh and his fellow exiles organized a new labor group, the Workers Democratic Trade Union Movement, to keep alive the real traditions of Iraqi unionism. In Baghdad's factories, however, workers belonging to such a union, or to political parties from Communist to Islamist, were pulled off their machines, arrested, and shot.
Today, Iraqi unions are recovering from that history.
Saleh was one of the organizers helping that recovery to take root. When Saddam Hussein finally fell, he and his fellow exiles returned to Iraq. The old underground Workers Democratic Trade Union Movement became the reorganized Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, and Saleh its international secretary. Even under a brutal US military occupation, they began to look for ways in which that old dream of a progressive Iraq could be turned into reality.
Remarkably, they've been very successful at organizing new unions. Iraqi workers want and need to be organized as never before. A study by the economics faculty of Baghdad University last fall puts unemployment at 70%. Wages were frozen by the occupation authorities at $60 a month, the level of the last years of Saddam Hussein, after the economy had been drained by two decades of war and repression. Then, in September 2003, the Coalition Provisional Authority's Order #30 on Reform of Salaries and Employment Conditions of State Employees lowered the base to $40, and eliminated housing and food subsidies.
CPA proconsul Paul Bremer also decided not to lift the laws Saddam Hussein had used to keep his tame unions in place, especially an outright ban on bargaining in the public sector, where most workers are employed. To this Bremer added Public Order #1, banning pronouncements that "incite civil disorder, rioting or damage to property." The phrase civil disorder can easily apply to organizing strikes, and leaders of both the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions and the newer Federation of Workers Councils and Unions of Iraq have been detained a number of times.
When the Bush administration installed the successor regime of Iyad Allawi last June, the transitional law forbade any change in the Bremer orders. One they sought particularly to protect was Order #39, also dating from September 2003, which permits 100% foreign ownership of businesses, except for the oil industry, and allows repatriation of profits. Bremer put Tom Foley, a Bush fundraiser, in charge of private sector development. Foley began drawing up lists of state enterprises to be sold off, including cement and fertilizer plants, phosphate and sulfur mines, pharmaceutical factories and the country's airline.
Treating Iraq as a neoconservative playground, combined with the violence and brutality of the occupation, created conditions for the growth of the armed resistance. Some taking up arms against the US military and its British and "coalition" allies are nationalists, enraged at foreign domination, or Islamists intent on building a theocratic state. But many are the displaced Baathists all-too familiar to Saleh and his coworkers from bitter decades of experience. None of these armed groups, however, support the growth of trade unions, women's' organizations, leftwing political parties, or other parts of civil society kept down during the Saddam Hussein years.
Organizing workers under these circumstances has been dangerous, but possible. The IFTU held its first national meeting in June 2003, attended by 400 delegates who set up national unions for 12 major industries. Organizers like Saleh fanned out from that meeting to workplaces around the country. At Baghdad's Al Daura oil refinery, for instance, workers were urged to elect department committees, and then an overall plant committee, as the base for the new oil union. The refinery manager then told them that he was forbidden from negotiating with them, since the refinery belongs to the Iraqi state. The union grew nonetheless. In other workplaces, workers didn't wait for the arrival of organizers, and began forming their own organizations, which became the base of other post-Saddam unions, like the Federation of Workers Councils.
Low wages have driven the upsurge in Iraqi labor activity, including three general strikes in Basra alone. Iraqi longshoremen, working for the port authority in Um Qasr, were given a cut in pay when the occupation started, and began organizing a union in response. On the day they were set to vote for the officers of their new union, Port Director Abdel Razzaq told them the election was cancelled because of the 1987 prohibition. He later fired three port workers for trying to organize. Razzaq was installed when the occupation started by the US company given a contract to operate the port, Stevedoring Services of America,
In January a year ago, dockers struck over the wages, blocking anyone from entering the main gate. Razzaq's office was occupied, and the demonstration only ended when he was rescued by occupation troops. He was finally fired as a result of the protests.
Last February, the new port director, Mahmood Saleh, met with a delegation of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and representatives of the IFTU Basra region. He agreed that trade unions should be free to organize in the docks, but a year later, workers still don't have recognition for their union. Nevertheless, six workers' committees operate openly in Um Qasr and other ports, in defiance of the 1987 law. Under their pressure, wages for dockers now start at 75,000 ID per month, rising to 100,000 after a year.
Despite tens of billions of dollars appropriated by the US Congress for reconstruction following the war, most of Iraq still lies in ruins, and Iraqis see little to show for the money. Reconstruction of export facilities, however, like oil installations and docks, has been high on the occupation's list of priorities. It's also the source of intense conflict with Iraqi workers. Few Iraqis have been hired by companies doing reconstruction, which have brought in thousands of foreign workers. For those jobs where they do get hired, Iraqis have to pay a fee that is often the equivalent of a month's wages.
Iraq has no unemployment benefits or any welfare system, so the loss of a stable job condemns a family to hunger and misery. One obvious advantage, therefore, of having a union is gaining a voice in decisions about privatization and contracting.
Just months after the occupation started, conflict over reconstruction work boiled over in a two-day wildcat strike at the Bergeseeya Oil Refinery near Basra. KBR, a division of Halliburton Corp., was given a no-bid reconstruction contract to repair oil facilities. KBR brought in a Kuwaiti construction company, Al Khoorafi, using Indian and Pakistani workers. To protect their jobs, Iraqi workers threw them out and protested outside the company's offices.
At the South Oil Company, the local Oil and Gas Workers union, headed by Hassan Ju'ma, banned foreign workers following the Bergeseeya action. KBR tried to get them to accept its foreign staff but local workers refused to budge. "Iraq will be reconstructed by Iraqis, we don't need any foreign interference," Jum'a said.
A year ago South Oil Company workers began challenging the wage schedules. They surveyed prices, and proposed a monthly minimum of $85. Workers threatened to strike and shut off oil production, and the oil minister immediately flew to Basra, where he agreed to return to the pre-September scale. Unrest spread to the Najibeeya, Haartha and Az Zubeir electrical generating stations, where workers mounted a wildcat strike, stormed the administration buildings, declared the Bremer wage schedule void, and vowed to shut off power if salaries were not raised. Again the ministry agreed to return to the old scale.
South Oil Company unionists finally forced the CPA to raise wages, with extra pay for working in risky or isolated locations, often attacked by the armed opposition in their effort to cut off oil production and revenue. Following another walkout in February at the Basra Oil Pipeline Company, the new SOC wage schedule eventually spread to most worksites in the oil sector. Workers then took the fight to power stations, where they threatened to stop electrical generation, potentially halting all other industries. Samir Hanoon, vice president of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions in Basra, warned that if the ban on unions wasn't lifted, "we will take other actions -- protests, demonstrations and total shut-downs. We realize that there may be some sacrifices but we are ready to accept them."
Nevertheless, Thaer Khatheeri, president of the Al Daura refinery union committee in Baghdad, says that oil workers still earn only 69,000 Iraqi dinars a month, while the union is demanding a minimum of 150,000.
Despite the difficult situation, the IFTU has managed to force defacto recognition and bargaining in some workplaces. Metalworkers at Baghdad's Al Nassr molding and car parts factory won a minimum wage of 150,000 ID per month, and the Ministry of Industry now recognizes the union at the factory, as well as a few other manufacturing plants. The Rail workers Union forced a wage increase for all workers at Railways of the Iraqi Republic from 75,000 to 125,000 ID per month, and equal pay for men and women, who make up 15% of the workforce.
And last May, Basra's power station workers elected the first woman union leader in Iraq's history. Hashimia Muhsin Hussein, president of the Electricity and Energy Workers' Union, says workers face huge problems, including managers who continue to enforce the 1987 law banning public sector workers from forming unions. "Our union is a part of the Basra and national IFTU," she declared, "which will continue to struggle for workers rights' to union representation, social justice and a stable, pluralistic and democratic Iraq."
Saleh's murder is the latest in a series of attacks on workers and unions, a response to their growth and increasing activity. Rail workers face armed attacks on trains, and passenger rail service was suspended for six months last year. After workers threatened to strike, the railroad agreed to provide transportation from their homes to their workplaces, because of the bad security situation. Last fall, armed insurgents attacked freight trains, killing four workers in November, and beating and kidnapping others a month later.
Workers say they're being blamed for helping the occupation by doing their jobs, although the trains don't carry military goods. "It's [a risk for] civil society organizations, including trade unions," Saleh explained at a meeting of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Japan in December. "Extremists who targeted those trade unionists, both teachers and engineers, killed them under the notion that they are collaborating with a state created by the Americans, so by definition those are collaborators and legitimate targets."
Attacks come from the government and US occupation troops as well. Baghdad's Transport and Communication workers were thrown out of their office in the city's central bus station in December 2003, by US soldiers, who then arrested members of the IFTU executive board. Rumors abound that the troops were doing the bidding of private bus companies at the station, who wanted the organization removed. Last July, however, the union retook their office in a march and demonstration of union drivers, who'd come into Baghdad from many Iraqi cities. Once they'd retaken the offices, workers announced they intended to organize not just drivers working for the government, but those at the private bus lines also.
Other unions are attacked as well. Qasim Hadi, general secretary of the Union of the Unemployed, has been arrested several times by occupation troops, for leading demonstrations of unemployed workers demanding unemployment benefits and jobs. Last fall, after textile workers in the city of Kut struck over pay, the manager and city governor called out the Iraqi National Guard, who fired on the workers. Four were wounded, and another 11 later arrested.
Attacking unions, and keeping wages low, are part of an overall strategy to keep labor weak - a magnet for foreign investors - as Washington plans the privatization of Iraq's economy. Workers fear that new corporate owners will then cut costs by laying them off.
While the pro-privatization Order #39 excludes oil, a symbol of Iraqi sovereignty, control of the industry and its exports has always been an important object of the occupation. According to the Oil and Gas Union, oil must remain a property in the hands of Iraqi people. "Multinational companies should not be allowed to reap easy profits at the cost of well-being of Iraqis," says Abdullah Muhsen, international representative of the IFTU. According to Muhsen, "the IFTU welcomes foreign investments that bring much-needed technology and jobs for Iraqis. But we oppose privatization." The IFTU and other unions and political parties kept privatization off the agenda of the former Governing Council, arguing that any sell off was a violation of international law since the country had no accountable government elected by its people.
The IFTU is a pluralistic federation, and its executive council includes Arab nationalists and socialists, Kurdish trade unions, and the Iraqi Communist Party, to which Saleh belonged. Last year Saleh told British unionists visiting Baghdad that "Saddam Hussein ... turned his 'yellow unions' into instruments of repression and violence against workers. After the fall of the regime, both nationalist and democratic political traditions within trade unionism tried to re-establish new trade unions based on democratic principles - not based on one political ideology."
In exile, the ICP condemned the war and US invasion, but when the occupation started, the ICP joined the Governing Council. Two of its members are currently ministers in the Allawi government.
"For us, war and occupation are a reality," Muhsin explains. "The WDTUM stood against the war before it started, but we couldn't stop it. We called for a coalition government, but no one listened. Now our concern is to help our country and protect our members."
The Federation of Workers Councils was organized with the assistance of another leftwing group, the Workers Communist Party of Iraq, with roots among exiles in Iran. The WCPI adopted a more distant attitude towards the CPA and Governing Council, while still seeking legal status and recognition for the unions it supports. Both the ICP and the WCPI call for the end of the occupation, and for the return of power to a new Iraqi government, as soon as possible. Neither communist party supports the armed resistance to the occupation, nor do any of the unions. During the battles in Najaf between the US and the militia of radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al Sadr, workers themselves at one factory even refused to allow its use as a staging area for attacks on occupation troops.
The Governing Council, and later Allawi's administration, granted legal recognition to the IFTU and not the Federation of Workers Councils. In practice, however, the prohibition on unions in the public sector remains in effect.
Hadi Saleh's murderers had two objectives in making him a bloody example. For the Baathists among the insurgents, the growth of unions and organizations of civil society, from women's' groups to political parties, is a dangerous deviation. Their hopes of returning to power rest on a military defeat for the US, without a corresponding development of popular, progressive organizations that can govern a post-occupation Iraq.
Trying to stop those organizations from using the elections to organize a large support base is a second objective. Even progressive Iraqis disagree about the elections. Some organizations, like the WCPI, boycott the process as a charade organized by the occupation. Other parties, however, from the ICP to the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq of Shiite Ayatollah Ali al Sistani, see the elections as a possible vehicle for organizing and winning power. Kurdish parties, and the unions associated with them, are also participating in the elections. Left-wingers among these groups hope to popularize their political program among millions of Iraqis. In a post-occupation Iraq, a mass-based political party with a radical program could become part of the government, with the actual power to implement it.
The ICP has organized an electoral front, called the People's Unity (Ittihad Al-Shaab) Electoral List. Its program calls for preventing privatization, protecting political and religious freedom, and ensuring the rights of nationalities and women. Its first point calls for "establishing a federal democratic regime that guarantees rights for all Iraqis, ensures a life free of violence and terror, and enables them to end the occupation, achieve full independence, and rebuild the homeland on the basis of cooperation, democracy and social justice." The front also calls for a truth commission, like those of South Africa and Central America, to come to terms with the last 40 years of blood, repression and cold-war manipulation.
While some Iraqis and the Bush administration might each have their reasons for wanting elections, they have very different goals in mind. The big question dividing the Iraqi left is how to end the occupation - elections and participation in the government, or boycott and organizing from the outside. Despite this, their ideas of what Iraqi society should look like afterwards are remarkably similar, with roots in Iraq's own political history.
The day Iraqis threw out the king in 1958 is still honored in Baghdad as Iraqi National Day. The vision of that era - of a progressive, democratic state - is not so different from the ideas of Iraqi progressives today, regardless of their position on the elections. And the contrary intent of the US occupation was clear at the beginning, when Bremer declared that this day was just a Saddam-era holiday, and would no longer be celebrated. It was a symbolic trashing of everything that might truly constitute a vision of a democratic Iraq, in order to legitimize the Bush administration's ugly free-market caricature.
Iraqi civil society -unions, women's' and professional organizations, political parties, and other groups - are trying to survive and organize in a political space that is rapidly shrinking. The armed resistance doesn't want them around. And despite the elections, the US would rather have another dependable dictator than popular organizations resisting the neoconservative, free market plan. Saleh's assassination makes plain the extreme lack of security. The longer the occupation lasts, the more violence increases in Iraq, and the harder it is for workers to join a union, or any other organization, much less demonstrate and protest. But an occupation that ends in the creation of a new Baathist state, or a theocratic one that suppresses popular movements for social and economic justice, is hardly an answer for these new unions either.
Fortunately, organizations outside Iraq, especially in labor, understand this is a problem Iraqis can't solve by themselves. They need support in the US and Britain, to help get the troops out, and to keep open the political space they need to organize.
British unions have a long history of this support, going back to the Saddam Hussein era. Over 200,000 Iraqi exiles were concentrated in London and other cities during those decades. Once the regime fell, British unions have sent a number of groups to Iraq to offer help. One, sent by the leftwing Fire Brigades Union, even brought firefighting equipment to Basra.
After a debate last September, the British Trades Union Congress called for an end to the occupation and withdrawal of the troops. Mary Davies, speaking for university teachers, told delegates that "the only sure way of defeating occupation, defeating Baathism and the threat of fundamentalism, is by strengthening the forces of civil society so brutally crushed for 25 years under Saddam Hussein." Dennis Doody, a building trades union officer agreed. "As long as the US and UK forces are in Iraq there will always be instability and continuing resistance," he warned. "The occupation prevents the Iraqi people from developing their own society, free from Saddam and free from foreign occupation. It is for the people of Iraq to determine their own future, not the coalition of the criminals masquerading as liberators."
In the US, unions opposing the war formed their own organization within the labor movement, US Labor Against the War, before the occupation even started. Many national unions and state labor federations have now called for US withdrawal. Saleh's murder brought USLAW and the AFL-CIO itself together for the first time to condemn it. John Sweeney, AFL-CIO president, called Saleh "courageous," a departure from the cold war past in which left-wingers and Communists were reviled as enemies. A USLAW statement went further, combined condemnation with a call to end the occupation and withdraw US troops, a position the AFL-CIO has yet to take.
If US and British labor can join together to call for an end to the war, and find ways to help their fellow unionists in Iraq, perhaps people like Hadi Saleh can not only survive, but become powerful players in an Iraq with a real future.
Remembering his friend, Abdullah Muhsen described to British unionist Alex Gordon Hadi Saleh's vision of what that future might look like: "a democratic, peaceful and federal Iraq, which would unite all Iraqis, regardless of their background, ethnicity or religion. He championed workers' rights to organize and to strike to achieve decent jobs, pay and working conditions: the basic building blocks of strong, non-sectarian trade unionism. That remains the only way to defeat the IMF shock therapy and economic occupation, which has been imposed undemocratically on Iraqis by the occupying powers."


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Q: Python two multidimensional array creation My program uses the code below to insert an object named Field to a multidimensional array that is created on the fly (at least I thought it would be created):
for x in range(self.width):
    for y in range(self.height):
            self.board_fields[x][y] = Field()

So board_fields wasn't created on the fly and I got the error:

AttributeError: 'Board' object has no attribute 'board_fields'

How should I define the multidimensional array before putting values into it?

A: self.board_fields = [[Field() for j in range(self.height)] for i in range(self.width)]

A: These aren't really arrays in the classical sense, but lists of lists.  While this is a semantic difference in some contexts, here it affects where within the lists assignment can be made.  The append statement allocates additional memory to the list and assigns its argument to that new 'slot'.
self.board_fields = []
for x in range( self.width ):
    board_fields_sub = []
    for y in range( self.height ):
        board_fields_sub.append( Field() )
    self.board_fields.append( board_fields_sub )

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Charlton Warren focused his first spring as IU football DC on fundamentals
April 28, 2021 Dustin Dopirak IUFB 0
In his first spring as Indiana's defensive coordinator, Charlton Warren didn't have to worry much at all about installation. The defense is what the defense has been since head coach Tom Allen was hired as DC under Kevin Wilson in 2016 — a 4-2-5 formation with shifting responsibilities in the defensive backfield that make the Hoosiers difficult to prepare for.
Warren didn't have to teach any X's and O's, so he spent his first 15 practices instead working on the basics.
"You saw a group that really focused on fundamentals and technique," Warren said in a Zoom press conference Wednesday. "Tried to go to the basics of football, blocking, tackling, taking the ball away. And really instilling a lot of effort and hustle and juice into everything we did. It wasn't much about scheme because obviously these guys know the scheme. We have an older crew that has played this defense for, what? Three years now. They know the scheme. While we did things to make ourselves better, the focus was more on technique and effort, and these guys responded."
The Hoosiers lost just three players who started at least one game from last season's roster — defensive tackles Jerome Johnson and Jovan Swann and safety Jamar Johnson — so they are pretty set and in some cases overcrowded in the starting positions. For instance, Marcelino McCrary-Ball is back after missing all of last season with an injury to play the Husky and Bryant Fitzgerald is back after starting every game last season. They still have three excellent corners returning in Tiawan Mullen, Reese Taylor and Jaylin Williams and can move one of them into the nickel when the situation calls for it.
So this spring was more about finding out more about what is below the top line of the depth chart and seeing what Indiana's younger defenders are capable of and giving Warren an understanding of what he has there.
"We had a focus on building depth this spring," Warren said. "I thought we had a focus on building depth this spring. Getting a bunch of guys reps, changing the way we practice a little bit to get guys more reps, and I thought you saw our younger guys, with the extra reps, really step up and make plays and show understanding of the defense."
And Warren does see a defense that, top to bottom, can make plays. The Hoosiers were the best team in the Big Ten and one of the best in the country last season in creating turnovers and Warren sees the same capacity to ball hawk in this group.
"Taking the ball away is always going to be paramount to having a great defensive unit," Warren said. "We did things this spring where we charted the attempts and tracked the progress at every practice of how many takeaways we got. Our havoc rate is something that we talk about a lot every single day. We opened up our meetings with what our havoc rate was from the day prior. We talked about our percentage of a takeaway, sacks, tackles for loss, and pass breakups. There were not many days where we did not get those numbers, but if we did not we would do a drill to reinforce what we did not do. I saw great progress and a continuation of a wanting to go after the ball."
He also saw a pass rush that remains strong even after the loss of Jerome Johnson, who was second on last year's roster with four sacks. The Hoosiers led the Big Ten in sacks last season with 25, and they added a strong edge rusher in Ole Miss transfer Ryder Anderson who should be able to contribute to that figure this year.
"That was a big emphasis this spring, trying to find ways to help the D-line with movement," Warren said. "Finding ways to move guys around. We just talked about moving this guy to shade or moving this guy to three-technique, getting more athletic. We generated a lot of those sacks with our plugs, our (line) backers, Micah (McFadden), C4 (Cam Jones.) We generated a lot of those that way as well. So I think it's a good recipe to create sacks and negative yardage plays. I thought Ryder came in here and gave us some juice at the end position, had a really good spring. I think from a standpoint of technique, fundamentals and game planning, that was a big focus and our guys really responded well."
Warren said he also had a good experience coaching linebackers for the first time. In Indiana's defense, that means handling just two spots because Kasey Teegardin handles the Bull defensive end position and the Husky, but it's still an adjustment from Warren's career coaching secondaries and one that has gone well.
"I loved it," Warren said. "I had a group that was hungry to learn, hungry to be improved fundamentally and in techniques and in big-picture concepts of being a linebacker and controlling a defense. They really took that by the horns and ran with it. They were sponges. They go out there and they play hard and they make plays as you would expect, but they coach each other. … I probably couldn't ask for a better group of young men to break me in to coaching linebackers for the first time. It was awesome."
Charlton Warren
Ryder Anderson

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Noncompete Agreements 2022 Wages Update
Written by John E. Falcone
In previous blogs we have discussed the 2020 Virginia statute (§ 40.1-28.7:8. Covenants not to compete prohibited as to low-wage employees; civil penalty (virginia.gov)) that restricts the use of noncompete agreements. Employers who use noncompete agreements for the limited category of employees should review annually the updates to the average weekly wage.
As a reminder, the law provides that as of July 1, 2020, employers are prohibited from entering into, enforcing, or threatening to enforce a covenant not to compete with any "low-wage employee." The law defines "low-wage employee" as one whose average weekly earnings are less than the average weekly wage of the Commonwealth, as determined annually by the Virginia Workers' Compensation Commission. For 2022, that amount has been increased to $1,290 per week, as shown on the Virginia Department of Labor's website at https://www.doli.virginia.gov/2022/01/01/notice-of-the-average-weekly-wage-for-2022/ . On an annualized basis, the compensation would be $67,080.
As an additional reminder, the statute contains a provision deals with independent contractors: "'Low-wage employee' also includes an individual who has independently contracted with another person to perform services independent of an employment relationship and who is compensated for such services by such person at an hourly rate that is less than the median hourly wage for the Commonwealth for all occupations as reported, for the preceding year, by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor."
The most recent Virginia median hourly wage is $22.69. That amount does not appear to have been revised yet from the 2021 rate shown at Virginia - May 2021 OEWS State Occupational Employment and Wage Estimates (bls.gov).
Employers must post either a copy of the new law or a summary approved by the Virginia Department of Labor and Industry where other state and federal laws are required to be posted. A notice on the DOLI website which can be used as the poster also contains the average weekly wage information is found at the same link noted above: https://www.doli.virginia.gov/2022/01/01/notice-of-the-average-weekly-wage-for-2022/.
John Falcone and Luke Malloy handle employment law matters at PLDR Law. Feel free to contact us if you have questions about this matter.
FTC's Proposed Rule Banning Noncompete Agreements
Group Health Plan Requirements Extended
New Proposed Independent Contractor Rule
Virginia Noncompete Agreements - Additional Updates
Updated EEOC Guidance About Employer COVID-19 Testing
I-9 Form Verification for Remote Workers
FMLA Intermittent Leave Certifications
Noncompete Agreements Update
Virginia OSHA COVID-19 Standard Withdrawn
COBRA Deadlines Extended Again Due to the Pandemic
President Expected to Sign Mandatory Arbitration Ban for Sexual-Harassment Claims
Safety and Health Codes Board votes to withdraw Virginia's Permanent COVID-19 Standard
Safety and Health Codes Board meets to discuss future of Virginia's Permanent COVID-19 Standard
DOL Rules for Health Plans and COVID Test Costs


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St. Luke - Gospel writer & author of the Acts of the Apostles.
1. Thank you to the parents who attended our Communion Class mtg. tonite!
5. There will be a Rocketry Program mtg. this Friday from 3:00 to 4:00 P.M.
required to attend. The next cycle of the program will begin in a few weeks.
6. Grade 8 "Play 60" mtg. in 2C tomorrow after school.
7. Science Explorers mtg. after school tomorrow.
PB&J for the Holy Redeemer Food Cupboard until next Friday.


This year marks our 50th anniversary of welcoming guests to our Celtic homelands, sharing stories and the best of our hand-crafted vacations. From anniversaries and birthdays to honeymoons and just because, there are oh so many reasons to celebrate with a trip to Ireland. And we're giving you one more… limited-time savings.


text:
Q: how to put a watermark text in top left corner in browsers im looking about how to put a watermark text in my webpages in left top corner over all the content
that is, independently of the content of the pages, have always a watermark text
have readed about brianium/watermarkjs but seems this for iamges watermarking.

A: I just made this code on codepen so you can see it.
codepen

Watermark

#watermark {
    color: #d0d0d0;
    font-size: 20pt;
    -webkit-transform: rotate(-45deg);
    -moz-transform: rotate(-45deg);
     position: absolute;
     width: 100%;
     height: 100%;
     margin: 0;
     z-index: -1;
     left:-45px;
     top: -500px;
}


text:
IncomeAfterTax.com
New Zealan
€43,000 After Tax IE
Yearly Monthly
€43,000 After Tax Breakdown (IE)
Yearly €43,000 €32,779
Monthly €3,583 €2,732
Weekly €824.11 €628.23
Daily €164.82 €125.65
Hourly €20.60 €15.71
Detailed €43,000 After Tax Breakdown (IE)
Yearly:
€43,000 Gross Income
- €6,100 Income Tax
- €4,121 National Insurance
€32,779 Net Income
€3,583 Gross Income
- €508.33 Income Tax
- €343.39 National Insurance
€2,732 Net Income
€824.11 Gross Income
- €78.97 National Insurance
€628.23 Net Income
- €23.38 Income Tax
Hourly:
€20.60 Gross Income
- €2.92 Income Tax
- €1.97 National Insurance
€15.71 Net Income
€43,000 after tax is €32,779 NET salary (annually) based on 2020 tax year calculation. €43,000 after tax breaks down into €2,732 monthly, €628.23 weekly, €125.65 daily, €15.71 hourly NET salary if you're working 40 hours per week.
Share This €43,000 After Tax IE Breakdown
About €43,000 After Tax In Ireland
The average monthly net salary in the UK is around 1,730 GBP, with a minimum income of 1,012 GBP per month. This places United Kingdom on the 5th place out of 72 countries in the International Labour Organisation statistics for 2012.
Most individuals pay Income Tax through the pay-as-you-earn (PAYE) system. Employers use this system to take Income Tax and National Insurance contributions from the employee's monthly salary. Self-employed individuals may pay these taxes through Self Assessment, by filling in a tax return at the end of the year.
The capital, London, was named the most popular city in the world five times in the last seven years, ahead of Paris. London is also one of the world's foremost industrial, financial, commercial, and cultural centres. According to numbeo.com the cost of living in London is high, being the 16th most expensive city in Europe.
With an unemployment rate of only 5.4% and a good social security system, UK is also one of the countries with the highest number of immigrants in Europe — over 7 million people, or about 12% of its population.
Salary After Tax Calculations (Yearly): €42,900€43,000€43,100€43,200€43,300€43,400€43,500€43,600€43,700€43,800€43,900
Salary A Month After Tax: €100.00€110.00€120.00€130.00€140.00€150.00€160.00€170.00€180.00€190.00€200.00
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Fire crews are in the final stages of putting out a chemical fire at a Kurnell water treatment facility, in Sydney's south, but evacuated residents have been told to stay away until the fire is completely extinguished.
1000 litres of hydrogen peroxide caught fire early this morning, spewing toxic smoke around the Botany Bay suburb.
Two workers suffered minor injuries.
Homes within 1 kilometre were evacuated, with Fire and Rescue New South Wales saying about 250 people had to leave.
The toxic smoke that led to the evacuations has since blown out to sea.
Fire and Rescue Superintendent Chris Bishop says crews are using foam and water to cool the building and put out any spot fires.
"It doesn't look like it's about to collapse... I'm looking at it now, from about 50 metres away and I would say inside, the contents inside have been totally destroyed by this fire," Superintendent Bishop said.
"Just to maintain safety we've maintained the exclusion zone and maintaining the evacuation zone until the fire has been totally extinguished."
Earlier a Kurnell resident, Collin Howe, told of seeing flames and explosions at the plant.


Those are the Ultra Sound images taken in the mid of May, we can see the little leg waving in the fluid, little body flowing up and down, probably the most unforgetable moment these years. It's natural but miracle. I can see my wife's happy face, even though her tummy is not so obvious. I am sure every yong parent will have the same feeling for that moment. For those who hasn't got chance to have this momeng, you cannot image until you there.
You are currently browsing the archives for the tag 'UltraSound'.


Girdhari Lal Vidyarthi (1907-1985, pictured right) is best remembered as a journalist and newspaperman who fought for press freedom on behalf of native Kenyans against the colonial government.
Born in Kenya in 1910 to Indian parents, Vidyarthi printed newspapers such as Habari za Dunia (Edited by FM Ruhinda), Jicho (Edited by Henry Gathigira),Ramogi (edited by Achieng' Oneko) and Mumenyereri (Edited by Henry Muoria Mwaniki), all critical of the colonial government for its treatment of native Africans.
He also published a trilingual newspaper titled Mitro (meaning Friends) that was published in English, Hindu and Urdu in addition to publishing a Gujerati-English newspaper titled Colonial Times.
Habari za Dunia was banned by the colonial government in 1947 while Jicho was banned in 1962 .
Vidyarthi set the gold standard of excellence for future journalists and publishers in courageously calling out the colonial government's injustice and working tirelessly to secure press freedom.
His Colonial Printing Works also helped numerous Kenyan publishers print their including KCA leader James Beuttah's newspaper called Muthithu (Treasure).
Considered a radical by the colonial government, Vidyarthi was also arrested charged and convicted of sedition more than once.
He is the grandfather of current NTV anchor and reporter Smriti Vidyarthi.
Other Indian publishers include Sitaram Acharya, Manilal Desai and N.S. Thukur who ran The Democrat, a newspaper also critical of the colonial government. Sitaram Acharya was also the publisher of the KCA publication Muigwithania, edited by none other than Jomo Kenyatta.
Liberating Minds, Restoring Kenyan History: Anti-Imperialist Resistance by Progressive South Asian Kenyans 1884-1965 Mar 23, 2017 by Nazmi Durrani.
Web article on theindiandiaspora.com titled An untold saga: Century of Indian journalism in Kenya by An untold saga: Century of Indian journalism in Kenya.


In my earlier years of blogging, I don't really know the importance of using brushes and why looking for a good quality brush is a must for every beauty blogger. As I am beginning my journey as a beauty blogger, I'm also beginning to invest on beauty tools so that it can help me perform better tasks when it comes to doing my make ups.
I bought these brushes from Althea and on my unboxing post, I shared how much these brushes are. Seriously, this is the most affordable quality brush that I bought so far. These brushes are below 200 when I bought them from Althea.
I can drop it all this instant. These brushes are the softest! For a few months that I've been using these, the bristles never fall off. My favorite brush is the Powder Brush. I can tap it on my face all day. As for the usage, it automatically spreads the powder evenly on my face. I wish the contour brush is in black or brown. Though I do not use much contour, this brush is quite thick for contouring. But just like the powder brush, the bristles are soft as well. The angled foundation brush has a ticklish feeling when used. Its bristles are tight but the ends are soft that it's like having a face massage when you're using it. The Eyebrow brush is quite thick for the eyebrows, but it does its job to form and shape the brows when using a powder brow designer.
These brushes are worth more than the price. You'll never regret buying one.


text:
Q: How to combine lists with plus minus signs? I have two lists of Mathematica expressions,
t1 = {(-2*wr20)/(7*Sqrt[15]) + (10*Sqrt[3]*wr40)/77 - (50*wr60)/(11*Sqrt[39]),
       wr00 - (Sqrt[5]*wr20)/3};

t2 = {(2*wr20)/(7*Sqrt[15]) - (10*Sqrt[3]*wr40)/77 + (50*wr60)/(11*Sqrt[39]),
       wr00 - (Sqrt[5]*wr20)/3};

where one of the terms is the same, the other differs by an overall sign, and they have the same ordering. What I want is to combine the two lists and output to latex using $\pm$ and $\mp$ signs, like
$$\left\{\mp\frac{2 \text{wr20}}{7 \sqrt{15}}\pm\frac{10 \sqrt{3} \text{wr40}}{77}\mp\frac{50 \text{wr60}}{11
   \sqrt{39}},\text{wr00}-\frac{\sqrt{5} \text{wr20}}{3}\right\}.$$
This is just a simplified example of large lists I'm dealing with. The terms that differ by overall signs are alway at the same positions in the lists. It will save a lot of space in the latex document by combining them. There is some discussion about $\pm$ signs, but none could solve my problem.

A: ClearAll[syntaticSigns, removeSigns, combineByAbs]

syntaticSigns = Map[(-1)^Boole[Internal`SyntacticNegativeQ @ #] &] /@ MonomialList @ # &;

removeSigns = Abs[#] /. Abs -> Identity &;

combineByAbs = If[StringStartsQ["+"] @ #, StringDrop[#, 1], #] & /@ Values @
   GroupBy[Join[##], Abs@*MonomialList,
      StringJoin @ Riffle[Transpose[syntaticSigns[#]] /.
         { {-1, 1} -> "∓", {1, -1} -> "±", {-1, -1} -> "\[Minus]", {1, 1} -> "+"},
         ToString[#, StandardForm] & /@ removeSigns[MonomialList @ First @ #]] &] &;

Examples:
combineByAbs[t1, t2]

ToExpression[combineByAbs[t1, t2]]

TeXForm @ ToExpression[combineByAbs[t1, t2]]

$\left\{\left(\mp \frac{2 \text{wr20}}{7 \sqrt{15}}\pm \frac{10 \sqrt{3}
   \text{wr40}}{77}\right)\mp \frac{50 \text{wr60}}{11
   \sqrt{39}},\text{wr00}-\frac{\sqrt{5} \text{wr20}}{3}\right\}$

A: The following adds an additional "+" sign before the "+/-" and reorders the additive terms according to MMA rules. Is this acceptable?
t1 = {(-2*wr20)/(7*Sqrt[15]) + (10*Sqrt[3]*wr40)/
     77 - (50*wr60)/(11*Sqrt[39]), wr00 - (Sqrt[5]*wr20)/3};
t2 = {(2*wr20)/(7*Sqrt[15]) - (10*Sqrt[3]*wr40)/
     77 + (50*wr60)/(11*Sqrt[39]), wr00 - (Sqrt[5]*wr20)/3};

fun[x1_, x2_] := Plus @@ MapThread[
    If[#1 === #2, #,
      If[Positive[#1 /. c_?NumericQ  x_ -> c], PlusMinus[#1],
       MinusPlus[#2]]
      ] &, {List @@ x1, List @@ x2}];
MapThread[fun, {t1, t2}]


Meal planning has allowed us not only to pay off our debt but also to continue to save money. How? A few ways really. It allows me to plan for inexpensive meals, I only buy what we are going to be eating, and I ensure food does not go to waste (no more throwing out shriveled fruit or veg!).
Once again this week I tried to use as much from our freezer/pantry/garden when planning this week's menu. The garden has come to an end but we are lucky enough to have some veggies stored in the barn to eat up over the next week or two. The remainder were already eaten or preserved.
home from work. I've included some freezer cookie dough balls so we can bake as few or as many cookies should we either want something sweet or have guests over.
I'm exhausted just reading the Sunday prep! Don't know how you do it after being at the market all day. Phew!
I agree with the previous comment because I don't know how you find the energy to prep and prepare the menu after a trip to the market and on a budget of $60! But I also would like to add that your weekly menu sounds absolutely AWESOME! To be able to spend a small amount on a weeks worth of ful-filling dishes is a well thought out plan I hope to be able to master myself . Thank-you for an awesome post! I hope to see more in the upcoming weeks.


Oct. 17, Sat. LEAVE LOS ANGELES. We will board JAPAN AIRLINES non-stop flight to Osaka Kansai Airport. En route, we will cross the International Date Line, arriving in Osaka the next day.
stay overnight at the conveniently located airport hotel.
Oct. 23, Fri. FUKUOKA – HIROSHIMA. Our first "bullet train" ride will take us to Hiroshima.
Oct. 31, Sat. HOMEWARD BOUND. A free morning for last minute sightseeing or shopping.
LAND-ONLY COST: $5,995 per person, sharing a twin- bedded room.
$995 supplement for single occupancy.
the cities we will visit. Please join us as we show you Japan with all its beautiful and historical sights!


text:
.class public abstract Lnet/clickdev/music/slidinguppanel/ViewDragHelper$Callback;
.super Ljava/lang/Object;
.source "ViewDragHelper.java"

# annotations
.annotation system Ldalvik/annotation/EnclosingClass;
    value = Lnet/clickdev/music/slidinguppanel/ViewDragHelper;
.end annotation

.annotation system Ldalvik/annotation/InnerClass;
    accessFlags = 0x409
    name = "Callback"
.end annotation

# direct methods
.method public constructor <init>()V
    .locals 0

    .prologue
    .line 149
    invoke-direct {p0}, Ljava/lang/Object;-><init>()V

    return-void
.end method

# virtual methods
.method public clampViewPositionHorizontal(Landroid/view/View;II)I
    .locals 1
    .param p1, "child"    # Landroid/view/View;
    .param p2, "left"    # I
    .param p3, "dx"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 305
    const/4 v0, 0x0

    return v0
.end method

.method public clampViewPositionVertical(Landroid/view/View;II)I
    .locals 1
    .param p1, "child"    # Landroid/view/View;
    .param p2, "top"    # I
    .param p3, "dy"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 320
    const/4 v0, 0x0

    return v0
.end method

.method public getOrderedChildIndex(I)I
    .locals 0
    .param p1, "index"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 250
    return p1
.end method

.method public getViewHorizontalDragRange(Landroid/view/View;)I
    .locals 1
    .param p1, "child"    # Landroid/view/View;

    .prologue
    .line 261
    const/4 v0, 0x0

    return v0
.end method

.method public getViewVerticalDragRange(Landroid/view/View;)I
    .locals 1
    .param p1, "child"    # Landroid/view/View;

    .prologue
    .line 272
    const/4 v0, 0x0

    return v0
.end method

.method public onEdgeDragStarted(II)V
    .locals 0
    .param p1, "edgeFlags"    # I
    .param p2, "pointerId"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 241
    return-void
.end method

.method public onEdgeLock(I)Z
    .locals 1
    .param p1, "edgeFlags"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 227
    const/4 v0, 0x0

    return v0
.end method

.method public onEdgeTouched(II)V
    .locals 0
    .param p1, "edgeFlags"    # I
    .param p2, "pointerId"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 215
    return-void
.end method

.method public onViewCaptured(Landroid/view/View;I)V
    .locals 0
    .param p1, "capturedChild"    # Landroid/view/View;
    .param p2, "activePointerId"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 182
    return-void
.end method

.method public onViewDragStateChanged(I)V
    .locals 0
    .param p1, "state"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 160
    return-void
.end method

.method public onViewPositionChanged(Landroid/view/View;IIII)V
    .locals 0
    .param p1, "changedView"    # Landroid/view/View;
    .param p2, "left"    # I
    .param p3, "top"    # I
    .param p4, "dx"    # I
    .param p5, "dy"    # I

    .prologue
    .line 171
    return-void
.end method

.method public onViewReleased(Landroid/view/View;FF)V
    .locals 0
    .param p1, "releasedChild"    # Landroid/view/View;
    .param p2, "xvel"    # F
    .param p3, "yvel"    # F

    .prologue
    .line 202
    return-void
.end method

.method public abstract tryCaptureView(Landroid/view/View;I)Z
.end method

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Visibility can range from 5 ft to 60ft but is usually in the 15-20ft range. Monterey is home to some of the best dive training areas in the state. It is also known for having regular sea lion and harbor seal encounters, and is very diveable on days that are too rough for Point Lobos and Carmel diving. Monterey diving also is very close to the dive shops so grabbing some gear and getting in some quick dives is logistically more feasible.
Book today by contacting us!


text:
Les eleccions parlamentàries de Malàisia de 2022 van tenir lloc el 18 de novembre de 2022 per renovar els  del Dewan Rakyat, la Cambra de Representants de Malàisia. Les eleccions provincials es van celebrar el mateix dia als estats de Pahang, Perak i Perlis. Després de la rebaixa de l'edat del dret a vot de 21 a 18 anys en la legislatura sortint, el nombre d'electors inscrits a les llistes electorals puja a 21 milions, enfront de poc menys de 15 milions en eleccions anteriors.

Les eleccions arriben aviat després de diversos anys d'inestabilitat política que van portar tres primers ministres a succeir-se en tres anys.

Els resultats, molt ajustats, no van mostrar una majoria clara entre les tres coalicions principals, el Pakatan Harapan, el Perikatan Nasional i el Barisan Nasional del primer ministre sortint, Ismail Sabri Yaakob. Dins del Perikatan Nasional, el Partit Islàmic de Malàisia es va beneficiar de la decadència del Barisan Nasional i es va convertir per primera vegada en el partit més gran del Dewan Rakyat. Aquesta situació obre el camí per a les negociacions entre les coalicions i alguns partits menors, sense que cap de les forces principals tingui la majoria absoluta.

Cinc dies després de les eleccions, el rei de Malàisia, Abdullah Shah, nomena primer ministre el líder de Pakatan Harapan, Anwar Ibrahim.

Context

Govern de Mahathir

Les eleccions legislatives del maig de 2018 donen lloc a una alternança política. Al capdavant de la coalició Pakatan Harapan, Mahathir Mohamad torna a ser primer ministre el 10 de maig de 2018 després de la derrota en les eleccions de la coalició Barisan Nasional (BN) liderada pel seu antic partit, l'Organització Nacional dels Malais Units (UMNO). Es converteix així en el cap de l'executiu de més edat del món, per davant del president tunisià, Beji Caid Essebsi. La seva victòria, considerada una sorpresa, s'explica per la bona imatge de la qual gaudeix al país i pel cansament de la població envers la coalició sortint.

Durant la campanya, Mahathir Mohamad declara que vol processar el primer ministre sortint, Najib Razak, acusat de corrupció en el marc de l'escàndol d'1Malàisia Development Berhad, arribant a prometre recórrer a la Interpol en cas que Razak fugís del país. També es compromet a abolir l'impost sobre el valor afegit introduït pel seu predecessor, així com a establir un límit de mandats electius. El 12 de maig de 2018, a Najib Razak se li va prohibir sortir del territori mentre es preparava per anar a Indonèsia per fer una "pausa".

Mahathir Mohamad es va comprometre sobretot a cedir el poder a Anwar Ibrahim, considerat més progressista, quan va sortir de la presó. Mentrestant, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, dona d'Ibrahim i recentment elegida diputada, és nomenada viceprimera ministra. Ocupa la seva posició com a parlamentària fins que el seu marit pugui ser elegit durant una legislatura parcial. L'11 de maig de 2018, Mahathir anuncia que el rei Muhammad Faris Petra ha acceptat perdonar i alliberar Anwar Ibrahim; reitera en aquesta ocasió que li cedirà el poder, en dos anys. El seu alliberament, que li permet tornar a ser elegible, arriba el 16 de maig. Mentrestant, s'anuncia el govern de Mahathir Mohamad el 12 de maig de 2018.

Govern de Muhyiddin

Mahathir Mohamad finalment dimiteix el 24 de febrer de 2020 després de l'enfonsament de la seva coalició i un intent del seu partit d'enderrocar el seu govern per formar-ne un de nou amb el suport de l'UMNO. Aleshores, la maniobra de Pakatan Harapan tenia com a objectiu obert evitar que Anwar Ibrahim es convertís en primer ministre. El mateix dia, el rei Abdullah Shah va acceptar la renúncia de Mohamad i el va nomenar primer ministre interí, tot i que el viceprimer ministre Wan Azizah Wan Ismail havia estat proposat per actuar com a interí. Aleshores va regnar la incertesa sobre la possibilitat que Mahathir reformés la seva coalició, i en formés una de nova al voltant del seu partit amb dissidents del partit d'Anwar Ibrahim i de l'UMNO, o que convoqués noves eleccions legislatives.

El rei rep llavors els diputats individualment per tal de trobar la personalitat amb el suport de la majoria d'ells. Mahathir Mohamad proposa un govern d'unitat mentre que Anwar Ibrahim reclama la responsabilitat de formar el govern següent. El 27 de febrer, Mahathir Mohamad anuncia que el parlament escollirà el proper primer ministre la setmana propera. Els dos homes no van poder formar govern i Mahathir Mohamad no va poder reformar la seva coalició. El líder del Partit Indígena Unit de Malàisia, Muhyiddin Yassin, va ser nomenat primer ministre amb el suport de l'UMNO i Gagasan Sejahtera. Muhyiddin va jurar el càrrec l'1 de març, malgrat la demanda de Mahathir d'una reunió del parlament per al seu successor per demostrar que tenia majoria.

El país s'enfonsa a l'estiu del 2021 en una crisi política. El primer ministre, impopular, Muhyiddin Yassin, institueix l'estat d'urgència el 12 de gener, que li permet congelar l'activitat del parlament i governar per decret. També s'estan produint protestes estudiantils per reclamar una moratòria dels préstecs d'estudis en resposta a l'alt atur juvenil, que se situa en el 13,5% el gener de 2021, enfront del 10% del gener de 2020, en absència d'assistència social. La pèrdua de suport del seu antic soci de partit i coalició, UMNO, que va demanar públicament la seva dimissió el juliol de 2021, va accelerar la seva pèrdua d'influència política. No s'han pogut trobar nous suports per al parlament, l'activitat del qual es va reprendre amb l'aixecament de l'estat d'emergència l'1 d'agost de 2021, i el seu govern va presentar la renúncia al rei Abdullah Shah el 16 d'agost de 2021.

Govern d'Ismail

Després de la dimissió de Muhyiddin Yassin, Ismail Sabri Yaakob va ser nomenat primer ministre el 21 d'agost de 2021 pel rei Abdullah Shah, que «espera que amb el nomenament del nou primer ministre s'acabi l'agitació política al país». Encara que només va obtenir una estreta majoria al parlament amb 114 vots de 222, l'arribada de Muhyiddin Yassin com a primer ministre va marcar el retorn al poder de l'UMNO.

Aquest nomenament —que arriba quan el país s'enfronta a una situació sanitària i econòmica tensa— és polèmic: Sabri Yaakob és criticat per la seva manca de legitimitat democràtica. Aquest, davant el seu nomenament com a rei dos anys després de les darreres eleccions, va suposar una derrota per al seu partit. Una petició de protesta va recollir així més de  en pocs dies. Davant la pressió de l'UMNO per convocar noves eleccions a la llum de les enquestes, molt favorables, Ismail Sabri Yaakob va acabar demanant al rei que dissolgués el Dewan Rakyat, cosa que va fer el 10 d'octubre de 2022, i obrí el camí a eleccions anticipades una mica menys d'un any abans de la data prevista. Deu dies després, aquestes es fixen pel 19 de novembre.

Mètode de votació
El Dewan Rakyat, també anomenat Cambra de Representants, és la cambra baixa del Parlament bicameral de Malàisia. Està format per  ocupats durant cinc anys per majoria uninominal en cada circumscripció uninominal.

Les eleccions del 2022 són les primeres que se celebren des de la reducció de l'edat per votar de 21 a 18 anys. De fet, es vota una esmena constitucional en aquesta direcció, de 16 de juliol de 2019, amb el suport de tots els legisladors presents, sense vots en contra ni abstencions, la qual cosa comporta la incorporació d'aproximadament sis milions de votants al cens electoral.

Les eleccions també són les primeres des de l'aprovació d'una llei que prohibeix als parlamentaris canviar de partit polític durant el seu mandat, una pràctica generalitzada fins ara a Malàisia.

Procediment
La convocatòria anticipada del vot fa que s'organitzi en plena època de pluges, sovint torrencials fins al punt de provocar inundacions al país. El calendari reduït de dues setmanes de campanya en aquest context és, per tant, fortament criticat, fins i tot el rei Abdullah Shah s'hi preocupa públicament.

Resultats

Anàlisi

La votació té un rècord de participació. Per primera vegada des de la independència, no hi ha una majoria clara, malgrat el vot majoritari utilitzat. Cap de les tres coalicions principals, el Pakatan Harapan, el Perikatan Nasional i el Barisan Nasional, aconsegueix reunir la majoria absoluta dels escons. En primer lloc, la coalició opositora de Pakatan Harapan reclama la victòria i el càrrec de primer ministre per al seu líder, Anwar Ibrahim, sense precisar, però, amb quines formacions pretén formar una aliança. El partit principal, el Partit Islàmic de Malàisia, es va beneficiar en particular de la decadència del Barisan Nasional i es va convertir per primera vegada en el partit més gran de Dewan Rakyat. El National Barisan del primer ministre sortint torna a patir un fort retrocés, mentre que l'antic primer ministre Mahathir Mohamad no aconsegueix la reelecció a la seva circumscripció.

El 20 de novembre, el rei va donar als dos blocs que van sortir al capdavant fins al 21 de novembre per recollir la majoria de diputats. El termini es va ampliar llavors en 24 hores, sense èxit, i el Barisan Nasional va decidir seure a l'oposició. El Perikatan Nasional, en canvi, es declara obert a la formació d'una coalició. El 24 de novembre de 2022, després de consultar els sultans locals, el rei va nomenar el líder de Pakatan Harapan, Anwar Ibrahim, com a primer ministre. Aquest últim presta jurament el mateix dia, i rep les declaracions de suport de quasi tots els membres de la Cambra de Representants, que estan d'acord amb la decisió del rei. S'anuncia la celebració d'una votació de confiança per al 19 de desembre, després de la prestació del jurament dels nous representants.

Referències

Eleccions legislatives
Eleccions de Malàisia
Eleccions del 2022 a Àsia

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Agyness Deyn and the supermodels turned actresses
As the British model aims to join the likes of Milla Jovovich and Lily Cole, could a career in sci-fi beckon?
The news is catwalk queen Agyness Deyn has landed a role in the West End next year in dinner party comedy The Leisure Society. But she's far from the first supermodel to turn actress.
We've picked out five further talented clotheshorses who've strutted straight off the runway and onto our screens. It turns out most of them have something else in common too – a propensity for sci-fi/fantasy roles. So could our Aggy be headed in the same direction? A brief appearance as Aphrodite in last year's remake of Clash of the Titans suggests she's on the right track…
Milla Jovovich hit the big time as Leeloo in Luc Besson's sci-fi actioner The Fifth Element, before cementing her name as the queen of kick-ass in the zombie-infested Resident Evil series. Prior to acting, Milla made the cover of The Face, Vogue and Cosmpolitan, and has booked campaigns for labels ranging from Christian Dior to Versace. She was even "international spokesmodel" for L'Oreal cosmetics don't you know. Here's she is taking out a load of bad guys in futuristic action thriller Ultraviolet.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yn6btSjAzPk
Henstridge featured on her first major magazine cover – the French version of Cosmopolitan – at the tender age of 15, but is best known to sci-fi fans as the deadly alien seductress in the Species films. Roles that don't involve copious nudity and disembowellings include the wife of Bruce Willis's hit man, opposite Matthew Perry, in comedy The Whole Nine Yards…
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B7S-6jvWG2o
Yet another of our models to have found a home in the warm embrace of science-fiction, Tricia Helfer played Cylon Number Six – and her many incarnations – in the reimagined Battlestar Galactica series. Tricia's modelling career – which began when she was spotted standing in line at a cinema – has taken in campaigns for Ralph Lauren, Versace, Chanel and Armani, and led to her fronting the first series of Canada's Next Top Model.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Gd5_8K7ES8
Britain's very own supermodel-turned-actress, Lily Cole has graced the US, British, Italian, Japanese and Korean versions of Vogue and done the international catwalk circuit for Chanel, Jean Paul Gaultier, Versace and Louis Vuitton, to name but a few. And, never fear, she also fulfils our sci-fi/fantasy criteria, having starred in Terry Gilliam's The Imaginarium of Doctor Parnassus, opposite Heath Ledger, and in Doctor Who episode The Curse of the Black Spot as a sea siren of alien origin…
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kF19tJZxk1w
Elle "The Body" Macpherson has featured on the cover of (appropriately) Elle, Harper's Bazaar, Vogue and Playboy (and at the age of 47 is about to do a new nude shoot for Hugh Heffner) as well as gracing catwalks around the world. Her acting career began in the movie Sirens, where she played an artist's model opposite Hugh Grant, and has also cast her as Sir Anthony Hopkins's wife in wilderness adventure The Edge and Joey Tribbiani's roommate in Friends. Sadly, Elle lets the side down slightly when it comes to the sci-fi/fantasy side of things – the best we can come up with is a role in misguided superhero flick Batman & Robin.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zHf_ujIvj4I
Lily Cole to make her radio drama debut as Helen of Troy
Lily Cole on Doctor Who, Russell Brand, politics – and the weird world of modelling
Mel & Sue, Jack Whitehall and Will.i.am in this week's Radio Times
Why Sherlock's Benedict Cumberbatch will make the perfect Star Trek villain


Indian Express is an Indian restaurant in Hampton.
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Fountain Products is an online whole seller for toys. It includes a catalogue to display products and customized Order form.


text:
Overton High
Hughes-Hallett, Lucy (3)
Brontë, Anne, 1820-1849 (1)
Bible stories (1)
Country homes (1)
D'Annunzio, Gabriele (1)
Governesses (1)
Landlord and tenant (1)
Manors (1)
Married women (1)
Militarism (1)
Mythology, Greek (1)
Nationalists (1)
Poets, Italian (1)
Political and social views (1)
Politics and literature (1)
Social conditions (1)
Territorial questions (1)
» Lucy Hughes-Hallett
Lucy Hughes-Hallett
1) Peculiar ground: a novel
Hughes-Hallett, Lucy
[2018] First U.S. edition. Harper, an imprint of HarperCollinsPublishers xi, 446 pages : maps ; 24 cm English
"It is the seventeenth century and a wall is being raised around Wychwood, transforming the great house and its park into a private realm of ornamental lakes, grandiose gardens, and majestic avenues designed by Mr. Norris, a visionary landscaper. In this enclosed world everyone has something to hide after decades of civil war. Dissenters shelter in the woods, lovers rendezvous in secret enclaves, and outsiders--migrants fleeing the plague--find no...
2) Fabulous: stories
Old Tales Retold: Adult Fiction
[2020] First U.S. edition. HarperCollins 205 pages ; 22 cm English
"Each of these startlingly original stories is set in modern Britain. Their characters include a people-trafficking gang-master and a prostitute, a migrant worker and a cocksure estate agent, an elderly musician doubly befuddled by dementia and the death of his wife, a pest-controller suspected of paedophilia and a librarian so well-behaved that her parents wonder anxiously whether she'll ever find love. They're ordinary people, preoccupied, as we...
3) Gabriele d'Annunzio: poet, seducer and preacher of war
2013. First United States edition. Alfred A. Knopf viii, 589 pages : illustrations ; 25 cm. English
A profile of the controversial Italian poet and nationalist is set against a backdrop of Italy's transition from Romantic idealism to fascism and war and includes coverage of such topics as his contradictory literary subjects and status as a role model for Mussolini.
4) Agnes Grey: The tenant of Wildfell Hall
Brontë, Anne
2012 New ed. Knopf xxix, 710 p. ; 21 cm. English


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Over-the-counter teeth whitening switch: $20 to $100.
$9.99 at most auto parts stores !!!
Well, looks like we gotta ban this Shifty F'kr!


text:
how to calculate gas boiler operating cost
What are the matters needing attention in the retrofit of coal-fired how to calculate boiler operating cost?
With the implementation of the new environmental protection law and the introduction of new standards for the control of atmospheric pollution of boilers, the transformation of coal-fired boilers in various localities has been carried out in an orderly manner, and coal-fired boilers can be transformed into natural gas boilers in the actual operation. Can also be transformed into biomass boilers, but no matter how to reform, in addition to the choice of high-quality coal-fired boiler transformation company, but also need to pay special attention to the following matters.
1. When the boiler is dismantled, attention should be paid to shutting down the blower and stopping operation when the boiler is dismantled, and when the furnace temperature drops to an appropriate temperature, the boiler needs to be dismantled by the relevant parts of the existing boiler to be retrofitted to the coal-fired boiler. Stop the boiler induced fan, chain grate, then the workers enter the furnace from the fire door, remove the original furnace arch of the boiler, clean up the furnace interior, and then remove the main engine and auxiliary machinery of the boiler.
2. Attention to furnace reform is one of the key points in coal-fired boiler reform. The combustion conditions of existing boilers can be improved by reasonable transformation, which can not only accord with the combustion conditions of new fuels, but also play a better role in saving energy. However, it involves re-pouring the furnace, so special attention should be paid to keep the back arch pipe of the boiler away from the center of the flame, so that it will not be burned by the high temperature.
3. Attention should be paid to the modified boiler after a series of projects, such as retrofit of coal-fired boiler, pouring of new boiler front arch and back arch, etc., should be paid attention to after the retrofit of coal-fired boiler is carried out. One of the most important tests is to test the boiler body under certain pressure, and the boiler can be put into use only after the boiler has passed the test and revamped. These are a few things to pay attention to when reforming coal-fired boilers.
There are several series of oil and gas how to calculate boiler operating costs produced by ZG boiler.
1.wns series oil and gas boiler
The onset of winter, to ensure the safe operation of heating how to calculate boiler operating costs, recently, Fengning, Hebei Province Market Authority to schools, hospitals, residential, hotels, enterprises and other crowded places as the focus, to carry out security checks special action winter heating boiler.
The boiler safety inspection to check whether the action is mainly for the use of registration certificate, whether or not the maintenance, overhaul and maintenance, boiler safety accessories are conducted periodic inspection; the use of units to establish whether the relevant rules and regulations and safety rules, file information is complete, run record is perfect; whether the unit is equipped with the required safety management, whether fireman and water treatment personnel certificates; whether developed special equipment safety measures and emergency rescue plan, with related emergency rescue equipment.
Through this inspection, supervision and special equipment unit firmly establish the safety production of "red line consciousness" to strengthen the routine inspection of the unit and boiler maintenance work in a timely manner to eliminate potential accidents.
Gas oil furnace questions and how horizontal pumping: conducting oil furnace oil furnace gas, which is below the learning object, because it is one of the website products, but also one of the sites keywords, therefore, It is necessary to carry out, otherwise, would not fully understanding all how to calculate boiler operating cost products website. Furthermore, we will also learn obstruction, resulting in adverse effects. 1. Gas conducting oil furnace, what role oil heater? In addition, it is necessary to configure whether the waste heat recovery? Gas oil furnace, the oil heater, which is mainly used for the thermal oil is heated, so it is called oil heater. And, using the electric tube flange. As for whether to configure a gas oil furnace heat recovery unit, is mainly the specific circumstances, if necessary, should have the means, for recycling waste heat, to avoid waste.
how to calculate gas boiler operating cost Related Information
How to Calculate Operating Costs Bizfluent
Breakeven sales volume is the number of units you must sell to exactly cover operating expenses without taking a loss or making a profit. To calculate breakeven sales volume, subtract the variable cost per unit from the sale price. Divide the remainder into your annual fixed costs.
Boiler Calculations for Steam, Hot Water and Thermal
In addition we have provide other programs to determine Boiler Operating Cost, based on Steam losses, which might be happening in your system. These Thermal Calculations are a useful tool. Purchase Boilers that have the Highest Gas Passes (4 or higher) Purchase Boilers that have the Highest turndown ratio, (4: 1 or higher)
Gas Boiler cost data - 2050 Calculator wiki
Notes. What should be included in this category? What should be excluded from this category? How are these costs used in the 2050 Pathways model?
how to calculate gas fired steam boiler
gas fired steam boiler fuel consumption Stea. gas fired steam boiler fuel consumption. Steam Boiler In India April 4, 2019 April 4, 2019-3-29 · The following table is prepared to calculate the steam consumption of various processes and accordingly to help determine the boiler type, boiler operating pressure and boiler capacity.Boiler
How To Calculate Gas Boiler Costing
How to Calculate the Cost of Operating a Gas Furnace. To calculate operating costs, you might assume 100 million BTU of heat use in an average Southwest Oklahoma home, and then find the current price per therm (a therm is the unit natural gas is sold in, and is equivalent to 100,000 BTU) for our state. Then, use the following formula: GET A QUOTE
Knowing the Cost of Steam - Swagelok
2017-6-13 · Knowing the Cost of Steam C.Percentage of make-up water or percentage of condensate return Normal condensate returns have a higher Btu content than make-up water. Todays industrial benchmark for condensate return is 90% if the plant is not injecting steam for the process. D. fi eBflecrienocyi Higher boiler efficiency lowers steam cost
How to Calculate Operation Cost of Gas Fired Boiler
2020-3-20 · How to Calculate Operation Cost of Gas Fired Boiler 2018-09-11 10:56:33. Gas fired boiler is one of the most widely used boilers at present. It is a low nitrogen condensing boiler used in many areas, such as residential heating, hotel heating, food factory steam supply and so on.
How to calculate the gas consumption of gas boilers
2019-10-24 · This data will directly determine the input cost of the boiler operation. Only when the cost is controlled below a certain limit can the data be obtained. More benefits. How to calculate the gas consumption of a gas boiler? Gas consumption = Gas boiler power /Fuel calorific value / Gas boiler
How to Calculate the Cost of Operating a Gas Furnace. To calculate operating costs, you might assume 100 million BTU of heat use in an average Southwest Oklahoma home, and then find the current price per therm (a therm is the unit natural gas is sold in, and is equivalent to 100,000 BTU) for our state.
SA.GOV.AU - Calculate appliance running costs
Calculate running costs; Calculate appliance running costs. Using and saving energy. manual calculations, which are explained below and can also be used for gas appliances. Multiply the input power by the energy tariff to calculate the hourly running cost.
Capital and Operating Costs for Industrial Boilers
EPA 450/5-80-007 CAPITAL AND OPERATING COSTS FOR INDUSTRIAL BOILERS Prepared by PEDCo Environmental, Inc. 11499 Chester Road Cincinnati, Ohio 45246 Contract No. 68-02-3074 Work Assignment No. 7 ?N 3400-G EPA Project Officer John M. Pratapas Economic Analysis Branch Office of Air Quality Planning ar.d Standards Research Triangle Park, North Carolina 27711 Prepared for U.S.
Calculating the Cost of Steam Thermaxx Jackets
2020-4-13 · Knowing the Cost of Steam: How do you calculate your fully loaded MMBtu Costs? For steam-using plants and facilities, calculating steam costs, like calculating steam pipe heat loss, is an important step towards revealing energy and cost savings opportunities.. Loaded vs. Unloaded Cost
How To Calculate Industrial Boiler Price
2020-3-20 · How To Calculate Industrial Boiler Price 2016-11-02 17:16:37. If you are replacing an aging boiler or building a new facility, selecting a new boiler and working out the budget are the first things you need do. as a 71-year-old boiler expert can work together with you, design a specific solution and calculate the whole price for you.


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text:
NASA Selects the Sites on the Moon Where Two Astronauts Could Land in 2026
The space agency is preparing to return humans to the lunar surface for the first time in more than 50 years.
Passant Rabie
The SLS rocket sits on top of the launch pad at Kennedy Space Center ahead of the Artemis 1 launch.
NASA is going back to the Moon, but first the space agency needs to decide where it's going to park. On Friday, it revealed 13 candidate landing regions near the Moon's south pole for the upcoming Artemis 3 mission, which aims to land a man and a woman on the lunar surface.
Astronomers Could Soon Get Warnings When SpaceX Satellites Threaten Their View
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China's Plan to Land Astronauts on the Moon
Each region is about 10 by 10 miles (15 by 15 kilometers), and they each contain multiple landing sites with a radius of around 328 feet (100 meters). "A region might be considered as a series of parking lots, while a site is a single parking spot for a lander," Jacob Bleacher, chief exploration scientist at NASA, said during a press briefing on Friday.
A rendering of the 13 candidate landing regions for Artemis 3 near the Moon's south pole.
Illustration: NASA
NASA gathered data on those regions using its Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter (LRO), which launched in 2009 and is still orbiting the Moon. LRO has been mapping the Moon's polar regions, and the orbiter was essential in helping NASA figure out where it can land during future Moon missions. Artemis 3 has its sights set on the Moon's south pole, an area that has been of high interest since it may contain water ice in its shadowed regions. Water on the Moon is considered a massive advantage to future space exploration, providing astronauts with a valuable local resource that would support a sustained presence on the lunar surface.
The south pole has areas that are permanently cloaked in darkness and other areas that are constantly bathing in sunlight. This light-to-darkness ratio varies over distances that are as small as a few miles. "Finding locations of greater-than-average amounts of light enables us to design systems that take advantage of light for energy and thermal control," Bleacher said. "Similarly, locations of permanent shadow which are unique to the poles provide opportunities to water and other volatiles that are trapped there." So while the south pole does have certain advantages, NASA also has a lot of technical issues to consider when deciding where to land.
"Apollo landing sites were in the sort of central part of the near side, and now we're going someplace completely different, in different and ancient geologic terrain," Sarah Noble, Artemis lunar science lead, said during the briefing. NASA formed an agency-wide team of scientists and engineers who looked over decades of data to evaluate the accessibility of landing regions on the south pole based on ensuring a safe landing, ease of communication, and proper lighting conditions. The team also considered the capabilities of NASA's Space Launch System, the Orion spacecraft, and SpaceX's Starship human landing system. After two years of deliberations, the team came up with the 13 landing regions that are close to the south pole.
The space agency is working toward narrowing this list as the date for the Artemis 3 mission launch gets closer. Currently, that mission won't happen before 2026. Some of the landing sites are only accessible during specific launch windows, so having options gives the space agency more flexibility to launch the Artemis 3 mission throughout the year.
NASA's SLS rocket is currently sitting tall on the launchpad at the Kennedy Space Center in Florida awaiting its launch for the uncrewed Artemis 1 mission. The mission is currently slated for August 29, with backup windows available on September 2 and September 5. Artemis 2, which is currently scheduled for late 2024, will have a crew aboard the Orion capsule for the trip to the Moon but won't land on the surface. That's the job of Artemis 3, which could launch as soon as 2026, in which NASA plans to land a man and a woman at the south pole of the Moon.
Unlike Apollo, the Artemis program doesn't just want to land humans for brief stints. Its goal is to establish and sustain a presence on and around Earth's natural satellite. This would be a stepping stone to a much more ambitious project: the first human journey to Mars.
More: What to know about Lunar Gateway, NASA's future Moon-orbiting space station
ScienceSpaceflight


Canary is a Hero character encountered in the second part of The Banner Saga.
The largest tribe of Horseborn —the only tribe seen by most humans in this age— is lead by this slender, charismatic warrior. Canary —or Cainánóiridhe to other horseborn— is eager to learn what she can of humans, varl, dredge, and all the ways of the world as it currently stands. Whether she wants to keep it that way is anyone's guess.
The Horseborn Cantref spears her target and pins him to the ground, dealing regular Strength damage and inhibiting Movement.
When Canary joins, she is already at Rank 8, and also has Derdriu's primary active, Poison Tipped.
The Horseborn Cantref uses a javelin tipped with a deadly poison to make sure her enemy doesn't forget her after the initial sting of her attack passes. The ill target becomes unable to secure their own ground and units can move through him/her.
Poisons like this are often used against high Strength enemies to wear them down over time or on a large unit that is blocking paths to other areas of the board.
The doses do not stack together, but a second dose will serve to refresh the damage over time and keep the target afflicted.
While moving, each Willpower the Horseborn Cantref spends allows her to travel 2 tiles instead of 1.
Canary is encountered by the Skogr caravan in Chapter 14, at Fieldgate. After defeating her herd, she surrenders to you and joins your Roster.
Canary's disposition against the Skogr caravan is left at a cliffhanger at the end of Chapter 14, where it is implied that her herd had massacred the city of Tolir.
Pin can penalize high-Armor cumbersome enemy units like Dredge Stoneguards or Shieldbangers, locking them down and exposing them to ranged attacks by ally units, e.g. Archers.
Canary is the Hero with the highest base (join) Rank in the game, 8, and the only one to come with two active abilities.
She has the highest Strength cap of all ranged-attack Heroes in the game, 16.
The high caps of her Stats and her high base Rank limit Canary's access to multiple Talents. For example, she can only reach Rank 1 of Strength or Willpower Talents.
Canary appears in the early Concept Art of the game, which implies that she is a key character in the story.
Sketches of Canary packing bow & arrows and a shortsword, instead of javelins, and having a beige skin color instead of cream.
This page was last edited on 12 October 2018, at 01:48.


If you were born before 1990 you are probably very familiar with the "blue pill and red pill" analogy used in the title of this post. This analogy was made famous in the film The Matrix.
Over the past few weeks I've been dealing with a choice similar to this analogy in my quest to break free from sleeping late to becoming an early riser. I realized I have to commit to one, late evenings (blue pill) or early mornings (red pill). I can't have both.
What is the blue pill and the red pill?
The blue pill and the red pill are completely opposite. The main character in The Matrix, Neo, has to make a choice. He cannot have both, and he cannot reverse his decision once made.
The blue pill will allow him to continue the life he has been living, a life a little safer, but less fulfilling. The red pill will lead to a new life, a life which challenges him and open the doors to great things he has never experienced.
The blue pill equals easy, common, run of the mill. The red pill equals hard, uncommon, and extraordinary.
At the beginning of this month, I decided to take the 30-day Early to Rise Challenge. The challenge was created by Andy Traub in his book, Early to Rise: Learn to Rise Early in 30 Days. I started off strong. I chose a time, and woke up several days in a row at that particular time. I was more productive, more energetic, and more optimistic about each day.
Then I hit a wall. It felt the same as before the challenge. In the book, Andy talks of the importance of going to bed early to help you wake up early. Stating you cannot stay up all night and expect your body to consistently rise early.
I noticed my challenges with waking up early were consistent with whether I went to bed early or late. I had to commit to one. I had to commit to evenings or mornings.
My goal is to be up and out of my bed by 5am every day, 7-days per week. Just like any goal you have to commit, you have to give up something. Staying up late trying to get some extra work done, to watch the game, or to just lay around was not helping.
I now know, if I committed to my evenings for any reason, I was choosing not to commit to my mornings. I was choosing not to reach my goal.
I don't want the same run of the mill life. I want to do everything I was called to do. I want to start my day before everyone else does. I want to be awake, fresh, energetic, and to greet my wife and kids like that when they wake up. I want to end my days knowing I got every ounce out of myself as possible. Only a commitment to mornings will help me do that.
You may be in a similar place I was when I began the challenge. You may realize you can change your life by committing to waking up early, and being different than the norm. You may realize you have been lazy, and it is getting you nowhere you want to be.
You have the same choice I have. It is time to make your choice. Will you commit to evenings? Or will you commit to mornings?
Question: Prior to reading this post, what have you committed to? What will you commit to now? Please share in the comment section below.


text:
Dowling "Collector's Edition"
By cowdery,
November 11, 2001 in History
cowdery
I received an inquiry today about a bottle of Dowling Distillery "Collector's Edition," a 21-year-old bourbon the person acquired in 1980 (presumably bottled in that year or thereabouts). Photo is attached. Here is my reply. Anybody have a different theory?
"Your bottle is probably exactly what the label says it is. If it was 21 years old in 1980, that means it was distilled in 1959. This probably makes it a product of the D.L. Moore Distillery, RD#23, in Mercer County. The Dowling family owned that distillery from 1889 until Prohibition and operated it as Dowling Brothers. After Prohibition it apparently changed hands several times between the Schenley company and an individual named Bob Gould. I can't tell from my source (Sam Cecil's book) who owned it in 1959 or 1980, but apparently it operated as the Dowling Distillery until it closed and, again, I'm not sure when that was. It seems likely that this was some of the last whiskey from that distillery. The Dowling family was involved in other distilleries, but not that late. This distillery, however, seems to have owned the Dowling name and used it well into your period. This seems like the best candidate for your whiskey."
--Chuck Cowdery
To add to that, the Dowling brand is still active, now owned by Heaven Hill, so perhaps Bettye Jo can find out for us when it was acquired. It's interesting that they were bottling a 21-year-old bourbon in 1980. We usually think of the marketing fascination with older bourbons as a recent phenomenon.
I'm not sure where Mercer county is, but Lawrenceburg (Anderson county?) is where Col. Dowling lived. The Dowling family mansion still stands (sort of) and is now a bed and breakfast I would be more inclined to call it a "bad and brokenfest", but that's another, more personal, story. You can read more about that on our website in a sidebar on the page where we describe a much nicer stay in
=John=
http://w3.one.net/~jeffelle/whiskey
jvanwinkle
If I had to guess about that whiskey, I'd say it was distilled and botled at the Hoffman Disatillery (my place) in Lawrenceburg, KY. My Dad had a bottle of that 21 year old sitting here in our office. It was the worst whiskey we ever tasted; almost like mildew. Now I know why the Wertheimer family of Cincinnati, who owned Hoffman, tore down their distillery. The distillery used to be next to my bottling house, where I now park my old barrel hauling truck. The Wertheimers used to bottled whiskey for Mr. Gould who lived in Cincinnati. Give it a try Chuck! If it tastes like mildew, I may be right.
I don't have it. This came from an email inquiry. I did tell the guy that just because it's rare and old doesn't mean it's good.
Gould apparently had his hand in a number of different operations.
Dew Me
Reviving a very old thread, I just had someone send me this pic seeking answers.
Same bottle, similar neck label, same odd proof.
This one says bottled JTS Brown on it, so I realize that isn't necessarily distilled @ or aged @.
Says since 1855 top right, which is a date for Austin Nichols who owns Boulevard AKA JTS Brown Distillery at this point, but is also a meaningful year for JTS Brown.
Back says "after 14 years of aging at our own Rickhouse's." so that tells me aged at one spot, so if not DSP-67 (WT) then where?
Back label also says aged at the "highest hills of Kentucky". I'm not sure that means anything but DSP-67 is on a high hill, right?
The possibility evasive "bottled by" could possibly have to do with an ownership change while aging? Tax stamp says this was bottled no later than '77.
Do you think there is reason enough to think this is Wild Turkey juice?
Do you think any of this sheds different light on the Collectors Bourbon 21?