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Der Manchesterliberalismus, das Manchestertum oder die Manchesterschule bezeichnet eine politische Strömung und Freihandelsbewegung in Großbritannien im 19. Jahrhundert, die in der Stadt Manchester mit der Anti-Corn-Law-League ihren Ausgang nahm. Die bedeutendsten Vertreter des Manchesterliberalismus waren die Engländer Richard Cobden und John Bright sowie der Franzose Frédéric Bastiat und der Belgier Gustave de Molinari. In Deutschland wurden manchesterliberale Positionen von der Deutschen Fortschrittspartei (Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch, Eugen Richter) und vom linken Flügel der Nationalliberalen (Ludwig Bamberger, John Prince-Smith) sowie deren Nachfolgeorganisationen (Liberale Vereinigung, Deutsche Freisinnige Partei, Freisinnige Volkspartei, Freisinnige Vereinigung) vertreten.

Als Inspiration dienten die Schriften der Autoren der klassischen Nationalökonomie, des klassischen Wirtschaftsliberalismus und des Utilitarismus. Bisweilen wird auch Herbert Spencer als Inspiration genannt, was aber chronologisch nicht möglich ist, weil Herbert Spencer sein erstes Buch Social Statics erst 1851 veröffentlichte, also nachdem die Manchesterliberalen 1846 die Abschaffung der Getreidezölle mit der 1838 gegründeten Anti-Corn Law League erreicht hatten.

Der Ausdruck Manchesterliberalismus bezeichnet heute vielfach eine Politik, die so weit wie möglich auf den Markt vertraut, und damit eine Extremform des wirtschaftlichen Liberalismus. Seit dem 19. Jahrhundert wird er von Konservativen und Sozialdemokraten auch als Kampfbegriff benutzt.

Begriff
Der Begriff Manchester School geht auf den britischen Premierminister Benjamin Disraeli zur Bezeichnung der politischen Bewegung um Richard Cobden zurück. Disraeli benutzte ihn in abschätziger Weise für die Gelegenheitskoalition der parlamentarischen "corn law"-Gegner, die in ihren sonstigen Anschauungen jedoch sehr heterogen waren. In England meinte der Begriff den linken Flügel der liberalen Partei, die in Manchester eine feste Basis hatte oder einfach nur die Freihandelsdoktrin, die in dieser Stadt im Zuge der Agitation gegen die Korngesetze ihren Anfang genommen hatte.

Der Begriff Manchester School wurde in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung mit dem Glauben an Freihandel, Eigennutz (Individualismus) und laissez-faire assoziiert sowie mit der hervorstechenden Doktrin, dass – wie Benjamin Kidd es sah – sich jedes ökonomische oder soziale Übel durch freiwilliges Engagement und Selbsthilfe überwinden ließe.

Der deutsche Arbeiterführer Ferdinand Lassalle entwickelte daraus das Schmähwort Manchestertum zur Bezeichnung der deutschen Freihandelsbewegung. Dieses verwendete er erstmals 1863 in seiner Veröffentlichung Die indirekte Steuer und die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse. Darin schrieb er, dass "unsere Nichts-als Freihändler, die Affen der Manchester-Männer, diese lächerlichen, die sich dünken Ökonomen zu sein" seiner Ansicht nach dafür verantwortlich sind, dass der Staat (damals) sozialpolitisch passiv blieb und die Arbeiter ihrem Schicksal überließ. In der Folge übernahmen sowohl sozialdemokratische als auch konservative Autoren den Begriff Manchesterschule als Kampfbegriff. Dadurch sollten deutsche Gelehrte, Journalisten und Politiker, die für eine liberale Wirtschaft eintraten, als Verfechter einer ausländischen Ideologie gebrandmarkt werden, die den englischen Interessen diene. So schrieb Werner Sombart 1915: "Dann kam aber noch eine trübe Zeit für Deutschland, als in den 1860er und 1870er Jahren die Vertreter der sogenannten Manchesterschule die englischen Importwaren ganz schamlos auf den deutschen Gassen als deutsches Erzeugnis feil boten."

Manchesterliberalismus im Vereinigten Königreich Großbritannien und Irland
Einen Manchesterliberalismus als konsistente Schule hat es nie gegeben, schon gar nicht im strengen Sinn einer wissenschaftlichen Schule. Cobden und seine Mitstreiter waren praktische Geschäftsleute und Politiker, die wenig Interesse daran hatten, eine in Breite und Fülle konsistente Theorie zu entwickeln. Sie entwarfen eher Streitschriften und hielten Reden zu verschiedenen Anlässen. Innerhalb der Bewegung gab es unterschiedliche Vorstellungen in Einzelfragen und auch über das Ausmaß der Anwendung der grundsätzlichen Prinzipien. Die grundsätzlichen Prinzipien waren innerhalb der Bewegung jedoch allgemein anerkannt.

Die ursprünglichen corn-law-Gegner setzten sich aus sehr verschiedenen Gruppen zusammen, die sich nur in der Frage der Abschaffung der Kornzölle einigermaßen einig waren und in ihrer Gesamtheit keinen Grund sah, über diese politische Kampagne hinauszugehen und laissez faire zu verkünden, gleichwohl stand ein Großteil der Teilnehmer an der Bewegung staatlichem Handeln sehr negativ gegenüber. In diesem Sinne ist eine laissez-faire-Haltung, wie auch Goldwin Smith schrieb, charakteristisch für das Manchestertum. Eine kohärente laissez-faire-Politik wurde nach Ansicht von Gramp von der Manchesterschule nie vertreten. Nach Hayek hingegen vertraten sie eine "etwas extremere laissez-faire-Position" als die klassischen Wirtschaftsliberalen. Dabei wurde die extreme libertäre Botschaft durchaus kontinuierlich vertreten, und auch in Manchester war man bereit, den Gedanken an Freihandel fallen zu lassen, sobald dieser mit einem unerwünschten Maß an Staatsinterventionismus in Bezug auf soziale Aspekte in Kauf genommen werden musste.

Freihandel
Der Manchesterliberalismus stand in erster Linie für den Freihandel. Die Liberalen um Richard Cobden und John Bright sahen im Freihandel den Schlüssel zu mehr Wohlstand. Der Protektionismus, verkörpert beispielsweise durch die Corn Laws, galt bei Freihändlern nicht nur als schädlich für das Ausland, sondern auch für die Wirtschaft im Inland. Außerdem erhofften die Manchesterliberalen vom Freihandel mehr Frieden, denn die zunehmende Abhängigkeit durch die fortgeschrittene Arbeitsteilung zwischen den Völkern sollte es – so die Manchesterliberalen – den Regierungen nahezu unmöglich manchen, ihre Völker gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Frédéric Bastiat: "Wenn Waren nicht die Grenze passieren dürfen, dann werden es Soldaten tun."

Schon Adam Smith hatte im 18. Jahrhundert davor gewarnt, dass Einfuhrbeschränkungen, insbesondere bei Grundgütern wie Getreide, bei ärmeren Bürgern zu Unterernährung führen könnten. Dennoch belegte die britische Regierung 1815 die Getreideeinfuhr mit einem hohen Zoll. Missernten in den Jahren 1846–1849 führten dann tatsächlich zu einer großen Hungersnot; allein im Winter 1847 beklagte man in England 250.000 Hungertote.

Ab 1815 bestimmte die Diskussion um die Getreideeinfuhr die politische Landschaft Großbritanniens. In der Diskussion um den Freihandel standen die neuen unternehmerischen Eliten und das anwachsende Proletariat den alten Grundbesitzereliten und teilweise auch der einfachen ländlichen Bevölkerung gegenüber. Nach Ansicht der Unternehmer hätten die hohen Getreidepreise Einfluss auf das Lohnniveau in Großbritannien. Sinkende Getreidepreise hätten ihrer Ansicht nach die Möglichkeit eröffnet, die Löhne und damit die Produktionskosten zu senken.

Die Manchesterliberalen um den aus armen Verhältnissen stammenden Unternehmer Richard Cobden und John Bright gründeten 1839 die Anti-Corn Law League, mit dem Ziel, die Corn Laws abzuschaffen. Die Anti-Corn Law League entwickelte sich dank starker finanzieller Unterstützung durch die Textilindustrie zu einer sehr schlagkräftigen Organisation mit mehr als 800 Angestellten. Die Liga sammelte Unterschriften und verbreitete in der Bevölkerung mit Broschüren und durch Reden ihre Kritik an der als verhängnisvoll angesehenen Wirkung der Corn Laws. Dabei verfolgten sie eine Doppelstrategie. Gegenüber den Arbeitern erklärten sie, dass die Abschaffung der Kornzölle den Brotpreis verbilligen werde. Gegenüber den Industriellen erklärten sie, dass dies die Gelegenheit eröffne, die Löhne zu senken und dass der steigende Außenhandel die Gelegenheit böte, mehr Fertigwaren in das Ausland zu verkaufen. Die Erwartung sinkender Löhne beruhte auf dem damals aktuellen, von David Ricardo formulierten eisernen Gesetz, dass die Löhne stets zu einem den Lebensunterhalt gerade noch sichernden Niveau tendieren.

Im Mai 1846 schaffte das Parlament auf Drängen der Manchesterliberalen und mit Unterstützung der Bevölkerung die Corn Laws ab; das war der erste große Erfolg der Manchesterliberalen. Dieser Erfolg spaltete nicht nur die Konservativen in Großbritannien, sondern verschaffte dem Freihandel auch mehr Reputation. Die geänderten Zollbestimmungen verhinderten nicht, dass zwischen 1845 und 1849 alleine in Irland mehr als 1 Million Menschen verhungerten (Große Hungersnot in Irland). Tatsächlich war die Aufhebung der corn-laws für Irland ein zusätzliches Desaster, da das Land traditionell große Mengen Getreide an den engländischen Landesteil verkaufte. Dennoch schien Freihandel für die Doktrinäre Cobden, Bright, Charles Wood, 1. Viscount Halifax und Sir Charles Trevelyan die einzig mögliche Lösung, staatliche Unterstützungsprogramme hielten sie für falsch. Zu dieser Zeit war Manchesterliberalismus eine weitverbreitete Philosophie, die im Parlament und in Regierungskreisen eine wichtige Rolle spielte. Dies zeigte sich auch am Beispiel des Leiters des Schatzamts Sir Charles Trevelyan, der als solcher für die Behandlung der irischen und schottischen Hungersnot zuständig war. Dieser warnte in langen Schreiben andere Regierungsvertreter und auch private Wohltätigkeitsvereine vor dem demoralisierenden Effekt den es habe, wenn Menschen etwas ohne Gegenleistung erhalten.

Aufgrund der positiven Erfahrung mit dem Fall der Corn Laws schufen Frankreich und Großbritannien 1860 ein Freihandelsabkommen, das die Abschaffung der meisten Handelshemmnisse (u. a. 371 Zölle auf britischer Seite) beinhaltete. Später schlossen sich auch die Länder Belgien, Italien und die Schweiz sowie der Deutsche Zollverein an. Bis 1880 währte dieses Abkommen. Danach verfolgte nur noch Großbritannien eine Freihandelspolitik, die zum Grundprinzip seiner Außenwirtschaftspolitik geworden war. Dieses Freihandelsabkommen heißt oft auch nur Cobden-Vertrag.

Durch den Freihandel hatte das bereits industrialisierte England Handelsvorteile gegenüber wirtschaftlich weniger entwickelten Staaten insbesondere innerhalb des informellen Empires (siehe auch: Britisches Empire). So war laut dem Historiker Peter Wende den von der englischen Industrie erzeugten Produkten dort durch den Freihandel eine "monopolähnliche Vorrangstellung" analog zu den Handelsbeschränkungen im Merkantilismus garantiert. Diese wirtschaftliche Vorrangstellung innerhalb des informellen Empires wurde von der britischen Flotte abgesichert, die den Marktzugang der englischen Produkte verbesserte.

Beschränkung des Staates
Die Forschungen von Gary M. Anderson und Robert D. Tollison, zwei Vertretern der Neue Politische Ökonomie, kommen zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Anti-Corn Law League (eine Bewegung von Industriellen) mit dem Kampf gegen die Corn Laws zwar ein populäres Thema aufgegriffen hat, ihr Hauptzweck aber die Abschaffung des Einfuhrzolls auf Baumwolle und der Kampf gegen Fabrikgesetze war.

Die Anti-Corn Law League war von ihrer Verfassung her zwar auf das Thema der Kornzölle beschränkt. Dennoch verwandte sie von Anfang an auch Ressourcen in den Kampf gegen eine Ausweitung des Fabrikgesetzes. Das 1833 erstmals eingeführte Fabrikgesetz schränkte Kinderarbeit ein. Bereits aus dem Jahr 1839 ist eine Propagandaschrift der Anti-Corn Law League gegen den prominenten Sozialreformer Lord Ashley überliefert, aus dem Jahr 1841 eine Streitschrift gegen die Ausweitung des Fabrikgesetzes. Bis zu ihrer Auflösung war die Anti-Corn Law League die führende Partei in der Ablehnung einer Erweiterung des Fabrikgesetzes.

Der mit dem Namen Manchester-Partei verbundene Flügel der Gesellschaft, der sich im Kampf gegen die Corn Laws im Besonderen und gegen eine an agrarischen Interessen ausgerichtete Wirtschaftspolitik im Allgemeinen zu einer schlagkräftigen Bewegung entwickelten, propagierten später "lautstark und gläubig vereinfachend" die Segnungen des laissez-faire, der möglichsten Zurückhaltung des Staates in allen Bereichen. Dieser Gesellschaftsflügel wurde zu einer Stütze des mehrfachen Premierministers William Ewart Gladstone, dem Gegenspieler von Disraeli. Der berühmteste Volksredner dieses Flügels wurde John Bright. Einige Vertreter des Manchesterliberalismus waren seit den 1840er Jahren Abgeordnete im House of Commons (Vereinigtes Königreich). Insbesondere Richard Cobden, John Bright und Charles Pelham Villiers bekämpften auch dort die Erweiterung der Fabrikgesetze, durch welche die Arbeitszeit von Frauen und Kindern auf maximal 10 Stunden pro Tag begrenzt werden sollte. John Bright entwickelte sich zum größten Gegenspieler des Sozialreformers Lord Ashley. Dieser beschrieb Bright als "ever my most malignant opponent (= der bösartigste Gegner den ich je hatte)". Bright stimmte auch gegen Verschärfungen des Gesetzes gegen das Trucksystem und war ein entschiedener Gegner öffentlicher Schulen. Cobden stimmte ebenfalls regelmäßig gegen diverse Erweiterungen des Fabrikgesetzes, er machte aber eine Ausnahme, als er 1842 das Verbot der Frauenarbeit in Bergwerken befürwortete.

Im Kampf gegen die Versuche der Beschränkung der Kinderarbeit und der allgemeinen Reduzierung der Arbeitszeit auf maximal 10 Stunden pro Tag formulierte John Bright eine Maxime, die außerordentlich charakteristisch für die Manchester Schule war.

Frédéric Bastiat, der mit seiner satirischen Petition der Kerzenmacher das Problem behandelte, dazu: "Der Staat ist die große Fiktion, nach der sich jedermann bemüht, auf Kosten jedermanns zu leben."

Antimilitarismus und Antikolonialismus
Die Manchesterliberalen lehnten den damals praktizierten Militarismus ab, weil sie auch darin eine Ausnutzung (z. B. durch Wehrpflicht) der ärmeren Bevölkerungsschichten durch das Königshaus und den Adel sahen.

Der Kolonialismus wurde genauso abgelehnt, weil er als "teures Hobby" des Adels angesehen wurde und auch nur mit Militär betrieben werden konnte. Zudem hielten die Manchesterliberalen die Schaffung von Kolonien und die Bevormundung und Ausnutzung der dort lebenden Menschen für Unrecht. Die Manchesterliberalen engagierten sich auch gegen die Sklaverei. Richard Cobden vertrat diese Haltung vor allem während des Sezessionskrieges.

Manchesterliberalismus in Deutschland
In Deutschland hat der Manchesterliberalismus kaum richtig Fuß fassen können, da der Einfluss des Staates auf das gesellschaftliche Leben wesentlich größer war als in England. Fast das gesamte Bildungswesen wurde vom Staat oder von den Kirchen organisiert, die regionalen öffentlichen Sparkassen waren die bevorzugten Institutionen des Finanzsektors und zahlreiche Bergwerke und Verkehrswege wurden ebenfalls vom Staat betrieben.

Ab 1840 existierte der vom Deutsch-Briten John Prince-Smith geführte Deutsche Freihandelsverein. Obwohl der Manchesterliberalismus in seiner reinen Form eine Minderheitenposition war, setzten liberale Politiker einige seiner Prinzipien um. Otto von Bismarck betrieb eine Politik der wirtschaftlichen Liberalisierung im Zuge der Reichseinigung, allerdings eine ausdrückliche Schutzzollpolitik nach außen. Der entschiedene Schutzzoll-Gegner Ludwig Bamberger gilt als Gründer der Reichsbank und war zeitweilig Bismarcks Berater. Das endgültige Ende des Einflusses der Manchesterliberalen auf die Politik Bismarcks kam 1879/1880, als Bismarck seine Schutzzollpolitik durchsetzte. 1880 kam es auch zum Bruch in der Nationalliberalen Partei. Die deutschen Manchesterliberalen, allen voran der fortschrittliche Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch und sein Schüler Eugen Richter, nahmen bedeutenden Einfluss auf die Entwicklung des Genossenschaftswesens und der Arbeitervereine und genossen dabei die Unterstützung der Deutschen Fortschrittspartei, aber nur zum Teil der Nationalliberalen. Die Ablehnung des Freihandels war im Deutschen Reich auch so schon populär. Vor allem Handwerker, Landwirte und Großgrundbesitzer fühlten sich durch den zunehmenden Welthandel, die Industrialisierung und eine liberale Wirtschaftsordnung (ohne Zunftwesen, ohne Meisterzwang) bedroht.

Der Liberalismus wurde fortan von den Vertretern der Deutschen Fortschrittspartei bzw. der Freisinnigen Volkspartei vertreten. Einer der wichtigsten Vertreter des Manchesterliberalismus war Eugen Richter, der sich im Reichstag sehr hart einerseits mit Bismarck und den Konservativen, andererseits mit der Sozialdemokratischen Partei August Bebels auseinandersetzte. Eugen Richter wies dabei die Vorwürfe gegen die "Manchesterpartei" wie folgt zurück:

Abgrenzung zum Manchesterkapitalismus
Der Begriff des Manchesterliberalismus ist nicht mit dem Manchesterkapitalismus zu verwechseln. Im Allgemeinen beschreibt der Manchesterkapitalismus die Auswirkungen einer Wirtschaftspolitik, die sich vorrangig an der Interessenslage der Unternehmer orientiert, eine Regulierung des Staates verhindert und soziale Probleme ausklammert. Der Begriff des Manchesterkapitalismus gilt im deutschen Sprachraum als Inbegriff für Ausbeutung und Profitgier. Im englischen Sprachraum wird nicht zwischen den Begriffen Manchester Liberalism, Manchester Capitalism, Manchester School and Manchesterism unterschieden. Die Verwendung des Begriffs Manchester Capitalism gilt in englischsprachigen Ländern folglich nicht als Synonym für eine große soziale Ungleichheit, sondern gleich dem Manchesterliberalismus als politische Strömung und Freihandelsbewegung.

Rezeption
David Ricardo, Thomas Robert Malthus, John Ramsay McCulloch, Robert Torrens, John Stuart Mill, Nassau William Senior, John Elliot Cairnes, Friedrich Engels, William Stanley Jevons und Francis Ysidro Edgeworth distanzierten sich von dem extremen laissez-faire-Ansatz, der von der Manchester-Partei ebenso wie Frédéric Bastiat vertreten wurde.

Der Reutlinger Ökonom Friedrich List war im Prinzip ein Anhänger des Freihandels, hielt aber den Freihandel nur für entwickelte Staaten für sinnvoll. Für schlechtentwickelte Nationen befürwortete er einen sogenannten Erziehungszoll. Dieser Zoll sollte der Industrie in einem schlechtentwickelten Land auf die Beine helfen und sie wettbewerbsfähig machen. List sah dabei selbst die negativen Auswirkungen beim kurzfristigen Konsumverzicht und benannte sie.

Bekannte Vertreter
 Großbritannien: Richard Cobden, John Bright, Auberon Herbert, David Roche, Charles Pelham Villiers, Walter Bagehot, Joseph Hume, John Roebuck, Jane Haldimand Marcet, Harriet Martineau, Robert Giffen, John Bowring
 Frankreich: Frédéric Bastiat, Michel Chevalier, Jean-Baptiste Say, Charles Dunoyer, Jean-Gustave Courcelle-Seneuil, Gustave de Molinari, Charles Comte
 Deutschland: John Prince-Smith, Eugen Richter, Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch, Ludwig Bamberger, Karl Braun, Karl Heinrich Rau, Friedrich von Hermann, Theodor Barth, Julius Faucher, Heinrich Bernhard Oppenheim, Alexander Meyer
 Amerika: Henry C. Carey, Francis Amasa Walker, Simon Newcomb, John Bates Clark, Charles Franklin Dunbar, William Graham Sumner, James Laurence Laughlin
 Italien: Francesco Ferrara

Literatur
 Julius Becker: Das Deutsche Manchesterthum. Eine Studie zur Geschichte des wirtschafts-politischen Individualismus. G. Braun, Karlsruhe, 1907
 Carl Brinkmann: Richard Cobden und Manchestertum, Berlin 1924.
 Richard Cobden: Speeches on Questions of Public Policy by Richard Cobden, M. P., 2 * Bände, hrsg. v. John Bright, J. E. Thorold Rogers, London 1870.
 Detmar Doering: Manchestertum – ein antisemitischer Kampfbegriff; in: liberal, Heft 3, August 2004.
 Detmar Doering: Eine Lanze für den Manchesterliberalismus; in: liberal, Heft 3, August 1994.
 Nicholas C. Edsall: Richard Cobden, Independent Radical, Cambridge/London, 1986.
 William Dyer Grampp: The Manchester School of Economics. Stanford University Press, 1960. ISBN 0-8047-1564-5.
 Volker Hentschel: Die deutschen Freihändler und der volkswirtschaftliche Kongress 1858 bis 1885, Stuttgart 1975.
 Erik Kan: Die Unterwanderung des Wirtschaftsliberalismus. Adam Smith, David Ricardo und John Stuart Mill und ihre Instrumentalisierung durch den Manchester- und Neoliberalismus. Tectum-Verlag, Marburg 2011 ISBN 978-3-8288-2676-2.
 Detlev Mares: 'Not Entirely a Manchester Man': Richard Cobden and the Construction of Manchesterism in Nineteenth-Century German Economic Thinking. In: Rethinking Nineteenth-Century Liberalism. Richard Cobden Bicentenary Essays, hg. von Anthony Howe und Simon Morgan. Aldershot 2006, ISBN 978-0-7546-5572-5, S. 141–160.
 Norman McCord: The Anti-Corn Law League 1838-1846, Unwin University Books 1958.
 Kurt Meine: England und Deutschland in der Zeit des Überganges vom Manchestertum zum Imperialismus. Kraus, Vaduz 1965.

Weblinks
 Detmar Doering: Mythos Manchestertum (PDF; 271 kB)
 Die Zeit (41/2003) über den Manchesterliberalismus
 Manchesterliberalismus, Duden Wirtschaft von A bis Z: Grundlagenwissen für Schule und Studium, Beruf und Alltag. 5. Aufl. Mannheim: Bibliographisches Institut 2013. Lizenzausgabe Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2013.
 Richard Cobden (www.richard-cobden.de)
 Frédéric Bastiat (www.bastiat.de)

Einzelnachweise

Wirtschaftsliberalismus

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Every year the Curry Clan gathers at a lake in Texas for a family reunion. We always have so much fun! This year, this was our one family Vacation and we made a lot of good memories! We stayed at Rock Creek on Possum Kingdom Lake.
We recently bought a Honda Odyssey mini-van and it made the trip SO MUCH EASIER! We've never had a DVD player on car trips before and it was quite nice. The kids watched about 4 videos on the 5 hour drive to the lake. There were definitely periods that Foster got grumpy and just wanted OUT of his carseat- who could blame him? But for the most part, the kids had fun together. Emma requested that we move their captain seats close together as seen in the picture below so that they could share toys, books, and snacks.
As soon as we go to the lake and unpacked we were SO HOT, that we just wanted to jump into the lake! We quickly changed into our swimsuits, lathered up in sunscreen, and headed down to the beach. We had a great sandy beach all to ourselves this year which was great for the kids. However, Foster wasn't to sure about the whole lake thing. He cried a lot, a lot, a lot. I don't think he likes being hot, and I don't think he likes the bright sun. I have a feeling next year will be better. :) At least he looked adorable in his beach-ware!
Now this little girl LOVED the lake- she could not get enough of it and cried every time we had to get out of the water. She's a little fish, just like her Mommy.
Here is our niece/cousin Lylah. Isn't she just adorable?
Here's our beach area- the kids had a blast. The water was luke-warm but still cooled us off a bit.
Foster tried to get in our car like this but I didn't let him. We stripped the swimsuit off before letting him ride in the car to the cabin!
LOVE Foster's fish swimsuit and Emma's sun hat!


The item on the lower left hand side is an Indicator Azimuth and Range, part of the Blue Parrot ARI5930 and remained so with minor changes through the update of 5930/1 and /2. I was the last Design Authority for this Ferranti Radar System. The item was fitted toward the Port side of the Rear Cockpit.
I worked in the Blue Parrot Radar Bay at RAF Lossiemouth in the early 80's. The display in the bottom left of picture is the Blue Parrot Display. The display in the bottom right is the Blue Jacket Doppler system display. Not shown but was situated between the Nav's knees would be the Paveway Laser Designator display.


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Gionni Galassia è un personaggio dei fumetti ideato e disegnato da Jacovitti protagonista di una omonima storia a fumetti pubblicata negli anni cinquanta. Jacovitti aveva iniziato a collaborare dal 1956 per il quotidiano Il Giorno, per il cui supplemento, Il Giorno dei Ragazzi, inventa oltre a Cocco Bill anche altri personaggi fra cui Gionni Galassia, un giovane che sogna di diventare astronauta, protagonista di avventure di genere fantascientifico nello spazio, su Marte e a contatto con gli extraterrestri.

Storia editoriale
Il personaggio è protagonista di una storia a fumetti in trenta tavole pubblicate per la prima volta sul settimanale Il Giorno dei Ragazzi dal n. 45 del 6 novembre 1958 al n. 22 del 28 maggio 1959. Compare anche nella storia Tom e Gionni, pubblicata sempre sullo stesso settimanale dal n. 7 del 16 febbraio 1961 al n. 33 del 24 agosto 1961

Trama
La storia inizia in California, sul tetto di una casa della periferia di una cittadina qualunque, dove Gionni osserva con un cannocchiale una grossa bolla lucente con dentro una figura fornita di antenne sulla testa. Gionni Galassia, scende dal tetto per avvisare la popolazione dell'arrivo dei Marziani ma non viene creduto. Allora, dopo una notte tormenata, decide di verificare di persona cosa sia successo nella zona dove ha visto la bolla.

La storia continua su "Tom e Gionni" del 1961 dove, il direttore della "Gazzetta di Mezza Sera" convoca il giornalista Tom Ficcanaso "perché un tizio a Springfellow ha visto un coso volante". Il giornalista si reca sul posto e incontra Gionni che vola a cavallo di una scopa che gli presenta Puft, possessore di una sfera volante dentro la quale viene fatto entrare. Dentro di essa Tom viene preso dal panico e tocca dei tasti che fanno dirigere la sfera verso lo spazio arrivando su un pianeta cubico che si scopre essere la Terra così come sarà trasformata tra centomila anni. Successivamente vengono catturati da altri esseri umani che spiegano loro che tutta l'umanità è stata resa schiava delle macchine e solo una minoranza di uomini è riuscita a salvarsi nascondendosi. Tom e Gionni potrebbero riuscono ad avvicinarsi alla macchina che mantiene in vita le macchine perché i robot non riescono a leggere nei loro cervelli di uomini del passato. Arrivati di fronte alla macchina abbassano però la leva sbagliata disintegrando così, oltre alla macchina, anche loro stessi. Riusciranno a salvarsi grazie al grande setaccio che li ricompone e tornano a casa, nel loro tempo, a bordo di macchina del tempo.

Note

Fumetti italiani
Galassia, Gionni
Fumetti di fantascienza
Benito Jacovitti


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Exclusive Interview with Diego Colin: Social Media Coordinator at the Professional Fighters League
Posted byAsh July 28, 2021 Posted inExclusive InterviewsTags:Combat sports, Digital Marketing, Digitalisation, Fan engagement, Mixed Martial Arts, MMA, PFL, Professional Fighters League, Social Media, Social Media Coordinator, social media marketing
This week, I've had a chat with Diego Colin, the Social Media Coordinator at the Professional Fighters League (PFL). This blog saw Diego and I discuss how his sports career begins, the challenges he faced along the way and key advice for the next generation of sports enthusiasts.
Question 1: Diego, it's a pleasure to have you on Ash's Sports Talk. How did your sports career begin?
It started when I was still in college at 23 years old in 2016, and I was about to graduate with a business degree. I was sending out emails to any company I was particularly interested in combat sports. I would visit the careers section on their website and look at the jobs advertised. I sent around 200 cold emails, but one organisation that responded was Glory Kickboxing, the world's premier kickboxing organisation. I couldn't see a careers page on their website, but I spotted an email and sent them my resume. A week later, I got a phone call from Glory's US team Director of Operations and was offered a voluntary position for a few weeks at one of their shows. I drove for 8 hours from Georgia to Virginia and did some work on Glory 32 & GLORY 33 in their operations team. I soon realised I didn't fit into the operational side, which was upsetting. However, I then got a call from the Director of Glory's marketing department to work within their social media team on the next event.
Question 2: Let's hear more about your role at the Professional Fighters League (PFL). What do you do, and how does it contribute to the bigger picture?
My official title is 'Social Media Coordinator. I manage all of their public-facing accounts, including Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Instagram, and their website. I craft copy and source content with support from the PFL's video editors and graphic designers.
My role fits into the bigger picture by focusing on the connection from the company to the fan. I focus on how we relay information, look at what the goal is while creating excitement.
At the PFL, the social media team is split across three people. This includes the Social Media Coordinator (me), the social media director and a fighter marketing manager. We have a good structure at the PFL where every person contributes something to the table.
Question 3: When it comes to digital, what do you feel the PFL does differently from other combat sports promotions?
The biggest thing for us is the sports season format which is unique to the organisation. We'll focus on using unique terminology and how we promote fighters. Some of our fighters would compete twice in 45 days, and their next fight would be four weeks away. We've got a very condensed timeline we work towards, making the fighter's journey a unique one.
Question 4: As a digital marketer, what have been the key lessons you've learnt that have contributed to your career successes?
It's very difficult to break into the industry. By the time I left Glory, I probably had sent my resume to over 200 companies and only had a few interviews out of those companies. Resilience has been key to stay up to date with trends and what's going on in the industry.
I've kept up with trends simply from following accounts that I'm interested in; plus, I'll consume other content areas and think about how I could apply it in a sporting setting if it's engaging. For example, I'll look at offroading trucks or car videos and consider what makes that video exciting and apply that to my work.
Question 5: What have been some of the challenges you've experienced while building your sports career?
Interestingly, it's been pretty seamless getting to work in MMA as I've been hyper-focused about it since a young age. For example, I did an assignment to get into college about why Ronda Rousey was my favourite fighter.
However, to work in combat sports, there are only four ideal landing spots: the UFC, the PFL, Bellator and ONE Championship. You also have ESPN MMA to which was a bonus to help me get into combat sports because my mentor runs the ESPN MMA social accounts!
Question 6: What type of direction do you see the future of social media in combat sports moving into?
We ran a show in China at Glory and hired an agency to run and populate social content for our accounts. The Chinese market is growing. However, it's a difficult one which we've got to stay on top of.
Question 7: what advice can you pass on for someone wanting to pursue a career in sport?
"Timing will play a big deal"
Timing will play a big deal, depending on whether you're a professional or a student. Make sure and find a sport you're interested in and find the right time to apply. An organisation may not be looking, however, stay consistent and persevere as it could take months.
Plus, when I was in high school in 2011, working in social media wasn't even an idea. It's crazy to think I'm working in a role that didn't exist back in high school. Therefore, always remember the job you receive in the future may not exist yet!
Fantastic. This was a great interview with Diego. His perseverance, resilience and passion truly shone through, which is what got him to the PFL. What was your key insight from this weeks interview?
Viddal Riley: how does his personal brand enhance his marketability?
Ryan Garcia: how does his personal brand enhance his marketability?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: My function isnt taking a string when its suppossed to So I'm trying to have my Actor function work. However
when I input a string into the parameter I get these errors
Line 100: error: cannot convert 'Vector<std::__cxx11::basic_string<char> >' to 'std::__cxx11::basic_string<char>'
Line 100: Actors.push_back((split(actorData, "\t")));
Line 118: error: no match for call to '(Vector<std::__cxx11::basic_string<char> >) (std::__cxx11::basic_string<char>&)'
Line 118: Actors = Actor(ActorData[3]);
vector.h library

Vector.h is practically the same as the standard vector class

txtfile
#include <iostream>
#include <string>
#include <fstream>
#include "vector.h" //You can also use <vector>

using namespace std;

Vector<string> split (string s, string delimiter)
{
  size_t pos_start = 0, pos_end, delim_len = delimiter.length();
  string token;
  Vector<string> res;

  while ((pos_end = s.find (delimiter, pos_start)) != string::npos)
  {
    token = s.substr (pos_start, pos_end - pos_start);
    pos_start = pos_end + delim_len;
    res.push_back (token);
  }

  res.push_back (s.substr (pos_start));
  return res;
}
/*
  movie Data
    - returns data from the txt file and stores them in a vector
  Returns:
    - a vector with movie names and actors
*/
Vector<string> movieData(string &filename)
{
  fstream myFile;
  Vector<string> data;
  string content; //All the content casts and movie title
  myFile.open(filename);
  if(!myFile.good()) //If the file failed
  {
    cout << "File Not Found" << endl;
    exit(1);
  }
  //---------------------------------------
  while(getline(myFile, content, '\n')) //seperates each movie by the line
  {
    data.push_back(content);
  }
  //---------------------------------------
  myFile.close();
  return data;
}
/*
  movie Title
    - a Vector with Movie Titles
  Returns:
    - a Vector only including the movie titles from each
      distinct line
*/
Vector<string> movieTitle(Vector<string> &data)
{
  Vector<string> Titles;
  for(int i = 0; i<data.size(); i++)
  {
    int pos = data[i].find("\t");
    Titles.push_back(data[i].substr(0, pos));
  }
  return Titles;
}

/*
  actor Data
    - a Vector with the Actors that are unsliced
      ex: Oscar Issac\tEthan Hawke
  Returns:
    - a Vector only including the actors and not the title
      from each distinct line
*/
Vector<string> actorData(Vector<string> &data)
{
  Vector<string> actorData;
  string word;
  for(int i = 0; i<data.size(); i++)
  {
    int pos = data[i].find(')');
    data[i].erase(0, pos+2);
    actorData.push_back(data[i].substr(0, data[i].length()-1));
  }
  return actorData;
}
/*
  Actor
    - a Vector with the Actors that are sliced
  Returns:
    - a Vector only including the actors and not the title
      from each distinct line
*/
Vector<string> Actor(string &actorData)
{
  Vector<string> Actors;
  Actors.push_back((split(actorData, "\t"))); //Trying to remove tab from the
  return Actors;                               //previous vector
}

int main()
{
  Vector<string> data; //contains titles and cast seperated by \t
                      //ex: Moon Knight (2022)\tOscar Issac\tEthan Hawke
  Vector<string> Title; //Contains Just the Title
                        //ex: Moon Knight (2022)
  Vector<string> ActorData; //Contais the cast that are unscliced
                            //ex: Oscar Issac\tEthan Hawke
  Vector<string> Actor; //contains the actors that are sliced
                        //ex: "Oscar Issac", "Ethan Hawke"
  string filename = "movies_mpaa.txt";
  data = movieData(filename);
  Title = movieTitle(data);
  ActorData = actorData(data);
  Actors = Actor(ActorData[3]);
  //-------------------------------//
  cout << "The Cast Of: "<< Title[3] << " is:" << endl;
  cout << "Actor: " << Actors << endl;
  //cout << "//--------------------//" << endl;
  //cout << "Data: " << data[2] << endl;

  return 0;
}

I used the debugger and something is wrong within  my Actor function, but how come? Everything should be fine since it logically makes sense.

*

*Actor accepts a string

*ActorData is a vector with strings inside

*Actor(ActorData[3]) should work

*The split function is also good because it just splices strings

A: You do this
Vector<string> Actor(string &actorData)
{
  Vector<string> Actors;
  Actors.push_back((split(actorData, "\t"))); //Trying to remove tab from the
  return Actors;                               //previous vector
}

splittig the code up a bit gives
Vector<string> Actor(string &actorData)
{
  Vector<string> Actors;
  Vector<string> splitStrs = split(actorData, "\t");
  Actors.push_back(splitStrs); //Trying to remove tab from the
  return Actors;                               //previous vector
}

You cannot push a vector of strings into a vector of strings. I suspect you want the first one (your comment says you are trying to remove a tab)
So you need
Actors.push_back(splitStrs[0]);

or maybe you mean to add them all
Actors.insert(Actors.begin(), splitStrs.begin(), stritStes.end());

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


There's a minor flaw in CRM_Utils_System_WordPress::url() which produces URLs with a trailing & when an empty array is passed to CRM_Utils_System::url() as the $query parameter. See, for example, the call to CRM_Utils_System::url() in CRM_Core_Payment::getNotifyUrl().
The flaw is that $query is set and is an empty string, which is appended to $queryParts and then results in a trailing & when the $queryParts array is imploded.
There's a minor flaw in `CRM_Utils_System_WordPress::url()` which produces URLs with a trailing `&` when an empty array is passed to `CRM_Utils_System::url()` as the `$query` parameter. See, for example, the call to `CRM_Utils_System::url()` in `CRM_Core_Payment::getNotifyUrl()`. [The flaw](https://lab.civicrm.org/dev/core/blob/master/CRM/Utils/System/WordPress.php#L286-288) is that `$query` is set and is an empty string, which is appended to `$queryParts` and then results in a trailing `&` when the `$queryParts` array [is imploded](https://lab.civicrm.org/dev/core/blob/master/CRM/Utils/System/WordPress.php#L305). My concern is that the URLs generated when an empty array is passed as the `$query` param are likely to be caught by `redirect_canonical()` with the possible loss of session data as a result of a WordPress-triggered redirect. (Or rather - since the example IPN URL is called externally - others like it in the CiviCRM ecosystem) PR to follow.


I spent the weekend here, at my grandmother's house in the Hamptons. While no one in my mother's family has much money, this house has been passed down since only whalers and fishermen occupied the South Fork of Long Island. Now, this tiny plot of land is worth more than anything else they own, and it is the main vestige of family privilege.
I grew up steadily middle class, somewhere in the middle of the distribution in a boring suburban town in New England. White, male and educated at an expensive private university, I represent privilege to a lot of people even before we meet. Both of my parents earned graduate degrees, and they came from educated families, but there was never a ton of money around. My siblings and I all went into debt for college and worked our way through parts of high school and college.
All this is preamble to the dilemma I've been having recently: trying to reconcile my obvious privilege with my job in a high poverty school in Brooklyn. My identity makes me an outlier. Students had no problem with this, and neither did my colleagues. It's my own uneasiness that makes my identity an obstacle. I'm the only one who makes it an issue.
In reality, the issue isn't my privilege, it's the enormous gap between my advantages and the shameful conditions experienced by my students and their families. In college, I had the opposite experience of privilege: at an prestigious liberal arts college, I was shocked by the wealth displayed all around me. I carried a chip on my shoulder because I couldn't afford the costly spring break trips and other trappings of the super-rich. In some ways, my identity in socioeconomic terms is suffering from yo-yo syndrome: I went from the middle of the road through high school, close to the bottom in college, and now I find myself reacting to my comparably elite status next to the young people who have animated the past two years of my life.
I have more in common with the students I see in class than the powerful interests that control education reform, but in some important ways, I feel responsible to answer for the crimes of white people, elite interests, and the official world all at once. My students have been screwed by an unfair, discriminatory public school system, and although my career is so new, I carry guilt for history's inequities. In an embarrassing acknowledgment of navel-gazing, I have to admit, I feel the weight of the stereotypes I've been known to rail against, white savior complexes and Freedom Writers alike.


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Veggie noodles seem to be the new quinoa — even foodies will admit to liking spiralized zoodles over regular pasta. When yellow squash and zucchini fade out of season, butternut squash can be substituted for an extremely filling noodle that won't leave you wanting. The blogger behind Inspiralized, Ali Maffucci, just released her second cookbook, Inspiralize Everything ($20), and I wanted to know which recipe in the new book is ultra filling. Her answer: this pumpkin-rosemary alfredo with crispy prosciutto. She tells no lies. Even though I made this for dinner last night, I'm still pretty full, despite it almost being 24 hours later.
There were only a few minor adjustments I would make to the recipe if I cook it again. For me, coconut cream (which can be found in a can at Trader Joe's) is far too rich and coconutty in flavor. I would probably sub in cashew cream, which has a neutral taste. I would also like to try this recipe with standard zucchini noodles for a less starchy meal. If you can take the heat, go heavy on the red pepper flakes. The spiciness helps balance the sweetness from the squash and pumpkin alfredo. If you don't have Ali's spiralizer, just spiralize the butternut squash into fine ribbons before roasting.
Despite the minor changes I would make, this recipe is still very comforting and worthy of a try during Fall and Winter months. The salty prosciutto chips are the star. I made extra so I could snack on them while cooking. They're the new kale chip. Promise.
Preheat oven to 400°F. Line a baking sheet with parchment paper and lay out the butternut squash noodles, spacing them apart. Season with salt and black pepper and bake for 8-10 minutes or until al dente.
Place the prosciutto in a large skillet in a single layer, then cook over medium heat for 5-7 minutes or until crispy, flipping once. Transfer to a paper-towel-lined plate to drain.
Let the skillet cool for about 2 minutes, then add the shallot, garlic, and red pepper flakes and cook, stirring frequently, for 30 seconds or until fragrant, taking care not to burn. Add the pumpkin puree and rosemary and season with salt and black pepper. Cook for 2-3 minutes or until warmed through. Add the coconut cream and nutmeg. Stir to combine and cook the sauce for 5 minutes more to allow the flavors to meld.
Divide the butternut squash pasta among four bowls and top with the sauce and two slices of prosciutto each. Garnish with parsley.


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text:
Q: How is quantum "measurement" actually done? There is a lot of talk in the fundamentals of QM about "measurement" and "observation", but never much specificity in what is going on at a basic level.
For example, an electron can be measured to have a certain position, at the expense of info about it's momentum, and vice versa. But what mechanisms are used to actually glean this information? What are we doing to the electron that tells us its position, and what is done differently to measure its momentum?
Presumably we have to fire some other particle at it, which becomes entangled with the electron and then contains the info, which through some chain of interaction eventually brings the info to a computer screen which we can read. But what are the kinds of measurement devices that experimental physicists actually use here?
Can these interactions be described with a Feynman diagram? Is there anything fundamentally different about a "measurement" interaction as opposed to any arbitrary particle interaction?
And further, isn't the "observation" part yet another normal particle interaction (inside a retina for example) with a specific path integral description? It feels to me like this talk of measurement and observation only serves to confuse the matter further.

A:
Can these interactions be described with a Feynman diagram?

Yes, of course.

Is there anything fundamentally different about a "measurement"
interaction as opposed to any arbitrary particle interaction?

No there is not.

But what mechanisms are used to actually glean this information?

Any interaction allowed by a Feynmann diagram. So, for example, moller scattering. But seeing the results of moller scattering doesn't tell you any of the particle's initial x/p with certainty - remember the cross section of a QFT process is itself a probability.

A: Historically speaking, quantum physics arrived when positivism in physics was in the ascendent. Hence both relativity and QM was phrased in that language and this accounts for the language of clocks and rods in the former and measurements and observers in the latter. Its worth noting that Ernst Mach, whose critique of Newtonian absolute time and space inspired the young Einstein as well as a whole generation of young German physicists, was deeply anti-metaphysical and strongly influenced the Vienna Circle of logical positivism.
It also stands to reason that when the very foundations of a subject look shaky, and which had once thought to be impregnable and impossible to think in any other way, then theorists are more likely to be careful with language and what they are signifying.
However, since then as people have become more comfortable with QM there has been a veritable effloressence of unobservable entities in physics. Beginning with virtual particles, continuing with quarks, and then strings, susy, D-branes, extra dimensions etc etc. An embarressment of riches and an embarressment of ontology. In fact, the entire quantum realm is unobservable: it is only that which is actualised through measurement that is observable. The existence of the quantum realm is inferred, not observed. This led Bohr to his relativisation of ontology (relative to a classical measuring appartus) and Grete Hermann's more radical departure where ontology is relativised to the outcomes of a measurement. A modern account of this is Rovelli's relational QM where he explicitly states that a measurement is nothing other than an interaction.
It's worth noting that this isn't the first relational ontology. Aristotle solution to Zeno's challenge to the question as to what consiltitutes change was in two parts. That change was primarily motion and motion was becoming which was potential, because continual motion is potential and being was actual and at rest (meaning not becoming and hence not undergoing change):

(263b3) So the reply we have to make to the question whether it is possible to traverse infinitely many parts (whether these are parts of time or distance) is that there is a sense in which it is possible and a sense in which they are not. If they exist actually, it is impossible; but if they exist potentially, it is possible.

Thus motion is a sequence of alterations between becoming which is potential, continuous and changeful and being which is actual, discrete and at rest (not undergoing change).
It is remarkable that Aristotle achieved a relative ontology of motion akin to that which we see in QM; but no more remarkable than how the Greek atomists prefigured the atomism of Dalton to Bohr. Except that the atomists theories fed directly into modern physics through Newton (his corpuscules) whilst Aristotles rival theory hasn't had the same impact. It might be worth adding here, that Aristotle saw his theory of change as a critique to that of the atomists and we see here in this, a similar critique that QM posed to modern day atomists. History repeats - but not exactly.


Page Plus APN settings for Android 9 Pie are given below. But if you are looking for Page Plus APN settings for different version of Android such as Android 2.3 Gingerbread, Android 4 ICS, Android 4.1 Jelly Bean, Android 4.4 KitKat, Android 5 Lollipop, Android 6 Marshmallow, Android 7 Nougat, Android 8 Oreo please select your exact device modal below.
Press ADD on right top corner. If Android has already set values for Page Plus 2 for any fields below leave them. Change the other fields as below.
Restart Android to apply new Page Plus 2 APN settings.
On Android, APN settings should be entered in correct case. For example, if you are configuring your APN setting with Page Plus Internet & MMS APN settings configuration above, make sure you enter APN as vzwinternet and not as VZWINTERNET or Vzwinternet.


text:
28-old woman serves as Turkey's first motorcycle emergency paramedic
in World News, Europe
Sabiha Sözer, 28-years-old, serves as Turkey's first and only motorcycle emergency paramedic in the northwestern province of Eskişehir.
The local authority in charge of the ambulance services in the province launched this department with 12 personnel less than a month ago to provide medical assistance in a much faster way or in cases where ambulances cannot reach the emergency scenes due to traffic jam or narrow roads.
The response time of the motorcycle emergency paramedic unit could be as short as 3 minutes and one member of the unit is Sabiha Sözer.
"Since the service was launched 20 days ago, we have responded to 170 emergency cases," Sözer said, who has been working as a medical technician.
"We have all the necessary equipment on our motorcycles that an ambulance has. The only difference is that we move around on two wheels," she said, explaining the effectiveness of the service they provide.
Sözer noted that traffic is a real problem in Eskişehir which may cause problems for regular ambulances. "But we can arrive at the scene much faster than an ambulance."
However, she admits having problems on the roads. "There are some motorists that do not know who we are, and they do not clear the road for us."
Sözer rides motorcycles when off duty. "I am proud of what I am doing. Especially since I am doing two things I love the most at the same time: Working as a paramedic and riding a motorcycle."
Hurriyet Daily News
Turkey taking necessary security measures, Ankara says to Israel
Ministry unveils weekly COVID data


View more >XP is a software development methodology that aims to address software project risks. However, risks for any project are dependent upon many factors and need to be assessed on a project-by-project basis. Indeed, under some circumstances, the Practices that make up the XP discipline actually introduce risk into the process. Such risks must be understood in order that appropriate mitigation strategies and contingency plans might be put in place. In this paper, we introduce a process modelling framework, KiTe, and show how to use the framework as the basis for a systematic approach to identifying risk conditions inherent in XP projects.


text:
Q: What is IBM i (AS400) record format I've started to do some programming in ILE RPG and I'm curious about one thing - what exactly is the record format? I know that it has to be defined in physical/logical/display files but what exactly it does? In an old RPG book from 97 I've found that "Each record format defines what is written to or read from the workstation in a single I/O operation"
In other book I have found  definition that  record format describe the fields within a record(so for example length, type like char or decimal?).
And last, what exactly means that "every record within a physical file must have an identical record layout"?
I'm a bit confused right now. Still not sure what is record format :F.

A:
Still not sure what is record format :F

The F Specification: This specification is also known as the File specification. Here we declare all the files which we will be using in the program. The files might be any of the physical file, logical file, display file or the printer file. Message files are not declared in the F specification.

what exactly means that "every record within a physical file must have an identical record layout"?

Each and every record within one physical file has the same layout.
Let's make a record layout of 40 characters.
----|---10----|---20----|---30----|---40
20150130  DEBIT     00002100
20150130  CREDIT    00012315

The bar with the numbers is not part of the record layout.  It's there so we can count columns.
The first field in the record layout is the date in yyyymmdd format.  This takes up 8 characters, from position 1 to position 8.
The second field is 2 blank spaces, from position 9 to position 10.
The third field is the debit / credit indicator.  It takes up 10 characters, from position 11 to position 20.
The fourth field is the debit / credit amount.  It takes up 8 positions, from position 21 to position 28.  The format is assumed to be 9(6)V99. In other words, there's an implied decimal point between positions 26 and 27.
The fifth field is more blank spaces, from position 29 to position 40.
Every record in this file has these 5 fields, all defined the same way.

A: A "record format" is a named structure that is used for device file I/O. It contains descriptions of each column in the 'record' (or 'row'). The specific combination of data types and sizes and the number and order of columns is hashed into a value that is known as the "record format identifier".
A significant purpose is the inclusion by compilers of the "record format identifier" in compiled program objects for use when the related file is opened. The system will compare the format ID from the program object to the current format ID of the file. If the two don't match, the system will notify the program that the file definition has changed since the program was compiled. The program can then know that it is probably going to read data that doesn't match the definitions that it knows. Nearly all such programs are allowed to fail by sending a message that indicates that the format level has changed, i.e., a "level check" failed.
The handling of format IDs is rooted in the original 'native file I/O' that pre-dates facilities such as SQL. It is a part of the integration between DB2 and the various program compilers available on the system.
The 'native' database file system was developed using principles that eventually resulted in SQL. A SQL table should have rows that all hold the same series of column definitions. That's pretty much the same as saying "every record within a physical file must have an identical record layout".
Physical database files can be thought of as being SQL tables. Logical database files can be thought of as being SQL views. As such, all records in a physical file will have the same definitions, but there is some potential variation in logical files.

A: A record format It's something you learn in old school.  You read a file (table) and update/write through a record format.
DSPFD FILE(myTable)

Then you can see everything about the file.  The record format name is in there.

A: New or Young Developers believe that every record in a physical file must be identical, but in ancient times, the dinosaurs walk on earth and in one single file you could have several types of records or "record formats", so as the name indicates a record format is the format of a record within a file.


15:22:19 - Command Line = C:\Windows\system32\cmd.exe /c C:\Windows\System32\rvmisofs.exe -joliet-long -iso-level 2 -N -d -relaxed-filenames -duplicates-once -D -boot-load-seg 0x7C0 -boot-load-size 4 -o "C:\OEMXP ISOs\Ward-OEMXP-20080722.iso" -b rvmintegrator.img -hide rvmintegrator.img -hide boot.catalog -J -hide-joliet xpboot.img -hide-joliet boot.catalog -no-emul-boot -volid "Ward-OEMXP-080722" -sysid "Win32" "C:\OEMXP-update"
15:22:20 - operable program or batch file.
It appears to me that I don't have a file called rvmisofs.exe. I believe it's a ryanvm program . I can't find it any where on my system. If you can help me out, I would greatly appreciate it.
maybe its vistas fault? try obtaining a copy of mkisofs.exe and rename it to rvmisofs and put it in system32.
Worked fine using the mkisofs that comes with BartPEBuilder.


text:
Trump: Mexican American Judge Has an 'Absolute Conflict'
The Republican candidate's insistence that Gonzalo Curiel cannot preside impartially simply because of his ethnic heritage flies in the face of established precedent.
David A. Graham
Lucy Nicholson / Reuters
Was Donald Trump's suggestion last week that Judge Gonzalo Curiel, an American of Mexican descent, could not fairly preside over a lawsuit about so-called Trump University simply an off-the-cuff remark? If so, Trump seems to have decided to go with it. The Wall Street Journal reports:
In an interview, Mr. Trump said U.S. District Judge Gonzalo Curiel had "an absolute conflict" in presiding over the litigation given that he was "of Mexican heritage" and a member of a Latino lawyers' association. Mr. Trump said the background of the judge, who was born in Indiana to Mexican immigrants, was relevant because of his campaign stance against illegal immigration and his pledge to seal the southern U.S. border. "I'm building a wall. It's an inherent conflict of interest," Mr. Trump said.
Perhaps one reason Trump lashed out at Curiel once more was the release of documents from the case on Tuesday, which painted Trump University in an unflattering light.
Read Follow-Up Notes
Watch Trump repeatedly call Curiel a Mexican on CNN; Fallows reacts
Trump's statement is troubling for a variety of reasons. Curiel was born in Indiana to parents who had immigrated from Mexico, and Trump has referred to Mexican immigrants as "rapists" and criminals. But the case at hand involves an allegedly fraudulent series of real-estate seminars Trump set up—in other words, it has nothing to do with ethnicity whatsoever. He has discovered that by grossly insulting a group to which a judge (sort of) belongs, he can then argue that the judge is tainted. As my colleague Peter Beinart, among other observers, has pointed out, Trump's demand that an unblemished judge step down from the case amounts to an attack on the independence of the American judiciary.
Such attacks are not unprecedented in U.S. history, but those attacks have tended be viewed as shameful and scurrilous in retrospect—and sometimes at the time. The notion that duly appointed or elected judges cannot rule fairly on cases involving groups to which they belong has been soundly rejected. In 2010, defendants arguing for the constitutionality of California's Proposition 8, which banned same-sex marriage, attempted to disqualify Judge Vaughn Walker because he was gay. One problem with that argument was that it implied that straight judges would also be hopelessly biased. In 1994, Judge Michael Mukasey—who would later serve as attorney general under George W. Bush—denied a motion for him to recuse himself from a World Trade Center bombing trial, on the grounds that he was Jewish and a Zionist. He rejected the idea that the defendant's bigotry made it necessary for him to withdraw from the case. "That someone with an imagination or a motive might hallucinate relevance is not the standard, and therefore cannot provide the basis for decision," he wrote.
The pioneering black jurist A. Leon Higginbotham made that point eloquently in a landmark ruling in 1974:
It would be a tragic day for the nation and the judiciary if a myopic vision of the judge's role should prevail, a vision that required judges to refrain from participating in their churches, in their non-political community affairs, in their universities. So long as Jewish judges preside over matters where Jewish and Gentile litigants disagree; so long as Protestant judges preside over matters were Protestant and Catholic litigants disagree; so long as white judges preside over matters where white and black litigants disagree, I will preside over matters where black and white litigants disagree.
Trump's claim is even less relevant, though, as ethnicity plays no apparent role in the Trump U. case. His argument also sits in uncomfortable contradiction to his prior claims that "the Latinos love me."
Setting aside the race-baiting claim in this case, Trump's comment points to a disturbing pattern of behavior. Trump has either proven incapable of disentangling his business concerns from his political campaign, or else is guilty of intentionally intertwining the two. Early in the Trump campaign, cynics and comedians joked that his presidential run was simply a way to further his business concerns. As the campaign progresses, that joke has lost its comedic edge. In his assault on Curiel, Trump has combined a business interest, the class-action lawsuit against Trump University, with a political interest, the wall he claims he will build along the U.S. border with Mexico.
This isn't the only example of such a conflation; in fact, it's not even the only example of such a conflation this week. Trump recently revealed that the PGA was moving the World Golf Championship from the Trump Doral course in Florida to—in what might seem like a pointed choice—Mexico. Trump suggested the blow to his golf course could be rectified by his election as the nation's leader.
"They moved the World Golf Championships from Miami to Mexico City. Can you believe it? Can you believe it?" Trump said in Sacramento. "Not good. But that's OK. Folks, it's all going to be settled. You vote for Donald Trump as president, if I become your president, this stuff is all going to stop." (Elsewhere he sniped, "I hope they have kidnapping insurance.")
Trump also suggested reopening the "university," a move that would be challenging because before the institution's closure he was forced to rename it, as he had no license to operate a school in New York:
After the litigation is disposed of and the case won, I have instructed my execs to open Trump U(?), so much interest in it! I will be pres.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) June 2, 2016
As New York's Jonathan Chait noted, he also more or less promised to run his businesses in concert with his administration of the nation, saying he'd use a blind trust while describing an utterly different arrangement. Presidents running nations as tools of their business interests, and vice versa, is certainly not unheard of—but in kleptocracies, not the United States.
Trump seems determined to frustrate Republican Party leaders, who are fitfully working to coalesce around Trump and accommodate themselves. Earlier on Thursday, House Speaker Paul Ryan—who had been a notable holdout—announced he would endorse Trump. The timing of the latest broadside at Curiel does Ryan no favors. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who has also tepidly backed Trump, said on CNN just Thursday afternoon that he was worried Trump could alienate Hispanic voters from the Republican Party, just as Barry Goldwater alienated African Americans from the GOP in 1964. It took just a few hours for Trump to demonstrate exactly what McConnell meant.
David A. Graham is a staff writer at The Atlantic.
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