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Tuesday, July 28, 2020 | History
2 edition of search for sanity. found in the catalog.
search for sanity.
Samuel Leff
by Samuel Leff
Published 1965 by Pergamon .
Series Commonwealthand international library
Contributions Leff, Vera.
Pagination 146p.,20cm
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Occasionally -- very very occasionally -- the second book in a series will make me like the first book a little bit more. Such is the case with The Pirate's Wish. The sequel still had much in common with its predecessor, both good and bad, but I definitely gained a greater appreciation for the first by reading the second. This antiquarian book contains Gilbert Keith Chesterton's thesis, "The Outline of Sanity". Within this famous book Chesterton explores the subjects of poverty, concentration of wealth, work, agriculture, machinery, and capital gain. Chesterton championed wealth distribution, but was staunchly opposed to socialism; he was an advocate of.
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Search for sanity by Samuel Leff Download PDF EPUB FB2
The Mask of Sanity: An Attempt to Clarify Some Issues About the So-Called Psychopathic Personality is a book written by American psychiatrist Hervey M.
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Searching for Sanity book. Read 4 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. Steve Sloan is searching for what. Happiness. That is the t /5(4). In Search of Sanity is the third studio album by English thrash metal band Onslaught, released in This album was originally recorded with Sy Keeler, but London Records were not impressed with the final product from a commercial point of view and enforced a re-mix and a complete re-recording of the vocals by Grim Reaper frontman Steve Grimmett, being the only album.
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text:
Q: How to use @Facet with embedded entities? I'm trying to upgrade from HS 4 to 5 but I'm having trouble with faceted searches. I understand that @Facet needs to be added on the faceted fields and have seen this, for example. But the faceted field I want to use is embedded 2 levels down and all I get is this error:
org.hibernate.search.exception.SearchException: HSEARCH000268: Facet request 'ClientId' tries to facet on  field 'scan.clientGroup.id' which either does not exist or is not configured for faceting (via @Facet). Check your configuration.

I've tried @Facet in the embedded entity in many different flavours but nothing seems to work - I'd like to know how this is meant to be set up, thanks.

A: The solution you mentioned in your answer is correct.
Another solution would be to have an @IndexedEmbedded from child to parent, add the @Facet directly on the parent id property, and use parent.parentId as a field name in your faceting request, as demonstrated in the PR I just sent.
The main advantage of your solution is that, if Parent is itself indexed (if it has an index of its own), parent's index won't be polluted with the faceting field unnecessarily (on contrary to my solution).
The main drawback of your solution is that you essentially declare an indexed field on a transient field in your entity (transient in the JPA sense, i.e. not mapped to a database column directly). This means Hibernate Search is not able to determine when that value will change, and as a result Hibernate Search will disable some optimizations and will reindex the Child entity whenever a property of Child changes, any property, even unrelated.
If your entity is small, rarely updated, or has a limited number of instances, this might not matter, however. Just keep that in mind if you notice a lot of database reads for seemingly no reason in the future.

A: I figured out a solution. I have no idea if this is the recommended way, perhaps @yrodiere could comment?
Basically just add a getter method on the root entity with the relevant @Facet annotation:
@Indexed
@Entity
public class Child {

...

    @ManyToOne
    @IndexedEmbedded(includeEmbeddedObjectId = true)
    Parent parent;

    @Field(analyze = Analyze.NO)
    @Facet(encoding = FacetEncodingType.STRING)
    public Long getParentId() {
        return parent != null ? parent.getId() : null;
    }
}

then in the query:
FullTextQuery fullTextQuery = ftem.createFullTextQuery(luceneQuery);

        FacetingRequest facetingRequest = builder.facet()
                .name("facetRequest")
                .onField("parentId")
                .discrete()
                .orderedBy(FacetSortOrder.COUNT_DESC)
                .includeZeroCounts(false)
                .maxFacetCount(10)
                .createFacetingRequest();

        FacetManager facetManager = fullTextQuery.getFacetManager();
        facetManager.enableFaceting(facetingRequest);

        List<Facet> facets = facetManager.getFacets("facetRequest");

In this case I also had to encode the field as a string to allow discrete faceting to be used, as opposed to range, because it is a numeric field by default.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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text:
My Bedroom Makeover
June 7, 2021 By Jewel Divas Style
My bedroom, like the office, has been a work in progress since I changed it around in January 2018. And last year it got a refresh of curtains, this time in blue.
Bedroom curtains before…
Bedroom curtains after… Instead of being a set of sparkly curtains and a set of dark curtains, I removed the old ones sitting at the end that were only there to keep the light out, and replaced them with a pair of turquoise blue curtains like the pink ones in the office. I removed my old painted shirt, replaced the curtain across the top to keep the light out, and had a general tidy up. And yes, that IS pink and blue tinsel!
And then came the clean out of 2020!
The books in the boxes above were moved or packed away and all of the decorative boxes came out to play. They're also easier to dust.
I reorganised the top of the old bookcase to feature four Caboodles and my jewellery dolls all standing to attention.
And stored my Barbie books in their box onto the bottom shelf, moved books to the second shelf, and moved some Sassabys to sit on the two boxes of books hiding in the corner. I also moved my Jem and The Holograms stuff to the music corner of the cupboard.
This side of the bed you've seen a few times, but now it's home to more Caboodles, and all of the spare containers leftover from the overhaul are being used at my new nightstand. The desk had a clean out and was reorganised in the cubby underneath. There's so much stored under there it's ridiculous. I also re-organised the top of the jewellery cabinets and put some perfume bottles in the pink Nail Caddy Caboodle so they're out of the way and only the best ones are on show.
Well, that's the bedroom makeover. Not as big as the office makeover, but a lot was reorganised into containers and repacked. You can't see it in any photos, but there is a huge plastic storage container between the bed and the trunk under the window that was repacked with all of my music folders, cassettes, records, music books, etc. That all came from the tv cupboard in the office as I wanted to clear it out and store it all together.
Isn't that a goal for everyone? Have all of the same stuff in the same place at the same time stored neatly on a shelf or in a container. I'd love to be able to do that, and I've tried in the last year, and especially with this clean out. But it's so damn hard when you don't have the space to even store the containers, let alone have everything on display.
Oh well, when was the last time you guys overhauled the bedroom?
The Tote Trove says
Wow! As always, I'm blown away by your collections. And I love how you coordinated your jewelry dolls with your Caboodles; it makes for such an eye-catching display. 🙂
The Tote Trove recently posted…Shop Reopening: In the Cards
Jewel Divas Style says
I do have a lot of collections, Tote.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


> Chris, could you please repeat that step by step in more detail?
> I'm not sure I understand your suggestions.
> > with inserted breakpoints and put that into the frame slot.
> You seem to suggest to duplicate the entire code object, right?
> And reference the modified duplicata from the current frame?
> object) and I don't see the point of duplicating the entire code object.
> code duplication work for every frame) ?
You get two options by that.
original was, and makes a global debugging version.
> > to a user-defined function.
> Except the sys_tracefunc, what other (user-defined) function do we have here?
> Is it a Python or a C function?
I would suggest a Python function, of course.
> > when tracing is off.
contents from the original in co_back, and drop co_back.
> > It also vanishes automatically when the frame is released.
> The function or the extra code object?
> I'm confused. I didn't understand your idea.


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HomeAmazing world
By Srinivas Konda
Earth is a great place to live. Though humans are moving ahead with the advance in technology, there are a few people who are stuck in forests. Forest tribes still exist all over the world. These people are not aware of the modern world. Still, they are far away from the basic needs that we get today. They don't have proper food to eat, they depend on fruits and animal meat, they don't have electricity, and still depend on sunlight and fire at night. They don't have clothes and prefer to wrap themselves up with leaves. Though few nature lovers try to educate them and want to bring them to the present there are few tribes who do not want to interact with modern people. The modern world is now reaching the moon and Mars. The introduction of science and technology pick human civilization to its highest peak. But still, there are plenty of people who live on what we may think of as the outskirts of society. Some of them are still not aware of civilization. Some of them even think we threaten their way of life and that they just want to be left alone. Here in this article, we will get to know about the 12 most dangerous tribes in the world. Let's have a look at some Most Dangerous Tribes in the World
1 Caribs
2 Aztec
3 Native Americans
4 Fiji
5 Karowai
6 The Ifo tribe
7 Chimbu Skeleton tribe
8 Mashco Piro tribe
9 Korubo tribe
10 Sentinelesl tribe
11 Asmat tribe
12 Shawnee tribe
13 Asaro Mud man
14 Suri tribe
15 Yanomami tribe
16 Korowai tribe
17 Palawan tribe
Caribs
Have you ever heard of cannibals? They are people who eat human meat. There are still people living in parts of the Caribbean islands who practice cannibalism. As this tribe habituated to do cannibalism, these are referred to as Caribs. These are the first group of people in the world to practice cannibalism. Later, it spread to other parts of the world and is known as one of the most Dangerous Tribes in the World
Caribs are the name given by Columbus. Caniba is the other word for Kariba which means "who eat People ".
The Aztecs are the most brutal tribe ever known to history. These tribes were present in the American continent even before Columbus discovered it. These tribes practice human sacrifice. They cut the victim's heart whilst in a state of life and then cook the body for meat. They do this on every full moon and no moon day and believe that this will please the sun and moon, whom they believe as gods. Aztec is also known as one of the most Dangerous Tribes in the World
Native Americans
During the conquest of the American continent, it was believed that there are certain Indian tribes practicing cannibalism in America. Till date it's a debate but many of them say that they have evidence of Indian tribes practicing cannibalism in America. In 1768, a priest from Spain came to witness the activities of this tribe. The tribes caught a victim and cut his throat, tore his skin and cut pieces of flesh and ate it in front of the priest.
Fiji today is one of the most tourist attraction places in the world. But this was not the scenario a couple of centuries ago. Cultural cannibalism was spread in areas of Melanisia, Sebagai and Polynesia. A group called seorang has admitted that they have consumed 785 people and claim that they are very proud of doing the same.
Karowai
Karowai are the tribes residing in Indonesia. These tribes are usually found in Papua. They usually eat their own tribe member whom they suspect of being a witch. They usually eat them in a state of brain warm. Karowai tribes reside on tall trees to protect themselves from wild animals and other tribes.
The Ifo tribe
The Ifo tribe is inhibited in Papua New Guinea specifically in the highlands. The Ifo tribe adorned themselves in beautiful headdresses made from bits and pieces of the environment that surrounds them. They also wear some flamboyant face paint. Till that no one knows about their origin and in fact until 1988, no one knew about their existence. When people outside visit this tribe's locality they are greeted by men aiming their vicious bows and arrows. This tribe's people associated dancing with their fighting skills, which signifies their power and strength.
Chimbu Skeleton tribe
The Chimbu skeleton is one of the most dangerous tribes in the world. This tribe lives in a place called Chimbu in Papua New Guinea. People of this tribe paint their bodies as skeletons to look like living skeletons. That is because by this look they try to scare the other outsiders. Chimbu skeleton has been living in Papua New Guinea for 400 years. People of this tribe live on cultivating or animal husbandry.
Mashco Piro tribe
They live in Peru. The Mashco Piro tribe has been able to maintain their isolation up until recently as the industries of the outside world slowly displace them. There are likely less than 800 Mashco Piro tribes in existence. These hunter-gatherers shun any outsiders foolish enough to get too close. But, one unfortunate instance occurred back in 2012 when a local guide was found with a bamboo-tipped arrow lodged in his heart, and Mashco Piro people are suspected of this. Recently however deforestation has forced many Mashco Piro to ask their neighboring villagers for food and supplies. The people of this tribe's immune systems have not been exposed to many of the same germs bacteria and diseases in the modern world.
Korubo tribe
This tribe is from Brazil. There is very little known about them. Korubo people are one of the last remaining indigenous tribes on Earth. To remain isolated from the rest of the world people of this tribe are hunter-gatherers but they are also known to go to war with each other and even have some violent encounters with the surrounding community. The Korubo tribe doesn't need or want any contact with the outside world.
Sentinelesl tribe
This is the most isolated tribe. This tribe lives completely away from the modern world. The Sentinelesl tribe lives in Andaman and Nicobar of India. The government of India bans entry to the island so that this tribe can leave without any danger from outsiders. Till now many people tried to enter the island without permission as a result they had to lose their lives to the Sentinelesl people.
Asmat tribe
Living in the Papuan province of Indonesia, Asmat is a cannibalist. As of 2021, they are still about 65 000 Asmat with villages of about 2000 each. The Asmat people believe that they originated from wood. They are known for super wood carvings and sculptures. These people are a bit more notorious for their head-hunting and cannibalism practices. It has also been said that they would eat the brains of haunted animals straight from the skull. But perhaps more importantly the Asmat warriors haunted for names as they believe that when they killed a man they took not only his power but his name.
Shawnee tribe
This tribe Shawnee lives in America. But now these people live in Pennsylvania. The leader of the Shawnee tribe is selected based on fighting and archery skills. Back then when the British tried to rule over their land, they defeated the British very badly. They also fight against the American industrializers who tried to take their land. But unfortunately, the population of this tribe is decreasing day by day.
Asaro Mud man
Asaro Mud man tribe is one of the most dangerous-looking tribes. This tribe lives in the forest of Papua New Guinea. They are generally covered with clay. Basically, during the war against the enemy or hunting they cover their whole body with clay, cover their fingers with bamboo and cover their faces with a clay mask. Because they think by doing these they can easily threaten their enemies.
Suri tribe
In Southwest Ethiopia, three ethnic groups make up the Suri tribe. While they may be politically and territorially different, they speak many of the same languages and still share some of the cultures and practices. They are mostly famous for their large lip plug piercing and scarification of the body. Contact with them is usually kept to a minimum and if researchers and journalist decide to visit any of the Suri tribes, the local government suggest showing up with an armed guard.
Yanomami tribe
The Yanomami tribe exists amongst the trees along the border of Brazil and Venezuela. They are typically not violent toward outsiders but they are violent toward one another. Yanomami are inherently warriors and have been engaging in a rough civil war over the years to the outside that is slowly and surely creeping in. As their surrounding areas become more modernized and industrialized, the Yanomami tribes have been losing their natural resources at a pretty alarming rate. All of these unfortunately have them fighting amongst each other for their resources and agriculture.
Korowai tribe
The Korowai tribe is from West Papua New Guinea. This tribe was not known to anyone else in the world until the 1970s. The Korowai tribe is an interesting folk. They have about 3000 people in their numbers. That tribe doesn't often come into or appreciate contact with outsiders. They believe in spirits' magic and the general interconnectedness of people and nature. They are known to make animal sacrifices as part of their religion. The most dangerous thing about this tribe is its justice system.
Palawan tribe
The Palawan Islands in the Philippines are home to this tribe. There are about 40000 Palawan people in total. Many of them still refrain from any sort of contact with the outside world. They are pretty serious hunters of wild animals like pigs. They do believe that all living things have a master.
Indonesian black tribe man
Close-up portrait of a witch from the indigenous African tribe, wearing traditional costume
Though these tribes are dangerous, they are the reason many forests are still protected. They may don't like outsiders but their love of nature is incredible. These people are living lives with ancient traditions like aboriginal. That's why they are different and unique. It is also not right to destroy their shelters for developing industrialization. These people should be protected.
Srinivas Konda
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text:
Texas Rangers 2016 Season Preview And Prediction
By Tom Downey March 3, 2016
The Texas Rangers were plagued by injuries last season, with the loss of ace pitcher Yu Darvish the most painful of all. With the injuries, it seemed like the Rangers were going to miss the playoffs for the third straight season. Instead, the Rangers went 88-74 and won the AL West. While the Rangers were bounced in the ALDS by the Toronto Blue Jays, 2016 is setting up to be another impressive season for the Rangers. With that in mind, here is our Texas Rangers 2016 Season Preview and Prediction.
Key Additions:
OF Ian Desmond
OF James Jones
OF Justin Ruggiano
RP Tony Barnette
RP Tom Wilhelmsen
Desmond is best known as a shortstop, but when he signed with the Rangers at the end of February, he agreed to switch positions. He'll be moving to left field this year. Desmond was the Rangers' only major addition (not counting the re-signing of starting pitcher Colby Lewis). Ruggiano will be the team's fourth outfielder, while Barnette and Wilhelmsen are a relief pitchers. Jones could be the team's No. 5 OF. Wilhemsen and Jones were acquired via a trade with the Seattle Mariners.
Notable Losses:
SP Yovani Gallardo
OF Leonys Martin
OF Will Venable
1B Mike Napoli
Gallardo is gone, and the Rangers will miss him in the starting rotation. Of course, a previously injured ace will return to Texas, which more than makes up for the loss of Gallardo. Venable and Napoli were bench players and not major losses. Martin was shipped out in the trade that brought over Wilhelmsen and Jones. For more Rangers coverage, download the Chat Sports Android and iPhone app.
CF Delino DeShields
RF Shin-Soo Choo
DH Prince Fielder
3B Adrian Beltre
1B Mitch Moreland
LF Ian Desmond
SS Elvis Andrus
2B Rougned Odor
C Robinson Chirinos
The Rangers have a strong lineup. DeShields was impressive last season and Choo is the team's best outfielder. Fielder had a bounce-back season, while Beltre and Moreland form a solid corner infield. Andrus and Odor are still developing, but hold promise. Andrus will need to rebound after a pair of critcal errors in the ALDS. With several left-handed hitters, the Rangers could struggle at times against lefty pitchers.
RHP Yu Darvish
LHP Cole Hamels
LHP Derek Holland
LHP Martin Perez
RHP Colby Lewis
The return of Darvish in May is massive, with Chi Chi Gonzales taking over as the starter until Darvish returns. Hamels returns after being a mid-season pick up last year and he'll be a high-quality No. 2 starter. Holland and Lewis both missed time last season and the Rangers are glad to have them back healthy. Lewis is back on a one-year deal, and makes for a strong No. 5 starter. Texas' starting rotation is a big reason why the Rangers are a possible playoff team.
X-Factor:
What will the Rangers get from Hamilton this season? He played in just 50 games last year, as injuries continued to plague him. He'll start the season on the DL this year, and the Rangers signed Desmond to take over in left. It seems as if the Rangers are treating Hamilton as a luxury, which is the right move. At this stage in his career, it's impossible to know what he'll contribute. Ideally, Hamilton shows flashes 30-homer, 100-RBI ability he had in the past with the Rangers in a part-time role this season. If that happens, the Rangers' lineup becomes even more deadly.
1st In AL West
The Rangers are one of the top teams in the American League and it's setting up to be a Houston Astros vs. Rangers battle for the AL West. Both teams have the pitching and hitting to make the postseason, but the Rangers' rotation just a bit deeper. While the Rangers may have a bit of regression from some hitters, the return of Darvish will help compensate. If the Rangers don't win the AL West, then a wild card berth is likely.
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Related Topics: Texas Rangers News, Preview, MLB 2016, Texas Rangers Rumors, Yu Darvish


Capture-recapture methods are commonly used to estimate abundance and density of wild animal populations. Although a variety of sophisticated analytical techniques are available to evaluate capture-recapture data, vertebrate monitoring programs often lack the resources (e.g., time, personnel, and/or analytical expertise) to apply these methods. As an alternative, simple population indices, such as counts of unique individuals, may provide sufficient information to detect meaningful changes in population size. In this study we investigated whether a population index, easily generated from mark-recapture data under all conditions, might be used to provide valid ecological information for managers interested in long-term population trends of deer mice (Peromyscus maniculatus) on the California Channel Islands. In practice, determining the efficacy of estimating abundance from mark-recapture data and indices using empirical data (as opposed to simulated data) is difficult given the scarcity of long-term data sets that describe real populations. Using mark-recapture data that span 18 years (n = 122 trapping events, >12,000 marked individuals) for deer mice on 2 of the islands, we compared density estimates obtained from several commonly used mark-recapture models and also compared these estimates to index counts. Populations of island deer mice are extremely dynamic; estimated densities over the data period varied from 0 to >1200 mice/ha. Density estimates from models in program CAPTURE and program DENSITY, as well as from model-averaged Huggins models, were strongly correlated with each other and with the density index. Densities calculated by the models and the index showed similar patterns of population variation and trend over time for all 5 sites. For long-term population monitoring and assessment of population trends in deer mice, our findings suggest that the use of a simple index may provide adequate understanding of ecologically relevant population changes, though data collection methods that allow for more detailed analyses using advanced modeling techniques should be maintained.


remember you always need to be at g_traffic 1 in game console or config file.
do not forget that you can make jazzycat motorcycles, sport and classic cars as separate types of vehicles, my mods has already integrated the traffic files for them. all you need to do is a little rename of one sii file in each traffic pack.


text:
Birgit Richard
Why does it hurt when the beat misses my heart? The Techno- and House scene's dance, spheres and fashion
Over the past few years, the Techno- and House scene has conquered a large part of the commercial and parts of the spheres in the alternative discotheques. It has developed various forms of "celebrating," individual events, called rave or event, and frequent Techno- or House clubnights. The so-called raving society, positioning itself in the public in great events like the annual Mayday- and Loveparade, considers itself a large community, a community with its own autonomous culture. A new network of new types of comunication like events, scene-boutiques or record-shops and studios has been developed. The scene's musical and aesthetical manifestations (flyers, magazines, websites...) are dominantly characterized by the opportunities computers offer. The Techno-culture refrains from verbal political statements and sticks to "love, peace and unity." It is therefore a typical phenomenon of the 90s, which, as a political demand, "only" seeks the smallest common denominator, a selective and peaceful social life. Dancing is the consolidating social element at the centre of the cult-like celebrations. The scene celebrates an ecstatic cult of the youthful body under its full physical capacity, generated by technical media. Ordinary time patterns, like a working weeek and a recreational weekend, are suspended.
In a first step, the approach to the interpretation of the aesthetics of a contemporary style of youth culture will be explained. It will be followed by an analysis of the structural characteristics and patterns of reference of the style reflected in music, dance, clothes, spheres and the internal social formation. The concluding observation positions the scene and its profane every-day culture within a society defined by technical media.
Methodical approach to a current youth culture
Preceding the analysis, the multi-layered methodical apparatus that is used will be shown. The theoretical background is provided by the Culture Studies, especially Hebdiges' interpretation of the "secret signs of grace" of a particular style and the appreciation of the "grounded aesthetics and profane culture" by Paul Willis, 1991, as well as the vital role of the Visual Culture (Mirzoeff 1999), aiming at opening up the dogmatic science of the arts and supplementing the "lingustic turn" with the "pictorial turn" (W.J.T. Mitchell 1994) without abandoning its semiotic basis.
The major basis is the emphatic participation in representative events of the scene (see e.g. "Hingebung an das Feld", Hitzler/Honer 1991, referring to Wolff 1976), to understand signs, emblems and forms of communication (cf. Trendbüro 2000, Wörterbuch der Szenesprachen) of a scene (see also Girtler 1991, p.384 about the necessity of immersion into the scenes). The first level is the immediate, undetached involvement (the character of the complete participator after Gold 1958., quoted in Flick 1995, p.153). The second level is the documenting, interactive involvement (the character oscillates between the participant as an observer and vice versa), detaching itself through the apparatical view and expressing itself by the photographical and audiovisual documentation of events. Both levels of participating observation have to be characterized as open, unstructured and unsystematical (according to Flick 1995). They serve as a necessary precondition for further enquiries into the matter at hand. Participating observation includes different coordinates, comprising all places of the cultural network, and tries to capture the setting, the complete topology of the scene. Adding to Spradleys social situations (1980, p.78, quoted by Flick 1995, p.160) the microscopic observation focusses predominantly on aesthetical situations, aesthetical activities (dance), objects (clothes) and spheres. The object, in an aesthetic field-research newly to be founded, as it represents the condensation of codes and meanings of the scene, replaces the protocol. Participating observation is the basis for the continuous collection of objects in the Jugendkulturarchiv Frankfurt (www.rz.uni-frankfurt.de/fb09/kunstpaed/indexweb/start), whose immanent analysis of colour, form and material supports the development of the hypothesis. The collection safeguards a small exemplary part of the cultural history of everyday-life. It is mostly ignored by theorists of arts- and design-theory/education, although it is providing major explanatory patterns for the genesis of contemporary languages based on forms (cf. Richard 1990). The collection supports the reconstructing, archaeological dealings with foreign cultures within one's own culture and tries to appreciate cultural practices and codifications of youth cultures.
The perception of the contemporary culture as a "marketing culture" (Bolz, in the CI concept of the Trendbüro Hamburg 1999) requires the observation of the youth culture on its level of consumption, of its own cultural production and its interdependencies in the mechanisms of a commercial market. This means, that an observation of the infrastructure of the market of small boutiques, record-shops and big department stores to appreciate the transfer of forms between generations and to follow the developments of trends and their realization is necessary as well. This includes, for example, visiting major trade-fairs like the Interjeans in Cologne, which generate trends in fashion, to see, how the goods on offer are regionally distributed. The design of scene-wear is highly dependent on local club- and streetwear manufacturers. Open field-research (Girtler 1991, p.386) registers both open (streets, parades) and half-open (clubs and shops) and closed (organisation and executive boards of clubs, Legewie 1991, p.191) settings. The character of the participating and observing scientist is not unlike the role of a trend- or wordscout as a medium or transmitter between target group and successful marketing for particular market segments. The scientist, as an eye-witness and insider, is looking for peculiarities, not, to be sure, to discover a new marketable trend or the early detection of "opinion leaders", a possible equivalent to "key persons" (Flick 1995, p.159), but rather to look for the style's common features, repetitions and stereotypes. The instruments of trend-research (e.g. of the Trendbüro Hamburg), like monitoring and scanning, predominantly aim first of all at the unstructured observation of the scene. On the next level, this method of scanning in trend-research is used, and all cultural products of the scene like flyers, magazines and music-videoclips are analysed. Aesthetic field-research subsequently considers the media-products and objects of the scene and their reception in the media and, via the unstructured collection and condensation of phenomena, creates a hypothetical terminology. The parallel analysis of second- hand observations, photographs and video, is intended to support hypotheses about the observations, with the premise, that no technically produced picture can serve as a document (Flusser), kept in mind. Another step involves putting questions to members of the scene at various events (e.g. Mayday, Nature One) in open interviews, which may, for example, focus on fashion. This self-reflecting statements, however, play only a minor role in the analysis, since this, closely following methods of the arts-sciences, is focussing on the vivid character of the aesthetical manifestations.
The results from these multiple and diverse sources of observation will be combinded by an aesthetically immanent approach, fed by a thorough interpretation of visual signs in everyday-life and the various media of the youth cultures, rather than by theoretical preconceptions like the inflationary secondary sources on Techno.
A semiotic panel (Horx/Wippermann 1996), based on the exact description of the style's aesthetical phenomena, will be developed, e.g for the Techno- and House scene. The manifold process of cultural style-development is thus observed from many directions; the developing cultural universe can be observed in its whole process of cultural reproduction, reproduction in the media and the creation of cultural capital and symbolic added value. The following analysis does not deal with other social implications, subversive strategies and the scene's behaviour in production and consumption. The next step after this analysis, which can only produce statements of limited scope, would be the expansion of the study into a critical theory of style based on the aesthetical manifestation of the scene.
Ride the rhythm: music, dance, cult
A subtly differentiated consideration of the Techno-culture shows that it is not a homogenous scene, but that the youth culture subsumed under Techno and House consists of musical trends differing from each other. Modelled on the places of origin of this music, the clubs in Chicago, Detroit and New York, where DJs in the mid-80s developed putting-records-on into a new art-form, this trend of dancemusic, after a complex exchange- and transfer process, develops in Germany. At the beginning of the 90s it starts to assert itself on a broader, more commercial basis. The original scene's roots date from the late 60s, when fully electronic popmusic had its beginnings (Pink Floyd, Emerson, Lake and Palmer, Tangerine Dream, Klaus Schulze or Brian Eno). German pioneers of electronic pop like Kraftwerk, Neue Deutsche Welle-bands (German New Wave) like DAF or the Krupps open the way. Techno, House and Drum+Bass have developed various crossovers and sophistications. Some defining terms may be mentioned here, without further characterization of the style: House, Trance or Hardtrance, Acid, Goa, Ambient Intelligent/Minimal Electronic Listening, Gabber, Jungle, Speed Garage, Electro, Big Beat, Downtempo, Two Step, Illbient (see Richard/Krüger 1997 raver's paradise for an exact description).
House and Techno are dominated by the pulsing rhythm of the bassdrum (the so-called "kicking bassline"), which, to the outsider, let's it sound rather monotonous. The basis of Drum+Beat is the breakbeat, with the bassdrum missing a beat. What in Germany is called House (in the US, in the beginning the whole trend was called House) is centred on vocals reduced to certain phrases. It developed by combining disco-dancemusic from the 70s (like the entirely synthetical Munich Sound of Giorgio Moroder), Boogie, Soul, the so-called PhillySound (e.g. by Barry White) and computer-generated rhythm structures in New York and Chicago.
Decisive principles of the purely synthetical music beside sampling, an electronic method for processing stored components from the archives of musical history, are mixing and re-mixing. The music is not a unified whole; rather, it is assembled from diverse sources, e.g. two vinyl-records on two turn-tables. Re-mixing dates from the introduction of the twelve-inch single in the 70s. Techno turns the method into a working principle: the tracks are not closed, but subject to permanent processing by diverse producers and DJs. The ideal at the beginning is to anonymously produce music, like a machine, exemplified by Kraftwerk. With the expansion of the scene into a mass movement, the ideal of anonymity is dropped. Scenes in youth culture require role models.Thus, the DJ becomes a star. Owing to the great number of raves lasting several days and new clubs, there is a high demand for new DJs. Among the youngsters, the wish to become a DJ replaces the wish to become a rockstar. Therefore, youngsters get the chance to become DJ or even producer, and Techno, like Punk, can be regarded as a democratizing push, which, albeit temporarily, breaks up the established rules of the music business.
For the effectiveness of a new trend in music, beside the "monotony" the strange, "funny noise" is decisive, an era-specific glitch in music, growing into a totemic sign of a new cult of style (Diedrichsen 1994, p.27). From a technical viewpoint a malfunction, for the older listener it is a reproduction of ordinary noise. These sound-interferences, like the 303, scratching, the rave-signal etc., are deliberate manipulations of consumer electronics (Kittler 1989). This misuse leads to "displaced motor functions" in dance, the "funny" motion. Since the 50s, the objection to music and styles of dance follows the same pattern: the older generation complaints about the length of dance events, monotony, volume and the intoxicating ecstasy of the music, whose automatism triggers sick, mad motions and behaviour. Even a pure form of dance music like Techno cannot be completely unpolitical, when it is able to provoke fierce opposition. A liberal generation of parents is stunned by the ecstatic dance movement Techno, just having discovered dancing as a liberating form of self-expression and return to nature (e.g. belly-dancing, African dance) in alternative dancing courses. For the first time in the history of youth cultures mechanisms of dissociation are reversed. The youth culture integrates older dance-enthusiasts. As a countermove, post-adolescent cultures cut themselves off from real "youngsters" and their styles of music and dance in discos and pubs that guarantee a "Techno-free" environment, so that their illusion of perpetual youth, which would not enable them to survive an "allnighter," will hold. In the history of post-war youth cultures the Mods in the 60s were the first (Charleston and Swing preceding them) to celebrate over the whole weekend and to compensate for the lacking physical condition with "speed." The Techno scene chose the synthetical amphetamine Ecstacy, also popular among managers and yuppies. A sedating, "natural" drug like hashish or marijuana, preferred by Hippies, does not fit the concept of the scene. The drug is not supposed to increase the physical capacity, but provides pure, "narcisstic" satisfaction. At first, the legal drug alcohol did not play a dominant role (the exception is Jägermeister, a herbal liqueur), it is rather energy drinks lie Red Bull that do the trick. When Techno became the normal dance event on weekends in the late 90s, alcohol was again to be found more often, implied by a shorter duration of the events.
Dance gestures
The dance is not acrobatic, but a marathon-dance requiring stamina (for the history and categories of adolescent styles of dancing see Richard/Krüger 1995) and a mixture, "sampling" gestures of various cultural backgrounds just like the music. Not all musical trends of the scene develop their own style of dancing, like, for example, the "sexy House music", showing more "pelvis motions" (Günther 1982), i.e. motions of the hips, chest and bottom. The open style of dancing does not prescribe any elements and leaves space for improvisations of the dancer. The dance is characterized by a certain monotony of motions, there is no abrupt alternation between fast and slow motions, as to be found, for example, in Pogo. Changes in rhythm and breaks are "processed" by ecstatic cries, not by violent body motions. The almost mechanical stepping on-the-spot and stamping, the "Techno-jog" or "hamster in his wheel", performed in a bended collapse-position and related to African tribal dances, (see Günther 1982) are the characteristc motions of feet and legs. The English Mods developed the first pure form of a club-dance to jazz- and soul music (e.g. Tamla Motown, Detroit), which, beside a complicated leg-work adapted from the twist, showed the turns and hand-loops, which later were typical of Techno and House.
At first, the Techno- dance scene shows gestures in mime with white gloves, not representing any particular occurence in motion. We find a partial emptying-out of behaviour based on gestures. The spinning movements of arms and the turning of palms can be associated with traditional Balinese dances as well as with Tai Chi and defensive holds in the martial arts. This emphasis on the upper extremities does not correlate with European dance traditions, in which the arms, as in ballett, are kept motionless as stabilising elements. The loop-like motions correspond to the loops in the music. They refer to the circular, the closed forms, which are constantly returning und subject to modulations, to the "being thrown back at yourself", broken up by the feedback provided by other dancers. An opening gesture, however, is the stretching out of arms, pointing to an undefinable yearning expectation of a symbolic or real embrace by other dancers or the whole dancing community. Gasmasks or lollies seal off the body against the outside, so that the dance is a permanent alternation between individual dissociation and opening-up.
Techno- dance is a permanent pose and an excentric collective self-portrayal. Since no individual dancer is able to stand out from the dancing crowd, we find the "gogo-syndrome", the de-professionalized revival of dancing on pedestals, enabling dancers to contrast with others. Gogo-dancing is now an opportunity to show off the male and female bodies proudly and narcisstically, not, in contrast to the 70s, an act similar to striptease.
Raising arms above the head expands the available spaces for dancing. This upward motion of the arms points to the longing to take off ("fly" is the battle-cry of DJ Steve Mason), to leave the gravity of the earth behind. This desire for weightlessness corresponds to the European tradition of dance.
Arms and hands draw figures, which push towards an imaginary expanse of the sky and hint at mentally leaving the real spheres occupied. Music and dance symbolize mobility and locomotion, e.g in parades traversing spaces without a definded destination. Carrying everything with them and close to the body, purses on a chain, small backpacks, items of clothing with a lot of pockets, the scene can leave the earth any time. The dance-space itself is put in motion as well; it moves as a closed spatial entity. To make this possible, all conventional means of transport are used: phenomena like the ravetrain, rave and cruise (ships), camel the move (airplane) or the ravemobile (Cologne Amsterdam) create an immaterial dance-sphere, using the speed in locomotion to leave ordinary life behind. The dancers move on in their steps, and only when they rest switch into the role of on-lookers.The permanent motion of the dancers makes it hard to define a position or point of reference in space. For the first time in the history of adolescent dance cultures the seperation of dance-spheres and surrounding spheres, always adhered to in the past, is abandoned. Everything becomes a dance floor. Dancing is no longer restricted to a small square on the floor.
Techno means an extension of conventional dance-spaces; space-time vectors of dance and dance-spaces point in all directions: a new conquest of vertical spheres (arms, airplane), of horizontal spheres (traversing the dance-space, train, parades) and an extension of the dimension of time (a complete weekend).
Techno as a style of dance allows for the physical presence in some form of virtual reality, a "drifting from normal spheres into spheres not yet covered" (Karcauer).
Ecstasy, dance and religion
The Techno-event creates spheres beyond ordinary life, in which a desire for a community of equal minds is expressed as well. This latent longing may quite possibly be equated with seeking a new form of religiosity. Looks and gestures are often pointing above, dancing leads to ecstasy and mystical rapture. Pushing towards the above without seeking divinity can be observed in events like the crusade, which took place in Hamburg and Frankfurt in the Katharinenkirche in February 1996.
The scene includes the cult-status of music into its style without any detachment and declares itself a religion. In the booklet of the CD "Mayday The Religion" we read, for example: "In music and dance I express myself as a member of a higher community, I have forgotten how to walk and speak and I am towards flying into the air."
The theologian Buschmann finds a diffuse, individual religiosity among adolescents, in spite of diminishing ties to the institutionalized forms of religion (cf. Buschmann 1998). To the Techno-scene a functional concept of religion applies: "Dealing with religious content is less important than the meaning of religious forms of expression." (Dumke 1997, p.208) Form dominates content and meaning and self-statements of religion fade into the background. Techno is described as a "religion of experiences without dogmatism" (Daiber 1992, p.752).
This is definitely true; religion is used as a form, the Techno-scene uses, like other youth cultures, the inventory of religions, but focusses on techniques to create ecstasy and on a community-spirit, rather than on Christian symbolism. The infinite dance on weekends reanimates the spirituality in dancing and avoids the ordinance of observance of silence on the seventh day found in the bible, thereby breaking up the cultural patterns of Christianity. The permanence of dancing and the uninterrupted rhythmical repetitions of bars of the dance-motion reveal an orientation towards non-European, non-Christian cultural backgrounds, like ritual African tribal dances. The necessity of a monotonous rhythm in Techno derives from ethnic techniques to create ecstasy. Traditionally, these have the objective of experiencing the divine in body and soul (cf. ancient Dionysos-cults, dancing dervishes). The exact form and technique of dancing is supposed to lead to ecstasy generated by the body, in which the human being experiences him-/herself as divine, because he/she is seized by a god or a spirit of an ancestor (Günther 1982, p.7). Techno-dance becomes a collective ecstatic experience, with a great number of people crying out mystically enraptured, when the rhythmic structure of the music changes. The difference between ethnic cults, Christianity and Techno-dance is, that with the latter the ecstatic infinite dance is performed by the whole community and not only by a priest, shaman or a few chosen ones.
What's more, ecstasy and rapture turn the dance into a sex-surrogate; passions and narcisstic longings are excessively realized in the rhythmic motions of the body. Thus, this cult represents a technique of self-redemption of the individual. Techno is an up-to-date realization of cult-ecstasy on the basis of structures of the computer-age in an artificial sphere characterized by media-Technology. The existence of a hostile, destructive outside-world, not permitting strong positive feelings like love, creates the desire to be sealed off against it as long as possible. The outside-world represents the spheres of contradictions, while the event-sphere is dominated by the heavenly harmony of the bassdrum and shelters the whole raving community. The dancers do not go through the divine, but the social experience, the communicative existence of people of equal minds and a selective equality of all (cf. Richard 1995).
The evolution of androgyny in the dance
Techno brings about a major change in gender-specific dancing-behaviour. The unequal relation between on-lookers (mostly male) and dancers (mostly female) is abandoned, since the whole audience is in constant dancing motion. Dancing as a harmless opportunity for physical self-experience, as a means of erotic self-expression and a demonstration of a female care-free mentality (McRobbie 1985, p. 128) has a special meaning for girls and women, while for men, it is often only an inconvenient and redundant preliminary stage for courting girls. They only accept the opportunity for male self-affirmation in the performance of acrobatic elements, as in Rock'n roll and breakdance. For quite a number of men the mass dance-movement Techno for the first time provides them with the opportunity to experience the auto-erotic, ecstatic dimension of dancing and to form their own physical image by consciously choosing a particular style of clothing.
Male physical images tend to a visual crossing of borders towards the opposite sex, to androgyny. Fashion softens the hardended structures of gender-construction, even though the androgynous forms often only serve an aesthetical differentation. Men wearing make-up or skirts stick to these experimental poses, they rarely are true cross-dressers, transvestites or drag queens. Poofy postures becomes a fashion phenomenon. The decisive fact, however, is, that in the laboratory of Techno-events or House-clubs the visual experiments of redecorating the male physique is possible at all.
The change in male physical images and experiences was largely inspired by the cultural practice of the gay, black minority-culture in the USA, which came to Europe via the early English acid House scene and House clubs in the 90s. For the Techno- and House culture they are "opinion leaders", which through a mixture of "street credibility", black coolness and gay dance-ecstasy can vouch for an authentic party culture (see Poschardt 1995, p. 246). The ecstatic and erotically charged House scene infuses gay physical consciousness as well as forms of celebrations of the homosexual way-of-life and self-confidence, which, like Christopher's Street Day and the London Notting Hill Carnival, are the roots of the Berlin love parade. The male "fashion victims" perform narcisstic poses they get from gay strategies of style and are described, for example, in J. Livingstones film "Paris burning" as "vogueging." Female crossings of borders towards the male gender can also be observed in transformed sports-wear, bulky shoes and the adaption of gay dance-gestures. The scene's cross-dressing strategies demonstrate the weak construction of visual gender-norms.
The shape of the event- and club culture
One feature of the shaping structural principles determining the style is artificiality. The new structure of the phases of sleeping and staying awake in the so-called "allnighter", which can last over a whole weekend, ignores the natural rhythm of day and night. The music with its individual components, computer-generated, is artificial too. The pitching of the natural voice creates infantile, Mickey-Mouse-like tones (e.g. in glabber-Techno).
The reference-area childhood demonstrates the deliberate stylistic dissociation from the adult world. The denial of getting older and the cultivation of a shrill infantile taste are the basis for an unprejudiced community and the security of all in the big surrogate family of an event.
Infantile elements dominate the club- and event scene, clearly shown by terms like girlie, cutie, babe or boy. "Heidi"-plaits, hair slides, the miniaturisation of accessories like backpacks, toys (water pistols) and sweets (tablets of lemonade powder on necklaces) are an important stylistic element. The infantile look is comprehensive; even drugs, the ecstasy pills, get a childish face marked with smileys, Fred Flintstone, dinosaurs or dolphins.
The original "girlie-" image of the Techno- and House scene does not create an individualistic anti-feminist social climate (Graw 1997, p. 80). It is not regressive, but gives shelter to girls and young women. Parallely, mostly women and girls symbolize an autonomous and innocent handling of their bodies by using the original girlie-concept of a pre-adolescent and pre-sexual outfit. They show, that sexual attraction is not the objective of the partial exposure. By assigning themselves to an infantile category they signal their desire to be left alone. The demonstration of this barrier shows men that they are untouchable. These also wear large necklaces with wooden pearls and, as a fun-guerilla armed with brightly painted pumpguns, delight themselves in a childish squirting of water from their water-guns. By reverting to infantile elements, men can do without macho-poses for the purpose of being sexually impressive and may try to deal playfully and naturally with the other sex.
Dyed hair and false eye lashes, the loud neon-colours and fabrics like unusual synthetics in clothing point to the artificial and technically generated.
Nature, like sun flowers or green meadows, always apears in artificial reproductions. The emphasis lies on special fabrics, chemically made and designed by man, heavy duty stuff, either water-, fat-, or oil-repellent, not easily inflammable and almost indestructible.
The hermetic isolation of the style in its culminating form, the event, rave or clubnight as the higher level, constitutes another principle. The premises used are closed laboratories, in which various combinations of party people are tried out to create the night's right "chemistry". This hermetic isolation includes certain criteria of exclusion. Like all subcultures, Techno asserts equality within the defined limits of the style, but only there. Social differences, like class or gender, age or political leanings are indeed abandoned during the event, are evened out in dance. Therefore, Techno is a selectively integrating and democratizing adolescent cultural movement, the postulate being met only at the time of the event.
Hermetic exclusion, in Punk or HipHop this also defines events, is not applicable here. However, strict and permanent selective criteria regulate access, e.g. the doorman-policy of the club scene, and create a different kind of social order. Internal hierarchies of the style, like the differentiation between a "dancing, submissive crowd" and a privileged elite of DJs and producers, remain latent. Men regain the advantage in the formerly equal participation of genders in dance and fashion. Dancing temporarily conceals this deep split, which, despite professing "unity", characterizes this scene as well. Just like the Swinging London of the Mods, the classless society in the Techno-scene is only a construct of representation. The internal hierarchy of the style finds expression in a market differentiation of product lines: the CD-compilation is produced for the user, the vinyl-pressing or the white label for the active DJ. These hierarchies are less observable in fashion, but rather in facilities like VIP-lounges, membership cards and strategies of scrutinization.
Beside a social division, the individual body tends to isolate itself symbolically from outer influences by fabrics and accessories. Close-fitting and tight surfaces like neoprene, rubber, synthetics, leather or items like dummies, lollies and gasmasks seal off the body openings, preserve it like a mummy or isolate it from surroundings hostile to the body. Body- heat and energy is stored for an event, like wearing a diving- or space suit, a paradoxical undertaking, since drugs and heat enhance processes like "contamination by radiation."
Changes in perception, e.g. by reducing eye-sight through dark sun glasses or welding goggles, sense of smell and breathing capacity through gas- or coarse-dust masks and freedom of movement in dancing through bulky shoes are counteracted by the immaterial or mental expansion through chemical means, like substances for inhalation (Wick Vaporup) and designer-drugs.
Clothing creates associations pointing beyond the actual fabrics. Clothes are simultaneously an imaginary protection against invisible dangers (lasers, x-rays) or hazardous substances (acids) and a conscious exposure to these dangers. One expression for being "high" after having taken drugs is "being contaminated by radiation;" one musical trend is called acid not only because of the noises generated by the 303 machine.
The literal superficiality is the next structural principle, from which two others, reflection and layer, derive. All clothing, including sleeves and the interior, is shaped at the surface by imprints, sewed-on badges and layout.
Design and formation no longer penetrate deeper dimensions. The special high-tech fabrics turn bodies into reflecting and communicating, thus partially immaterialised reflecting and projecting surfaces, moving between walls of colour created by light. Clothing becomes an image-carrier, a screen, which represents icons, brands and emblems like a permanent frozen image. The body becomes a medium, reproducing the arbitrariness of the symbolism and surrogate-iconography of emblems and signs of the consumer society devoid of content, while displaying it in the figurative context of the style. Layer unfolds in the surface sound pattern of the music by mixing and remixing techniques creating overlaps and interweaving. Labels, i.e. record- or clubwear companies, with a number of sub-labels represent a layered, non-hierarchical structure. Layering in clothing develops from a combination and overlapping of particular temporal elements; items from the past, purchased on flee-markets, and high-tech fabrics from the future are combined. The members of the scene wear many layers of clothing, e.g. T-shirts, on top of each other, creating the practical onion-look. They are tied around the trousers at the front and the back, the imprint well visible. Some layers are turned inside out: underwear becomes a visible partydress. Layering is superficial, like the design of flyers, and therefore remains two-dimensional. Emblems like logos and trademarks are the only parts of clothing that develop depth, created by three-dimensional effects like flashing labels or OpArt structures.
Reflecting labels and neon warning colours correspond to the structural principle of radiation and visibility. The body emits light-signals via electrified, selectively flashing clothes. Luminous sticks, held in the hand, in the mouth or put around the neck, and laser pointers increase the impression. The selection of clothes takes into consideration that the dancing individual only exists when the clothes reflect the light-signals to let the individual stand out from the masses and the surroundings.
Micro-society of the future: symbolic representations
The Techno- and House scene fashion creates a very disparate reference area, which refers to various functions in society by the expropriation of objects and structures. The central field of reference, interwoven with all others, is work. Its adaption by using workwear includes protective and working clothes. These are durable, especially robust products from the US, which are available there as items of mass-production (DocMartens, carhartt, Dickies). Two contradicting spheres of production are visualized, in this case past and future: the sterile high-tech production of processors and chips, not really requiring physical contact, working in weightless or virtual worlds with accessories like white gloves is put alongside the traditional area of manual labour or labour supported by machines with heavy, bulky protective fabrics, welding goggles, gas- or coarse-dust masks. Workwear visualizes the transformation from concrete to immaterial labour. Reflecting jackets of road workers, dustmen, motorway maintenance workers, sewage workers, shoes of drivers of excavators (e.g. Caterpillar Walking Machines) promise "real" physical, though low-paid work, held in low esteem. The road sweeper's jacket is an interesting feature, not only for its warning colour and reflecting strips, but mostly because it hints at the discrepancy between waning industrial labour and high-tech and IT-jobs for a few chosen ones and macjobs, low-paid jobs in the service sector. Furthermore, the symbolism is taken from a special area of work, work in extreme situations: emergency-, accident-, disaster relief services and hazardous substances. Concrete borrowings derive from public security and industriual safety: police, fire brigade, emergency doctor, security, drug enforcement, disaster relief and permanent emergency are an ordinary permanent state of affairs in events, symbolized, for example, by the emergency siren, the rave-signal and terms like mayday. Techno shows the preparation for survival in x-treme situations. Workwear takes another turn when it takes up the subject of future work in space. The stylization of "utopian clothing" (Loschek) takes place closely following visual chiphers of old and new science-fiction novels, films and TV-shows (Enterprise or Orion crews).
Another field of reference is sport. Sport becomes labour, a perpetual marathon performance. Sports-wear is either directly expropriated or reanimated, like the blue Adidas- sports jackets from the 70s, or succinct parts like their stripes are used. The signalling character of their basic colours and the clear form of their brand-logos make Fila, Helly Hansen or Tommy Hilfiger clothes so popular. As outdoor-wear they use catchy forms and simultaneously high-tech protective fabrics. Sports from which elements are borrowed are motocross, sailing, snowboard, soccer, skiing and skating. The predominant use of outdoor-wear is remarkable. The clothes are not really suitable for warm rooms inside a building and demonstrate a shift of the exterior towards the interior. The interior is simultaneously the interior and the public exterior. The exterior gets entry when the outside world and the public are pulled inside cafes and clubs via the internet.
As a style, Techno is a pardoxical mixture of opposites. "The naturalness" of the naked male trunk, of the partially exposed female body, the natural material and ethnic symbolism, included by musical differentations like goa, contradict the complete synthetic character of the dance. The direct manipulations of and imprints on the surface of the body by tattoos and piercing let the recreated primitive bodies rise above music, light and space in contrast to the Technological inclination.
Nudity and exposure do not unveal a natural body, but a body designed at the surface by workouts and wonderbras, and thus demonstrate the possibility of constructing physical images. Striving for utmost robotization and enhancing alienation can also be found in phenomena like the current shape of platform shoes, the "monsterlette" ("Buffalos").
Revival and old-school elements bear witness to the parallelity of several temporal layers, brought together in style: past, present and future. Etymologically, revival includes the dimension of change in reanimation, for example by reintroducing shining fabrics of the disco-scene of the 70s like satin, lurex, PVC, sequins, paste and the colours gold, silver, copper into the club culture. We also find a return of the plump, misshapen in oversized trousers widening at the calfs, platform shoes and oversized or round shirt collars. The visibly shrill and the high-tech fabrics of the Techno-scene are counteracted by the proletarian small-mindedness and the "bad taste" of the 70s. The "caretaker-look", consisting of sport jackets, vests, plain poly-acrylic sweaters, tank tops in cream and brown colours and correctly parted hair, is considered to be subversive only rather late, if at all.
This new petit-bourgeois small-mindedness, however clearly dissociates itself, like the English mod culture, from the expensive, achievement-orientated conformism of the preppie in the 80s, using the deliberately unspectacular, the unmarked, the cheap proletarian ordinary product.
In contrast, the so-called old school phenomenon in Techno shows a completely new form of self- referring recollection. Reverting to original forms of the style in its stage of development as an internal revival -e.g. the "Adidas old school"-trend of the early 90s, when old synthetic track-suits of the 70s from the HipHop-scene were taken up by ravers, returns in the late 90s (Adidas superstar model)- clearly shows the autopoiesis of systems of youth cultures.
Body-space relation
The Techno- and House scene creates a closed symbolic system, transferable to a lot of places in the world. Style and working life co-exist and are not, in contrast to Punk, incompatible. As partially identical parallel worlds they are used for the rehearsal of parallel lifes in a number of virtual and natural worlds. Important social areas, work, spare-time, sport, struggle, war, management, emergency, Technology are represented distortedly in a micro-society independent of a particular location. Like all social formations, the Techno- and House scene contains hierarchies and is a distorting mirror for characteristics of the adult world. The values of the society as a whole are unfocussed, exaggerated or consciously filled with meaningless blanks. The scene, via symbols and emblems, points abstractly to the future and to Technology. Flashing appliqués on clothes, small lamps, luminous lollies, laser pointers and other reflecting radiant items are Technologies of minor complexity, generating an unconscious image of new Technologies by infantile means.
The Techno- and House scene in events simulates in a pre-Technological stage the existence in a material-physical world, dominated by immaterial impulses and stimuli. The switch between the material and immaterial occurs, as analyzed above, abstractly symbolically via medialized clothing, closely resembling the real Technological processes like "wearable computing."
Motifs like astronaut, cyborg and alien offer a whole spectrum of new physical spheres, reaching from the dicovery of alien life forms to the desire of being extraterrestrial or becoming a Technoid machine. The symbolic robotization of the body, e.g. in certain dance motions, leads to identification with alienation and non-human shapes. The loud hair-colours are not supposed to provoke, like in Punk, but extend the natural spectrum of hair-colours, thought to be to narrow, hinting at a new species. This species requires its own spheres to develop. Techno-discos and temporary megaraves in the 90s take place in, among other venues, vast factory buildings, thereby borrowing from the English wareHouse parties (which were, incidentally, illegal). The club provides a weekly continuity at a concrete location. In Germany, for the big events easily available multi-functional venues are used. To turn the premises into a specific venue for raves, a special design using decorations, light and animations is necessary. On weekends, the Techno- and House scene disappears into these venues, sealed off from ordinary life, for hours on end or even the entire weekend. To make this disappearance perfect, the rooms have to dimmed, so that the "lightning storms" are set off. Computer-generated lighting effects, reduced to a particular colour- spectrum, a lot of white light and stroboscopic flashes are dominant features. Space is transformed into an immaterial cosmos, a parallel world, resembling computer-generated virtual realities. The room, mostly box-shaped and rectangular, becomes a screen, a phenomenon created by effects like stroboscopes, fog and black light. These elements of design refer to the interior of a screen, virtually turned inside out. The colour design of the rooms, reduction of the colour spectrum, a lot of white light, follows the principle of colour seperation; information on the screen is build up by single dots and lines of colour.
Lighting design is not supposed to brighten up the room. Light and projections raise the room into another dimension. The floors are mostly dark, and lighting too shuts off the rooms towards the floor and opens it up towards the above. Room design and clothing suggest a calculated elevation without actually leaving the floor. A good example are the platform shoes, which ensure adhesion to the floor despite weightlessness, an experience similar to the first astronauts'. The stroboscope is not supposed to create an atmospheric room design, but ecstasy and disorientation, the selective suspension of the sense of time and space. The dancers enter a physical-mental sphere, detached from ordinary categories of time and space and determined by abstraction, dissolution of contradictions and of the world of objects. Through the reduction of material objects (e.g. the Berlin Techno club Tresor in its founding years), these rooms do not provide a lot of static points for orientation. It is only the other dancers, who, though disappearing again into the room's darkness, confirm the individual dancer's presence. The scene's yearning for physical contact is supposed to provide the assurance that the other person is actually physically present.
Apart from special chill-out lounges, there are no areas for rest. The rooms do not offer facilities for lingering, being seated or verbal communication, but predominantly for dancing. Objects like platforms, which may or may not be found, are intended for gogo-dancing, letting individual dancers stand out from the crowd, but not for resting. The evacuation of all objects only permits absolutely necessary infrastructural elements like the bar and the DJ-desk.
The scene has taken over dark cellars, bunkers or strongrooms and old power stations. For outsiders, the doorman of the club "Tresor" seems to open the gate to the seven circles of an inferno, in which damned adolescents compulsively fulfill the Sisyphean task of "meaningless dance excesses": fog and smoke clouds and the regular beat of the bassdrum pour out from the door opening. Space, music and light in combination generate a kind of creative elemental force. The combination of acoustic and visual stimuli represents a certain compulsive quality. The "Tresor", the former germ cell of the Berlin Techno scene, with its lockers and bars, symbolizes the voluntary locking up, the shutting out of the outside world. This isolation does also apply to clubs specializing on House-music. However, these rooms have a different design. They over-emphasize material and ornaments. The interiors are characterized by golden frames, red plush, baroque bordello-kitsch (often, the clubs are located in former bordellos, e.g. the "Unique" Düsseldorf's old town), brocade wallpaper, lava-lamps and many accessories which bear witness to a cultivation of the bad and trashy taste of the 70s combined with "baroque from Gelsenkirchen" (proletarian taste with the pretension of sophistication). House dance venues are retro-rooms dominated by objects. The popularity of "sweet" devotional items can be put down to the transfer of the principle of travesty to the general design. This is the artificial-ecstatic exaggeration of the "feminine," pointing to the existence of a gay culture with its own aesthetics. The personal furnishing of these clubs is a hallmark; even a living room can turn into a party room or its model. The world characterized by designer-chic and celebrations in the ruins of former industrial buildings is counteracted by the frowned-upon principle of grandmotherly cosiness and a petit-bourgeois version of a playful drawing room in rococo-design.
After having visited a House-club or a Techno-event as an ecstatic excursion into a virtual future, on early Monday morning, the nightly party nomads reenter ordinary life. Even the illegal parties of the "underground", using anonymous normed and neglected non-locations like tunnels, passage ways, areas beneath motorway bridges, underground garages and building sites, are, in contrast to English raves, not really conspicuous in Germany. These are places of decay or the unfinished, of through traffic, uncomfortable places, not really inviting you to stay. The nightly occupation resembles a racket, the party squatting no longer has anything to do with the appropriation of dwelling space by real squatters. The party nomads are able to find these places everywhere. They do not stick to particular locations.
The parades (Love parade Berlin, Streetparade Zurich, Union Move Munich, Hamburg G-Move...) and processions, numerous now, are their symbol of physical presence in the streets. This means the Techno- and House scene's selective conquest of the street, which formerly wasn't developed as a dance venue by any other scene of youth cultures. It fights for its right to parties and celebrations, which, against the background of the Criminal Justice Bill in England, can be considered a basic right. The occupation of public spheres as a party zone during the day focusses on arterial traffic routes in city-centres. The explosive growth of parades (Love Parade 1994: 100,000 people, 1999: 1 million), the commercialization (MTV, carts of the "Junge Union" <Young Conservatives> on the Love Parade) and their established role as part of the cities' public relations efforts, however, diminishes the subversive character of these public demonstrations of physical presence to a kind of carnival or funfair. This kind of celebration has become part of local customs.
However, parades are only a single ghost-like appearance for one weekend, a self-assurance of the globality of the community. At other times, dance and ecstasy are less public and serve the selective re-appropriation of social abilities to communicate on a local level, even though the exchange of information and energy takes place on the highly reduced level of gestures and visual reflection. The nonverbal dancing gestures embody emission and reception of signals. The momentary existence in spheres/on screen is only confirmed when the bodies are hit by pencils of light, when they reflect light. With a very high requirement of energy, the dancing body produces a minimal dialogue, a binary communication, resembling the computer's heat generation while computing, and also permitting analogies to anonymous and reduced dialogues on the internet. Emphasizing movements of arms and legs as extensions of the body and remaining on the spot hint at parallels to locomotion in cyberspace. In contrast to cyberspace and communication on the internet, the body is involved and its dissociation from the working patterns of the information- and communication society is compensated for. Luminous materials are, because of their own brevity as phenomena of light, no paradoxical antidotes to the fleetiness of the body in the virtual spheres of rave events, but they rather show the inconsistency of a physical existence in virtual spheres. The voluntary transformation of the body into an immaterial, selective phenomenon of light leads to a detachment from communication with other people, while simultaneously seeking this communication. Owing to the lighting design of Techno venues, which produces fragmented motions resembling silent films not shown in real time, the other dancers are perceived as if they perform in such a film, artificial creatures in strange motion.
By dancing as if on screen, the dancers have both entered an area of the media and cyberspace. They do not face the images and projections, but are part of them. Effects, light and music, combined with the dancers, create an abstracted video-clip, projecting nothing but themselves. The consistent repetition and the circling of empty space demonstrate that Techno is an up-to-date stylistic comment on principles of an information- and consumer society.
The analysis above has shown that dance as a nonverbal form of communication, expressing itself in succinct forms and design, in interdependency between music, fashion and spheres, produces an aesthetics that cannot be reduced to the aspect of filling spare-time and having fun, but gives us a shifted comment on social formations. Dance, fashion and the music of the Techno- and House scene are integrating mechanisms, leading to the creation of international tribes, which, as chosen families and communities, partially replace old social bonds and follow community-forming traditions of non-European cultures. The self-labelling as a tribal community and family hints at the fact of a lacking involvement in a greater social pattern, which the scene perceives as a deficiency. Dance and music, by this process of self-tribalization, regain their ritual meaning. As the linking social element they become the focus of cult-like celebrations. This re-ethnification turns negatively perceived and, for social reproduction, unimportant pastimes like dancing, associated states like ecstasy and a monotonous rhythm into positive symbols for trying out new social formations.


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April 25, 2016 by CHASE
Taking time out from Government formation negotiations, a full house of Cork South Central TD's were present at this mornings Oral Hearing, with Simon Coveney, TD, Minister for Defence speaking first, followed by Michael Martin TD, leader of Fianna Fail, then Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire, newly elected TD. Michael McGrath, TD FF, will speak at a later time and former TD Jerry Buttimer was also present lending his support.
Opening with detailed and comprehensive presentation Simon Coveney, TD, Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine outlined the multiple changes that have taken place in Cork Harbour with significant development and investment in Haulbowline, Spike Island, the National Maritime Colllege of Ireland and related tourism, education and research projects which are part of policy transforming the harbour into a new zone for education, research and tourism and clean energy. Read statement
Minister Coveney said Indavers proposed development would "fundamentally compromise government policy in all these projects". Referencing the first ever Integrated Marine Plan for Ireland "Harnessing Our Ocean Wealth", an inter-departmental plan published by Government in 2012, shortly after the 2011 Bord Pleanala refusal of Indavers incinerator, Minister Coveney delivered a detailed history of the National Policies underpinning the three harbour masterplans totalling €100m in Government investment and expected to deliver in the region of 4,000 jobs. He said that the incinerator would undermine the capacity to deliver on these jobs and investment and that "the broader interests of the harbour should not be ignored". Minister Coveney also re-iterated the Department of Defence statement on Friday which outlined that Haulbowline Naval base would be rendered inoperable under South Westerly wind conditions.
Micheal Martin, TD, Fianna Fail leader, highlighted additionally that the residential community of Ringaskiddy has been engaged with industry since the late 1980's and have demonstrated "resilience, strength and reasonableness". He said that if this incinerator goes ahead "the capacity of the community to live and go about their daily lives will be affected". Mr Martin stated how the provision of the incinerator would irreparably damage the 'New Vista' for the Harbour because it would fly in the face of the developments positioning Cork Harbour at the centre of education, tourism and research in the Maritime area. He said that there were "fundamental conflicts at the heart of the County Development Plan" and that there was no planning imperative for this incinerator in this location.
Calling on Bord Pleanala to make the decision on Cork Harbour of the future, not on Cork Harbour of the past, newly elected Sinn Fein TD Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire said "There is absolute unanimity among public representatives about the damage this could do the area with 55 local councillors with all 4 TD's and former TD's standing against it. I reemphasise that it would be rather perverse to see that an Incinerator, with all the risks, hazards and potential implications for the local environment, would be located almost side by side with a world class research facility examining Wave Energy, with clean, 21st Century Energy being researched adjacent to an incinerator. It slants the planning process against local communities and railroads developments." Additionally he criticised the Strategic Infrastructure process in removing the local authorities who have a particular local knowledge, and said it is particularly unfair that it can be used three times. Read Statement.
Michael McGrath is due to speak at a later time.
CHASE Chairperson Mary O'Leary welcomed this mornings presentations saying "Our TD's and Minister came to the Oral Hearing today and put it to the Bord Pleanala in uncategorical terms that the proposed development conflicts in total with the direction which successive Governments have planned, developed policy and allocated funding for in that zone. They also warned clearly that should it be granted, that progress will be damaged."
Presentations were also made this morning by Cobh Solicitor Frank Kelleher, PDForra, NMCI lecturer Jodi Power, and research staff from nearby MaREI marine energy research campus.
Presentations scheduled for tomorrow morning include CHASE experts:
Vyvyan Howard, Toxico-pathologist and expert in the field of nano particles, who will present evidence relating to health effects and
Colm MacDowell, M.Sc., Aff IChemE, MCIWM, D.G.S.A. will present on Waste Management
Filed Under: An Bord Pleanala, Circulation, News, OH2016 Press Release, Press Releases


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Voluntary Strike-Off – An Overview for Irish Companies
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Voluntary Strike-Off is one way in which you may formally wind up a company.
An Irish company that ceases to trade or never traded and has no outstanding creditors can request the Registrar of Companies to strike-off a company from the Register of Companies. Section 733 of the Companies Act 2014 gives the Registrar power to strike companies off the register.
A summary of the requirements is outlined below:
To proceed with a Voluntary Strike-Off application, the director(s) of a company need to ensure that the assets of the company are not greater than €150. Liabilities must also not be greater than €150. Also, all tax filings must be up to date with Revenue.
There are two statutory forms that must be completed and submitted to the Companies Registration Office, the G1-H15 and the H15. The form H15 must be signed by all the directors confirming that the company has ceased to carry on business and that there are no assets or liabilities more than the above-mentioned thresholds remaining. The Form G1-H15 must be signed by a director or secretary of the company.
A Letter of No Objection from Revenue and an advertisement from a daily newspaper must accompany the statutory forms when being submitted to the Companies Registration Office. Once the application is registered by the Companies Registration Office, the company will become 'Strike-Off Listed'. Approximately 3 months thereafter becoming Strike-Off Listed the company will be dissolved.
For further assistance with the Voluntary Strike-Off process, please contact David Morris, Senior Consultant in our Corporate Compliance Department.
September 9, 2019 /by Alison Bourke
Tags: corporate compliance, companies act 2014
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Morgan Lewis Advises Forefront Dermatology on Sale to OMERS Private Equity
NEW YORK, February 12, 2016: Varsity Healthcare Partners, a healthcare-focused private equity investment firm, announced today that it has sold its majority interest in Forefront Dermatology, to OMERS Private Equity Inc., the private equity arm of the OMERS, one of Canada's largest pension plans. Terms of the transaction were not disclosed.
Morgan Lewis represented Forefront, one of the nation's largest and most reputable providers of practice management services to dermatology clinics, in the transaction. Morgan Lewis also represented Varsity Healthcare Partners in the acquisition of Forefront in 2014 and in several add-on acquisitions for Forefront. The deal represents the first investment that Varsity Healthcare Partners has exited since its formation.
The Morgan Lewis team advising Forefront on the sale was led by partner Jonathan Morris and associates Andrew Milano and JiWon Park. Regulatory matters were led by partner Joyce Cowan and associates Anthony Choe and Tamara Senikidze.
Jonathan D. Morris
Andrew L. Milano
Joyce A. Cowan