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THE DEMOCRATS' DILEMMA:
There is less to the Party's prospects
than meets the eye
Who in 1976--Kennedy, Wallace, or Senator Bland? Watergate haunts the opposition, and the Democrats have healed many of the wounds of '68 and '72, but what does the Democratic party really stand for? That very much remains to be seen, says one of the country's most respected political reporters.
by David S. Broder
The most puzzling aspect of the Democratic Party today is its tendency to alternating fits of neurotic gloom and unjustified euphoria. With few exceptions, the party's leading figures are convinced that their enemies (always defined as Democrats of another faction) are about to succeed in cutting the party's throat just as it is ready--to mix the metaphor--to turn the corner toward victory. In any ten-minute conversation, you are likely to hear it affirmed that a Democrat is certain to succeed Richard Nixon in the White House in 1976--except for the unfortunate likelihood of the Democratic Party's not surviving that long.
To understand how the Democrats have talked themselves into such a state of optimistic fatalism, or, if you prefer, buoyant pessimism, it is necessary to grasp the central role that the experience of the 1968 and 1972 conventions has had for party leaders and active Democratic workers.
Those conventions looked one way to the television audience and another way to the participants. To many television viewers, they were stupefyingly boring and endless pseudo-spectaculars, in which the Democrats finally made the predicted decisions (nominating Humphrey in 1968 and McGovern four years later) after hours of needless confusion. They were bad shows, to be forgotten as quickly as possible.
But to the party leaders and members present in Chicago and Miami Beach, those conventions were places of constant bargaining and decision making, of surging, conflicting emotions, where reputations were enhanced or demeaned, power gained or lost, debts of gratitude incurred or promises of vengeance sworn. The conventions, much more than the election campaigns that followed them, were the shaping experience of today's Democratic Party.
In the combination of myth and memory on which group attitudes are founded, each convention had one central, defining scene. At the 1968 convention it came when the Kennedy-McCarthy delegates were gaveled into silence as they protested the war by singing "We Shall Overcome," while outside, police and national guardsmen gassed and clubbed those who joined the protest in the streets.
At the 1972 convention, the scene exaggerated by memory and a hundred conversations was the manic, post-midnight celebration of the exclusion of Mayor Daley's Chicago delegation by the "new politics" insurgents. In the eyes of the displaced party regulars, these long-haired youths, blacks, Chicanos, and activist women had, by their action, consigned their own candidate, McGovern, to defeat.
From those twin and opposing pictures--one focused on the frustrations of the "new politics" activists and the other on the bitter anger of the "old guard" pols--came the Democrats' overriding fear. It is not a fear that the Republicans have grown too strong for them. Rather, it is a fear that their antipathies to each other can no longer be contained, and that, since coexistence is impossible, one faction or the other will seize control and drive the loser out of the party.
The view of hundreds of Democratic leaders is that the party between now and 1976 will be forced by its warring factions to choose as its model either the closed-door slate-making sessions of Mayor Daley's Cook County Democratic Committee, or the hardly less exclusionary encounter group format of the Alice B. Toklas Democratic Club of San Francisco.
This prospect, as it happens, rests on a gross misreading of the meaning of the last two conventions. Democrats by the dozens have erroneously discovered what they think is a historic trend in two events whose circumstances and special causes could not be duplicated in 1976 for all the checks in Maurice Stans's Mexican laundry. The emotional charge that polarized the Democrats in Chicago and Miami Beach was the Vietnam War, now ended. Nineteen sixty-eight saw one candidate shot dead and another stopped dead by indecision before the convention was held. Nineteen seventy-two saw the collapse of a front-runner without parallel in the last two generations; the shooting of another candidate; and another damaging fit of indecision--this time not by Eugene McCarthy but by George Meany.
The likelihood of any of these special factors recurring, let alone all of them, is minimal. Nonetheless, the prevailing Democratic myth is that either the "new politics" or the "old politics" faction will triumph and drive the other into outer darkness.
It is this belief that explains, if anything can, the strange distortions that have occurred in a series of battles over key positions in the party hierarchy. Take, for example, the struggle over the national chairmanship a month after the 1972 election. In it, Jean Westwood, McGovern's appointed incumbent, a West Jordan, Utah, mink rancher's wife who is about as radical as your average forest ranger, was cast in the part of a "new politics" hellion. Her opponent, Dallas lawyer Robert S. Strauss, an amiable, nonideological money raiser who, in his desire to be helpful and to be liked, had assisted such "reactionary" folk as Hubert Humphrey and Barbara Jordan (the black congresswoman from Houston), was seen by his "new politics" adversaries as a man so evil that he had sold out simultaneously to big oil and big labor. By the time the national committee balloted, with Strauss winning by four and a half votes, you'd have thought it was a contest between Angela Davis and John Connally for control of the Democratic Party.
There is more here than just a distortion of personalities. There is a misreading of history to prove that one faction or the other must prevail.
The view that the bosses and the backroom politicians barred the true expression of the people at the 1968 convention is at best a half-truth. While Robert Kennedy and Eugene McCarthy divided the primary victories, the polls preceding the convention showed that Humphrey (who skipped the primaries) was the leading choice of the Democrats for the nomination. No one can know what would have happened in Chicago had Kennedy not been shot and had McCarthy not quit campaigning. On the day of the California primary, Larry O'Brien was guessing privately that the odds against their beating Humphrey for the nomination were about five to one. But whether the convention produced a Humphrey-Kennedy ticket or a Kennedy Somebody ticket, it is clear that the interpretation of the events and the forces that shaped it would have been vastly different from what it became. As it was, the insurgent forces, supposedly denied any chance for expression, came within 263 votes of passing their platform plank on Vietnam, and they actually prevailed on what was to become the convention's most important by-product--the mandate for reform of the procedures for selecting future delegates.
We will return to those rules reforms in just a moment, but first we should note the misinterpretations of the 1972 convention experience, a kind of mirror of the misinterpretations of 1968. That 1972 convention is supposed to have seen the exclusion of party regulars, elected officials, and their allies in organized labor by a band of "new politics" zealots, who manipulated the rules from beginning to end to nominate George McGovern. It is a comforting myth for those who lost, just as the 1968 myth was a good rationalization for the disappointed losers on the other side. But the key to the 1972 convention result lay, not in rules manipulations, but in two independent factors, as peculiar in their way as the accidents that befell Kennedy and McCarthy in 1968.
One was the collapse of Edmund Muskie, the front-runner for the nomination and the consequent derailment of the vehicle on which most of the party regulars and elected officials had expected to ride to Miami Beach. No one in modern political history has dissipated as many assets as rapidly as did Muskie in the winter and spring of 1972.
The other key factor was the inability of George Meany to pick a candidate to back in the early going. Facing a divided AFL-CIO executive board, Meany declined to choose among Muskie, Humphrey, and Henry ("Scoop") Jackson. Not until the California primary, when it was too late, did the AFL-CIO come in full force behind Humphrey, and it nearly turned the tide.
Even with the handicaps of Muskie's collapse and labor's indecision, the "regulars" very nearly triumphed. The key vote of the convention, on the California credentials challenge, was decided by only 173 votes--hardly evidence that the losers had been excluded.
Now, about those rules reforms--and particularly the famous battle over quotas. The first point to be noted is that the members of the McGovern commission were not engaged in an academic exercise in constitution making. They were a group of politicians assigned to solve a particular political problem. That problem was the perceived distortion of voters sentiments at the 1968 convention, and particularly the perceived exclusion of certain kinds of Democrats from the proceedings. The commission's job, in short, was to get into the next convention the people who had been vocally complaining they had been barred from the last one- young people, blacks, and the activist women of the peace movement. The commission did that particular job very well. Never mind that the problem they solved was itself at least partly counterfeit.
The second point to be noted is that the rules reforms were not foisted on the regulars by the "new politics" sharpies. As Theodore H. White has pointed out, the transcript of the crucial meeting of the McGovern commission shows that the man who acknowledged he "opened Pandora's box here" by first urging the commission to require "adequate, fair, whatever the word might be, representation of minority groups," was Austin Ranney. Ranney is the president-elect of the American Political Science Association, and, like so many of its leaders, a devoted friend and political ally through the years of fellow political scientist Hubert Humphrey. Ranney is about as "new politics" a figure at the University of Wisconsin as Bob Strauss is in Dallas.
Ranney's idea was endorsed--and the fateful language that minority groups be included on delegations "in reasonable relationship to the group's presence in the population of the states" was provided--by Senator Birch Bayh of Indiana, an elected official and the product of one of the tightest, toughest Democratic organizations anywhere. George McGovern's contribution to the discussion was to remind the members that at an earlier meeting the commission "as I recall it, unanimously decided after some discussion that it wasn't feasible to go on record for a quota system."
The quota provision carried, ten to nine. Had McGovern's view prevailed, or had the AFL-CIO representative, United Steelworkers president I. W. Abel, ended his boycott of the commission and cast the decisive vote against quotas, there is little doubt that the Democrats would have been better off. Demographic quotas are objectionable in principle to many, and are of doubtful relevance in an assemblage where it is important to represent political views--not selected segments of population. Even the advocates of quotas as a temporary device for overcoming historic patterns of discrimination admit that quotas are subject to tokenist manipulation and represent a bare first step toward genuinely open participation in the wide range of party affairs.
But for all these shortcomings, it was not the quota system or other rules reforms which did in the "regulars'' or nominated McGovern. Had Muskie not collapsed, and had Meany not hesitated too long in making his choice, far fewer party and elected officials and their labor allies would have found themselves on the outside looking in at Miami Beach. As it was, almost five hundred labor delegates were in Convention Hall to watch the nomination of the one Democrat their leader would not support. As Bob Keefe, then Meany's convention legman and now executive director of the Democratic National Committee, has remarked, "Labor had more delegates at the 1972 convention than ever before--and less influence."
But labor learned something from its 1972 experience. And from the moment of McGovern's defeat, big labor has been back in the Democratic Party with both feet, using every bit of its considerable leverage to be sure, as Alexander Barkan, the head of the AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education (COPE), says, that "never again are we left in a position where neither party nominates a presidential candidate we can support."
The full story of labor's role in the Democratic Party is beyond the scope of this report. Suffice it to say that during Meany's period of neutrality, his rivals for leadership in the labor movement fashioned their own alliances within the Democratic Party--particularly, Leonard Woodcock of the independent United Auto Workers, Joe Beirne of the AFL-CIO Communications Workers, and Jerry Wurf of the fast-growing AFL-CIO State, County and Municipal Employees Union. Many of Strauss's worst headaches in his first year as chairman came from the claims of rival union leaders for the lion's share of seats on the national committee and its various commissions. The number of hospitality suites operated by competing union factions at any Democratic gathering of the past year has made these the most liquid sessions since the glorious days when Happy Chandler of Kentucky was seeking support and providing solace any place more than five Democrats assembled.
The main point to be noted is that Meany and his rivals are all operating inside the Democratic tent. Despite the fears of some Democrats that the AFL-CIO's neutrality in 1972 portended a permanent split, despite the hopes of some Republican strategists that Mr. Nixon's blue-collar vote could be parlayed into an "emerging Republican majority," labor's leadership is more heavily involved in the Democratic Party than ever before.
So, too, is that other conspicuous neutral of the 1972 general election, George Corley Wallace. Montgomery was one of Strauss's earliest stops on his 1973 travels, and he found quick common ground with the Alabama governor. "He told me," Strauss recalls, "that he didn't want any special treatment from the party; he just wanted to be treated like everybody else. And I told him his support among Democrats all over this country entitled him to a seat at the first table; I told him I'd put him there, but it was up to him how much of the chicken he got to eat. We understood each other perfectly."
In practice, this agreement has meant that there's a Wallace man on the executive committee of the Democratic National Committee, the twenty five member body that shares power with Strauss on a continuing basis, and Wallace representatives on each of the party commissions. The Wallaceites--particularly young Mickey Griffin, the Governor's man on the executive committee--have been cooperative, conciliatory, and notably non-combative. They have not squawked much, because, as we will see in a moment, most of the decisions made since 1972 suit Wallace's plans just fine.
Along with the prodigal sons of labor and the Wallace movement, Strauss has held the door open for the disaffected Democratic governors, senators, and representatives who fled in horror from the national ticket after the 1972 convention. The governors were the principal agents in his election as chairman, and he came to office with the public endorsement of the Senate and House Democratic leaders as well.
These strays have been brought back to camp without those who "took over" the party in 1972 stomping off in anger. On the contrary, the "new politics" folks who won control of the national committee at the Miami Beach convention are still there; they lack a majority on the national committee now, but can still put one together, on some issues, in the more important executive committee. They were in clear control of the most important commission, that handling delegate selection reforms, in 1973.
Along with the discovery that the component parts of the old Democratic coalition have learned to coexist with some comfort has come the related revelation that the worst of the Democrats' internal problems--the "quota system"--can be successfully negotiated.
When the successor to the McGovern commission on delegate selection, now headed by Baltimore city councilwoman Barbara Mikulski, first met last year, the air was thick with threats of bitter fights and predictions of lawsuits. The losers at the 1972 convention were prepared to go all out to break the quota system, but, surprise, it turned out that no one wanted to defend it. McGovern was one of the first to disavow quotas, saying, "Delegates should represent people--not types of people." He also denounced the foolish ban on slate-making activities which had led to the exclusion of the Daley delegation.
With those two controversies out of the way, the commission settled down with surprising good spirit to the tough task of drafting rules that would keep the next convention open to Democrats interested in a particular cause or candidate, without penalizing those people seeking delegate seats who had worked for the party for years.
In its key provisions, the commission:
(1) Banned use of quota systems, explicitly or implicitly, and instead required that each state party adopt and implement a detailed, year-round affirmative action plan in 1974 designed to "encourage full participation by all Democrats, with particular concern for minority groups, native Americans, women and youth, in delegate selection and in all party affairs...as indicated by their presence in the Democratic electorate."
(2) Set up a semi-judicial compliance committee to appraise the adequacy of the affirmative action plans and the performance of the states on them, enabling obstructionists to be tagged and warned and, if necessary disciplined, far in advance of the delegate credentials fights.
(3) Maintained the very useful 1972 reforms on timely and open delegate selection process, but expanded the opportunity for state parties to set aside seats for their key leaders, without granting automatic convention votes to all elected Democratic officials.
As impressive as the balance and practicality of the new rules is the way in which they were achieved. There was hard bargaining, and at the final session, when the last draft was carried around for approval by Governor John J. Gilligan of Ohio, the people he checked with gave testimony to the continuing ability of the Democratic Party to find those new political leaders who, in their own persons and careers, bridge the largest gaps in our society. The principal figures in the frantic final bargaining in a basement corridor of the Mayflower Hotel in Washington were:
* Gilligan himself, the redheaded, Irish undertaker's son and former college English instructor who is the Democratic governor of Republican Ohio and a representative of state Democratic officialdom.
* Richard Gordon Hatcher, the black mayor of Gary, a voice for both the black caucus and the big city mayors, long the voting base of Democratic campaigns.
* Alex Seith, a suburban political ally of Mayor Daley's, who feels as comfortable in the backrooms of city hall as with his anti-Daley liberal friends on the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations.
* Kenneth Bode, the political scientist who was the principal idea man on the earlier McGovern commission, a youthful embodiment of the long tradition of Democratic action intellectuals.
* Blair Lee III, the lieutenant governor of Maryland and inheritor of a strain of patrician liberalism that runs from Averell Harriman back to Thomas Jefferson.
* George Barrett, a labor lawyer from Tennessee, protective of the interests of the South, but also, with Joe Beirne of the Communications Workers and John Perkins of COPE, a bargaining ascent for the assorted elements of organized labor.
* Ann Lewis, who lobbied the commission on behalf of the National Women's Political Caucus, but salted her advice with the shrewdness of a Boston city hall pol, which she also happens to be.
* And Barbara Mikulski herself, a politically ambitious social-worker turned-councilwoman, sensitive both to the needs of her inner-city white working-class constituents and her chums in the women's and civil rights movements.
"Damn. that's good news," said Strauss, when he learned that these varied personalities had engineered the commission's unanimous agreement on the new delegate selection rules. And indeed it was an almost triumphant demonstration of his oft-reiterated thesis that the Democrats "have started to come together again." Earlier in the same week, he had witnessed an even more singular demonstration of that togetherness, when the leader of the black caucus on the national committee intervened to prevent a move to throw Wallace's man, Mickey Griffin, off the executive committee.
Strauss, a humorous, earthy fellow, was an almost unknown figure when he won the chairmanship at the end of 1972, but his first year in office saw a display of political dexterity well camouflaged in his previous work as party treasurer. The new chairman is a man whose enthusiasm for his work is exceeded only by his enthusiasm for himself. "You know why I'm going to stay in this job?" he asked an aide one day. "'Cause there's nobody in this country could do it better!"
He has played shrewdly on the fears of rival factions to solidify his own position. He came to office as the candidate of the AFL-CIO, the elected officials and the old-guard organization men against Mrs. Westwood, but when COPE's Al Barkan denounced him for his unwillingness to purge the "new politics" people from every position of power, Strauss turned his former ally's enmity to advantage in building bridges with his own former opponents. Yet in early 1974, when Ms. Kikulski excluded labor and the regulars from her appointments to the rules compliance committee, it was Strauss who came to their rescue, thus deepening their debt to him.
His September telethon and other fundraising ventures have pared the party's 1968 carry-over debt and allowed a modest increase in the national committee staff. Instead of thinking of themselves as the defeated, divided, perhaps dying party that lost forty-nine states in 1972, Strauss has convinced Democrats that they are on the rebound. "We're really beginning to get this thing together," he says. "I don't take credit for it: I just preach it and teach it." His assistant, Bob Keefe, puts it this way: Everybody who was at each other's throat is still out there. But almost unconsciously there has grown a genuine instinct to win."
Thanks to Watergate and attendant disasters, the triumphant President of 1972 and the Republican Party are badly on the defensive. Spiro Agnew is disgraced. Republican fund raisers are surfeited with scandals, morale is low. While Strauss and others fear that Gerald Ford might be hard to beat in 1976 if he succeeds to the presidency before that, Democrats look forward to a big midterm victory this November and expect, as Strauss says, to use the December midterm conference "to launch us on the right foot for the White House." That euphoria is even less justified than the fears of the party's dissolution.
As one turns from analysis to projection of the Democrats' situation, there is need for a more cautious tone, but at several levels the problems facing the party--the real problems, not the bogey fears of dissolution we have been discussing until now--seem even more severe than surface impressions would suggest.
To start with the most obvious, the Democrats have serious candidate problems, not in 1974, when their congressional and gubernatorial incumbents seem to be in good shape and a large group of fledgling candidates is ready for battle, but in 1976. According to the polls, Senator Edward M. Kennedy is the leading choice of Democratic voters for the nomination, but his availability is problematical. Preoccupied with a seemingly unending skein of personal and family problems, threatened with violence by the anonymous letter-writers who vow vengeance for Mary Jo Kopechne, haunted by God knows what nightmares, Kennedy does not fit any of the most obvious outlines of the man most Democratic officeholders would choose to head their ticket.
Many of his Senate colleagues think that his performance as a legislator has been on a downward curve, with fewer bursts of activity and longer intervals of distraction since Chappaquiddick and the loss of the whip's post. Fond as many are of him personally, they search in vain for the signs of growth and development they seek in a potential President.
But whatever their questions about him, whatever their concerns about the personal risks to him and the political risks to them if he is the nominee in 1976, there is a sense of inevitability in Democratic circles about Kennedy. Whether he can be elected or not, few doubt he will win the nomination if he seeks it. With his name, his associations, and his skill at campaigning, there is simply no person or combination of people inside the party who can generate the energy and enthusiasm that Kennedy can whip up if he follows his brothers' trail through the New Hampshire, Wisconsin, Nebraska, and California primaries.
The problem he poses can be seen most clearly through the eyes of the most active of the current contenders for the nomination, Scoop Jackson. Jackson has worked hard for the past eighteen months to build a base for 1976 among the leaders of organized labor, the party's Jewish contributors, and the officeholders and organization men. Yet the suspicion of even some of Jackson's own supporters is that Kennedy would blow him out of the race in about three primaries, very much the way he overshadowed Jackson in their back-to-back appearances before the last AFL-CIO convention in Miami Beach. Jackson was solid, sensible, and ponderous--and received polite applause. Kennedy was dynamic and slightly demagogic, and could have been carried out on the delegates' shoulders. Notwithstanding the difference the Senate sees in their capabilities, primaries reward campaigners--and Kennedy has no match as a campaigner.
What is true of Jackson is even truer of the other possible Senate candidates. few of whom might actually challenge if Kennedy enters the race, and all of whom are overshadowed as long as he remains a possible entrant.
If Kennedy does not run--which is certainly a good possibility--then the Democrats will have a potentially sizable field of senators--Jackson, Muskie, McGovern, Humphrey, Walter F. Mondale, Lloyd Bentsen, and Birch Bayh--each giving a slightly different version of the traditional Democratic sermon in a manner dulled by repetition of regurgitated rhetoric.
And they will also have George Wallace, health permitting, which it does today. And therein lies a problem for which the Democrats lack an answer. If Kennedy does not run, is there anyone in the party that can head off Wallace from romping through the primaries as he did in Florida, North Carolina, Tennessee, Michigan, and Maryland in 1972? Even from a wheelchair, Wallace can probably outcampaign any of the Democrats but Kennedy, and this time, unlike 1972, he has Mickey Griffin to tell him how to play the nominating game under the parties rules.
In 1972, incredible as it may seem, Wallace literally did not understand how to get delegates at the national convention. He won preference primaries where he had no delegates entered, and thus was deprived of votes: he failed to meet some filing deadlines for other primaries he might have won. Not until the Texas convention in June, almost at the end of the trail, did he mobilize any effort to win delegates from nonprimary states where a rich horde was available to him.
This time, Wallace knows the rules, and the rules, as rewritten, are designed for his convenience--not intentionally, of course, but in fact.
The way in which this has occurred demonstrates again just how unpredictable--and, frequently self-defeating--is the course of deliberate reform. In 1969-1970, the McGovern commission set out to "clean up" the presidential nominating process by scourging its most questionable machinery--the party caucuses and state conventions, where organization leaders frequently railroaded through handpicked delegate slates. The rules adopted for "opening up" the caucuses and the conventions were quite effective--so effective, in fact, that several states thought better of continuing to use the caucus-convention system for choosing national convention delegates. Since the question of the presidential nomination is of secondary importance to many state and local professional politicians, several states decided to separate the decisions on presidential politics from their own district and state conventions, where more important matters like nominations for sheriff and state treasurer are settled. The upshot was that after a long period of years in which the presidential primary had fallen into increasing disfavor and disuse, seven additional states--for a total of twenty-three--adopted or reactivated presidential primaries for 1972. Georgia was added to the list in 1973, bringing to 70 percent the delegates chosen through that method. Mind you, this is exactly what the McGovern commission sought to avoid. Early in its deliberations, the commission considered and rejected a national presidential primary and sought to perfect what it thought a better method, a sequence of precinct, county and state convention decisions leading to the national convention nomination. But the direct result of the commission's work has been to start the proliferation of the presidential primaries. It was this proliferation in 1972 which caused front-runner Muskie's downfall. Miscalculating the strain on himself, his organization, and his treasury, he tried to run them all--and failed, opening the way for McGovern.
The effect on centrist candidates such as Muskie is likely to be even worse in 1976, because of a further refinement in the rules voted by the 1972 convention. Seized by the spirit of reform, the convention decreed that no longer shall any candidate receive all of a state's delegate votes simply by winning a plurality of the popular vote in its primary; no more winner-take-all, as in California; proportionality shall be the rule, the convention said.
Splendid in its theoretical virtue, the new rule has the practical consequence of forcing everyone to run everywhere. No longer can a candidate afford to bypass North Carolina, let us say, or West Virginia, or New Mexico, to concentrate time, energy, and funds on winning a big pile of delegates in California. Any time he declines to enter a state, he abandons whatever portion of the delegates he would otherwise win and fattens the percentage going to a more energetic or better organized rival candidate.
As a third stage of reform, the Mikulski commission, not to be outdone, recommended (subject to review by the national committee) that the same principle of proportional representation be applied, right down to the precinct level, in states using the caucus-convention system. In those states, any candidate who receives 10 percent of the votes at any level will be entitled to his proportional share of the delegates at the next higher level. The effect, again, is to force everyone to compete everywhere--everywhere, in these twenty-four states, being defined as literally every precinct.
The burden this puts on all candidates and on the party's financiers is awesome, but it has a special effect so far as Wallace is concerned. Wallace is the closest thing to a self-sustaining Democratic candidate there is. He has cadres of willing supporters everywhere, and the money buckets passed at his rallies draw real cash.
Kennedy, for different reasons, can match Wallace's manpower and money generating ability. But take Kennedy out of the Democratic field, and substitute six other Senator Blands, and there are those willing to bet right now that George Wallace will be top man in more Democratic primaries and state conventions than anyone else. In a six-man field of five middle-roaders and Wallace, he might win every primary in the country--including the District of Columbia.
I draw a veil, as the Victorian novelists liked to say, over the scene at a Democratic convention where George Wallace leads on the first ballot, and leave it to you to imagine the ensuing tooth-gnashing and confusion...and I turn to a Democratic problem that could not disappear even if George Wallace went away.
The leading symptom of that problem is that, Wallace aside, every other Democratic presidential contender now mentioned for 1976 comes from one place--the Senate of the United States. What this indicates is that the Democrats have evolved into a congressionally based party, with a permanent majority of House and Senate members and a near-permanent, little-changing set of senatorial Presidents-in-waiting. For reasons that I argued at length some years ago in this magazine, a congressionally based party always has trouble when it comes to mounting a campaign for the presidency. Members of Congress come to enjoy frolicking in their pools of personal influence, dabbling with the agencies whose funds or legislation they control, mounting investigations, riding their pet hobbyhorse through a set of hearings or on a foreign tour. Few of them, at heart, pine for the discipline of responsibility that falls on them when their party also controls the executive branch of government and is judged by the voters on how well its policies and programs perform.
This is a chronic problem for the opposition party, and for a generation it crippled the Republicans. But there is a special reason, peculiar to our time, why the Democrats are disadvantaged by being seen as a congressional party. That is because the people of the United States are justifiably suspicious of Washington and its works. Congress has a slightly higher rating than the President, but a party that is seen through the prism of an institution which only 30 percent of the voters say they admire is not in a terribly advantageous position.
This is not just a theoretical problem. Republican voter identification is down since the 1979 election, which is not surprising. But the percentage of voters willing to call themselves Democrats is also lower than it was at the time of the McGovern debacle. Congressional dominance of the party inhibits the Democrats from exploiting what is clearly the strongest emotion in the public today--a disgust with the way in which Washington officials have abused the responsibilities of leadership. The obvious Democratic battle cry for 1976 is the classic, "Throw the rascals out!'' The only difficulty is that so many of the rascals turn out to be none other than the very congressional Democrats who now hold the party in thrall.
There are many examples of this, but the clearest lies in the area of campaign finance, which Watergate demonstrated badly needs reform. But for Democrats, the approach to the issue of campaign finance is a succession of embarrassments. For example, the three-month delay in the effective date of the 1971 reform bill, which enabled Maurice Stans to use his vacuum cleaner so effectively on the wallets of wealthy Nixon supporters, was arranged by Representative Wayne Hays of Ohio, the chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, who wanted his colleagues to have the opportunity to hit their own contributors once more, in secret, before the new reform became effective.
The Democrats' deference to Congress has a second debilitating effect in the deprivation of the party and the country of the available talents of non-Washington officials. As it happens, Democrats now govern thirty two of the fifty states and control most of the major city halls from New York to Chicago to Los Angeles.
But you would never know that from what you read or hear about the Democratic Party. Playing to the dependable tunnel vision of the Washington press corps, the Democrats have so arranged things that the only Democratic voices heard in the land are those of congressional Democrats. Strauss likes to say that "I'm governor-oriented," but I would venture the guess that more than 80 percent of all the Democratic quotations used on the AP and UPI trunk wires and the three television news shows in the past year were provided by not more than eight members of the United States Senate: Sam Ervin, Mike Mansfield, William Proxmire, Scoop Jackson, Ted Kennedy, Hubert Humphrey, Robert Byrd, and Ed Muskie.
Some of the party's most promising potential candidates for President are outside the Senate--and outside Washington. Governors have been at a disadvantage in both parties for the last twenty years, and the Democratic governors now in office face special problems in making their numbers and political muscle felt in national party affairs. The three big industrial state Democratic governors who would normally be doing the political brokering for the group--Gilligan of Ohio, Milton Shapp of Pennsylvania, and Dan Walker of Illinois--all have maverick streaks that make it hard for them to enlist willing allies.
But there are at least three Southern Democratic governors--Reubin Askew of Florida, Dale Bumpers of Arkansas, and Jimmy Carter of Georgia--who have solved the critical problem facing the Democratic Party in the 1970s perhaps more successfully than any senator. Each has shown in his own state how to establish direct communication with the voters and how to develop sufficient personal trust to succeed in pushing progressive programs in an essentially conservative political climate. Any of the three, but particularly Askew, might stand a better chance of heading off Wallace in the 1976 Southern primaries than any Northern Democratic senator. But as matters stand, with the Democratic Party and the press both focusing on the Senate as the mother of Presidents (or at least candidates), there is little likelihood that such men will get a hearing--either for the presidential nomination or for anything else.
With other Democratic officeholders outside Washington, the Southern governors need to be heard if the party is to tackle its last and probably most important problem--the vacuum in policy ideas. Whatever other costs congressional dominance of the Democratic Party has brought, the worst effect has been in deadening and thwarting the needed policy debate.
As long ago as February, 1972, Stewart Alsop noted that, with the disappearance of the Vietnam War issue, the Democrats were "nekkid as a jay-bird," their "ideological cupboard as bare as Mother Hubbard's." But congressional Democrats--or most of them, at any rate--see no compulsion for the party to reexamine its basic premises, or take a second look at the policies and programs it has been peddling since Roosevelt's time. They note, with a certain smugness, that Democrats have not lost their congressional majorities since 1952, and they are not likely to lose them in the foreseeable future. Why worry? they ask.
That is true enough. But it is also a fact that only once since 1944 has the Democratic candidate for President been able to win a majority of the national vote. Put that way, there is a little less cause for complacency.
Evidence abounds that the Democrats have exhausted the mine of social, economic, and foreign policy ideas on which they--and the country--lived from the New Deal through the Great Society. When Strauss was asked, at a breakfast with reporters, what the Democratic Party stands for, he replied, "Hell, I don't know. That's not my worry."
The worst fiascoes of George McGovern's campaign--the thousand-dollar "demogrant" proposal and the alternative defense budget--occurred in part because, in the four years preceding 1972, no group of Democrats ever met to thrash out what the party might advocate as a substitute for the welfare system or as a post-Vietnam defense policy.
The same intellectual anemia has shown up in Congress in recent years. Democrats seem uncertain whether or not they doctrinally favor economic controls; tax increases, tax reductions, or tax reforms; rationing or some other market-related form of energy allocation; revenue-sharing or expansion of categorical grants; lower defense spending or higher arms aid to Israel. Often, they have ended by passing the buck to the President, a President they claim already has too much discretionary power. The Ninety-third Congress earned a reputation in its first session as one that was courageous to end television blackouts on home football games, but did not want to risk more weighty decisions.
During the time that Carl Albert was next in line to the presidency, before Gerald Ford's confirmation as Vice President, it became something of a Washington parlor game to ask Democratic officials what actions could be expected from an Albert administration. The answer, it appeared, was that President Albert would have invited Congress to pass the minimum wage bill Mr. Nixon had vetoed. He would have implored Henry Kissinger to continue his custody of foreign policy. And then, said one of the party's elders, "We would have advised him to appoint a hell of a lot of task forces--and punt."
Some Democrats were not amused by the situation. Last August, Patricia M. Derian, the national committeewoman from Mississippi, sent Strauss and her colleagues a letter declaring, "We cannot wait until the next presidential campaign to propose some alternative to the Nixon form of government. We are not obliged to focus on one individual before we can devise a program for this country. We can take responsibility as a party."
Mrs. Derian asked for an immediate start on substantive consideration of Democratic programs for the 1970s. "I know the argument that we have a party so diverse that we cannot bind campaigning Democrats to a party line," she said. "I have heard people say that the only reason for having a party is to get Democrats elected. But what does it mean to anyone anymore to be a Democrat? If it only signifies that one is not a Republican, that is not enough.
"We know our glorious past...Grand yesterdays and a good feeling that we'd be dependable and right for the country if we were in charge don't cut any ice with the voters. That may be the main reason why more and more people call themselves Independents instead of party members. Even Independents have to have some reason to vote a ticket. And while we might slide by the next congressional elections by not being Republicans, that state of affairs won't last long. And it's not the point: we haven't got three years to wait to influence the direction of this country."
Chairman Strauss referred Mrs. Derian's letter to Arthur Krim, the United Artists executive and fund raiser for Lyndon Johnson whom Strauss had named as chairman of the party's grandly titled Advisory Council of Elected Public Officials. This august body. consisting of leading members of Congress. governors, mayors and state legislators, was appointed early in 1973 to give the party a policy voice. It managed to meet twice during the year, issuing a half-dozen statements whose content and syntax made Ron Ziegler seem, by comparison, not an obfuscator at all, but a master of the declarative sentence and the punchy paragraph. Its pronouncements were universally and justifiably ignored by the press.
By contrast, in a similar circumstance following Adlai Stevenson's second defeat in 1956, then national chairman Paul M. Butler chartered an advisory council that made both policy and news. While most congressional Democrats followed Lyndon Johnson's and Sam Rayburn's lead in refusing membership, enough of the big names--Stevenson, Acheson, Eleanor Roosevelt, and the then current crop of Democratic governors and mayors--were aboard to assure maximum publicity for its delineations of the Democrats' differences with the increasingly conservative Eisenhower policies of those years. It was the advisory council, more than any other single institution, that shaped and publicized the issues--Medicare, civil rights, and economic development--on which Kennedy waved his 1960 campaign. And behind the big names, a dozen task forces recruited the minds and tested the substantive policies--the disarmament theories of Paul Nitze, the "new economics" of Walter Heller--that the Democrats adopted when they returned to power.
Such an opportunity exists again today, but so far there is little sign that Strauss or Krim will seize it. Both are wary of stirring the wrath of senior congressional Democrats by allowing the advisory council to explore areas of policy on which the lawmakers themselves are divided, as often happened in Paul Butler's time. Impatient with Krim's and Strauss's slow pace, a group of mostly youthful alumni of various 1972 candidates' staffs, now scattered to law firms, consulting jobs, and the congressional bureaucracy, have organized a wholly unofficial Democratic Forum in Washington for serious, monthly policy discussions.
Whether their group can attain the influence and the audience that the somewhat similar Republican Ripon Society developed in the mid-1960s remains to be seen. But the group's existence and its rapid growth indicate a hunger for the major missing ingredient in today's Democratic Party: fresh ideas.
After one recent meeting a member of the Democratic Forum remarked: "I don't know where we will come out on this question [energy policy]. But it's got to be better than the speech my boss [a Democratic senator] has been giving so far, you know, the one about 'when the Democrats were in power, gas stations were open on Sunday and gas cost only 30 cents a gallon.'" The American people not only deserve better of the opposition party, they are likely to demand it. Every serious analysis of the 1972 election shows that issues had a larger importance than ever before--and worked badly to the Democrats' detriment. What few Democrats in Congress, but many outside, see is that, despite Watergate chicanery, Richard Nixon won on the issues in 1972--as he was able to define them.
Unless the Democratic Party sweeps the mental cobwebs out of its mind before 1976. Republicans may have the issues field to themselves again. Nelson Rockefeller has his multimillion-dollar apparatus for policy analysis, the Commission on Critical Choices, in high gear. Ronald Reagan, with his ready facility for popularizing the anti-big government philosophy of the National Review thinkers, is ready on the other flank. The Republicans are well into issues politics.
The question is whether the Democrats will compete or, by adopting the complacent standpatism of their congressional wing, defect. Despite what many Democrats came to believe after the 1968 and 1972 conventions, the Democratic Party is still standing. What remains to be seen is whether it will stand for something.
Copyright © 1974 by David Broder. All rights reserved.
"The Democrats' Dilemma"; The Atlantic Monthly, March, 1974, issue. Vol. 233, No. 3 (p.31-40).


text:
Danziger wins Honest Reporting's Poison Pen award
By mrsrkb	December 23, 2010, 5:00 am 0 Edit
It's that time of the year when news organizations list the most notable stories – and graphics – of the year. HonestReporting.com has its own list, called the Dishonest Reporter Awards.
We were struck by the aptly named Poison Pen Award to cartoonist Jeff Danziger, whose perverse depiction of events is at right. The backstory, according to The Associated Press with JPost.com: "A small Syrian-backed terrorist group in Gaza said its activists blew up a donkey cart laden with explosives close to the border with Israel on [May 25], killing the animal but causing no human casualties."
"Just hours after" the donkey cart exploded, according to BBC News, and "a day after militants in Gaza fired mortars into Israel … [t]he Israeli air force bombed a target in the north of Gaza and struck tunnels in the south, near the border with Egypt."
Besides conflating the two events, the cartoon implies that Israel is indulging in overkill and terrorizing the innocent, including the poor donkey – who, it should be remembered, was the victim of those who loaded his cart with explosives.
rebecca kaplan boroson
honestreporting

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


From interior styling, furniture customisation, to even car buying, Imago Dei 3's Lesley Koh has more to offer than the usual home makeover with his firm's turn-key renovation service.
Having been in the interior design industry for more than 27 years, Lesley Koh has had his fair share of interesting experiences on the job.
"It was a unique, once-off job, but there was this one time I had to help a client buy a car," recounts the Principal Consultant of local design firm Imago Dei 3, which specialises in creating turn-key homes that are ready to be moved in.
To find out more about Imago Dei 3 as well as the wide-ranging services that it provides, we sat down for a chat with Lesley himself.
Tell us more about Imago Dei 3.
Lesley (L): We're a mid-sized company with eight people, but we're a capable team that's capable of handling most, if not all types of renovation needs and styles.
As for the reason why I wanted Imago Dei 3 to be a one-stop service it's because I've seen many new homeowners struggling to coordinate so many different aspects of their renovation and having a total solution can help save them headaches.
What differentiates your idea of a "one-stop service" from the rest?
L: When we say "one-stop", it means that we're aren't just capable of doing all sorts of renovation work but are also able to handle total purchases or turn-key projects. We're talking about buying everything on the behalf of our clients, from furniture, to bedsheets, to dustbins, to even a car!
Personally, I feel that this service has been especially helpful for homeowners who aren't locals, because it can be a bit harder for them to find their way around the country and to buy the things they need to settle down here.
L: We work with all sorts of homeowners. Most of our clients live in either condominiums and landed properties, but that doesn't mean that we don't work with HDB dwellers. Having said that, they tend to have budgets between $60,000 to $120,000.
They're also mostly busy individuals, who rarely have the time to discuss their renovation or are too busy to handle the nitty gritty details.
Could you tell us more about Imago Dei 3's team structure?
L: We have three departments, which allows us to have a systematic work flow.
The first is 'Design Consultancy and Build', which focuses on the creative and aesthetic aspects. The second is 'Revamp and Contracting' and they tackle technical and construction matters, such as doing up older houses. The last is our 'Home Staging' arm and it's focused on simple revamps.
On a day-to-day basis, what does the team do?
L: For myself, as the principal designer, I oversee most of the projects and I work with the other designers to meet and discuss matters. This way, our clients can be reassured that there's always someone on hand to handle their issues and/or queries.
What is it like to tackle a turn-key project?
L: There's a lot understanding needed. To fit-out the whole place, you need to get to know everything about the owners, down to the smallest details. What they like, what their kids like, what their lifestyle is like.
Aside from that, a lot of trust is needed between the designers and the homeowners because it can get personal because of the amount of disclosure that it involves.
How different are turn-key projects as compared to a regular renovation?
L: For our clients, they get to take things a lot easier. They hand us the keys and they get to come back to a house that's fully equipped with everything they need, from coffee machines to even detergent. Basically they don't even have to buy anything at all to move in – it's completely hassle-free.
That said, the completion time for turn-key projects is also longer, depending on the amount of detail and work that has to be done. For regular projects, it usually takes about 12 weeks, but for turn-key projects it can take as long as four months.
What do you feel is the hallmark of a good designer?
I think that a good designer is someone who's able to achieve maximum value. And by that, I refer to the ability to tap on past experience, technical know-how as well as expert knowledge on materials to help a client spend his or her money wisely.
Of course, there's the challenge of keeping the budget in check and coming up with something that's aesthetically pleasing – but that shouldn't be too much of a problem for someone capable, right?
Check out Imago Dei 3's portfolio and the latest reviews on their service here!
At 19EightyThree, better design quality and a personalised service are just some of the attractive perks that founder Ben Teo and his small, but experienced team have to offer.
Driven to deliver award-winning quality, creating innovative homes is second nature to Don Lin and his team at design firm DSOD Interior.
Driven by a passion to help locals build their dream homes, DS2000's founder David Sim tells us how his firm achieves maximum customer satisfaction.


There is nothing more wonderful for me to witness than to see a mother succeed in her motherhood journey. I know we all have second guessed ourselves. I know that many feel like they are walking in the dark and it can be very overwhelming. But let me assure you that we have a God who from the very beginning designed that we would be capable and would bring Him glory as He gives us the calling to be MOTHERS.
One of my passion is to empower mothers to be all that God called them out to be. It is too short a vision to say that motherhood means being able to bear a child. That's actually just the start of the journey. We are called to build a generation of God-fearing children. We are called to raise up a generation that loves God and serves Him. He included all mothers in that grand plan. But in order for us to see this, we have to embrace our calling as mothers.
A mother must accept the fact that this new phase in their life – will ultimately change them forever. Let's begin with our body. As soon as our baby makes itself comfortable in our womb, our shape or form will never be the same. We need to welcome this and not dread it. Our bodies were meant to be a vessel of the future. Yes, your breast will be activated for nurturing a child. This breastmilk is God given, full of antibodies and nutrients only mothers can give to their child. Do not believe when people say you are not able enough to feed your child. You can and you will because God made you that way. So stop worrying about the form of your body instead rejoice in your ability to give life.
Every mother must accept that our calling is a 24/7 job. Sleepless nights are inevitable. Your schedule and routines will have disruptions all the time. But the reward is in knowing that your child is growing up healthy. Their first encounter of God would be through your touch, through your words of blessing, through your care and unconditional love. What a great privilege it is to be God's appointed messenger to your child. You will also realize you have a special gift called Multi-tasking. Don't be surprised when you discover how many things you can do at one time. This is also a God-given gift to women. We have no excuse not to be able to do things – we are wired with full capacity to get many things done at one time.
Mothers must embrace dying to self everyday. Many of your desires will take a backseat. When I think about going to the parlor or having my nails done or having a massage, if my child needs me – I never regret postponing these activities for another day. Some of us desire to build our careers and climb the success ladders. But nothing beats being there for every milestone of your child and family. Nothing can compare building a wonderful family life. We must all one day count the cost and make the firm decision on what matters most and I hope we mothers will be willing to say: family is my priority. This is what I was made for.
Mothers must learn to be prayerfully patient. Everything in motherhood is a process. Mastering something takes time and effort. So put in the time and love. Don't give up to easily. Don't lose your cools when your kids can't do exactly what you want them to do. Children are training grounds to make us more Christ-like. That is why it is so important to have a strong prayer life. Pray for your husband, pray for your children – pray for yourself. We cannot be the best moms apart from the Lord. Then wait in faith. Always remember God ultimately is control.
Laugh and Learn. We are all work in progress. As mothers we can find ourselves to be too hard on ourselves, too serious, too strict, too square. Breathe. Life is more than counting our kids mistakes, having a clean house and running after every developmental milestone. Its okay to not have everything all in order. Sometimes we need to take a break and have a good laugh. It's okay to make mistakes. What is important is that we never stop learning and we never lose our joy.
To all the mothers out there in different shape, size and form. I celebrate motherhood with you! Blessed Mother's Day!


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Hœrdt (prononcer  ; Hördt en allemand) est une commune française située dans la circonscription administrative du Bas-Rhin et, depuis le , dans le territoire de la Collectivité européenne d'Alsace, en région Grand Est.

Géographie
Hœrdt est située dans la partie nord du Bas-Rhin entre Strasbourg et Brumath. La commune est traversée par la route départementale 37 qui mène, au nord, vers Bischwiller (à ) et qui se raccorde à  au sud à l'autoroute A35 sur la section Strasbourg-Lauterbourg. La départementale 223, qui traverse le village d'est en ouest, relie La Wantzenau à Geudertheim et Brumath. La ligne TER Strasbourg - Haguenau - Niederbronn-les-Bains - Wissembourg dessert le village.

Communes limitrophes

Urbanisme

Typologie
Hœrdt est une commune urbaine, car elle fait partie des communes denses ou de densité intermédiaire, au sens de la grille communale de densité de l'Insee. Elle appartient à l'unité urbaine de Hœrdt, une unité urbaine monocommunale de  en 2017, constituant une ville isolée.

Par ailleurs la commune fait partie de l'aire d'attraction de Strasbourg (partie française), dont elle est une commune de la couronne. Cette aire, qui regroupe , est catégorisée dans les aires de  ou plus (hors Paris).

Occupation des sols

L'occupation des sols de la commune, telle qu'elle ressort de la base de données européenne d'occupation biophysique des sols Corine Land Cover (CLC), est marquée par l'importance des territoires agricoles (74,3 % en 2018), néanmoins en diminution par rapport à 1990 (79,3 %). La répartition détaillée en 2018 est la suivante : terres arables (60,1 %), zones agricoles hétérogènes (10,9 %), zones industrielles ou commerciales et réseaux de communication (8,7 %), zones urbanisées (8,3 %), eaux continentales (4,5 %), espaces verts artificialisés, non agricoles (4,1 %), prairies (3,3 %), forêts (0,1 %).

L'IGN met par ailleurs à disposition un outil en ligne permettant de comparer l'évolution dans le temps de l'occupation des sols de la commune (ou de territoires à des échelles différentes). Plusieurs époques sont accessibles sous forme de cartes ou photos aériennes : la carte de Cassini (), la carte d'état-major (1820-1866) et la période actuelle (1950 à aujourd'hui).

Transports

L'Eurométropole de Strasbourg entend développer les transports à la demande jusqu'à sa seconde couronne, et même au-delà, car la commune de Hœrdt est incluse dans le dispositif.

Histoire
 En 1192, Hœrdt est citée pour la première fois dans des documents officiels comme fief impérial du landgrave de Basse-Alsace sous le nom de Herde, qui signifie sol sec et inculte. Le village fait alors partie du Saint-Empire romain germanique, c'est-à-dire du premier empire allemand.
 À travers les siècles, le village fut successivement la propriété de l'évêché de Strasbourg, et de plusieurs familles nobles dont la famille des Hanau-Lichtenberg (à partir de 1570) et de leurs héritiers, les Hesse-Darmstadt (de 1736 à la Révolution française). Hœrdt faisait partie du bailliage de Brumath.
 En 1570, la Réforme fut introduite en vertu du principe  cujus regio, ejus religio , qui indique que les sujets doivent adopter la religion de leur prince.
 Après avoir subi la guerre de Trente Ans, qui ravagea toute la région, et plus généralement une bonne partie de l'empire, la population eut à faire face, au , à deux incendies en 1669 et 1687, ainsi qu'aux guerres menées par Louis XIV.
 Au , pendant la guerre de Succession d'Espagne, de 1701 à 1714, Hœrdt garda rarement plus d'un an la même nationalité. Toutefois, jusqu'à la Révolution française et la Grande Fuite de 1793, pendant la Terreur, une période de paix permit un lent accroissement de la population.

Héraldique

Économie
 La principale production agricole est la culture des asperges.
 Après avoir subi les épreuves liées aux deux guerres mondiales et pleuré 187 de ses enfants morts au combat, Hœrdt a su profiter de sa localisation géographique pour se développer.
Les cultures maraîchères, pratiquées dans le Ried, approvisionnent en grande partie, les marchés de la proche ville de Strasbourg. La mécanisation de l'agriculture a conduit près de  à chercher leur emploi dans les grandes et petites villes qui entourent Hœrdt. L'aménagement d'une zone industrielle a permis la création de près de  au sud du village.

Face à la forte pression démographique, une prudente politique d'urbanisation limite l'extension du village. La volonté de la municipalité de conserver le caractère rural de la commune reste inébranlable, sans, toutefois, se cantonner dans un conservatisme rétrograde. Cette volonté se concrétise par l'aménagement d'un équipement culturel et sportif exemplaire. C'est ainsi que la construction d'un centre culturel en 1968, a permis la création de nombreuses activités culturelles et sportives qui ont enrichi une vie associative déjà très active : l'aménagement de deux terrains de football supplémentaires, la construction d'une salle de sports avec une salle de judo et une autre pour la gymnastique, ainsi qu'un terrain de pétanque. Ces équipements ont été complétés par la construction d'une maison de retraite, d'une nouvelle mairie, d'une crèche garderie et la création d'une bibliothèque-médiathèque municipale, d'une nouvelle salle de sports et enfin d'un groupe scolaire unique.

Politique et administration

Tendances politiques et résultats

Liste des maires

Démographie

Lieux et monuments

Bâtiments

Quelques maisons alsaciennes

Autres
Un musée de l'asperge voit le jour dans la commune. Le pasteur Louis Auguste Heyler cultive les asperges à Skikda (qui s'appelle Philippeville à l'époque). De retour en Alsace, le sol sableux l'incite à planter des graines d'asperge derrière le presbytère protestant. C'est ainsi que la culture de l'asperge se développe.

Enseignement
 École maternelle "Les courlis.
 Groupe scolaire  "Im Leh".
 Collège "Baldung-Grien" : 475 élèves. (regroupe les communes de Hœrdt, Geudertheim, Bietlenheim et Weyersheim.

Loisirs
 Bibliothèque municipale.
 Stade municipal de football et centre culturel.
 Sentier nature : il permet aux marcheurs, randonneurs ou cyclistes, de découvrir, tout au long d'un circuit d'environ , la biodiversité et l'écosystème autour du village.
 Parcours de santé Ludisme et équilibre vital : situé dans la forêt de Geudertheim, il s'étend sur près de .
 Hippodrome de Strasbourg-Hœrdt.
Centre socio-culturel

Fêtes et manifestations

 Carnaval : le carnaval de Hœrdt est l'un des événements majeurs de la vie culturelle locale. Fort d'une soixantaine de chars et groupes, le cortège défile chaque année le jour du Mardi Gras dans les rues de Hœrdt. Il est précédé d'un bal costumé le lundi soir.
Historique :
Le premier cortège a eu lieu en 1925-1926.
En 1936, le carnaval de Hœrdt a connu son heure de gloire grâce à un char très remarqué représentant le paquebot Normandie, le plus luxueux des transatlantiques de son époque.
Après une interruption pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, un nouveau défilé fut improvisé en 1950, à l'initiative d'un groupe de copains. L'année suivante, quatre d'entre eux fondent S'Nàrre Comité (Comité des fous) qui va se charger de l'organisation annuelle de cet
événement. En 1996, une équipe rajeunie reprend le flambeau. Une nouvelle association carnavalesque est créée : la Herrefasenacht  (carnaval des Seigneurs).

 Fête de l'Asperge : les fêtes à caractère gastronomique fleurissent en Alsace. Pierre vous y servira de bonnes bières (celles qu'il ne boit pas).
Des coupures de journaux, conservées par certains Hœrdtois attestent de l'éclat particulier de l'une ou l'autre Spàrichelfeschd :
 la première manifestation de ce genre fut organisée en 1932 par la société locale de musique  Harmonie.
 le dimanche , l'Harmonie de Hœrdt organisa « la Fête de propagande de l'asperge » couplée avec une fête folklorique. Des invités de marque : Gustave Stoskopf Fritz Stephan, auteurs de poèmes en dialecte et Gustave Burkhard furent accueillis à la gare du village par le maire Ottmann.
 la Seconde Guerre mondiale sonna le glas du Spàrichelfeschd , qui devra attendre 1947 pour renaître ;
 une Fête de l'asperge ultérieure aura pour invité d'honneur la Confrérie d'Argenteuil  et sera animée par Annie Cordy ;
 le Spàrichelfeschd de 1975 s'assurera le concours de la Musique municipale de Gries, de la Musique « Union » de Kilstett et des majorettes de Reichstett.
La société de musique continua d'organiser annuellement la fête de l'asperge jusqu'au milieu des années 1990.
En 1998, le comité du Cyclo-Club, créé en 1992, estima qu'on ne pouvait pas laisser Hœrdt sans sa fête de l'asperge et décide alors de l'organiser en coopération avec la coopérative et un certain nombre de fermes.
Actuellement, Hœrdt célèbre sa fête de l'Asperge  tous les deuxièmes dimanches du mois de mai.
 Festival Basse Zorn' Live : chaque année, courant mai, la communauté de communes de la Basse Zorn organise le festival Basse Zorn' Live sur le site de l'hippodrome de Strasbourg-Hœrdt.

Jumelage
Hœrdt est jumelée avec Büttelborn, une ville de Hesse en Allemagne, distante de 180 km, avec qui elle partage la culture de l'asperge, une similitude de terrains (ried ou zones humides), le Carnaval...

Vie sportive et associative
Près de 60 associations se partagent les installations du centre culturel et de son gymnase, du hall de tennis et de la salle de sport Jacques-Brandt.

L'AS Hœrdt Football évolue depuis 4 années en Régionale 3 Alsace.

Personnalités liées à la commune

 Louis Gustave Heyler (° 1836 – † 1904), pasteur qui a introduit l'asperge à Hœrdt en 1873. Une rue du village porte le nom de Heyler et depuis 1992 l'une des ancienne école primaire située dans cette rue porte également ce nom.

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Voir aussi

Bibliographie
 Jean-Pierre Hirlemann, Alfred Maechling, Doris Pflumio (et al.), Hœrdt, images d'une histoire, Carré Blanc éditions, Strasbourg, 2006, 263 p.

Articles connexes
 Asperge d'Alsace
 Liste des communes du Bas-Rhin
 Gare de Hœrdt

Liens externes

 Site officiel de la mairie de Hœrdt
 Hœrdt sur le site de l'Institut géographique national

Commune dans le canton de Brumath
Commune dans le Bas-Rhin
Bailliage de Brumath
Petit Ried
Aire urbaine de Strasbourg
Localité sur la Zorn

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Peter Fassbender, the former Langley mayor, is British Columbia's new education minister. A former school trustee and entrepreneur, Fassbender, will be charged with overseeing BC's K-12 education system.
Read more about this appointment on the Vancouver Sun's BC Education Report blog.


There is a significant challenge in the world of digital commerce: how to strategically make design decisions that enhance your brand while delivering robust business performance.
The design experts at LYONSCG utilize a process that answers this challenge: the Design Roadmap. This strategic process analyzes design and business goals to optimize your digital presence and can be implemented in any phase of your current design cycle.


text:
Federal Reserve offers seven-day term deposits through its Term Deposit Facility
For release at 1:00 p.m. EST
On March 10, 2014, the Federal Reserve will conduct a fixed-rate offering of term deposits through its Term Deposit Facility (TDF). The Federal Reserve will offer seven-day term deposits with an interest rate of 0.26000 percent and a maximum tender amount of $1,250,000,000. As noted in the Federal Reserve Board's February 21, 2014, release, this operation is part of ongoing small-value operations designed to provide eligible institutions with an opportunity to gain familiarity with term deposit operations. Additional information regarding the operation is listed below; the operation will be conducted as specified in this announcement, Regulation D, and the terms and conditions of the Term Deposit Facility (http://www.frbservices.org/centralbank/term_deposit_facility.html ).
Description of Operation and Tender Parameters
TDF Operation ID: F36
Operation Format: Fixed-Rate
Term: Seven-Day
Interest Rate: 0.26000%
Operation Date: Monday, March 10, 2014
Opening Time: 10:00 a.m. ET
Closing Time: 2:00 p.m. ET
Notification Date (summary results): Tuesday, March 11, 2014
Settlement Date: Thursday, March 13, 2014
Maturity Date: Thursday, March 20, 2014
Tender Parameters
Maximum Number of Tenders: 1
Minimum Tender Amount: $10,000
Tender Increment: $10,000
Maximum Tender Amount (per institution): $1,250,000,000
Award Minimum Amount: $10,000
Award Maximum Amount: $1,250,000,000
All tenders that are complete and compliant with the operation parameters listed above will be automatically awarded in full at the interest rate shown above. The minimum tender amount is $10,000; the maximum amount is $1,250,000,000 and should be submitted in increments of $10,000. All tenders must be submitted between the opening and closing time on the operation date.
Submission of Tender
Participants must submit tenders by accessing the Term Deposit Facility application (https://www.federalreserve.org/arrow/ARROWWeb/home.do ) between the opening time and the closing time on the operation date.
Participants will be able to view their awards by accessing the Term Deposit Facility application.
Summary operation results will be published on the Board of Governors' website (http://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/tdf.htm) at approximately 12:00 p.m. (noon) ET on the notification date.
Last Update: March 06, 2014


Lai Cach industrial zone was established in May, 2008 with the area of 132,4ha.
Location: Km 49, Highway No.5, Lai Cach town, Cam Giang district, Hai Duong province.
60km far from Noi Bai international airport.
49km far from Ha Noi central.
80km to Quang Ninh deep water sea port.
Industrial zone has the workshop and office for rent.


For our client, we are currently looking for a Finance Business Analyst to work within a young and dynamic team. If you are the candidate we are looking for, you at least have a master's degree in Finance/ Economics of accountancy and 3 to 5 years of experience as an Auditor or Business Analyst. For a large company in the retail sector, HAYS experts is looking for a Financial Business Partner with an experience of minimum 3 years. You work close to the business. You have strong financial and analytical skills and you are able to challenge the business and work in a demanding environment. For our client, we are currently looking for a Finance Business Analyst to work within a young and dynamic team. If you are the candidate we are looking for, you at least have a master's degree in Finance/ Economics of accountancy and 3 to 5 years of experience as an Auditor or Business Analyst. For a large company in the retail sector, HAYS experts is looking for a Financial Business Partner with an experience of minimum 3 years. You work close to the business. You have strong financial and analytical skills and you are able to challenge the business and work in a demanding environment.
Following this activity, they are currently hiring a Business Analyst/Functional lead to coordinate the processes-related aspects of the underlying projects/initiatives. As a Business Analyst/Functional Lead * You have proven experience in the IT field as a business analyst or functional lead, * Design futur processes and describe detailed requirement in collaboration with the business teams. * Be the SPOC and decision maker between all involved stakeholders ( development teams, architects, integrators and the business). Following this activity, they are currently hiring a Business Analyst/Functional lead to coordinate the processes-related aspects of the underlying projects/initiatives. As a Business Analyst/Functional Lead * You have proven experience in the IT field as a business analyst or functional lead, * Design futur processes and describe detailed requirement in collaboration with the business teams. * Be the SPOC and decision maker between all involved stakeholders ( development teams, architects, integrators and the business).
As a functional analyst you are responsible for translating business and IT needs into functional specifications. * You acquire a good understanding of the business requirements and processes, in order to translate these into a robust solution design. As a functional analyst you are responsible for translating business and IT needs into functional specifications. * You acquire a good understanding of the business requirements and processes, in order to translate these into a robust solution design.
As a functional analyst you are responsible for translating Business and IT needs into functional specifications. Together with our customers, partners and other business units, we are building the digital company of the future with the latest technologies and the most advanced software. * You acquire a good understanding of the business requirements and processes, in order to translate these into a robust solution design. As a functional analyst you are responsible for translating Business and IT needs into functional specifications. Together with our customers, partners and other business units, we are building the digital company of the future with the latest technologies and the most advanced software. * You acquire a good understanding of the business requirements and processes, in order to translate these into a robust solution design.
in the scoping, the development, the testing, the implementation of new tools and/or the evolution of existing tools in close collaboration with IT and business analysts, including also data integration; * Develop a vision on the evolution of the asset management IT tools in line with the Asset Business Architecture and the business priorities; * In collaboration with IT, data analyst and asset managers, develop a vision on the asset data needs in line with group policy; * Create consensus on business needs, priorities and resources to tools in line with the business roadmap; * Consolidation and prioritization of business needs for IT support tools in the field of Asset Management (substations, secondary systems, lines & cables); * Communicate, develop and give technical training to target business groups on the use of the asset management related tools. in the scoping, the development, the testing, the implementation of new tools and/or the evolution of existing tools in close collaboration with IT and business analysts, including also data integration; * Develop a vision on the evolution of the asset management IT tools in line with the Asset Business Architecture and the business priorities; * In collaboration with IT, data analyst and asset managers, develop a vision on the asset data needs in line with group policy; * Create consensus on business needs, priorities and resources to tools in line with the business roadmap; * Consolidation and prioritization of business needs for IT support tools in the field of Asset Management (substations, secondary systems, lines & cables); * Communicate, develop and give technical training to target business groups on the use of the asset management related tools.
Business analyst, business process owner, team manager or who knows? Business analyst, business process owner, team manager or who knows?
The company's unparalleled footprint makes equensWorldline a cost-efficient and competitive business partner for seamless, secure and efficient payment solutions. The Application Support Analyst * Understands and analyses incidents and problems, finds and implements solutions in order to maintain production continuity and communicates this in a structured and clear manner to the business and technical stakeholders. * You are flexible and willing to work outside the normal business hours and on a number of planned week-end days. The company's unparalleled footprint makes equensWorldline a cost-efficient and competitive business partner for seamless, secure and efficient payment solutions. The Application Support Analyst * Understands and analyses incidents and problems, finds and implements solutions in order to maintain production continuity and communicates this in a structured and clear manner to the business and technical stakeholders. * You are flexible and willing to work outside the normal business hours and on a number of planned week-end days.
Within the ARP department (Architecture, Roadmap & Program) of the TEC business unit, the Data Governance & Quality Team is in charge of providing governed self-services to the data community so that this community can act on data and unleash its value. She/he contributes to the definition and implementation of the self-services part of the corporate governance (business glossary, data inventory, metadata management...) and support its roll-out in business and IT teams - In his role, she/he contributes to the definition of the data governance processes surrounding the Business Intelligence (BI) activities within Proximus (data discovery process, data exploration process, demand management...) and ensure their relevance towards the business. Within the ARP department (Architecture, Roadmap & Program) of the TEC business unit, the Data Governance & Quality Team is in charge of providing governed self-services to the data community so that this community can act on data and unleash its value. She/he contributes to the definition and implementation of the self-services part of the corporate governance (business glossary, data inventory, metadata management...) and support its roll-out in business and IT teams - In his role, she/he contributes to the definition of the data governance processes surrounding the Business Intelligence (BI) activities within Proximus (data discovery process, data exploration process, demand management...) and ensure their relevance towards the business.
Identify opportunities to improve and use new ideas and related networking/security technologies to meet or exceed business objectives. * 3+ years practical experience in an enterprise network and security environment as a network/security specialist, analyst, or technical support. Identify opportunities to improve and use new ideas and related networking/security technologies to meet or exceed business objectives. * 3+ years practical experience in an enterprise network and security environment as a network/security specialist, analyst, or technical support.


Southern Oregon ESD and local districts are partnering with NWEA to create a sustainability model for Keeping Learning on Track, the research provide two-year program for embedded formative assessment.
The train-the-trainer model will allow districts to have one or more certified KLT facilitators trained in providing Keeping Learning on Track workshops within their districts.
access to NWEA formative assessment specialist and program support staff throughout the initial year of implementation.
Designed to ensure ongoing development of the skills, expertise, and leadership needed to grow district formative assessment practice, the NWEA KLT Certified Facilitator Program equips educators to deliver and support this high quality, research-based program developed by recognized formative assessment expert, Dylan William.
Candidates will receive all resources needed for the role across a sustained, two year period, including leaders versions of all curriculum, facilitator guides, and video assets to ensure they're well prepared to drive quality outcomes in formative assessment for their Teacher Learner Communities.
Please contact your district's Curriculum Director for approval to register for the 2015 summer train-the-trainers series from June 15th - 19th or August 3rd - 7th at www.soesd.k12.or.us/klt2015.


Well done Connor Rushton for winning another gold in the 9th AIUK Annual Challenge ( frostbite shoot). If you keep it up you be rich with all this gold you got,lol.
I have to say that yesterdays Christmas shoot had a lovely family feel to it. The Satellite club joined in and made the whole afternoon a most enjoyable one. I just like to say a big thank you to Lynne and helpers for arranging all the food and drink which was absolutely lovely. With this being the clubs first full year under the banner of Tynedale Archers I thought our Christmas Shoot brought the year to a superb end. I like to thank you all for making our club a special one!
I hope you all have a wonderful and happy Christmas and look forward to seeing you all next year.
We will publish a full calendar of competitions in the coming days.


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How computers can speed up vaccine development
Vaccines are the key to conquer threats to public health posed by coronavirus and other infectious diseases. A team at the University of Bristol, UK, is revolutionizing the way vaccines are developed, paving the way for faster and more effective vaccines. Research 4.0 tools of big data and cloud computing are changing the way they engineer vaccines – and protect everyone from viruses. As a member of the research team on this project, Matt Williams was asked to find a way to take the large data volumes collected on the microscope, use the cloud resource provided and put them together into something that could support the demanding data analysis. "For that, Janet was really useful. It provides a very stable, high speed connection to the cloud providers."
Submitted by Jane Gifford
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Temporary fence panel is also named welded wire temproary fencing panel, it is the most favorite fence in USA. It is very convenient for moving. The most popular size 6' width X 9.5' length.
Surface protection: PVC power coated.


For food safety of the highest standard, it is your responsibility to control the critical points!
Controlling your critical points in the food production is easy when you implement continuous measuring and monitoring instruments from BEKO TECHNOLOGIES. Measurement equipment provides accurate documentation for your next audit in line with your HACCP and the Operating Preventive Program (OPRP).
Our METPOINT range of measurement technology monitors, evaluates and registers decisive parameters such as residual oil vapour content, relative humidity, dew point, volume flow and pressure.
Use the measured results for improving your process safety.
Our METPOINT products will tell you at any time whether your compressed air meets your requirements. Benefit from our expertise in compressed air treatment in the food and beverage industry.
With more than 35 years of experience, we are able to support you with our expertise, energy-efficient equipment and specialised service for compressed air treatment.
Get in touch with our compressed air specialists and benefit from our know-how!
Do you want to learn more about how to avoid the risk contamination by compressed air?
Download our whitepaper about food safety and compressed air!


Geological and geophysical technologists work in exploration, production, and management. They may work on their own or with a team. The team may include geologists, geophysicists, mining engineers, or petroleum engineers.
The Geological and Geophysical Technologist is part of the following larger National Occupational Classification (NOC).
create and maintain proprietary data.
supervise equipment operators and other technologists.
assess the environmental impact of development projects on subsurface materials.
Geological and geophysical technologists often work in labs and offices. In general, these are located in major cities or field offices. Lab work can be noisy, dusty and involve the use of chemicals. Safety measures include using earplugs and safety shoes. They might also work in rooms with special ventilation systems.
Some technologists spend 3 to 9 months a year working in the field. They are sometimes in remote locations. They may use off-road vehicles, boats, bush planes, and helicopters to get around. They may also do a lot of walking. They may travel for long distances. They may work at locations (such as well sites and plants) that require safety measures. The job may require a lot of overtime and weekend work.
Technologists may have to lift equipment and samples weighing more than 20 kilograms.
the ability to work well with others in a team setting.
supervising the work of others.
In general, a geological or geophysical technologist in Alberta needs a related 2-year technology diploma or a bachelor of science (B.Sc.).
As part of the job, they must accumulate excellent knowledge of electronic well files, data entry, and government compliance.
Certified engineering technologists (CETs) apply industry-recognized codes, standards, procedures and practices to solve problems within their technological areas of expertise. Depending on their duties supervision by a Professional Engineer / Geoscientist or Professional Technologist (Engineering / Geoscience) may be required.
Under Alberta's Engineering and Geoscience Professions Act [pdf] and ASET Regulation [pdf], you must be a registered member of the Association of Science and Engineering Technology Professionals of Alberta (ASET) to use the title Certified Engineering Technologist (CET). You do not have to be registered if you do not call yourself a Certified Engineering Technologist.
successful completion of ASET's Professional Practice Exam.
proof of legal entitlement to work in Canada.
For detailed official information about registration requirements, contact ASET.
Certified engineering technologists who are registered and in good standing with a regulatory body in another province may transfer to Alberta as a Certified Engineering Technologist or Applied Science Technologist if the two jurisdictions require similar responsibilities and competencies. For more information, see What if I am already certified in another province or territory in Canada? and the ASET website.
To learn about certification for internationally educated engineering technologists, see Mechanical Engineering Technologist Certification Process [pdf] and Electrical Engineering Technologist Certification Process [pdf] on the Opportunity Alberta website.
Professional Technologists (Engineering) and Professional Technologists (Geoscience) are currently unique to Alberta. They practise independently in accordance with established methodologies and specifications in the fields of engineering and geoscience. They have the authority to sign off and stamp work within a prescribed scope of practice.
Under Alberta's Engineering and Geoscience Professions Act [pdf] and Professional Technologists Regulation [pdf], you must be registered as a Professional Technologist (Engineering or Geoscience) by the Association of Science and Engineering Technology Professionals of Alberta (ASET) to practise engineering or geoscience within a prescribed scope of practice, or to use the titles Professional Technologist (Engineering) or Professional Technologist (Geoscience) or the abbreviations P.Tech. (Eng.) or P.Tech. (Geo.).
For detailed, official information, contact ASET.
Professional technologists with a license to practice engineering or geoscience are currently only recognized in Alberta. They may be eligible for a limited licence with engineering regulatory organizations in other jurisdictions. Information on obtaining a limited licence is available through the regulatory organizations.
Registered professional technologists in Alberta may transfer to another province and receive recognition as a Certified Engineering Technologist or Applied Science Technologist by completing the process set by the local provincial regulatory organizations for technologists. For more information, see What if I am already certified in another province or territory in Canada? and the ASET website.
Experienced geological and geophysical technologists may advance to supervisory and management positions.
Professional, Scientific and Technical Services [pdf].
In Alberta, the C112: Geological and Mineral Technologists and Technicians occupational group is expected to have a below-average annual growth of 0.8% from 2016 to 2020. In addition to job openings created by employment turnover, 41 new positions are forecasted to be created within this occupational group each year.


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Lakes Whiskymaker's Editions Le Gouter / Harvey Nichols
Lakes Whiskymaker's Editions Le Goûter / Harvey Nichols
The Lakes Distillery Company was founded in 2011 by Paul Currie, his second project after establishing Isle of Arran distillers in 1995. The company raised funds for the distillery by launching The One in 2013, a blend of sourced whiskies from all four nations of the UK, and The Lakes distillery was opened the following year, situated in a dilapidated old Victorian cattle farm in the Lake District National Park in Cumbria. The first spirit flowed from its pair of custom made McMillan still that same year, in 2014, and the distillery also has separate small still for making vdka and gin. With ex-Macallan Whisky Maker, Dhavall Ghandi at the helm, the distillery used primarily sherry-maturation for its single malt and incidentally, its inaugural release in 2018 was named, Genesis, which was launched in an exclusive auction here at Whisky Auctioneer. This was followed in 2019 by the introduction of its Whiskymaker's Reserve range, its first market-wide release.
Released in mid-2021, Le Goûter is a collaboration between the English distiller and famous high-street retailer Harvey Nichols.
The bottling celebrates the Parisian streets in spring, and Le Goûter (lay-goo-tay), the British equivalent of afternoon tea. It was masterminded by whisky maker Dhavall Gandhi and focuses on the producer's sherry-led house style. The bottle also carries a watercolour image by artist Eili-Kaija Kuusniemi.
One of 306 bottles.


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British foreign minister: UK will back Brexit deal if it excludes Irish backstop
British lawmakers are certain to back a proposed Brexit agreement if it does not include the backstop, a controversial Irish border arrangement, British foreign minister Jeremy Hunt told.
The British parliament will vote later on Thursday on Prime Minister Theresa May's plan for an agreement with the European Union on the terms of its withdrawal from the bloc.
"I agree that in December it was difficult to spot a solution. Now, however, it is clear that the parliament will support the divorce deal in the current shape, with one exception - the backstop," Hunt said.
Asian shares will go up as risks come down - JP Morgan
Chairman of the Japanese Bankers Association: Bank of Japan shouldn't persist on achieving 2% inflation target
Keep up with latest Forex market news updates: Currencies, central banks, economic indicators for oil and gold trading – all you need to work effectively on Forex.
remaining time till the new event being published
Fitch Ratings retained Japan's sovereign ratings at 'A'
Earnings Season in U.S.: Major Reports of the Week
New car registrations in the European Union fell in June
Australia's leading index improved in June, but remained consistently negative - Westpac
Forex is open 24 hours a day, 5 days a week (except national holidays), and it can be broken up to the following four regional markets: Australia and Oceania, Asia, Europe, and America. A Forex trading session opens at 23:00 GMT on Sunday in Japan and closes at 22:00 GMT on Friday in the USA.
Financial Centres
UTC/GMT
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Pacific Sydney 21:00 06:00 00:00 09:00 00:00 09:00
Asian Tokyo 23:00 08:00 02:00 11:00 02:00 11:00
Asian Hong Kong, Singapore 00:00 09:00 03:00 12:00 03:00 12:00
European Frankfurt, Zurich, Paris 06:00 15:00 09:00 18:00 9:00 18:00
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European London 07:00 16:00 10:00 19:00 10:00 19:00
American New York 12:00 21:00 15:00 00:00 15:00 00:00
American Chicago 13:00 22:00 16:00 01:00 16:00 01:00
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Objective To explore the economic burden of chronic hepatitis B-relevant diseases and to understand the factors associated with the economic burden. Methods Economic-related information was collected by questionnaire investigation in Ningbo City. Hospital records and hospitalization expenses were obtained when 630 patients discharged from hospital. Influencing factors of the economic burden were analyzed by stepwise multiple linear regressions. Results The average of the total cost for the diseases was 65 139. 51 Yuan. Direct medicinal and non-medical costs were 61 606. 78 Yuan and 3 532. 73 Yuan respectively. The total annual costs for primary carcinoma of the liver,chronic severe hepatitis B,Hepatitis cirrhosis and chronic hepatitis B were 123 571. 78 Yuan,93 278. 65 Yuan,82 467. 99 Yuan and 21 824. 31 Yuan respectively. The average ratio of direct medical to direct non-medical cost was 17. 44,in which primary carcinoma of the liver,hepatitis cirrhosis,chronic severe hepatitis B,chronic hepatitis B were 19. 17,15. 52,21. 62 and 17. 02 respectively. The total cost was 1. 75 times higher than annual income of individual,as well as 1. 02 times higher than household income. Occupation,complication,income,diagnosis results were the influencing factors for economic burden.Conclusion The economic burden of chronic hepatitis B-relevant diseases was enormous in Ningbo City. The cost of direct medical was larger than direct non-medical. Expenses increased dramatically as the disease progressed to more advanced stage.