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What did the third spirit tell Scrooge?
2020-04-29 editor Trending 0
How does the third spirit affect Scrooge?
What other ghostly creature does the third spirit resemble?
What does the third Spirit look like?
What did Scrooge learn from the second spirit?
What did Scrooge learn from the Cratchits?
When did the three spirits visit Ebenezer Scrooge?
Who are the three spirits in A Christmas Carol?
He tells Scrooge that he has more than 1800 brothers and his lifespan is a mere single day. The spirit orders Scrooge to touch his robe.
This ghost is instrumental in helping Scrooge to reform his character because he shows him what his life will be like if he does not change his personality and attitude towards others. This is shown most clearly when the Ghost takes Scrooge to see his own gravestone.
The Ghost of Christmas Yet to Come is a fictional character in English novelist Charles Dickens's 1843 novella A Christmas Carol. It is the third and final spirit to visit the miser Ebenezer Scrooge on Christmas Eve. The spirit closely resembles the Grim Reaper.
Describe what the Third Spirit looks like. The Grim Reaper. In other words, Hooded in black and barely visible.
The second spirit shows Scrooge how damaging his greed and nasty disposition are to those around him. The spirit also shows Scrooge that people without money, like the Cratchits, can still be much happier than he is.
The second spirit shows Scrooge how damaging his greed and nasty disposition are to those around him. The spirit also shows Scrooge that people without money, like the Cratchits, can still be much happier than he is. The last spirit teaches Scrooge what will happen if he doesn't change his ways.
It all started in the morning of Christmas Eve when Scrooge came across into some events which made him started thinking and dreaming about his past, present and future with 3 different sprits. Many people believed that the three Spirits did visit Scrooge.
In Charles Dickens novel, A Christmas Carol, a grumpy and selfish old man, Ebenezer Scrooge, was visited in his dream by three spirits. It all started in the morning of Christmas Eve when Scrooge came across into some events which made him started thinking and dreaming about his past, present and future with 3 different sprits.
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2019-08-04 editor Popular guidelines 0
What is the third and last spirit called and what does it show Scrooge?
Where does the second spirit take Scrooge in A Christmas Carol?
Who is the ghost of Christmas Past in A Christmas Carol?
Who was the spirit in an All Dogs Christmas Carol?
What does the ghost of Christmas yet to come smoke?
The final spirit is the Ghost of Christmas Yet to Come who leads Scrooge through scenes relating to a man's death. He shows him the Cratchits whose son, Tiny Tim, has also died. Finally the ghost shows Scrooge the gravestone of the man the people have been talking about. It bears the name: Ebenezer Scrooge.
Scrooge, upset by hearing Belle's description of the man that he has become, demands that the ghost remove him from the house. The second spirit, the Ghost of Christmas Present, takes Scrooge to a joyous market with people buying the makings of Christmas dinner and to celebrations of Christmas in a miner's cottage and in a lighthouse.
The Ghost of Christmas Past or The Spirit of Christmas Past is a fictional character in the work A Christmas Carol by the English novelist Charles Dickens. The Ghost of Christmas Past is the first of the three spirits (after the visitation by Jacob Marley, his former business partner) to haunt Ebenezer Scrooge.
In the 1997 made-for-television film Ms. Scrooge, the spirit is portrayed by Michael J. Reynolds in the appearance of a 1950s businessman with a bowler hat. In the 1998 animated musical television film An All Dogs Christmas Carol, Itchy becomes the spirit appearing to Carface Carruthers.
In Mickey's Christmas Carol, Christmas Future smokes a cigar, blowing fog all over Scrooge McDuck. In the graveyard scene, when Scrooge asks the spirit whose grave they are seeing, the spirit strikes a match to light up the inscription on the gravestone, which bears Scrooge's name.
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The present invention relates to casino gaming machines such as slot machines and, more particularly, to a gaming machine having cash or cashless playing capability. More particularly, the invention relates to a gaming machine having a code generating apparatus for generating a unique authorization code; a credit card having a means for recording the code; a gaming machine having a system of play authorizing input; cash acceptance apparatus for accepting a unit of cash and for authorizing a play of the gaming machine. It also relates to a system including a plurality of gaming machines connected to a central computer and to security measures for use in such machines.
This application is a continuation of application Ser. No. 08/500,476, filed on Jul. 10, 1995, now abandoned.
The present invention relates to casino gaming machines such as slot machines and, more particularly, to a gaming machine having cash or cashless playing capability.
With the advent of the computer age and modern electronics, casino gaming machines have undergone a vast change in recent years. For many years, such machines were mechanical devices like the slot machine 10 of FIG. 1. Coins were inserted into the slot 12 and the handle 14 pulled by the player. Within the main window 16, three wheels 118 were spun behind individual windows 20 by the pulling of the handle 14. The wheels 18 had various indicia 22 on them at spaced peripheral positions. Depending upon the type of indicia and matching thereof appearing in the individual windows 20 when the wheels 18 stopped spinning, the player would win or lose that play of the machine. Upon winning, coins representing the amount won were dropped into the coin dish 24 from a coin hopper (not shown) within the slot machine 10.
The first step into the electronic and computer age was as depicted in FIG. 2 with the slot machine 10'. The main window 16 was replaced by a cathode ray tube (CRT) display screen 26. The wheels 18 were replaced by internal computer logic (not shown) and an animated display 28 of the calculated results of a "spin" displayed on the CRT display screen 26. The operation of each play was initiated by the insertion of one or more coins into the slot 12 as with the mechanical machine 10 of FIG. 1. Slot machines of the type shown in FIGS. 1 and 2 are still in use today.
Coins are cumbersome and the mechanical devices which accept them are prone to wear and failure. Thus, the use of cards or other devices for a so-called "cashless" gaming machine has been an object of desire for many people within the gaming industry. The typical prior art approach is depicted in FIG. 3. The coin slot 12 is replaced by a reader 28 which can read a identification card 30 or some similar approach. According to one prior art scheme, an identification card 30 is read in and the payout is by means of a printed voucher which can be redeemed at the casino's pay booths. In another prior art approach, the identification card 30 is actually a so-called "smart card" containing a computer memory chip which can be credited and debited electronically.
There has also existed a need to allow players to access outside financial institutions from the casino by having an automated teller machine (ATM) type of interface at the gaming machine. In the typical ATM interface as depicted in FIG. 4, there is a reader 28 which reads the magnetic stripe of an identification card 30 (or debit card). There is also a CRT display screen 26' and a numerical keypad 34 into which the user can input his/her personal identification number (PIN) so as to authorize use of the identification card 30 for the particular transaction. The ATM interface 32 communicates with the remote financial institution over the telephone wires 36 connected thereto.
As those skilled in the gaming art understand, any gaming machine must appeal to the user or the cashbox will diminish. In other words, a player will play those games that are appealing and will avoid those which are not. Some people like the feel and the sound of coins dropping into the coin dish 24. If that appeal is not available for them, they will not play the machine.
The gaming commissions of the various states where gambling is legal are also very wary of any payment or credit scheme that can be subject to potential abuse. Coins or tokens are hard to abuse. Credit cards and debit cards, on the other hand, provide the potential for great abuse. Possession of a person's credit/debit card and the PIN therefor can be used to transfer substantial amounts of money in a very short time. If the money was used to gamble and lost, even if the electronic thief is caught, there is no way to recover the money.
Esthetics and appearance are a large part of the gaming industry. The casino and its total ambiance are made such as to encourage the players to want to spend time there and play the games. Also, floor space in the casino is at a premium. Space not available for gaming machines represents lost revenue. The use of large ATM type interface devices such as that of FIG. 4 could result in space for fewer machines in a given floor area. Not only that, they could adversely effect the ambiance. The having of coins or other media of play is a positive for a player. The need to obtain credit in a manner for all to see is a negative. Winners do not need credit. Not only that, since a player's personal PIN number associated with a credit card or debit card is the only obstacle to unauthorized use of the card, it is highly desirable to provide a way in which the card can be used unobtrusively and with a minimized chance of the PIN number being observed during its input.
Therefore, it is an object of this invention to provide an electronic gaming system in which both cash and credit can be employed, which will overcome the above limitations and disadvantages.
It is another object of this invention to provide an electronic gaming system in which there is a high degree of security and privacy attached to credit transactions.
It is a further object of this invention to provide an electronic gaming system in which the possibility for illegal electronic value manipulation is minimized.
Other objects and benefits of the invention will become apparent from the detailed description which follows hereinafter when taken in conjunction with the following drawings and specification.
More particularly, the invention relates to a gaming machine system having a central computer for generating a unique identification code; for storing player credit; for storing a personal identification number (PIN); a player identification card having a means for recording the identification code; a gaming machine having a system for reading the identification code on the identification card, and input means for the player to enter the PIN and for transferring credit stored in the central computer to the gaming machine for play. A plurality of gaming machines are connected to a central computer and to security measures for use in such machines.
In the preferred embodiment, the central computer also stores the electronic funds transfer history of each of the separate gaming machines and contains logic means for disabling a particular gaming machine if the funds transfer history stored in the particular gaming machine is different from the electronic funds transfer history for that particular gaming machine stored in the central computer.
Preferably, each gaming machine also includes a display for displaying alphanumeric messages to a player and a keypad for a player to input the PIN, the amount of credit requested and to respond to other messages.
The preferred embodiment also includes security means for making the input of the PIN on the keypad difficult to visually steal by an observer. This may comprise positionally changing number positions in the keypad each time it is displayed.
For cash play, each of the plurality of gaming machines may include cash acceptance apparatus for accepting a unit of cash and for authorizing immediate play of the gaming machine.
FIG. 1 is a simplified drawing of a prior art coin-operated, mechanical slot machine.
FIG. 2 is a simplified drawing of a prior art coin-operated, electronic slot machine with a CRT display.
FIG. 3 is a simplified drawing of a prior art credit card-operated, electronic slot machine with a CRT display.
FIG. 4 is a simplified drawing of a typical prior art automated teller machine (ATM) type credit interface.
FIG. 5 is a simplified drawing and combined functional block diagram of a combined coin/coinless electronic gaming system according to the present invention.
FIG. 6 is a more detailed functional block diagram of the combined coin/coinless electronic gaming system of the present invention.
FIG. 7 is a logic diagram of logic which can be used in the casino computer of the present invention.
FIG. 8 is a logic diagram of logic which can be used in the slot machine computer of the present invention.
FIG. 9 is a logic diagram of logic which can be used in the casino computer of the present invention.
FIG. 10 is a logic diagram of logic which can be used in the slot machine computer of the present invention.
FIG. 11 is a logic diagram of logic which can be used in the casino computer of the present invention.
FIG. 12 is a drawing of a slot machine according to the present invention in a preferred embodiment in which the CRT display screen is a touch screen which functions as both the gaming screen and an ATM type interfacing screen shown in the gaming screen mode.
FIG. 13 is a drawing of a slot machine according to the present invention in a preferred embodiment in which the CRT display screen is a touch screen which functions as both the gaming screen and an ATM type interfacing screen shown in the ATM screen mode.
A combined cash/cashless gaming system according to the present invention is depicted in FIG. 5. A plurality of electronic slot machines 38 are connected to a central computer 40 at a secure location, note accessible to the public. The central computer 40 has at least one input console 42 connected thereto. Each slot machine 38 has a coin slot 12 and a reader 28 for reading the magnetic stripe 43 of an identification card 30 issued by the casino to the player. Any number of different readers may be employed, such as those that read the magnetic stripe when the card is moved relative the reader, or those where the card is read while stationary.
Prior to playing the slot machine, a new player would go to a location in the casino where he/she is issued the identification card 30. The input console 42 is used, in association with standard commercially available magnetic strip encoding devices, to place the unique identification code on the magnetic stripe 43. The player then enters a PIN, preferably at another location within the casino for internal casino security reasons, which is stored in the computer associated with said identification code. An initial amount of monetary value is stored in the central computer 40, associated with the unique identification card. The monetary value stored can represent cash or check given to the casino operator, credit secured by a credit card or debit card from an outside institution, or credit issued by the casino based on it own criteria, or any other source of credit.
The system is depicted from a computer control point of view in FIG. 6. The central computer 40 comprises a computer system including a fault tolerant mainframe computer 44 connected to a system memory 46, a communications interface 48, and the input console 42. Fault tolerant means that the computer 44 is not prone to stopping or "crashing" and maintains all data in a manner such that it will not be lost or compromised should an unforeseen event (such as an extended power loss or the like) cause the computer 44 to stop and have to be restarted. Preferably, the computer 44 is connected to an UPS (uninteruptable power supply) system and all memories described herein are self maintaining.
The central computer 40 is connected to the slot machines 38 through a secure communications system 50. Techniques for communicating in a, secure manner are known to those in the communications and computer arts. Therefore, this aspect will not be addressed in any detail herein.
Each slot machine 38 has a system interface 49 interfacing it to the communications system 50. It also has a credit interface 52 comprising a display 54, a keypad 34, and a card reader 28 which is accessed through the system interface 49. There is a machine CPU (i.e. computer) 56 that performs the logic implemented in the slot machine to accomplish the game being played as well as the functions of the present invention as described hereinafter. The machine CPU 56 is connected to the system interface 49 and credits (and other necessary information) are transmitted over the connection. The machine CPU 56 controls the hopper mechanism 58 whereby the slot machine 38 can dispense cash to a player. There is also a coin acceptor 60 connected to the CPU 56. Optionally, a bill acceptor 62 can also be provided.
The manner in which the system operates and its unique features can best be understood by reference to representative logic which can be implemented in the computer mainframe 44 and each of the machine CPU 56. Representative logic will now be described referring first to FIG. 7. The logic 66 issues a identification card 30 having its own unique identification number imprinted into the magnetic stripe 43. The PIN selected by the player as described above is also stored.
At the same time, the logic 66 stores the initial dollar value of available credit and the PIN is stored into the system memory 46 indexed by the unique identification number of the identification card 30. The identification card 30 and player can then be tracked and checked during the play period which follows.
Instead of a card having a magnetic stripe, other media, such as a smart card, could also be employed. The smart card could have any means for identifying the player such as thumb print, etc.
Turning now to FIG. 8, there is logic 68 implemented in the CPU 56 of each slot machine 38. The logic 68 constantly checks to see if a new player is playing the machine. If not, it continues its present play mode. When a new player appears, access is made either by inserting a coin (or bill) into the slot machine or by passing the identification card 30 through the reader 28. When in the coin/bill mode, the slot machine 38 can be played by any player having a coin or bill with which to play. When the player has the slot machine 38 read his/her identification card 30, a new mode of operation of the slot machine 38 is begun. Once the identification card 30 is inserted and the first transfer of funds is made, no further payout from the hopper of the slot machine 38 is permitted. Under the Federal Credit Act, if money or coins were permitted to be obtained from the slot machine, there would be a possibility that the casino would be responsible for claims that someone other than the authorized identification card holder obtained the money or coins from the slot machine.
The logic 68 reads the identification code of the identification card. While it is possible to remove the identification card, it is preferable to have the identification card remain in the gaming machine while the PIN is entered to avoid fraud. The player is then asked to input his/her PIN through the keypad 34. If the PIN entered on the key pad 34 matches the PIN associated with ID stored in the computer, operations continue. The player enters on the key pad 34 a dollar amount to be transferred for play of the slot machine. The amount can be varied or be a predetermined set amount, i.e. discrete levels.
The logic 70 of FIG. 9 is implemented in the mainframe computer 44 and is the logic which interfaces with the machine logic 68 of FIG. 8. The logic 70 first compares the PIN inputted by the player to the PIN associated with the identification card 30 as contained in the system memory 46. If there is a match, the logic 70 continues. If there is no match, it may be a simple input mistake by the user. Initially, a "PLEASE TRY AGAIN" message can be output to the display 54. After a pre-established number of tries, there must be a problem. On the possibility that a stolen card is involved, either security would be dispatched to the slot machine 38 to investigate, or the card would be disabled. If it is a technical problem, security can provide the player with helpful assistance. When the PIN matches the PIN stored in association with the identification number, the dollar value for the card is then compared to that amount selected by the player on the keypad stored in the system memory 46. If there is available credit for that amount, the requested credit is transferred to the credit meter of the slot machine. In the preferred embodiment, the identification card must be removed to complete the transaction and the slot machine would then be played in its normal mode of operation. This makes its more likely that the player will not leave the identification card in the gaming machine. However, it is possible to have the logic complete the transaction without removing the identification card.
At the end of play, the player reinserts the identification card and again enters the PIN in response to the message on the output display 54. The credit on the meter is transferred to the central computer 40 to the account of the player associated with the identification card. The identification card is then removed. The player can then use the stored credit to play other games, or recover the cash value of the credits from the casino.
The system of the present invention provides a high degree of security and system integrity through a checks and balance system. Part of that system of checks and balances has already been described. FIG. 10 shows another aspect of it. Every time a funds transfer is made, in either direction, the logic 72 stores the information in the central computer 40.
The corresponding logic 74 in the mainframe 44 is shown in FIG. 11. The logic 74 receives the credit transaction from the slot machine 38. It then uses the information to independently update its own records for that slot machine 38 within the system memory 46. In addition to maintaining data associated with each identification card 30 from the moment of issue until it is accounted for as no longer in possible play, the system memory 46 also keeps a duplicate set of data on each slot machine 38. If there are no problems, the data for each slot machine 38 in the system memory 46 should exactly match that in the machine's own machine memory 64. Thus, the logic 74 reads the machine memory 64 for the slot machine 38 which just reported the transaction and compares it to the data for that slot machine 38. If there is a match, the logic 74 does nothing. If there is not a match, the slot machine 38 is disabled and maintenance is notified to check the machine.
A final aspect of the present invention in a preferred embodiment is shown in FIGS. 12 and 13. The display 54 is covered with a touch screen 76. The touch screen 76 can be of any type as well known to those of ordinary skill in the art which senses positional touching of the display 54 by a player's finger or the like. With this added capability, the display 54 functions in two modes.
As depicted in FIG. 12, the display 54 spends most of its time in a game mode in which the game or an advertising mode display appears. As depicted in FIG. 13, however, when the player is in the credit mode as entered by inserting an identification card 30 into the reader 28, the display 54 acts as the display 26' and the keypad 34 of an ATM type terminal. Thus, the display 54 in combination with the touch screen 76 operates in a dual mode. As those of ordinary skill in the art will undoubtedly recognize, the presence of the touch screen in a gaming machine increases the capability and possibility of games to be played thereon. Selections of items displayed on the display 54 can be made by touching the screen 76 rather than requiring separate buttons to be provided for the purpose. In an electronic gaming machine, this also allows the game to be changed easily by simply changing a read only memory (ROM) chip in the CPU 56 without concern for buttons and external markings and indicia.
The primary reason for the touch screen 76, however, is for ATM type terminal purposes reducing space requirements and offering greater security and privacy for the player. As seen in FIGS. 12 and 13 as compared with the drawings of FIGS. 4 and 6, the entirety of the equipment required to play in a cash/cashless mode as possible with the present invention can be accomplished in a space footprint no bigger than the prior art machines of FIGS. 1 and 2. The card reader 28 and the bill/coin acceptors 62,60 are located on top of the slot machine 38 and the remaining display and keypad functions are accomplished on the display 54 and touch screen 76. While the credit display ENTER PIN NUMBER and the displayed keypad 34 are shown in conventional manner in FIG. 13, this is for convenience of understanding only. In actual practice, various techniques can be used to mask the credit function and to make unauthorized acquisition of the player's PIN more difficult. For example, the display 54 in a credit mode of operation can employ a colored and animated display which appears to the casual user as a game display rather than announcing to those in the area fact that the player is about to enter a PIN number.
While this might slow the transaction process for the customer who has memorized one set of ATM locations so as to input the PIN by reflex, it does provide enhanced security. The buttons of the keypad 34 could also be displayed along the top edge of the display 54 and a small hood attached over the top of the display 54. That way, the buttons could only be seen by a player from his/her position seated in front of the display. The player would have to reach up under the hood to enter the PIN. By also positionally changing the numbers of the buttons as described above, casual observers would be virtually unable to obtain unauthorized knowledge of the player's PIN.
While in the preferred embodiment the use of a magnetic read only card was described, it is recognized that other means of recording and inputting data may be used, such as memory chips, without departing from the scope of the invention. Also, media other than a card could be used.
Also, the casino may transfer additional credits to the players account or slot machine at any time. This would typically be in association with play credit cards that are accumulated by the player when using a slot machine to encourage play. Such additional credits can be issued at any time. The play credit card is inserted into the card reader after the identification card 30 is removed after credit is obtained.
Also, while it is possible to have the receipts from ATM credits obtained at the gaming machine, it is also possible to have a summary of all ATM activity stored on a single record of the transactions issued to the player from a central location.
means for authorizing and transferring funds for play of said gaming machines to said gaming machines in response to entry of a proper authorizing code, said authorizing and transferring means comparing credit and records of transactions stored in said gaming machines with credit and records of transactions stored in said central computer to control play of said gaming machines.
2. The gaming machine system of claim 1 wherein said records of transactions stored in said central computer includes a record of said transfer of funds between each of said gaming machines and said central computer.
3. The gaming machine system of claim 1 wherein said central computer stores an amount representative of said transferred funds.
4. The gaming machine system of claim 1 wherein said gaming machine requires input of said authorizing code before play of said gaming machine.
5. The gaming machine system of claim 4 wherein each of said plurality of gaming machines includes a keypad for a player to input said authorizing code.
6. The gaming machine system of claim 5 further comprising security means for making said authorizing code input to said keypad difficult to visually see by an observer.
7. The gaming machine system of claim 6 wherein said security means comprises means for positionally changing number positions in said keypad each time said keypad is displayed.
8. The gaming machine system of claim 1 further comprising means for preventing transfer of said funds without removal of said media from said gaming machine.
said central computer transferring said credits to the memory of said gaming machines in response to entry of a personal identification number associated with said unique identification code, said central computer comparing credit and records of transactions stored in said gaming machines with credit and records of transactions stored in said central computer to control play of said gaming machines.
10. The gaming machine system of claim 9 wherein said records of transactions stored in said central computer includes a record of electronic transfers of funds between the central computer and the gaming machine.
said cash acceptance apparatus immediately authorizes a play of an associated one of said plurality of gaming machines at said play authorizing input in response to a unit of cash being input thereto.
a keypad for a player to input said personal identification number.
said alphanumeric display and said touch screen in combination are used as said keypad.
security means for making said authorizing code input to said keypad difficult to see by an observer.
15. The gaming machine system of claim 14 wherein said security means comprises means for positionally changing number positions in said keypad each time it is displayed.
16. The gaming machine system of claim 15 wherein said means for positionally changing the number positions is a computer controlled random position generator.
security means for making said authorizing code input to said keypad difficult to visually see by an observer.
18. The gaming machine system of claim 17 wherein said security means comprises means for positionally changing number positions in said keypad each time said keypad is displayed.
said central computer transferring said credits to the memory of said gaming machines in response to entry of said personal identification number associated with said unique identification code, said central computer comparing credit stored in said gaming machines with credit stored in said central computer to control play of said gaming machines.
said central computer transferring said credits to the memory of said gaming machines in response to entry of a personal identification number associated with said unique identification code, said central computer comparing credit stored in said gaming machines with credit stored in said central computer to control play of said gaming machines.
21. The gaming machine of claim 20, wherein said means for positionally changing the number positions is a computer controlled random position generator.
"In Charge Cards", Electronics Now, Aug. 1993, p. 4.


In college, I suffered from an acute depression. I'm not sure if that would have been the official diagnosis, but it was certainly acute as in precise. While I'm not one to share all of the details on the Internet, I described my feelings then (and now) as a sense of overwhelming guilt. Guilt that I wasn't good enough, guilt that I was irredeemable, guilt that my inner darkness couldn't be quieted or reconciled or cured. In retrospect, I see that fear that controlled every action, every thought, every moment of paralysis was irrational and harsh and unfair. But when you're in the throes of depression, you don't see that.
I'm grateful for those who guided me through it—the fact that I can name that period of depression is a sign I'm in a better place. But once you've been to that place, the Pandora's box your mind opened never shuts completely. The questions may not plague you like they used to, but you can't forget you asked them. Why do I fail so often? What good is there in me? Can God ever forgive me?
When I watched Ethan Hawke's small church pastor ask the same questions, I couldn't help but think of those fears of imperfection. Sure, I was watching it on an iPad squeezed in the middle seat on an airplane and my ears were popping because I'd forgotten to pack gum (again), but no matter—my eyes misted up. These are my questions. These are my guilts. These are my prayers.
There's room and reason for critical depictions of Christians on screen—I've been familiar with toxic individuals in the church, and I've inflicted my share of hurts. But for every Angela in The Office, I wish there were two more characters like Reverend Ernst Toller (Hawke), whose sensitive heart weighs on him. The inciting incident for this story is a visit with a couple in his tiny congregation, one half conscientious (Amanda Seyfried), the other volatile (Philip Ettinger). The pregnant Mary (hey, that seems symbolic) comes to Toller when her husband Michael wants her to have an abortion. Michael sees our planet and society falling apart—how can it be moral to bring a child into this world? With the destruction we cause, Michael asks, can God ever forgive us? That question plagues Toller as he counsels the couple and wrestles with his own guilts, which he seems to collect more of each day.
This incident is not really the beginning of Toller's story. Through wise storytelling in small moments and his journal voiceovers, we realize it's only tapping into concerns already convicting him. This drama wastes no scene and covers no gray area in black or white. Hawke is a powerhouse from the quiet moments that escalate to an unbearable tension. The supporting cast creates people I've known as well, especially Cedric Antonio Kyles as the well-meaning but ill-prepared megachurch pastor mentoring him.
First Reformed was my #4. Somber and excruciating, the second half takes a turn I wouldn't have chosen, but then again, it's not my story. In fact, the more I think about it, this movie feels less like a fictional story at all and more like a true one. A character asking my questions and praying my prayers? One whose frustration doesn't cause him to leave the church but still causes him despair? I hadn't realized how much I craved seeing that. (If I could tell you how many times I've prayed, "Lord, I'm not mad at you, but I am mad at your people right now.") So then again, while Toller's life and mine don't match in exact plot detail (thank goodness), I know his battle between hope and despair all too well, and I need to be reminded constantly of the grace that has redeemed my darkness. This is Toller's story, and it is very much my story as well.


text:
Man critically hurt in south KC shooting
Shooting reported about 12:30 p.m.
Updated: 1:25 PM CDT Sep 1, 2016
KMBC 9 News Staff
Robin Davis/KMBC SOURCE: Robin Davis/KMBC
A man is in critical condition after a shooting Thursday on the Kansas City's south side.Police were called at 12:28 p.m. on a reported shooting in the 7600 block of East 90th Street.Officers found a man suffering from a gunshot wound. He was taken to a hospital.No arrests have been announced.11833402
A man is in critical condition after a shooting Thursday on the Kansas City's south side.
Police were called at 12:28 p.m. on a reported shooting in the 7600 block of East 90th Street.
Officers found a man suffering from a gunshot wound. He was taken to a hospital.
No arrests have been announced.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Djamal
Toward a history of RAP in Portugal: Defining paradoxes, paths and resistance of the first Women, Soraia Simões
[1] by Soraia Simões
Enough abuse, we have rights / It's time to treat the Women right
«Revolution Now» from record Make Space (Abram Espaço), Djamal, BMG 1997
The transformations that occurred in Portuguese society in the wake of 25 April 1974, in particular the colonial independence in 1975 (Cape Verde, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Príncipe) and the race to join the European Economic Community in the first half of the 80s made official by the signing of the membership treaty on 12 June 1985, brought over to Lisbon a wave of immigrants from the Portuguese-speaking African countries who came in search of a better life.
Faced with growing housing difficulties and real estate rip-off during those years, these migrants were "pushed" toward suburban areas where the stigma of degradation, risk and criminality prevailed.
The revindication of their belongings together with a discourse centred on post-memories, both linked to the experience of the diaspora, contributed in great measure to the development of the identity of the descendants of this generation of immigrants.
In an early stage of my field research, in August 2012, it became gradually clearer that the practice of RAP did not emerge in Portugal in a vacuum, that is, disconnected from an interventionist attitude motivated by the social conditions of its practitioners – nor would that be possible. Its arrival in the national cultural milieu was intimately linked with the everyday reality experienced by the first protagonists in this field.
The period which saw RAP give its first steps in Portugal was also defined by the affirmation of other manifestations in what came to be self-described by its participants as hip-hop movement or culture. A range of other elements connected to the hip-hop culture such as dance (breakdance), mural painting and graffiti, began, together with RAP, to emerge carving their own path. My research focused on sounds and musical features, on RAP specifically, on the content of the lyrics and the kind of discourse adopted by the first authors during their performances.
Between the second half of the 80s and the first half of the 90s RAP embarked on a mission that was, until then, absent from other musical practices within the realm of urban popular culture. Described by its first players as RAPort, it narrated the story of streets and neighbourhoods, raising awareness of a range of distinct issues such as racism, social exclusion, poverty and xenophobia affecting a first generation of children of immigrants or Afro-descendants born in Portugal.
The early replication of an "Americanised" style, which in may ways addressed similar social realities typical of a still gestating RAP, eventually gave way to a recently-born RAP – specific and territorial – which inscribed their dual nationality, roots, or the nature of their struggles in the first verses they produced. It was done in a more and less clear fashion, metaphorically, sometimes by contextualising their songs, particularly their lyrics, in historical frameworks where harsh collective memories such as the Colonial War and the process of decolonialisation remained ("Portukkkal Is a Mistake" by General D, first RAP EP released in Portugal), and other times reflecting events or occurrences from the daily life in the neighbourhood, or even the city, within the most vulnerable fringes of what was often labelled in the Portuguese press of the period (1984-1998) as the second generation.
In 1986 this generation was between ten (the youngest) and fifteen years old and attended secondary education in schools on the periphery of Lisbon, which was where they had their first musical experiences and cultural interactions. It was in the metropolitan area of Lisbon that RAP was launched with the support of the radio program Black Market, broadcast by the now defunct Correio da Manhã Radio with transmission limited to the capital. In this year a large group of enthusiasts, men and women, the B Boys Boxers, appeared as part of the hip-hop culture. They gathered to improvise, exchange cassettes and dance while some experimented with the first spays and paint to create the first street murals.
In 1998 some of those who had launched their careers by recording for the first – and sometimes the last – time a RAP record in 1994 on a multinational label, gave their last performance before a large audience during the Expo 98.
What are the names and roles of US hip-hop culture that have stood out the most and what trajectory did RAP take upon its take off in Portugal?
There is a broad consensus from many different sources regarding both the decade in which hip-hop was born as a culture and urban movement, and the geographical space of its origin – the first half of the 70s in the United States of America, particularly in South Bronx through Afrika Bambaataa, who founded the group The Zulu Nation who, even though not the first to appear in the genre, would drag hip-hop out of the shadows into which it had been relegated by the media.
In the USA, particularly on the East Coast, soon RAP began making itself visible through distinctive sounds, lyrical and thematic models. This is evidenced by the first wide reaching phonograms such as Rapper's Delight (1979) by Sugarhill Gang, which was an appeal to party and fun, in contrast with How We Gonna Make the Black Nation Rise? announced by Brother D three years later (1982) or The Message (1982) by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five where a social critique was once again present. These were also important references for the first Portuguese rappers, namely some of the interviewed members from the New Tribe, Family or Zona Dread.
Instances of a more protest, dissident RAP would appear soon after in the West Coast – Captain Rapp with the record Bad Times I Can't Stand It (Saturn, 1983) being one such case. Several currents, with related terminologies, sought to affirm themselves and ended up creating different schools, which in later decades kept spreading a bit throughout the world, with a higher presence in suburban areas. In California, for example, we saw the emergence of the tags Gangsta Rap or Reality Rap. These labels were intimately linked to the release of Six in the Morning (1986) by rapper Ice T which was universally appreciated by Portuguese rappers of the 80s and 90s.
The period between 1982 – 1989 became decisive not only in terms of developments in the trajectory taken by the first rappers with translocal impact, extending beyond the trilogy "neighbourhood-city-problem", but also in terms of the image of hip-hop in general which the majority of the interviewees in the Portuguese context considered to have been their central role: the extension of lived realities on and/or at the margin of the hegemonic cultural power.
This was a period in which the protesting, interventive and emancipatory content of these communities came to light, consolidating their expression via lyrics and speeches and altering their musical aesthetics.
From Planet Rock by Afrika Bambaataa (1982) and the apparently unpredictable musical dialogues established between RAP and other musical and sound domains such as rock – think of "Walk this Way" where Run DMC appears with Aerosmith – fruit of the impact and interest generated, RAP would open itself to a range of diversities and stylistic options which have reinforced its mission. These also influenced the first groups appearing in Portugal (evidence of this can be found in the works released by Black Company, Lideres da Nova Mensagem, Zona Dread, Family, New Tribe or Da Weasel and also in the interviews given for my audiobook RAPuplicar, published in Portugal by Editora Caleidoscópio which gathers about seventeen hours of conversation with pioneering men and women of RAP in Portugal).
Groups like Public Enemy (Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back, 1988. Fight the Power… Live!, 1989). NWA or Niggers with Attitude (Straight Outta Compton, 1989), KRS-One (Criminal Minded, 1987. By All Means Necessary, 1988), transferred the contesting spirit of the streets and a harsh critique of white American society to RAP consolidating the principles and foundations that lead to the development of a RAP that made visible the existential conditions of the communities who saw it emerge. These models helped inspire emerging rappers in Portugal during the 90s such as Boss AC and Cupid, Djoek, General D, Chullage, New Tribe, Funky D, TWA, Da Weasel, Filhos de 1 Deus Menor among others.
Likewise, NWA, responsible for the creation of the collective HEAL, a group that opened up the discussion on violence in the ghetto while at the same time it sought to provide response and solutions to black on black crime, and also to change negative perceptions about the black community in American society.
What about the first women rappers in Portugal? What were their roles, repertories of struggle and resistance? Where they also victims of the same invisibility that characterises other fields of music and popular culture in Portugal and the rest of the world?
Misogyny, free sex, verbal and physical violence and drug taking, in a style named gangsta style or gangsta rap, had its followers in Portugal at the end of the 90s; Makkas and Bambino from the musical group Black Company are two examples who also evoked rappers such as Tupac Shakur and Snoop Dog among others. Women like Roxanne Shanté (Roxanne's Revenge, 1984. Bad Sister, 1989), the collective Salt-N-Pepa (Hot, Cool & Vicious, 1986) or Queen Latifah (Wrath of My Madness, 1988. All Heil the Queen, 1989) brought to the thematic chart of RAP the issue of gender and female condition within a milieu that, despite capable of denouncing the status quo and the establishment, remained oblivious to this chapter – most of the references to the female image, both in music videos and lyrical content, appear by means of its objectification in a more or less explicit manner. It was precisely these rappers who served as inspiration to the first all-female RAP groups that appeared in Portugal – Djamal and Divine – and began releasing records in the 90s. Divine appeared in two records by Black Company, Geração Rasca and Filhos da Rua, both by Sony Music, and Djamal recorded Abram Espaço by BMI. Their pioneering work made its mark in street performances and several shows between 1989 and 1999 and also in the albums they released, most significantly Abram Espaço in 1997.
While the already mentioned first male RAP groups in Portugal wrote about issues such as capitalism and social inequality, the presence of black bodies and the immigrant body in post 25 April 1974 Portuguese society (some of these subjects more prevalent than others), in a first stage attracting listeners and inspiring young people in similar circumstances of existence or social affirmation, and in a later stage attracting others from the same generation without first-hand knowledge of these ways of living and experiences, the first women rappers in Portugal introduced a range or other inequalities such as the ones pertaining to the condition of women widespread also in this scene.
They wrote and sang their life stories where themes such as gender inequality, sexism and even domestic violence practiced within racialised groups were represented, issues that are patently visible in the songs "Abram Espaço" and "Revolução Agora" from Djamal's album Abram Espaço, but also in non-released material that was shared with me during this research, and even our conversation which can be read and listened to in my audio book.
The undervaluation of their repertories detected during this investigation, the absence in the existing literature of these issues which they addressed in their work and their speeches, motivated the introduction of this subject in my research which has since then become one of its major points of interest. The biggest injustice and invisibility was the absence of the narrative of the original Female rappers in Portugal.
The journeys and narratives offered by the first recording female rappers also demonstrated how the female representation within this cultural universe was, on the one hand propagated in a superficial way, almost hidden, by the media, that is, it was transversally included in the notion of a "post-colonial urban phenomenon" in many ways similar to others taking place in other international capitals, and, on the other hand, emptied of the meanings of their literary interventions and local experiences or silenced by the players themselves, male and female, of this urban culture, who arrived in the years following its emergence, that is to say, after the first twelve years, and sought to insert and contextualise the "hip hop culture" in the Portuguese music industry.
In the interviews conducted during the first decade of hip-hop in Portugal the work of both musical groups (Divine and Djamal) was seen as part of a lyrical debate ancillary to that of their male counterparts – not as an autonomous yet complementary domain of contribution, with a concrete and differing lyrical nature, a RAP that represented a challenge to male domination and which was self-consciously trying in its lyrics to address – together with instruments such as, in an early stage, the beat box, and electronic devices (QY10) or in a later stage instruments like the base, guitar and drums – the male rappers.
These rappers, themselves mostly descendants of Africans living in Portugal, observed and knew how to interpret the possible causes and effects leading to the moment of rupture of their own musical groups, something which became clear and patently visible in the interviews given for the audiobook.
Currently, the approach taken on the role of women in RAP reveals an historical continuity in the concrete differentiation and organisation or the activities of women in this cultural domain, or even in the way in which the participation and presence or women in hip-hop and RAP are these days represented, thus defeating the culturalist neo-hegemonic rhetoric which emerged in the noughties trying to portray the sense of a narrowing between the trajectories of men and women. One such example in Portugal being that of Capicua – a white rapper from Porto born in the 80s and, as such, distant from the temporal, spatial, social, historical and even economic configuration concerning the first female groups here detailed.
Recently I raised my concerns in a public letter published on my website Mural Sonoro (https://bit.ly/2GB4hrt) about the fact that the organisation of the event "History of Tuga Hip-Hop" which took place on 8 March of the current year, International Women's Day, had included about 40 men, some of whom indeed played an important role in period of affirmation of RAP in Portugal (even though some of them had not recorded an album since 1999), albeit none of the Women who had released records during the same chronological period offering different, and original, narratives.
One of the organisers of this event eventually replied to my concerns in an interview by stating that "to include an MC just because she's a woman would mean removing another person who was also important."
What can we take from this response? Is the "importance," according to this organisation, predicated on their position in the recording industry? No. If that were the case, some of the rappers who were invited would not have been. Is it an "absolute value" regarding having "more flow," "better lyrics" (features of this universe that is also governed by its own canons, other than a musical interpretation)? This is, I believe, completely subjective. Or is it instead down to their relevance to the popular cultural and musical history, to the people to whom they spoke and for whom they performed, to a vast number or young people who in Portugal, Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Brazil, São Tomé, Mozambique used those lyrics as anthems of their struggle against tuition fees in the 90s, the struggle for the liberalisation and use of soft drugs or for the decriminalisation of abortion which took place in the same period in Portugal, that their performances, as recorded in many different documents, were interesting, bold, influential and necessary?
During this historical period there was genuine progress in the output and dissemination of the first RAP groups in Portugal, but the same political and historical period (predicated on neoliberal politics, under a right wing party during what came to be pejoratively known as the period of "cavaquismo," and a media industry, from the press to the radio, which was its ideological kin) promoted the idea that living standards were high, from the lower income demographics to the lower-middle class. This perception of progress did not correspond, as would later became clear, to what really happened, and many lagged behind, especially those who had and fell for the promises and "auspicious moments" being offered by a still conventional cultural industry, causing what was really "new" in the popular culture narrative, so relevant these days, to be suffocated by an "integrationist" discourse, superficially "cosmopolitical" and much romanticised.
Openly speaking about domestic violence, sexism and gender inequalities within racialised groups during the 90s, as Djamal and Divine did, as did Backwards towards the end of the decade, effectively resulted in its underrepresentation. What's more, I'm positive that as we see now happening in other current contexts, they simply were not understood. This is incredible considering how clear all this should be. Or perhaps it is more convenient to ignore it?
And a number of these first rappers, and many others that followed, did not even release an album or had the chance to be represented by labels with the reach of the ones mentioned above.
Nevertheless they still manged to create, and even release albums, especially in the independent scene, and to promote mordant and interesting events and proposals, which you might these days refer to as "politically incorrect," within their sociocultural itineraries: Telma T-Von with the Red Chikas, Backwords, ZJ Zuka, who was a member of Divine, as well as some more recent examples such as Dama Bete, Blink, Mynda Guevara or Samantha Muleca among others.
Summary and starting points toward the social discussion of this subject
During the same historical period in which male rappers introducing languages and dialects such as quimbundo (Kussondulola, 1995), the Cape Verde creole (Boss AC, Cupid, Djoek Varela, TWA or Teenagers with Attitude, Family, Nigga Poison, Chullage), different sounds (a wide range of African drums, batuque), African garments (General D) and symbols or allusions to local and international politics linked to the fight against world racism or the War of Liberation in Portugal (Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Amílcar Cabral, Agostinho Neto), the first female rappers, most whom were also descendants of Africans living in Portugal, provided in the Portuguese popular culture of the 80s and 90s a new narrative. But these women were victims of a double discrimination for being both black and women.
In Portugal this subject went completely unnoticed by academia and the cultural industries. During this period, only research carried out in an international context sought to shed some light into this translocal reality: i.e. present in hip-hop in general independently of the geographical latitude. One such example is Nancy Guevara (1996) whose work focused on the role of women in all pillars of hip-hop as a movement and not only in RAP.
For this author, RAP was frequently presented as the "voice of the oppressed black young men," with the implication that its female version configured a double form of oppression: being black and women.
The second-class status of American black women turned RAP, as it happened with the two pioneering Portuguese cases here discussed, mostly Afro-descendants, into a vehicle that brought into the light other forms of discrimination by them experienced.
The recurring questioning regarding the "cultural identity" of the first rappers in Portugal at the end of the 80s and 90s, both by the media and the general public, made it necessary for emerging voices in hip-hop to be constantly trying to affirm their biographical journeys within the Portuguese society and culture.
Their life stories began to provide justification for the permanence of hip-hop, and their continued efforts therein, in particular the poetic and sound aspects of this essentially urban culture – RAP.
The first themes to emerge and the common sound and musical references, from different geographical latitudes, made this a movement with particular features in Portugal where mutual support networks and friendship bonds became stronger, as was the case in other countries, particularly the United States.
The fact that this was a generation that felt excluded and had to adapt to a country where it had not been born and / or, in most cases, had never visited their parents' country of origin, turned the street into the privileged setting for artistic creation.
On the other hand, the more stigmatized neighbourhoods were, in some cases, an ideal setting to raise awareness of the problems that existed in these same neighbourhoods. And in other cases they forced the Portuguese society in the 90s to be confronted with another experience and cultural reality coming from them from the moment they began to release records by labels of national and translocal reach (Vidisco, Sony Music, BMG, Valentim de Carvalho).
The conflicts and tensions associated by the predominant rhetoric to life in the suburbs, such as drug use and supply, or theft, gradually became attenuated, in particular due to presence of their artistic output in the cultural and discographic fields. RAP then became an important vehicle for the dialogue between public authorities and civil society, its impact turning into a powder keg which helped accelerate a reconfiguration of the political thinking addressed to the "youth in the periphery" during the 90s in Portugal.
In Lisbon, the conciliation between the spoken word and writing synthesised the very nature of this practice: on the one hand, the reintroduction of the origins of their parents (the African expression); on the other hand, the written text used to denounce or evoke lived realities. Which in practice meant both the preservation of familiar cultural practices and the building o bridges and dialogues with the outside world. In Porto, this meant a protest against centralisation and the association of the practice with a "Lisbon-specific setting."
The expectation generated around the "hip-hop culture" saw the first rappers assert RAP as a new art form and musical format in the musical industry of the 90s with as many technical possibilities as any other popular practices.
However, even this claim produced ambiguous feelings. Although he was the first rapper to release and album in Portugal, General D, caused some division among some of his peers which only recently have been resolved. This was, on the one hand, due to the fact that many rappers were reluctant to base their practice on the traditional racial or ethnic ideas of which he was the main representative; on the other hand, the very fact that it was down to General D's pioneering efforts that RAP came out of the shadows and was projected into the centre of the consumerist society made it less appealing.
But it was precisely the political momentum and the dominant cultural industry that allowed them to record their first albums. This was a moment in which the resources of these rappers were scarce and the studios still lacking modern technologies such as the computer. And the reliance of the media and cultural industry on their conventional models was even bigger.
[1] Soraia Simões, Music historian (Instituto de História Contemporânea, FCSH NOVA Lisboa, Mural Sonoro), director, writer.
«Cidade Cidadã», Portugal Smart Cities
Quem não conseguiu estar saiba que pode ouvir aqui a comunicação de breves minutos (consegui fazê-la, parecia-me impossível, em menos dos 8 pretendidos pela organização) e em português no âmbito da sessão «Cidade Cidadã» que teve lugar hoje de tarde no evento Portugal Smart Cities com o título «RAPresentar a cidade (In) visível no arranque do hip-hop em Portugal».
Comunicação em português no âmbito da sessão «Cidade Cidadã» que teve lugar esta quinta-feira entre as 16.00 e as 18.00 no evento Portugal Smart Cities.
Sessão presidida pela Secretária da Ciência, Tecnologia e Ensino Superior, Maria Fernanda Rollo e moderada por Miguel de Castro Neto (Sub Director Nova Ims - Information Management School).
Fotografia 1) Sessão «Cidade Cidadã», Portugal Smart Cities, Centro de Congressos de Lisboa. 12 de Abril. 2018.
Fotografia 2) material cedido por Jumping (Djamal) durante trabalho de pesquisa. Concerto de Djamal, primeira parte de GNR. 1997.
Fotografia 3) recolhas durante trabalho de pesquisa. Exposição de Ithaka (Darin Pappas).
Simões, Soraia 2017 RAPublicar. A micro-história que fez história numa Lisboa adia (1986-1996). Editora Caleidoscópio. Lisboa.
Simões, Soraia 2018/9 no prelo Fixar o Invisível. Os primeiros Passos do RAP em Portugal. Editora Caleidoscópio. Lisboa.
O impacto do RAP no cinema - Visualização 'Cine - Dários' de Edgar Pêra - conversa
A quarta sessão do Ciclo de Conferências e Debates do projecto RAPortugal 1986 - 1999 aconteceu no dia 28 de Outubro 2016 – sexta-feira pelas 18.00 na Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa na sala multiusos 2.
A sessão teve como mote o impacto do RAP no cinema de autor e contou com a visualização de vários pequenos filmes realizados por Edgar Pêra aqui mostrados de um modo público pela primeira vez. São registos que fazem também parte da minha bibliografia de enquadramento no trabalho escrito. Com Edgar Pêra esteve também X-Sista, uma das integrantes do primeiro grupo RAP feminino a gravar em Portugal, Djamal, que foi filmado por Edgar Pêra durante década de 90.
A reportagem fotográfica é de Pedro Gomes de Almeida.
mais de duas dezenas de fontes orais realizadas durante trabalho de pesquisa usadas, com fontes documentais de época, no livro ''RAPublicar. A micro-história que fez história numa Lisboa adiada: 1986 - 1996'' (no prelo)
espólio de Djamal (c) direitos reservados cedidos para trabalho de investigação, créditos: Djamal
Reportagem fotográfica


Preservatives, food dyes, fillers, by-products and additives that are not bioavailable to your pet should not be in their food!
Cats maintain proper hydration either through moisture in their food or through drinking water. Some cats can be very particular about the water they drink, the water bowl and the taste of the water. This can result in the cat not drinking enough. Listed below are suggestions on how you can increase your cat's water intake.
Do you know how to read the ingredient list?
When it comes to pet nutrition, Rule #1 is to READ THE LABEL! Many people use a pet food because a friend or neighbor said it was good, or their breeder used it previously, or even because the veterinarian recommended it. With no disrespect intended to whoever might have recommended it, YOU are the one responsible for your pet's well-being and YOU alone should read the label and understand what you are giving your pet.
Is your pet showing the warning signs of poor digestion?
Symptoms such as chronic diarrhea, bad breath, a mucous film or blood in the stool, tummy rumbling, inappetance, licking lips after eating, gas, constipation or vomiting–these can be serious warning signs that your pet's digestion is "off". Poor digestive health leads to a weakened immune system. Pets with poor digestion can develop cancer, thyroid disorders, skin problems, ear infections and many other health problems.
These questions are just a few of the many we all need to think about when feeding our pets. If we can offer the best quality diets available then good health and well-being will follow. Taking a pro-active approach with nutrition can minimize chronic diseases, improve the fitness and extend the longevity of our cherished family pets.


Members of "Yonabaru ObaQ" at Yonaburu Kindergarten.
On January 17, Yonabaru Town Kindergarten held a parent-child craft event for muchi or traditional Okinawan rice cake. The group performed a picture-story show and a skit about the origin of Uni Muchi for the first time. Thrilling the children and young parents, the group received a favorable reception. The group consists of eight women, including the 85-year-old leader of the club Setsuko Chinen. Led by Chinen and Sumiko Yabiku, a member of Town's Education and Children Committee, the group has been teaching the language at elementary schools and kindergartens. They have been promoting Shimakutuba.


text:
At Forgotten Roads, our greatest passion is the adventure of riding a
motorcyle. We like heading off into the unknown on forgotten byways and
country roads -- tying a tarp to the bike as lean-to when it's time
to rest, and then packing up in the dawn light for another day of sights and
smells of less-traveled lands.

We are not alone in this, yet there aren't many places online where
one can read stories, take inspriation, or plan for the next such adventure.
Forgotten Roads is for *any* type of rider who's looking for kindred spirits
of the tarmac, gravel, and dirt. We're not an MC, but rather an *MX*; not a
club, but a resource for the *motorcycle excursionist*.

Our interests cover everything from personal adventures and stories to group
events and rides; from lessons learned and hard-one personal experience to
focused, pertinent product reviews. In particular, we share our discoveries of
roads as well as friendships and aquantainces we form with random fellow
excursionists on these forgotten roads.

We wrote a blog post that talks some more about why we started up this blog;
you can read that [here](/blog/archives/2016-09/19-221343/the-beginning-of-a-new-project.html).

If you are interested in how we build this site, you can read about that
[here](powered-by.html).

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


OAKLAND, CA – Chase Center, in partnership with Bon Appétit Management Company and Levy Restaurants, announced today the addition of La Cocina and Old Skool Café to Chase Center's food and beverage program. La Cocina, a San Francisco incubator kitchen that cultivates low-income food entrepreneurs, and Old Skool Café, a youth-run, jazz-themed supper club in San Francisco's Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood, will be integrated into Taste Makers at Chase Center, a program launched to directly benefit Bay Area businesses through networking and educational programs. Both will have their own specific outlets within Chase Center.
Chase Center naming rights partner, JPMorgan Chase, is bringing together Working Solutions, ICA Fund Good Jobs and Pacific Community Ventures to help San Francisco entrepreneurs of color start, stay and grow in the city as part of their Chase Entrepreneurs of Color Program. The collaborative, which won JPMorgan Chase's PRO Neighborhoods competition, will provide loans and technical assistance for start-ups and small businesses. The fund will also work closely with the new Chase Center to generate business opportunities and local economic growth including within the Taste Makers at Chase Center program.
In May of 2017, the Warriors, Chase Center, Bon Appétit Management Company and Levy Restaurants announced five "only in the Bay Area" food experiences that will be available inside Chase Center. Adding to the list and rounding out the final six iconic restaurants is Tony G's Pizza, from famed local pizza maker Tony Gemignani — the first American and non-Neapolitan to win the World Pizza Cup in Naples, Italy.
"I'm very proud to be partnering with these amazing food entrepreneurs to bring the best flavors of the Bay Area — and of Bayview-Hunters Point — to the Chase Center and to Warriors fans," said Bon Appétit CEO and cofounder Fedele Bauccio.
Chase Center is a 18,064-seat sports and entertainment arena, set to open in the Fall of 2019, which will anchor an 11-acre mixed-use, privately financed complex in San Francisco's Mission Bay neighborhood. Chase Center will play host to Warriors basketball, concerts, cultural events, family shows, convention activities, and more, totaling nearly 200 events a year. The sports and entertainment district will include two office buildings and 29 unique retail locations, along with 3.2 acres of publicly accessible plazas and open space.
About Bon Appétit Management Co.
Bon Appétit Management Company (www.bamco.com) is an on-site restaurant company operating 1,000-plus locations in 33 states for corporations, universities, and museums as well as the San Francisco public restaurants The Commissary, Arguello, Public House, STEM Kitchen and Garden, and Foundry & Lux. Bon Appétit chefs cook from scratch, including sauces, stocks, and soups. The Palo Alto–based food service company is a recognized industry leader in environmentally and socially responsible practices, with awards from organizations including the Sustainable Purchasing Leadership Council, Acterra, James Beard Foundation, and many others.
Founded in 1978, Levy pioneered premium sports and entertainment dining and remains one of America's fastest growing and most critically acclaimed restaurant companies. Named one of the 10 most innovative companies in sports by Fast Company magazine, Levy's diverse portfolio includes award-winning restaurants, iconic sports and entertainment venues, and convention centers as well as the Grammy Awards, PGA Championship, US Open Tennis Tournament, Kentucky Derby, and NHL, MLB, NBA All-Star Games, and has been named 2015 NHL Retailer of the Year. For more, visit www.levyrestaurants.com.


text:
Home > Reference > Indian Administration > Government of India > Technology Information
Technology Information, Forecasting and Assessment Council, Union Government Autonomous Bodies
Technology Information, Forecasting and Assessment Council was set up to look into the technological advancements in the country and advance and develop the same. It is an autonomous body of the Union Government functioning under the Department of Science & Technology.
Technology Information, Forecasting and Assessment Council (TIFAC) is an autonomous organization set up in 1988 under the Department of Science & Technology. It was set up to look ahead in technologies, assess the technology trajectories, and support technology innovation by network actions in select technology areas of national importance. TIFAC continues to strive for technology development of the country by leveraging technology innovation through sustained and concerted programmes in close association with academia and industry. In 1993, TIFAC embarked upon the major task of formulating a Technology Vision for the country in various emerging technology areas. The outcome of the Technology Vision 2020 exercise led to the set of 17 documents, including sixteen technology areas and one on services. The effort was a unique and pioneering exercise that involved more than 5,000 experts including scientists, technologists and corporate managers from academia, industry and the government.
Objectives of TIFAC
The TIFAC was set up with the following main objectives:
* To set up specialized sub-groups for examining and evaluating the existing state of art of technology and direction of future technological developments in various cross-sectoral areas as well as in other sectors of the economy, both in India and abroad and to prepare technology forecasting reports, covering 10 years or longer periods, specially in production areas involving substantial investments of financial resources and a large volume of production;
* To obtain from appropriate sources and project the estimates of the nature and quantum of the likely demands of goods and services in various sectors of the economy against 10 and 25 years' time-frames on the basis of 'normative', and 'exploratory' approaches and to suggest the direction and extent of technological changes that might be considered necessary in order to fulfill these demands in the light of the existing or anticipated resource base of the country.
* To prepare Technology Impact Statements, with a view to uncovering the likely implications and consequences, both desirable and undesirable, of the existing as well as newly emerging technologies upon society, indicating to decision-makers, through generation of future-oriented scenarios, their short-term and long-term implications.
* Ensuring timely availability of requisite technologies relevant to the needs of the country on futuristic basis and minimizing the time gap between the development of new technologies and their utilization and
* Establishing a purposeful linkage between technology development and technology import policies, to identify priority areas of research in relation to the socio-economic, environmental and security needs of the country; to evolve and suggest strategies for technological developments based on such priorities; and to draw up programmes of purposeful research in various sectors.
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Welcome to the BBI Tools Section. Under the Business Tools menu, you will find all the tools necessary to start up and run your own business. There are some quick links below. Be sure to contact us if you have any questions by clicking the Contact Us page.


Our international volunteer program called "Mensajeros del mundo" – messengers of the world - includes accommodation in our volunteer house. The aim of the program is to train young people to be social leaders.
The Mensajeros of the world live in a multicultural environment, work together to perform tasks or institutional projects, accompanying beneficiaries in their daily tasks or through workshops and collaborate with the needs of our schools and homes.


Utilize the information from exercise 6.2 where pre-andpost-examination processing of patients in an outpatient clinicinvolves various tasks performed by clerks and nurses.
A firm is considering issuing additional long-term debt tofinance an expansion.
Resources: Video Case: College EntrepreneursDo Good and Make Money from Ch. 1 of UnderstandingBusiness.


At Patternmakers we strive to make our work as accessible as possible. We recently worked together develop an Access Statement for our work with Melbourne Fringe to evaluate their Access & Inclusion program.
It got us thinking about how we can make other aspects of our work more accessible.
Here we share our intent for ALL future projects, and how we will consider accessibility and inclusion at every stage of our work.
Access is important to us. We're committed to providing equal access to all stakeholders to participate in each project we undertake.
When undertaking a new project, we'll identify all stakeholders and their needs early in the process. When communicating with stakeholders and participants, we'll ask everyone about their access requirements, and set aside the resources to meet those requirements effectively. Thinking more broadly than the purely technical aspects of accessibility, we'll be open, welcoming and encourage people to give us feedback, so we can adjust our approach accordingly.
During our fieldwork, we make sure we establish informed consent to participate and we commit to meeting AMSRS guidelines for consent.
When drafting documents, we'll use a minimum of 12 point font, high contrasts between font and background colour and Plain English (sometimes with the addition of Easy English) wherever possible.
We understand the importance of considering time of day, duration and location of our fieldwork, and that sometimes assistance may be required from support workers, carers or parents for any fieldwork activities involving people with disability.
When inviting people to meet with us face to face, we'll ask them whether they have any access requirements and make it clear that alternative participation options can be provided if required. We'll then do everything within our capacity to ensure these requirements are met so that the person can fully participate without disadvantage.
When selecting a venue to meet in, we'll meet in venues that we know are fully accessible where possible. We'll take into consideration access requirements that we're aware of and if necessary, seek advice from the person we're meeting with as to where might be an appropriate space for them.
When conducting surveys, we'll ensure that surveys are designed in a universally accessible manner, using an accessible platform, with alternative options for those who may need to respond using a different format.
Improving accessibility throughout our work will be ongoing journey and one we'll continue to enhance and seek feedback on. We're aware that by conducting our work in a manner that is as accessible as possible, we're not only opening doors for more people to engage with us, but we're also aiming to improve the experience for all people that we interact with throughout our work and daily life.
Morwenna is an experienced leader, project manager, lecturer and consultant. She brings significant arts and disability expertise to the Patternmakers team.


text:
Sandy repairs near completion at Perth Amboy waterfront
Suzanne Russell
@SRussellMyCJ
PERTH AMBOY – The image of boats lifted out of the marina and slammed into the base of Bayview Park along Front Street after superstorm Sandy is becoming a distant memory thanks to the repair work along the waterfront aimed at making the area strong enough to withstand a similar storm.
Thousands of people got to see some of the improvements last Friday during the Fourth of July fireworks display along Raritan Bay that the city hosted with neighboring South Amboy.
Mayor Wilda Diaz said families were seated on blankets along Sadowski Parkway for the nighttime show, an unofficial reopening of the waterfront that was the area most heavily impacted by Sandy's storm surge.
The city borrowed $17 million for the improvements and received about $4.3 million from FEMA. Grant and insurance funds also are being used for waterfront repairs, city officials said.
"The walkway has completely transformed that whole area," Diaz said. "People could not believe how it came out. They saw a new improved waterfront. It's completely different."
Frank Dann, city public works director, said the entire south side of the marina has a new dock, electric and water supply that boaters already are using.
"The north side (of the marina) is 70 percent complete," said Dann, adding that one or two docks have water and electric and bulkhead work is still to be done.
Along the south side of the marina, much of the walkway pavers were displaced by the storm and dumped into the street and had to be secured. A fence blocking access to the walkway has been removed, and most of the parking lot has been reopened, with only a section blocked for the contractor's equipment.
Dann said the area of the marina walkway that branches out into the water, as well as to the left and right, also has yet to be completed along with a wave screen.
Diaz said the walkway along Sadowski Park, known as a promenade, has been repaired and replaced. Initially, the brick pavers were placed in sand. The walkway has been redesigned so the bricks are glued to concrete.
"It's built to survive wave action," Dann said.
While Dann hopes another superstorm Sandy is not in the city's future, he said that the end of the hurricane season might offer the best test for storm-resistant improvements made to the city's waterfront.
"Sandy was so unlike anything we've ever seen," Dann said, adding that he is confident the walkway will remain intact even if the area sees wave action.
A sand dune also has been created. The community center and tennis courts off Sadowski Parkway also have been rebuilt. The Armory restaurant has a new Tiki bar and patio, while The Barge Restaurant on Front Street opened an new outdoor patio around Memorial Day.
Work has yet to be completed at Bayview Park and a walkway by the Raritan Yacht Club and Lewis Street.
Dann said the steep drop of the walkway by the yacht club will require input from the Army Corps of Engineers and the state Department of Environmental Protection.
And a new design is being planned for Bayview Park, between Front and Water streets, where the summertime Sunday Concerts by the Bay are conducted, along with the mayor's Summer Concert Series, on alternating Thursdays.
Diaz said the new park design will include tiers, possibly with picnic tables or benches, rather than the long slope existing at the park. Portions of the base of the park along Front Street were lost during the storm after the surge slammed boats against it. The hill also will be reinforced.
Dann said work at the park is scheduled to begin during the winter.
"I'd like to see it finished by spring next year," Diaz said.
Diaz said the improvements are designed to withstand another storm.
"It's not 100 percent proof, but there's a better chance to be protected if hit by another storm like Sandy," she said. "We're on a lot more solid ground."
Staff Writer Suzanne Russell: 732-565-7335; srussell@mycentraljersey.com


Stealing is not even ones radar when they believe in a higher Source.
It must have been an animal so I narrowed it down.
Isaac was a lot less joyous than Willy was. "I'm sorry the snake had to die.
Black snakes are beneficial to the environment – let me tell you why.
As long as a black snake is in the vicinity of an area, poisonous snakes stay away.
And when the snakes are around no rodent will stay.


Crafting 'tree shelves,' 'floating shelves' and everything in between, Lee says that his inspiration often lies in people and of course, nature. "I always find it incredible how quickly an idea can develop when you talk it over with someone who has a similar vision to you," he continues.
Beginning the designs with a hand-drawn sketch and then playing around with it on the computer, Lee says a fundamental aspect of his process is to ensure they can easily fit into a box when sending them out to customers. "On the computer I can break the design down into pieces to see how they will all slot together to fit in a box. As we send things all over the world, this is very crucial and has often governed changes to a design so that it can fit in easily," he offers.
Check out Dan's work on bespoakinteriors.co.uk.
We're pleased to announce that our fifth issue is now available to buy from our online shop! It'll be finding its way to shelves at newsstands and independent shops around the world shortly after.
Kyle Meyer recently left his position as Product Designer at Facebook to return to independent life. Now able to set his own schedule, he's found cycling to be a source of shower-time-style thinking for his work, and here he shares his favourite rides around the San Francisco Bay Area.


I'm using a Telerik Report Library class with Visual Studio Report Designer ( Table ) having ObjectDatasource.
While testing it with Dummy Collection its showing Empty rows but the values are not seen in the Report.
Please let me know what might be the reason.
There may be multiple reasons for the Table rows to be rendered empty.
Consider opening a support ticket and attaching the project (report definition and the class feeding the ObjectDataSource with data if there is one) for local investigation.