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Tag Archive for: Sean Hannity
Bill Barr's DOJ Protecting Sean Hannity the Cut-Out
November 2, 2020 /11 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, Mueller Probe /by emptywheel
Today, DOJ will have to release a less-classified version of the Mueller Report and another batch of 302s in the BuzzFeed FOIA. Then, after the election, Jason Leopold's lawyers and DOJ start fighting over all the things DOJ withheld, including Mike Flynn's 302 (which DOJ withheld because DOJ is trying to blow up his prosecution and releasing them publicly would make it clear his lies were material).
While we're waiting, I wanted to point to a paragraph from an October 11, 2018 Paul Manafort interview that was wrongly withheld.
DOJ redacted Sean Hannity's name, perhaps to make it harder to demonstrate that Manafort's claim was a lie.
This is a reference to text messages Manafort had with Sean Hannity. Judge Amy Berman Jackson unsealed them during Manafort's sentencing, making them a public official DOJ document. The texts show Manafort acknowledging the gag ABJ imposed.
Less than a week later, Manafort says they'll have to hold off on talking until he gets bail, and Hannity passes on what appears to be word from Trump, that unless Jeff Sessions appoints a special prosecutor to investigate Uranium One, he'll be gone.
In December, after Mueller's team busts Manafort for working with Konstantin Kilimnik to edit an oped to run in Kyiv, Manafort tells Hannity he has to delay talking to him until they get past a hearing on that violation of ABJ's gag order.
In early January, Manafort talks about having his lawyer (probably Kevin Downing) do an interview with Hannity about a civil suit he filed against Mueller as a way around the gag.
Again in January, Manafort says he needs to have his lawyer meeting with Gregg Jarrett to talk about their plans to try to get Andrew Weissmann thrown off the team.
On January 24 and 25, 2018, Manafort tells Hannity that Kevin Downing will be calling him.
On the 25th, Hannity confirms that he did speak with Downing and insists that Downing feed him "everyday." Manafort says he will.
In May 2018, Manafort tells Hannity to look for his filing claiming the Mueller team was illegally leaking.
In May, Manafort asks Hannity if he'll pitch his defense fund. Hannity says he will when Manafort and his lawyer are on.
Manafort insists to Hannity that his leaks filing exposes Weissmann misconduct. Hannity explains that Jarrett did not share the filing with him, so asks Manafort to sent it to his (!!!) AOL.Com address.
After Manafort gets busted for witness tampering, Manafort texts Hannity and insists it was bullshit.
And then Paulie goes to prison and the texts end.
Throughout the exchanges — particularly with that meeting between Downing and Hannity on January 24, 2018 — it's clear Manafort is feeding Hannity.
And, as Weissmann got permission to include include in his book, the Muller team analyzed the texts and mapped how comments Manafort shared showed up in Hannity's broadcasts.
At the same time the Manafort allies were working Gates over, dangling the prospect of money and a White House pardon, they were also fomenting a press strategy to undermine our office's work, and Team M's case against him in particular. In the spring of 2018, we discovered a new Manafort account he was using after his indictment in October 2017. As we had done countless times before, we obtained a court order from Chief Judge Howell, served it on the carrier, and soon unexpectedly had in our hands hundreds of texts between Manafort and the Fox News host Sean Hannity.
In one text exchange, during the weeks in which we were working to flip Gates, Manafort assured Hannity that Gates would stay strong and never cooperate. In others, he supplied Hannity with a cache of right-wing conspiracy-laden ammunition with which to attack Mueller, me, and the Special Counsel's Office as a whole—some of it, Manafort claimed, had been passed on from sources within the Justice Department. Manafort, who was under house arrest at the time, assured Hannity that Manafort's counsel would be in touch with him. Hannity worked this information into the tirades against us that he performed almost nightly on the air.
At the time, remember, Manafort was under indictment for the same charges as Gates; both were out on bail with strict pretrial conditions. Communicating with Hannity about the case was a violation of the gag order Judge Jackson had put in place on both sides so as not to taint the jury. But Manafort was undeterred by such legal niceties as a court order; he was doing what he did best: surreptitiously cooking up a smear campaign, then using Hannity to disseminate it, thereby contaminating the political discourse.
A Team M analyst correlated the texts to the Hannity Fox News programs that then aired in support of Manafort. The texts revealed a media plan that was just like the work he'd done in Ukraine, targeting President Yanukovych's enemies. Now, however, Manafort was working on his own behalf, launching an assault on a government investigation poised to undo him.
I had wanted to submit the Hannity texts to the court as they revealed a continued flagrant violation of the court's order, and it was something I believed the judge needed to know as it could well change her view on whether Manafort should remain on bail, or at least whether the conditions of his bail should be tightened up. When I told Aaron this, he had his usual reaction: No one could see these texts. "They are too explosive," he said. He did not want the inevitable shit storm that would result on Fox and other media outlets, but that was no excuse for not alerting the court to the violation of her order. (I made clear that the court would have to see them at least in connection with sentencing Manafort as it was our obligation not to hide this from the court, which is how these ended up seeing the light of day.) Soon this latest Grant-McClellan standoff would be largely moot when we discovered Manafort's breach of his bail conditions in a manner that made the gag order violation pale in comparison.
The fact that Weissmann was able to include this detail in his book makes it clear this is not sensitive and, indeed, DOJ considers it public.
And yet DOJ hid the identity of one of the most public men in America to hide the way Fox was running interference for Trump's criminals.
https://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Paulie.jpg 600 476 emptywheel https://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Logo-Web.png emptywheel2020-11-02 06:50:372020-11-02 06:54:55Bill Barr's DOJ Protecting Sean Hannity the Cut-Out
Rat-Fucker Rashomon: Trolling for Russia
October 19, 2020 /23 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, emptywheel, Mueller Probe /by emptywheel
With one exception, the SSCI Report does a tremendous job cataloging how people with a stake in the 2016 hack-and-leak operation undermined the Russian attribution of it. It includes an entire section on Russia's efforts to undermine the Russian attribution, in which Konstantin Kilimnik plays a starring role and Manafort significantly follows. It describes WikiLeaks' false attribution, mentioning the Seth Rich hoax explicitly. It includes several paragraphs describing the campaign's claimed ignorance about the source of the stolen emails, framing it in terms of the October 7 DHS/ODNI assessment.
The Campaign tried to cast doubt on the October 7 joint DHS/ODNI assessment formally attributing the activity to Russia, and was indifferent to the significance of acquiring, promoting, or disseminating materials from a Russian intelligence services hack-and-leak campaign.1436
1436 (U) In contrast to the Campaign's decision, other lawmakers refused to engage in such exploitation of the stolen material. For example, in an October 2016 interview, Senator Marco Rubio said that he would "not discuss any issue that has become public solely on the basis of WikiLeaks," noting that "these leaks are an effort by-a foreign government to interfere with our electoral process, and I will not indulge it." Jonathan Karl and Benjamin Siegel, "Exclusive: Rubio Won't Talk About WikiLeaks, and Neither Should Donald Trump," ABC News, October 19, 2016.
(U) While the Campaign was using the WikiLeaks documents, Trump cast doubt on the assessment that Russian government hackers were responsible for the hack-and-leak campaign. At the second presidential debate on October 9, Trump asserted: "maybe there is no hacking." 1704 In testimony to the Committee, Stephen Miller claimed that the Campaign did not know who was responsible for the hacks "one way or the other."1705 But this uncertainty did not stop Trump or Campaign officials from minimizing Russian involvement at other times, suggesting that it was an "absurd claim" to say that the Kremlin was promoting the Trump Campaign1706; that "the DNC did the 'hacking"' as a distraction1707; that the Democrats were "putting [it] out" that the Russians were responsible; and that it was "unlikely" that the Russians did it1708 or that nobody knew it was Russia, and it "could also be China" or "lots of other people."1709 According to Gates, the Campaign was "not concerned with how or who hacked" the documents, but just sought to release emails as quickly as possible. 1710
(U) Among the theories espoused by Trump Campaign officials, Manafort expressed a belief that the Ukrainians were responsible, not the Russians. 1711 Gates said that this "parroted a narrative [Konstantin] Kilimnik often supported." 1712 According to Gates, Kilimnik also asserted that the hack could have been done by "Russian operatives in Ukraine." 1713 Gates was not aware of Manafort asking Kilimnik "to reach out to his Russian contacts" about the source of the leaked materials, and was not himself asked to contact Kilimnik about it. 1714 The Committee has determined that this theory espoused by Kilimnik and Manafort has no factual basis.1715 Gates and others also decided to promote the story that a DNC insider had been involved in the hacks.1116
SSCI's invocation of the doubts Trump aired in the October 9, 2016 debate is of particular note, coming as it did just days after the John Podesta release. Trump's comment was something that Mueller's team asked numerous witnesses about.
Yet SSCI doesn't include a focused discussion of all the ways Roger Stone — who appears to have met with Trump on October 8, 2016 — undermined the Russian attribution. As noted in this post of this series, one of the affidavits targeting Stone suggests Stone optimized the release of the John Podesta emails to overwhelm any attention to that October 7 attribution statement.
Perhaps the closest the SSCI Report comes to describing Stone's efforts to troll for Russia is where — in entirely different sections of the report — the SSCI Report documents Stone's flip flop on the Russian role in hacking the DNC. On page 224 of the SSCI Report, it describes how Stone told Gates (in July 2016) that the stolen files may have come from Russia.
In one call during that period, Stone also told Gates that the WikiLeaks information could be from the Russians. However, Gates did not recall Stone suggesting a connection between WikiLeaks and Russia. Gates also thought that Stone could have based his theory of Russian involvement on publicly available information. 1452
On pages 194-195, the SSCI Report describes how days later, Stone started claiming that Guccifer 2.0, whom he did not treat as Russian, had hacked the DNC.
On August 5, 2016, Stone penned an opinion piece asserting that Guccifer 2.0, not the Russians, had hacked the DNC, and repeating the false claims made by the GRU on the Guccifer 2.0 website and Twitter account. 1250 On August 12, the GRU released DCCC records, including the cell phone numbers and email addresses of almost all Democrats in the House of Representatives through the Guccifer 2.0 persona, 1251 and tweeted publicly at Stone: "thanks that u believe in the real #Guccifer2."1252 When Twitter then suspended the Guccifer 2.0 account, WikiLeaks complained: "@Guccifer _ 2 has account completely censored by Twitter after publishing some files from Democratic campaign #DCCC."1253 Stone also tweeted at WikiLeaks and the Guccifer 2.0 persona in response to the suspension, calling it "outrageous"1254 and referring to Guccifer 2.0 as a "HERO."1255
Yet even though it includes this flip flop across two places thirty pages apart without noting it, the SSCI report doesn't describe how, in the same period, Stone started pushing the Seth Rich hoax. Nor does it describe how long he continued to argue there was no proof that Guccifer 2.0 was Russian.
Perhaps the SSCI Report's silence about Stone's efforts to undermine the Russian attribution is a focus adopted from the Mueller Report. Like the SSCI Report, the Mueller Report describes WikiLeaks' efforts to undermine the Russian attribution of the hack by pinning it on Seth Rich.
Beginning in the summer of 2016, Assange and WikiLeaks made a number of statements about Seth Rich, a former DNC staff member who was killed in July 2016. The statements about Rich implied falsely that he had been the source of the stolen DNC emails. On August 9, 2016, the @WikiLeaks Twitter account posted: "ANNOUNCE: WikiLeaks has decided to issue a US$20k reward for information leading to conviction for the murder of DNC staffer Seth Rich." 180 Likewise, on August 25, 2016, Assange was asked in an interview, "Why are you so interested in Seth Rich's killer?" and responded, "We're very interested in anything that might be a threat to alleged Wikileaks sources." The interviewer responded to Assange's statement by commenting, "I know you don't want to reveal your source, but it certainly sounds like you're suggesting a man who leaked information to WikiLeaks was then murdered." Assange replied, "If there's someone who's potentially connected to our publication, and that person has been murdered in suspicious circumstances, it doesn't necessarily mean that the two are connected. But it is a very serious matter … that type of allegation is very serious, as it's taken very seriously by us."181
But neither describes Stone's parallel and in many ways far more systematic efforts to sow the Rich hoax, efforts which extended well beyond the election and recruited involvement from the likes of Sean Hannity (who will be deposed by Joel Rich's lawyers on this subject on October 30) and Alex Jones.
On this point as most others, the Stone prosecution unsurprisingly adopts the same general scope as the Mueller Report; like it, the indictment did not touch on Stone's role in fostering the Seth Rich conspiracy. That said, prosecutors expended significant effort preventing Stone from using the prosecution to sow propaganda in the court room about Russian attribution (as Yevgeniy Prigozhin's trolls succeeded in doing).
But the affidavits in the Stone investigation (as we've seen elsewhere) break from the pattern. They focus closely on Stone's social media activity — activity which would ultimately get Stone gagged by Amy Berman Jackson, the judge presiding over his trial, and activity that would get fake accounts created for him starting during the election removed by Facebook. At least eight of the warrants obtained towards the end of the Stone investigation targeted Internet infrastructure used to support social media campaigns.
It's unclear exactly what investigators were looking for, though. After all, using fake accounts, while a violation of social media terms of service, is not illegal by itself.
For some of these accounts, investigators were collecting forensic data in an effort to tie Stone's known online activity to very damning Google searches — indicating knowledge of the Russian hack-and-leak while the hackers were still in DNC servers — they believed to be Stone. In addition, the warrant where the investigation started to incorporate evidence and testimony from Steven Bannon listed wire fraud among the crimes under investigation, which prosecutors sometimes charge if someone raises money for one purpose — say, purporting to fund a PAC supporting one cause — and use it for another purpose (this is precisely what got Bannon indicted by SDNY).
But some of investigators' focus appears to pertain to the content Stone pushed, his efforts to undermine the Russian attribution, including his sustained claims that Guccifer 2.0 wasn't Russian. After one of the guys who did social media for him provided details of the effort, investigators started incorporating Stone's social media activity into affidavits.
Based on search warrant returns for STONE's account [redacted], between on or about October 31, 2016 and November 3, 2016, [redacted] received receipts from Facebook for the purchase of a number of advertisements associated with the Target Account, including advertisements with the following excerpted titles (as set forth in the receipts):
"BREAKING: New #Wikileaks emails prove that Team … "
"Roger Stone talked about WikiLeaks, Donald Trump, … "
90. Additionally, on or about March 31, 2017, STONE received a Facebook receipt at his Hotmail account for advertisements associated with Target Account 1, with the following excerpted titles (as set forth in the receipt):
"Stone Rebuts Charge of Russian Collusion"
"I am not in touch with any Russians, don't have … ,"
"The charge that I am working for Russian … ,"
"In fullest statement yet on DNC hacking … "
"ROGER STONE – NO consensus that Guccifer 2.0 is a … "
Mueller's investigators might simply have been tracking the Podesta effort and the later cover-up (though, again, none of it showed up in a trial on the cover-up). But some of the later warrants that included gags, including the one that specifically said prosecutors were trying to keep Stone in the dark about the scope of their investigation, targeted social media, too.
Whatever the point of that investigative focus, Stone at least believed that his efforts to optimize the stolen files could make the difference in getting Trump elected. Moreover, he played a role at key moments in how others understood the provenance of the documents, possibly even in Trump public doubts in the second debate. Stone had more incentive than anyone to claim that Russia wasn't behind the hack, his efforts to push that narrative were in many ways more sustained than other efforts, and the way in which he tried to rebrand Guccifer 2.0 as something other than a Russian persona was a key claim in his false HPSCI testimony. Indeed, Trump appears to have picked up some of the attacks on Russian attribution that his rat-fucker first pushed, which has since snowballed into a systematic effort to dismantle any part of the government with expertise in Russian operations and organized crime.
And yet the SSCI Report, completed in the wake of and incorporating the affidavits, which incorporated some of the Ukrainian based disinformation still being chased by Republicans, makes little mention of Stone's campaign to undermine the Russian attribution, and how closely it tied to WikiLeaks' own such campaign.
The movie Rashomon demonstrated that any given narrative tells just one version of events, but that by listening to all available narratives, you might identify gaps and biases that get you closer to the truth.
I'm hoping that principle works even for squalid stories like the investigation into Roger Stone's cheating in the 2016 election. This series will examine the differences between four stories about Roger Stone's actions in 2016:
The Stone prosecution
The SSCI Report
The affidavits from the investigation
As I noted in the introductory post (which lays out how I generally understand the story each tells), each story has real gaps in one or more of these areas:
While the Mueller Report made it clear Trump's pardon dangles to keep details of his conversations with Roger Stone secret amounted to obstruction, it didn't tell just just how many conversations they had
Rather than telling us whether, how, and why Roger Stone optimized the release of John Podesta's emails on October 7, 2016, the Mueller Report instead gave us Jerome Corsi slapstick
Just one story presents the significant amounts of evidence suggesting that on August 14, 2016, when he started a file called "Podesta," Jerome Corsi had or knew the contents of the Podesta files that would become public on October 11, 2016
The later stories focus on Podesta, rather than the evidence that Stone learned of the hack-and-leak while the burglary was still ongoing
Stone pitched both Manafort and Bannon on a way to win ugly–but none of the Stone stories tell us what that was
Trolling for Russia
The "highest levels of government" attempt to shut down an investigation into Julian Assange
Guccifer 2.0 as go-between
My hope is that by identifying these gaps and unpacking what they might say about the choices made in crafting each of these stories, we can get a better understanding of what actually happened — both in 2016 and in the investigations. The gaps will serve as a framework for this series.
https://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2017-01-01_HeaderSize-1500pxw.jpg 1000 1500 emptywheel https://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Logo-Web.png emptywheel2020-10-19 09:06:552020-10-22 14:51:28Rat-Fucker Rashomon: Trolling for Russia
Wherein WikiLeaks Brags about Entertaining a Pardon Dangle from a Suspected Russian Asset and a White Supremacist
September 19, 2020 /12 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, 2020 Presidential Election, emptywheel, Leak Investigations, Mueller Probe /by emptywheel
Yesterday, Julian Assange's lawyer Jennifer Robinson had a statement (which has not been released) read at his extradition hearing describing that she witnessed a meeting between Assange and Dana Rohrabacher on August 15, 2017 (Neo-Nazi Chuck Johnson was also present), where the Congressman said he had a win-win deal to offer: Trump would pardon Julian Assange if Assange would say that the source of the stolen DNC emails was not Russia.
Robinson stated that Assange did not disclose the source. Based on reports, though, she did not appear to deny that Assange had claimed his source was not Russia, which is what Rohrabacher reported at the time.
A lawyer representing the United States did not contest Robinson's report, agreeing that the offer occurred. But representatives from the US did state that Trump had not agreed to it (which, without access to the exact statement, could mean any thing, but Trump certainly hasn't pardoned Assange, yet).
Amid a laudable parade of arguments at Assange's extradition hearing about the Espionage Act and discussions of all the important disclosures associated with the 2010 WikiLeaks releases for which Julian Assange is fighting extradition — including testimony read from German torture victim Khaled al-Masri, one of the first times he has had his say in public — including this statement was a cynical, and I would argue, damning, ploy.
In spite of the frenzy from the US press about the statement, the claim is not new. It was reported immediately by the Daily Caller (I covered that report here). Then Assange tweeted and then released on Facebook a statement asserting that reports from others should not be deemed authoritative. "Only unmediated statements coming directly from me can be considered authoritative." Rohrabacher issued a statement, in which he promised to divulge what Assange stated to Trump.
Neither explicitly admitted what was obvious, that it was a pardon quid pro quo.
In a follow-up interview with the Daily Caller, Rohrabacher claimed not to remember whether he spoke to anyone at the White House about the meeting. Then, in a follow-up interview with Sean Hannity, Rohrabacher said, "It is my understanding from other parties who are trying to arrange the rendezvous that a rendezvous with myself and the President is being arranged for me to give him the firsthand information from him." Earlier this year (when WikiLeaks announced that Robinson was going to resuscitate this story), Kim Dot Com released texts describing how he had pushed Trump's best friend (whom he claimed not to identify) to accept the deal.
Those texts identified the best friend as Sean Hannity, the same guy who hosted Rohrabacher to explain that, "other parties [were] trying to arrange the rendezvous that a rendezvous with myself and the President is being arranged for me to give him the firsthand information from him."
Ultimately, Chief of Staff John Kelly refused to let the President meet with Rohrabacher, just like he refused other agents of disinformation about the Russian hack to meet with him in the same period.
Mr. Rohrabacher confirmed he spoke to Mr. Kelly this week but declined to discuss the content of their conversation. "I can't confirm or deny anything about a private conversation at that level," he said in a brief interview. He declined to elaborate further.
A Trump administration official confirmed Friday that Mr. Rohrabacher spoke to Mr. Kelly about the plan involving Mr. Assange. Mr. Kelly told the congressman that the proposal "was best directed to the intelligence community," the official said. Mr. Kelly didn't make the president aware of Mr. Rohrabacher's message, and Mr. Trump doesn't know the details of the proposed deal, the official said.
In the call with Mr. Kelly, Mr. Rohrabacher pushed for a meeting between Mr. Assange and a representative of Mr. Trump, preferably someone with direct communication with the president.
On its face, the pardon dangle story proves only that Julian Assange was willing to meet with someone widely presumed to be Russian asset, Dana Rohrabacher, and a far right white nationalist to help float false claims about Russia's role in getting Trump elected. It also proves that, at the time (when Trump was desperately trying to shut down the investigation into his coordination with Russia in the 2016 election and one after another were giving false prepared statements denying such coordination), the President had a Chief of Staff with the ability to look out after his legal interests.
And while I doubt lawyers for the US will go there, in context, the fact that WikiLeaks' defense team presented just one of the at least four pardon dangles — including one for which the import of Russian disinformation is more obvious than others — is a testament to the degree to which the true story of those pardon discussions would make WikiLeaks' compromise by Russia clear.
Here are the known discussions of pardons since WikiLeaks released emails in such a way as to optimize their benefit to getting authoritarian torture fan Donald Trump elected.
Starting at least by November 16 (and probably earlier) and lasting at least through January 11, 2018, Roger Stone tried to broker a pardon; according to sworn testimony by Randy Credico, Margaret Kunstler was involved in this effort (and threatening to expose whatever role Kunstler had in the process is one of the ways Stone used to discourage Credico's testimony).
Starting at least by January 12 and continuing until at least March 28, 2017, Adam Waldman — the lawyer that Assange shared with Oleg Deripaska, whom the SSCI Report shows had a central role in the 2016 operation — tried to negotiate a deal via which Assange would provide limited information to mitigate the harm of the Vault 7 leak and DOJ (or if that failed, SSCI) would give him immunity, effectively a pardon. Given WikiLeaks' history of sharing raw documents with Russia and others, the entrée would have come long after WikiLeaks had had the opportunity to broker the files, which would have helped Russia not only identify CIA's hacks of Russian computers, but also NOCs working for CIA. (I've started to wonder whether the Russian treason case from late 2016 has a tie.) John Solomon — who has spread Deripaska's propaganda before — even blamed Jim Comey for the compromise that resulted. In short, the offer was far too late to be meaningful, but it was an effort to give Assange impunity for burning the CIA to the ground.
From August to October 2017, Rohrabacher pursued his pardon for disinformation deal.
Last week, in the guise of defending journalism, Glenn Greenwald went on Tucker Carlson's show (where a number of people have successfully lobbied for a pardon) and pitched pardons for both Assange and Ed Snowden not, as he claimed, out of any defense of journalism or whistleblowers — both things that Trump affirmatively reviles — but instead because it's a great way to stick it to the Obama Deep State.
So one pardon pitch immediately after Assange worked with Russia to get Trump elected, another one brokered by Oleg Deripaska's lawyer, a third pitched by a Congressman widely believed to be a Russian asset, and finally Glenn's pitch for a pardon as a great way to do damage to the intelligence community.
Not only did Russia figure in all of those pardon dangles, but each was pitched not as a way to honor Assange's debt to journalism, but instead to serve Russia's purposes. And for some reason WikiLeaks thinks that raising just one of these — while remaining silent about perhaps the most damning pardon dangle — helps prove its case that Julian Assange is a journalist and not the Russian spy the prosecutors in this case claim to believe he is.
https://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/190501-julian-assange-cs-824a_912157579f6cd4975bcb1ef10cdd52fb.fit-1240w-1.jpg 845 1240 emptywheel https://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Logo-Web.png emptywheel2020-09-19 09:10:062020-09-19 12:03:16Wherein WikiLeaks Brags about Entertaining a Pardon Dangle from a Suspected Russian Asset and a White Supremacist
Bill Barr Deems 11 Months to Charge False Statements, "the Proper Pace"
August 14, 2020 /45 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, Mueller Probe /by emptywheel
Last night, in response to Sean Hannity pressuring Billy Barr to be (as Trump stated earlier), "the greatest of all time" with respect to the John Durham investigation, Barr violated DOJ guidelines to reveal there would be a development today (and further developments before the election) in the John Durham investigation.
Perhaps in an attempt to shut down Hannity's time pressure, Barr said whatever that development was, "the proper pace, as dictated by the facts in this investigation."
HANNITY: The president said today that he hopes that the Durham report and that you, as attorney general, won't be politically correct.
I hope that too. Mr. Attorney General, I have spent three years unpeeling the layers of an onion, in terms of premeditated fraud on a FISA court. You have deleted subpoenaed e-mails. You have knowledge we know that they were warned in August of 2016 not to trust that dossier, which was the bulk of information for the FISA warrants.
The sub source in January 2017 confirms, none of that was true, and it was bar talk.
I guess, just as the wheels of justice turn slowly, I feel impatience over it. Can you give us any update?
BARR: Yes, Sean.
Well, first, as to the political correctness, if I was worried about being politically correct, I wouldn't have joined this administration. As I made clear…
HANNITY: That's actually a good line, too. OK.
BARR: Yes.
Well, as I made clear, I'm going to call them as I see them. And that's why I came in. I thought I'm in a — I think I'm in a position to do that.
There are two different things going on, Sean. One, I have said that the American people need to know what actually happened. We need to get the story of what happened in 2016 and '17 now out. That will be done.
The second aspect of this is, if people cross the line, if people involved in that activity violated the criminal law, they will be charged.
And John Durham is an independent man, highly experienced. And his investigation is pursuing apace. There was some delay because of COVID. But I'm satisfied with the progress.
And I have said there are going to be developments, significant developments, before the election. But we're not doing this on the election schedule. We're aware of the election. We're not going to do anything inappropriate before the election.
But we're not being dictated to by this schedule. What's dictating the timing of this are developments in the case. And there will be developments. Tomorrow, there will be a development in the case.
You know, it's not an earth-shattering development, but it is an indication that things are moving along at the proper pace, as dictated by the facts in this investigation.
That development happened to be the charge of a single False Statements charge against Kevin Clinesmith, the lawyer who altered an email — he said, "to clarify facts for a colleague" — in the Carter Page investigation.
There's an aspect of the Criminal Information I'll return to.
But for the moment, consider that Billy Barr has said this Criminal Information, for one count of False Statements, was "moving along at the proper pace." Per the DOJ IG Report, Clinesmith's actions were referred to DOJ and FBI in June 2018. That means it has taken DOJ at least 13 months to charge a fairly clearcut false statements case.
[Note: I've reread this. DOJ IG referred Clinesmith to FBI for his politicized texts in June 2018. It's unclear when they referred his alteration of an email. He resigned from FBI on September 21, 2019, so it would have happened before then. I've changed the headline accordingly.]
George Papadopoulos was charged, in an investigation that Barr's boss Donald Trump said was far too long, just over eight months after he lied to the FBI.
Mike Flynn was charged, in an investigation that Trump claims was far too long, just over ten months after he lied to the FBI.
Even in the Roger Stone case, the longest lasting of the investigations into Trump's flunkies, Mueller charged obstruction just over eight months after Mueller's team discovered how Stone was threatening Randy Credico and other witnesses.
In short, Billy Barr has now said that the pace Mueller worked at was better than what he thinks is proper.
Billy Barr probably didn't realize it, but the only thing his politicized Durham investigation has to show thus far is that Trump is wrong when he assails Mueller for the length of his investigation.
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Roger Stone's Flip Story Evolves for the Cameras
July 14, 2020 /60 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, Mueller Probe /by emptywheel
Last night, Roger Stone went on Sean Hannity's show, mostly to lay the groundwork for withdrawing his appeal. But he also repeated a story he told at least twice shortly after his gag ended, describing how a Mueller prosecutor offered Stone leniency if he would testify that the content of some number of calls he had with Trump (29 in one telling, 36 in another) pertained to WikiLeaks.
Well, in the beginning of the case, Sean, I don't think that [flipping on Trump] was their intention. But as they got closer and closer to having to issue the Mueller report and they realized that they had no Russian collusion because there was no Russian collusion, it was a hoax. On July 24, Jeannie Rhee, who was heading my prosecution within the Mueller team — that's extraordinary in itself because she previously represented Hillary Clinton and the Clinton foundation in the illegal email server case, the missing email case. So she had a clear bias. She was a maximum donor to both of Hillary's presidential campaigns. By the way, she has all the charm of a North Korean prison guard. She made it very clear to one of my lawyers — after a hearing she asked to see them privately — that if I would really remember certain phone conversations I had with candidate trump, if I would come clean, if I would confess, that they might be willing to, you know, recommend leniency to the judge perhaps I wouldn't even serve any jail time. I didn't have to think about it very long. I said absolutely not. There was no circumstance under which I would bear false witness against the president.
This story, as told, is impossible.
The problem is with the date.
In the version of the story Stone told to Lou Dobbs earlier this spring, Stone was quite clear: the meeting between this prosecutor and his lawyer happened on July 24, 2019.
DOBBS: We're back with Roger Stone. And Roger, do you think you were targeted by Mueller, specifically to get dirt — to put you under pressure to get dirt on President Trump?
STONE: There's no question whatsoever. After illegal leaks over a year saying I would be charged with treason and conspiracy against the United States, being the link between the Trump campaign and Russia. They indicted me on the flimsiest charges of lying to Congress even though there was no underlying crime for me to lie about. And then on July 24th, 2019, a member of the Mueller's dirty cop squad approached one of my lawyers proposing a deal. If Stone would be willing to really re-remember the content of some 36 phone calls I had with candidate Trump, and admit that they were about Russia and WikiLeaks, they would be willing to perhaps recommend no jail time and I said, no. This President needs to be reelected, Lou. He is the greatest President in my lifetime, I would never give false testimony against him.
Similarly, the version Stone told some Daily Caller hack stated that this conversation happened on July 24, 2019.
On July 24, 2019, one of the prosecutors approached my lawyer and proposed, essentially, a deal. If your client would be willing to come clean, if your client would be prepared to confess, that these 29 phone calls between himself and candidate Donald Trump were about WikiLeaks and the Russians, we might be willing to recommend no jail time.
All three of these stories place this conversation on July 24, and two of them place it on July 24, 2019.
Jeannie Rhee withdrew from the case (and left DOJ) on April 16, 2019, before this discussion allegedly took place (unless it happened in 2018, which would raise a whole slew of different questions).
Mind you, in both the Hannity version and the Daily Caller version, Stone claims this conversation happened in the lead-up to the Mueller Report.
Their purpose was very clear. This was days before the Mueller Report. So they knew that their Russian section of the report was a dud, that they had nothing. So they wanted me to be their ham in their ham sandwich. And I declined, because it's not true.
Rhee was at four hearings with Stone, post-indictment, before the report was issued:
January 29, 2019 (Arraignment)
February 1, 2019 (Status hearing)
February 21, 2019 (Gag hearing)
The latter of those certainly was in the days before the Mueller Report was released, but it was also at a time when the report was drafted. So if the conversation happened then, it is unlikely such testimony would have been included in the report.
Indeed, it is better thought of as a part of the second part of the investigation into Stone, the one for which the raid on Stone's house was an attempt, in part, to obtain the notebook in which Stone had written notes of every conversation he had with Trump during the campaign.
53. On May 8, 2018, a law enforcement interview of [redacted] was conducted. [redacted] was an employee of Stone's from approximately June 2016 through approximately December 2016 and resided in Stone's previous New York apartment for a period of time. [redacted] provided information technology support for Stone, but was not formally trained to do so. [redacted] was aware that Stone communicated with Trump during the 2016 presidential campaign, and afterward, both in person and by telephone. [redacted] provided information about a meeting at Trump Tower between Trump and Stone during the time [redacted] worked for him, to which Sterne carried a "file booklet" with him. Stone told [redacted] the file booklet was important and that no one should touch it. [redacted] also said Stone maintained the file booklet in his closet.
54. On December 3, 2018, law enforcement conducted an interview of an individual ("Person 1 ") who previously had a professional relationship with a reporter who provided Person 1 with information about Stone. The reporter relayed to Person 1 that in or around January and February 2016, Stone and Trump were in constant communication and that Stone kept contemporaneous notes of the conversations. Stone's purpose in keeping notes was to later provide a "post mortem of what went wrong."
If the conversation happened on March 14, then, it might reflect prosecutors' review of that notebook, if indeed they found it in the raid. If the conversation happened on March 14, prosecutors might already have known that those conversations pertained to WikiLeaks (remember, 29 or 36 conversations would just be a subset of the 60 or so prosecutors showed Stone had directly with a Trump phone number).
And if that's the case — if prosecutors asked Stone to testify about 29 to 36 calls that, because of the rat-fucker's carelessness (or instincts for self-preservation) they knew from his notes pertained to WikiLeaks — then this publicity tour about what a hero he was for risking prison to protect the President is just that, PR.
Effectively, Stone is telling this story on every show that Trump watches closely, presumably to reassure the President he succeeded in protecting him. With that notebook out there, it's not at all clear that is true.
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On Trump's COVID Rallies: Lying and Bullying Are Different Things
April 20, 2020 /61 Comments/in COVID-19, Press and Media /by emptywheel
Ben Smith wrote a column about how the press should deal with Trump's daily COVID pressers rallies that has pissed a lot of journalists off. In it, he suggests even having the debate that he's actually engaging in is tiresome.
I don't intend to reopen the tiresome debate over whether news organizations should broadcast Mr. Trump's remarks. The only people really debating this are the outlets for whom it doesn't really matter, unless you're big on symbolism. How many listeners to Seattle's NPR affiliate are proud red hat wearers? And who thinks that the outlets for whom it would matter — Fox News, most of all — are even considering it? The whole debate seemed rooted in the idea that if only your favored news outlet didn't live stream the president, he would just go away.
But that's not the biggest problem with Smith's column.
The very first line of the column suggests — in mocking tone — that the story of Trump's COVID rallies is his bullying.
Did you hear? The president said some things today. Mean things! About someone I know … I can't quite remember the details, or whether it was today or yesterday, or what day of the week it is, anyway.
In claiming the COVID rallies are about Trump's bullying, Smith focuses on the warm mutual dysfunction of Maggie Haberman's relationship with the President. He doesn't talk about the way that the President uses the COVID rallies to denigrate beautiful smart women who are in the room with him, questioning him, which in my opinion is a story unto itself if you want to talk whether symbolism is worth airing or not.
And that's one of the reasons why — contrary to Smith's claim — it's not clear the rallies really are, "The most effective form of direct presidential communication since Franklin Roosevelt's fireside chats," because they continue to alienate people like the suburban women whose support Trump would need to win reelection. If it were just about Trump's bullying, Smith's argument would still be suspect regarding Trump's efficacy.
But the debate about the COVID rallies is not just about Trump's bullying.
On the contrary, it's about his lies. In his column, Smith suggests that Trump's COVID rallies only "occasionally" derail the public health response.
[T]hey should cover them as what they are, a political campaign, not as a central part of the public health response except to the degree that it occasionally derails that response.
Trump has encouraged people to take untested medicine, he has refused to model the rules on social distancing his own CDC recommends, to say nothing of wearing a mask in public. He has at times interrupted his medical experts and ad-libbed responses to serious questions with no basis in fact, much less science. He has suggested, over and over and over, that tests are not a crucial part of this response when every single expert says they are. He has used the briefings to celebrate corporations — like Tyson Foods — that haven't provided their employees adequate protection. He has accused medical professionals of stealing supplies.
Trump's derailments of the public health response are in no way an "occasional" thing. They happen daily.
Which is why it's all the more irresponsible — in providing decent advice to go show the human cost of this tragedy (which would entail dedicating the time spent showing Trump's briefing to showing those human interest stories) — that Smith dismisses the import of fact-checking, of the kind that CNN's Daniel Dale and Vox's Aaron Rupar do in real time.
But if the cable networks want an alternative to the briefings, they can get out of the studio and back to what first made TV news so powerful — not fact-checking, but emotionally powerful imagery of human suffering.
During Katrina, for instance, "the power of CNN was having an army of cameras and correspondents all over the Gulf, showing the brutal human and economic toll split-screened against the anemic assurances of the Bush administration," Mr. Hamby, a former CNN staff member, recalled. "It was crippling."
Virtually every media outlet has published at least one story emphasizing the main lesson from the 1918 flu: that leaders need to tell the truth, most importantly to convince people to comply with public health guidelines over time. Here's the version of that argument Smith's NYT published, written by John Barry, who wrote The Great Influenza.
That brings us back to the most important lesson of 1918, one that all the working groups on pandemic planning agreed upon: Tell the truth. That instruction is built into the federal pandemic preparedness plans and the plan for every state and territory.
In 1918, pressured to maintain wartime morale, neither national nor local government officials told the truth. The disease was called "Spanish flu," and one national public-health leader said, "This is ordinary influenza by another name." Most local health commissioners followed that lead. Newspapers echoed them. After Philadelphia began digging mass graves; closed schools, saloons and theaters; and banned public gatherings, one newspaper even wrote: "This is not a public health measure. There is no cause for alarm."
Trust in authority disintegrated, and at its core, society is based on trust. Not knowing whom or what to believe, people also lost trust in one another. They became alienated, isolated. Intimacy was destroyed. "You had no school life, you had no church life, you had nothing," a survivor recalled. "People were afraid to kiss one another, people were afraid to eat with one another." Some people actually starved to death because no one would deliver food to them.
Society began fraying — so much that the scientist who was in charge of the armed forces' division of communicable disease worried that if the pandemic continued its accelerating for a few more weeks, "civilization could easily disappear from the face of the earth."
The few places where leadership told the truth had a different experience. In San Francisco, the mayor and business, labor and medical leaders jointly signed a full-page ad that read in huge all-caps type, "Wear a Mask and Save Your Life." They didn't know that masks offered little protection, but they did know they trusted the public. The community feared but came together. When schools closed, teachers volunteered as ambulance drivers, telephone operators, food deliverers.
Compliance today has been made vastly more difficult by the White House, echoed by right-wing media, minimizing the seriousness of this threat. That seemed to change on Monday. But will President Trump stick to his blunt message of Monday? Will his supporters and Rush Limbaugh's listeners self-quarantine if called upon? Or will they reject it as media hype and go out and infect the community?
This is not a hoax.
Telling the truth is a life or death issue during a pandemic. An early study even suggests that Hannity — one of the most important players in Trump's echo chamber — encouraged his watchers to sustain behaviors that could get them killed.
And in recent days, Trump has repeatedly undermined the advice of his experts, lying about the social distancing of rent-a-mobs challenging shut-downs, and magnifying those who say this virus is, indeed, a hoax.
You cannot separate Trump's COVID rallies from the public health story. Because his rallies — especially the lies he tells — are a menace to public health.
Update: Here's Charles Blow's op-ed arguing the same point.
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Trump Threatens to Withhold Disaster Declaration for Michigan because Gretchen Whitmer Was Mean to Him
March 27, 2020 /102 Comments/in COVID-19, emptywheel /by emptywheel
Update: According to NBC's Geoff Bennett, Trump has now approved the request.
Last night, Donald Trump suggested that he might withhold a disaster declaration for Michigan requested by Governor Whitmer on March 26 because he doesn't like Governor Whitmer's public comments about the Federal government's failures.
"We've had a big problem with the young — a woman governor. You know who I'm talking about — from Michigan. We don't like to see the complaints," President Trump told Sean Hannity during a FOX News interview on Thursday.
Gov. Whitmer has been openly critical of the federal response to the coronavirus outbreak, voicing her frustration with not having enough COVID-19 test kits and a lack of "clear and concise guidance from the federal government."
The comments from President Trump come on the same day Gov. Whitmer requested a major disaster declaration for Michigan over the coronavirus outbreak.
"She doesn't get it done, and we send her a lot. Now, she wants a declaration of emergency, and, you know, we'll have to make a decision on that," President Trump continued. "I don't know if she knows what's going on, but all she does is sit there and blame the federal government."
Here are the states for which Trump has declared an emergency with the number of positive cases on the date Trump made that declaration and the party of their governor.
As of yesterday, Michigan has had 2,856 people test positive for COVID-19. Dr. Deborah Birx pointed to SE Michigan's Wayne County (which includes Detroit and the mostly working class suburbs), along with Cook County, IL, as the alarming hotspots in the country.
And yet Trump doesn't want to approve a disaster declaration because a girl was mean to him.
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Kim DotCom Posts Evidence Trump's "Best Friend (Name Redacted)" in Pardon Discussions
February 25, 2020 /17 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, Cybersecurity, WikiLeaks /by emptywheel
Last night, Kim DotCom tried to take credit for brokering the meeting at which Dana Rohrabacher tried to pardon a pardon deal whereby Julian Assange would claim Seth Rich was his source for the DNC emails and Trump would pay him off with a pardon. He posted a bunch of texts with "Trumps best friend (name redacted)" where he pushed his interlocutor to get Trump to take a public step in favor of the deal.
Only, the name of Trump's "best friend (name redacted)" was not actually redacted.
While I have no doubt DotCom is overselling his own role in this, it does appear he was talking directly to Sean Hannity about it.
Which would suggest a real continuity between whatever happened when Hannity met Assange in January 2017, not long after Roger Stone reached out to Margaret Kunstler to discuss a pardon, and what happened in August 2017, when Dana Rohrabacher resumed discussion of the pardon. That suggests pardon discussions were not — as WikiLeaks is now falsely portraying — a one-time bid that got rejected, leading to Assange's prosecution, but rather continued from late December 2016 until at least August 2017, through the time when Mike Pompeo labeled WikiLeaks a non-state hostile intelligence agency.
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Back Channel: How Sean Hannity Came to Believe "Every Word [Assange] Says"
February 19, 2020 /11 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, Mueller Probe /by emptywheel
In a pre-hearing hearing in London today, a lawyer for Julian Assange said they'd call a witness who would testify that Julian Assange was offered a pardon if he would say that Russia wasn't behind the 2016 hack.
This has led to people discovering for the first time the abundant evidence that Assange and the Trump Administration were discussing pardons in a bunch of different contexts. They weren't all, at all, an exchange for Assange's false testimony about his ties to Russia. That's just the only legally convenient one Assange can mention, because the others involve extortion (either a quid pro quo for the initial campaign dirt, or an offer to limit the damage of the Vault 7 leak in exchange for immunity) that would easily reach the bar for extradition.
As I've noted repeatedly, one of the most interesting questions Robert Mueller failed to get Trump to answer in good faith pertained to pardon discussions starting even before the inauguration.
Did you have any discussions prior to January 20, 2017, regarding a potential pardon or other action to benefit Julian Assange? If yes, describe who you had the discussion(s) with, when, and the content of the discussion(s).
Trump's answer did not cover the transition, when — testimony from his trial made clear — Roger Stone was already working on a pardon.
I do not recall having had any discussion during the campaign regarding a pardon or action to benefit Julian Assange.
The record shows that discussions of an Assange pardon — for any of a variety of reasons — continued from late 2016 through early 2018.
But now that Assange is preparing to unpack one point of blackmail he has against Trump — and given the abundant effort we've seen that various people (including but not limited to Paul Manafort) use Sean Hannity as a back channel to the President — it's time for folks to reconsider the Sean Hannity interview of Julian Assange from early January, 2017, just days after Roger Stone was known to be pursuing a pardon for Assange.
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How Paul Manafort Lied to Mueller to Protect Jared Kushner
January 3, 2020 /48 Comments/in 2016 Presidential Election, emptywheel, Mueller Probe /by emptywheel
Paul Manafort appears to have saved the President's son-in-law by lying to Mueller's prosecutors.
That's what his 302 from September 13, 2018, released yesterday under FOIA, appears to show.
The 302 records the last interview before he sealed his plea deal (starting at PDF 223). Much of it focuses on how the campaign dealt with WikiLeaks. The 302 includes the following topics:
A reminder that on the previous two days, Manafort had lied about meeting Konstantin Kilimnik in February 2017, but after being shown travel records in this interview he admitted it.
Mostly redacted (for ongoing investigation likely tied to Roger Stone's prosecution) discussions about how Manafort didn't want Trump "distracted by the titillation of a WikiLeaks release."
A claim that the RNC would handle press on the WikiLeaks release, even though three Trump staffers had been strategizing just that for weeks.
Manafort's claim he was surprised by the "Russia are you listening" comment, which is consistent with other people's claims, if unbelievable.
Language designed to sustain a claim that Manafort had no idea why Trump attributed the stolen emails to Russia in his "Russia are you listening" comment.
A claim that no one suspected Trump of "colluding" with Russian before Robbie Mook made the allegation.
A discussion that ties the two October 7 events (the release of the Podesta emails and the Access Hollywood tape) with details of his own crimes in Ukraine, along with an admission that Manafort spoke to Trump about all that.
Manafort's claims to be absolutely ignorant about whether Trump had any entanglements with Russia.
Lies about (almost certainly) Steve Calk's awareness that his bank loan paperwork submission was false.
Between topic 8 and 9, the 302 also captures the basis for one of Mueller's claims that Manafort lied during his cooperation agreement, an allegation (that Judge Amy Berman Jackson upheld) that Manafort lied about another DOJ investigation to protect someone.
I laid out what the breach determination disclosed about the investigation here. Basically, shortly before Manafort left the campaign, someone (which it's now clear is almost certainly Roger Stone and indeed appears to have come up in Stone's trial) offered up a way to save the candidate. The question is how closely involved someone else — someone with a 7-character name — got involved in this effort to save the candidate. According to the breach proceedings, Manafort told one story that incriminated the person with a 7-character name when first interviewed, prior to getting his plea deal, on September 13 (that is, in this 302). But when Mueller's team brought prosecutors from another investigation in to hear the story on October 5, Manafort at first gave a very different version, one that was much less incriminating to that 7-character name person, a version that aligned with the story that person was telling the FBI at the time, and that put more of the blame on the 5-character name person, presumably Stone.
It appears highly likely that the person he was protecting was Jared Kushner.
In the breach hearing (discussion starts on page 110), the names of both people involved are redacted.
But in the 302 released yesterday, Kushner's name is not redacted.
Numerous times in Paul Manafort's texts with Sean Hannity (who, in another of the 302s released yesterday, he admitted to treating as a back channel to Trump), Manafort talked about his certainty that Mueller would go after Kushner. Indeed, he claimed that's who he would have to give up to get a plea deal.
We now know he discussed Kushner the day before he got a plea deal. And then he reneged on telling that story.
As I disclosed in 2018, I provided information to the FBI on issues related to the Mueller investigation.
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text:
Assistant Director of Rice Creek Field Station - State University of New York at Oswego
Monday, November 26, 2018 09:02 AM
Rice Creek Field Station at the State University of New York at Oswego invites applications for the Assistant Director position.
Posting Date: November 6, 2018
Review Date: Review of applications will begin immediately and will continue until the position is filled.
Benefit Information: The State University of New York provides an excellent benefit package. For more information on benefits for full-time United University Professions (UUP) professional staff, visit:
https://www.suny.edu/media/suny/content-assets/documents/benefits/benefit-summaries/FTUUPbenefitsummary-Sep-2018.pdf or http://www.suny.edu/benefits/
Date of Appointment: Immediately
Description of Responsibilities: The Assistant Director of Rice Creek Field Station will be responsible for developing and executing rigorous educational programs and communicating research to the public, local schools, and other groups that use the Field Station. Responsibilities also include, but are is not limited to, planning, developing, and scheduling public education programs; planning, developing, and coordinating environmental education programs for children; planning projects and communicating research on contemporary environmental issues; and assisting in the logistics of the use of Field Station facilities and equipment by faculty and students at SUNY Oswego as well as the maintenance and use of its natural history collections.
The Assistant Director is expected to work as part of a team to provide support and assistance to visitors; collaborate professionally, flexibly, and collegially with faculty members and students on academic matters; assist and support the Director of the Field Station on necessary projects and responsibilities
In addition, the Assistant Director of Rice Creek Field Station will be expected to display a commitment to undergraduate and/or graduate education, and possess communication and interpersonal skills sufficient to work effectively with an increasingly diverse array of students and colleagues.
Master's degree in science or science education with specialties including such areas as ecology, environmental sciences, field biology, museum curation, landscape management, or related areas by the time of appointment.
A commitment to effective public outreach and to the development of meaningful educational programs.
Good communication skills and the ability to effectively deal with students from diverse backgrounds
Experience in public outreach, field biology, land management, or grant development to support the Field Station programs.
Ph.D. in the sciences
To Apply: Submit a cover letter addressing qualifications, CV/resume, copies of unofficial transcripts for required degree showing degree awarded and date conferred, and contact information for three professional references (only the three referees listed in your Interview Exchange application can be considered and contacted) electronically to:
http://oswego.interviewexchange.com/candapply.jsp?JOBID=104600
If you have any questions about the position, please call or e-mail:
Dr. Karen Sime, Search Committee Chair
Official transcripts are required prior to hiring. Files must be complete to be considered.
Visa sponsorship is not available for this position.
Description of SUNY Oswego: Founded in 1861, SUNY Oswego is a public comprehensive college located in Central New York on the beautiful shores of Lake Ontario, 45 minutes from Syracuse. Named one of "Top Up-and-Coming Schools" in U.S. News "America's Best Colleges" in 2010, a Kiplinger's "Best College Value" for 2015, and a "Best Northeastern College" by Princeton Review every year since the first edition in 2003, Oswego offers its 8000 undergraduate and graduate students preeminent academic programs in the arts and sciences, business, communications, and teacher education. The College's success is built on providing students outstanding educational experiences with attention to a liberal arts and sciences foundation, practical applications, interdisciplinary approaches, independent scholarly and creative work, and skills for living in multicultural and global communities. The emphasis on faculty-mentored student research and creative projects is evidenced by Quest, a daylong symposium spotlighting original student research; a stipend program for students engaged in research and creative work; and the Global Laboratory, a STEM-based research abroad program at top-ranked universities around the world. SUNY Oswego is an unusually collegial and vibrant community and is in a time of wonderful opportunities with extensive facilities construction and renovation, a forward-looking strategic plan, and expanded outreach to regional, national, and international communities.
Additional information about SUNY Oswego can be found at www.oswego.edu.
Oswego is committed to enhancing its diversity. SUNY Oswego is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Employer and is actively engaged in recruiting, supporting, and fostering a diverse community of outstanding faculty, staff and students. We encourage applications from qualified applicants regardless of race, color, national origin, religion, creed, age, disability, sex, gender identity or expression, sexual orientation, familial status, pregnancy, predisposing genetic characteristics, military status, domestic violence victim SUNY status, or criminal conviction. Please see our full non-discrimination policy, https://www.oswego.edu/title-ix/non-discrimination-policy.
In accordance with USCIS regulations, successful applicants must be legally able to work in the United States per the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986.
Requests for reasonable accommodations of a disability during the application and/or interview process should be made to the Human Resources Office by calling 315-312-2230 or emailing [email protected].
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Pursuant to Executive Order 161, no State entity, as defined by the Executive Order, is permitted to ask, or mandate, in any form, that an applicant for employment provide his or her current compensation, or any prior compensation history, until such time as the applicant is extended a conditional offer of employment with compensation. If such information has been requested from you before such time, please contact the Governor's Office of Employee Relations at (518) 474-6988 or via email at [email protected]

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: Jenkins Artifactory plugin not resolving artifacts Artifactory provides a Jenkins plugin and according to the docs it is supposed to

resolve artifacts from Artifactory and deploy artifacts and build information to Artifactory.

I published a library to Artifactory and now I'm trying to build a project that consumes that library
My Setup
build.gradle
buildscript {
    repositories {
        jcenter()
    }
    dependencies {
        classpath 'com.android.tools.build:gradle:1.1.0'
    }
}

allprojects {
    repositories {
        mavenLocal()
        jcenter()
    }
}

Jenkins gradle build-step
Runs ./gradlew assemble
Gradle-Artifactory Integration:
Enabled, but since I only need/want artifacts to be resolved from Artifactory, I've configured my Artifactory server and resolution repository, but disabled everything else.
My build currently fails with the following error
FAILURE: Build failed with an exception.

* What went wrong:
A problem occurred configuring project ':app'.
> Could not resolve all dependencies for configuration ':app:_debugCompile'.
   > Could not find any version that matches com.mygroup:mylib:latest.integration.
     Searched in the following locations:
         file:/var/lib/jenkins/.m2/repository/com/mygroup/mylib/maven-metadata.xml
         file:/var/lib/jenkins/.m2/repository/com/mygroup/mylib/
         https://jcenter.bintray.com/com/mygroup/mylib/maven-metadata.xml
         https://jcenter.bintray.com/com/mygroup/mylib/
         file:/mnt/jenkins/tools/android-sdk/extras/android/m2repository/com/mygroup/mylib/maven-metadata.xml
         file:/mnt/jenkins/tools/android-sdk/extras/android/m2repository/com/mygroup/mylib/
         file:/mnt/jenkins/tools/android-sdk/extras/google/m2repository/com/mygroup/mylib/maven-metadata.xml
         file:/mnt/jenkins/tools/android-sdk/extras/google/m2repository/com/mygroup/mylib/
     Required by:
         My Job:app:1.0-SNAPSHOT

Clearly, gradle is not searching Artifactory for the artifact.
Question
How can I get the Artifactory plugin for Jenkins to tell gradle to resolve artifacts from my Artifactory server? Even just getting gradle to look there would be a start.

A: Artifactory is not jcenter. If your library only deployed to Artifactory, you need to set up your build to take the dependencies from Artifactory. You have too ways to achieve it: in Jenkins and in Gradle.
Setting up Jenkins
You set up Jenkins to use Artifactory for your dependencies, using the Artifactory Jenkins Plugin.
Install the plugin, setup Artifactory server in the settings and then in job configuration check the "Resolve artifacts from Artifactory" checkbox.
Or, setting up Gradle
Another option might be instructing Gradle to use your Artifactory server as dependencies repository. Probably something like this will do the job:
repositories {
    maven {
        url "http://myartifactoryhost:80801/artifactory/libs-releases"
    }
}

Please note that you need to replace the host and the port and you might also want to change the name of the repository if you prefer to resolve the artifacts from another one (like libs-snapshots).

I am with JFrog, the company behind Bintray and [artifactory], see my profile for details and links.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


One of the best approaches to remotely communicate to your customers and potential clients about your products and services is to give away brochures. Because brochures are created for your potential clients, they have to be unique, well structured and appealing enough to catch the attention of the customers to reach out for them. There are essential aspects that you need to always bear in mind when creating a brochure. Aside from the color, size, and print quality, the design of your brochure that rightly match or stand for your business must also be taken into consideration. The design must be simple yet elegant, not overly designed and without an over-abundance of vibrant graphics to entice readers and potential clients.
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text:
FE staff should get Covid vaccine priority, say college leaders
FE staff should be moved up the priority list for Covid-19 vaccines so that providers can reopen to all students safely, college principals have said.
Ministers have been under pressure to vaccinate teachers, with a petition being debated in parliament this evening and education secretary Gavin Williamson saying he "hopes" those working in education get priority.
Earlier today the government published its "vaccine delivery plan", which explains how doses will be provided to those most at risk before deciding on how "phase 2" will be delivered.
The Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation has asked the Department of Health and Social Care to consider occupational vaccination in the next phase of vaccine rollout, in collaboration with other government departments including the Department for Education.
While most of the talk has been about school staff being given priority in phase 2, Ali Hadawi, principal of Central Bedfordshire College, said FE "needs to be part of" the discussion.
"I am not saying our staff should be prioritised above NHS staff or the police, but we can't just be run-of-the-mill depending on our age," he told FE Week.
"We have got a sector that needs to be fully operational. College staff need to be part of this priority so that we have a chance to reopen them safely."
He added that it would be a "massive insult" if school but not FE staff were given vaccine priority.
"We have had examples of where we have had to send a whole site home after three members of staff tested positive," Hadawi continued.
"If we can get over the issue of vaccination where people feel confident that they could come in because they have had the vaccine, then we can facilitate a much closer to normal college operation than we are now."
Mike Hopkins, principal of South and City College, echoed Hadawi's view.
"Like schools, college staff need to be a priority for vaccination to ensure that they can maintain staffing and remain open," he said.
"Vaccination will remove the serious difficulties that there are currently with contact, infection, and requirements for self-isolation, all of which are shared with schools."
Yiannis Koursis, principal of Barnsley College, said getting students physically back in class is "hugely important" and treating staff as a priority group would "speed up the process", while NCG chief executive Liz Bromley added it is "only fair that FE is treated with parity and added to the priority vaccine list alongside schools".
Independent training providers with onsite staff are also calling for their workforce to be given vaccine priority.
Sue Pittock, chief executive of Remit Trianing, which operates two automotive academies for apprentices in Derby, told FE Week: "The tutors in our academies are key workers and need vaccine and testing priority so that we can reopen our academies safely.
"This should not just be about teachers in schools, but about protecting teaching colleagues and those they teach in any place of learning where teaching takes place face to face."
Last Wednesday, health secretary Matthew Hancock said teachers had a "very strong case" for priority after clinically vulnerable groups.
As reported by FE Week's sister title FE Week, this could mean that teachers who did not fall under existing priority categories could be moved up the queue above the last five groups set out by the JCVI for the first phase (see table below).
Under the priority groups for the first phase of vaccine rollout, those over 50 years of age, and all those 16 years of age and over in a risk group, would be eligible for vaccination.
The government plans to deliver "at least" two million vaccinations per week with over 2,700 vaccine sites across the UK.
Priority Risk group
1. Residents in a care home for older adults and staff working in care homes for older adults
2. All those 80 years of age and over and frontline health and social care workers
3. All those 75 years of age and over
4. All those 70 years of age and over and clinically extremely vulnerable individuals (not including pregnant women and those under 16 years of age)
6. Adults aged 16 to 65 years in an at-risk group (see below)
10. Rest of the population (to be determined)
Bob Smith 12 January 2021
Sorry, but I really don't agree. Yes, it would give staff more confidence, but the quickest way to remove the major covid-19 risks is to vaccinate the elderly and those at risk. The working population are generally, not at risk of dying from Covid-19, or occupying hospital beds. Vaccinating teachers ahead of the old and vulnerable, will just mean we are locked down even longer.
C Pope 12 January 2021
Prioritising teachers or other key workers who are not at risk of becoming seriously ill or dying leaves those who are more vulnerable at greater risk for longer. At the moment we only know that the vaccine protects the person receiving it – if we knew that it prevents transmission of the virus there might be some merit in vaccinating younger people without underlying health conditions first but that is not the case.
Ian 19 January 2021
To both comments above, I disagree completely. I am a lecturer and a lot of students have little fear and I don't know why we should be expected to go into classes full of students on a wing and a prayer. Yes the risk is less but there is still a risk. FYI I am 43 years old, no health problems, not overweight and have never smoked and have had severe breathing problems since March with suspected COVID. People at a lower age may have a good chance of survival but the long term COVID affects are still unknown and very real for all age groups. If office workers can't go back in to a busy office why should we be expected to? As a common sense note surely if teachers are vaccinated that will keep the economy in a better position as children can stay in school thus enabling adults/key workers to work and lessening the impact on lockdown?!


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text:
BRENDAN'S BRILLIANT AS DUCKS BLANK REVOLUTION
Long Island earns second consecutive shutout win behind righty's six scoreless frames
(Central Islip, N.Y., July 16, 2021) – The Long Island Ducks shut out the York Revolution 1-0 on Friday night in the opener of a three-game series at Fairfield Properties Ballpark.
The lone run of the ballgame came in the bottom of the first inning. A two-out RBI single to right field by Ryan Jackson off Revolution starter Austin Nicely was all the Ducks would need to earn the win.
Ducks starter Brendan Feldmann (2-1) was brilliant in the victory, tossing six scoreless innings, allowing just four hits and a walk while striking out eight. Nicely (4-4) suffered the hard-luck loss, giving up just one unearned run on four hits and two walks over seven innings with three strikeouts. Danny Barnes earned his second save with a 1-2-3 ninth inning, striking out two.
L.J. Mazzilli led the Flock offensively with two hits and a run. Brady Dragmire escaped a bases loaded, no-out jam in a scoreless seventh inning, while Mike Bolsinger pitched a 1-2-3 eighth.
The Ducks and Revolution continue their three-game set on Saturday night. Game time is slated for 6:35 p.m., with the Fairfield Properties Ballpark gates opening at 5:35 (5:20 for full season ticket holders). Following the game, all fans in attendance will be treated to a Fireworks Spectacular. In addition, the first 750 fans in attendance will receive Ducks Inflatable Bats. It's also a Lucky Seat Saturday, presented by Long Island MacArthur Airport, and during the game, one lucky fan will win a free trip from Islip to Nashville. Right-hander Anderson DeLeon (0-0, 5.16) takes the mound for the Ducks against Revolution righty Austin Steinfort (1-3, 8.13).
Tickets to the game, and all Ducks home games, can be purchased by visiting the Fairfield Properties Ballpark box office, calling (631) 940-TIXX or CLICKING HERE. Those unable to make the game can follow all the action on the Long Island Ducks Broadcast Network. Live streaming HD video and audio will be available via BoxCast on LIDucks.com in the Ducks Video Center on the homepage as well as on the Ducks official Facebook page and YouTube channel.
The Long Island Ducks are members of the Atlantic League of Professional Baseball, a Professional Partner League of Major League Baseball, and play their home games at Fairfield Properties Ballpark. For further information, visit LIDucks.com or call (631) 940-DUCK (3825).
With teams throughout the Mid-Atlantic, the ALPB is a leader in baseball innovation and a player gateway to Major League Baseball. Through its exclusive partnership with MLB, the Atlantic League tests Major League Baseball rules and equipment initiatives. The Atlantic League has sent over 1,000 players to MLB organizations while drawing more than 42 million fans to its affordable, family-friendly ballparks throughout its 24-year history. For more information, please visit www.AtlanticLeague.com.


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With the war over, Garrett is determined to enjoy his bachelor's life while he can, even when it means attending a house party in celebration of a friend's wedding--and suffering Jane's notorious disdain. But when a masquerade ball leads to a mistaken kiss, he's surprised to learn that Jane's bookish exterior hides a truly passionate soul. When two such headstrong people are determined to remain unattached, can love lead to a happy ending?
This is the third installment of the Playful Brides series. It reads well enough on it's own - It's the first of the series that I have read.
Jane Lowndes only goal in life is to be a privileged spinster. Although she is happy her best friends have found husbands she would be perfectly happy living alone with her books to keep her company, she has not intention on ever getting married.
Lord Upton (Garrett), is haunted by the time he spent at war. In attempt to assuage some of his guilt he sent money to the widow of the man who saved his life, instead of bringing him some peace she wants Garrett for herself.
I found this book engaging and it made me smile from time to time. The fine line between love and hate is walked between Jane and Garrett. A day doesn't pass for them without an argument. It's fun to have an historical romance that the heroine isn't a simpering maid but a strong, well spoken, woman. That being said if you are a fan of historical romance - this one is definitely worth the time. I myself, hope to find time in the near future to read the first two books in the series.
oh I had such a fun time with this book, and Bowman is such a fun storyteller.


text:
Home Music Blues Legend John Lee Hooker 100th Birthday Year Celebration Begins; New Collection...
Blues Legend John Lee Hooker 100th Birthday Year Celebration Begins; New Collection Due March 31
The son of a sharecropper, blues legend John Lee Hooker was one of the very first artists to break out of that genre and become a world-wide force. He based his sound on a driving boogie beat and lyrics that sometimes seemed to come from another world. To begin the centennial celebration of Hooker's birth year, Vee-Jay Records, a division of Concord Bicycle Music, will release WHISKEY AND WIMMEN: JOHN LEE HOOKER'S FINEST on March 31. The multi-label compilation features songs from Hooker's Vee-Jay, Specialty, Riverside and Stax Records releases, and includes many of the bluesman's most iconic songs.
Born near Clarksdale, Mississippi in 1917, the man who would become known as the "King of the Boogie" was destined for blues royalty. Hooker's 1948 single, "Boogie Chillun," sold a million copies and set Hooker on his unstoppable path. Countless recordings followed, and a winding road through different labels and audiences. He was a huge influence on the burgeoning British Invasion in the early '60s, and welcomed with open arms by the rock audience around the world. Hooker is a member of the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame, Blues Hall of Fame, Memphis Music Hall of Fame, has a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame and won four Grammy's. He performed with or had his music covered by music's elite, including Eric Clapton, the Rolling Stones, Van Morrison, Bonnie Raitt, Carlos Santana and many more.
WHISKEY AND WIMMEN: JOHN LEE HOOKER'S FINEST is the perfect collection to honor the man. It includes many of Hooker's most exciting and time-honored recordings, showing how an artist who started with literally nothing but his inspiration and talent was able to make such a lasting impact on music. His work for the Vee-Jay, Specialty and Riverside labels were many of the recordings his unshakeable legend is built on, and provide a sonic tour of what Hooker's blues accomplished. Music journalist Bill Dahl contributes insightful new liner notes.
In the proud history of American music there have been a handful of blues artists who really did shape what the music became. They took the primal forces of Mississippi country blues and twisted and turned it into their very own creation. To hear how John Lee Hooker did that over the course of these 16 songs is a blood-rushing history lesson of all that he created. And to have them all on a single disc is as convincing a collection as has ever been assembled that, indeed, John Lee Hooker will remain the "King of the Boogie" forever.
"When so much music of great importance exists, it's thrilling to continually find ways to share that history with collections like this," says Concord Bicycle Music's Chief Catalog Officer Sig Sigworth. "It literally sounds like America at its most exciting, and honors someone who changed the way we hear and feel forever."
1. Boom Boom
2. Boogie Chillun
3. Dimples
4. I'm in the Mood
5. I Love You Honey
6. Whiskey and Wimmen
7. I Need Some Money
8. Grinder Man
9. I'm Going Upstairs
10. Big Legs, Tight Skirt
11. No More Doggin'
12. No Shoes
13. Crawlin' Kingsnake
14. Frisco Blues
15. It Serve Me Right to Suffer
16. Time Is Marching
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Product pricing plays a major role in the demand and ultimate adoption of a range of IPA's initiatives. Especially in developing countries, price is often a deciding factor in people forgoing aid, even if the costs are low and the benefits are substantial. Many of IPA's evaluations examine the relationship between product pricing and adoption, and aim to determine the most cost-effective balance possible.
Regular handwashing with soap is one of the best ways to prevent diarrheal and respiratory disease, which are two of the primary causes of death among children worldwide.
Poor sanitation is estimated to cause 280,000 deaths per year worldwide, despite the existence of simple, effective solutions.