I will give thanks to your LORD, with all my heart; I will tell of all your wonderful deeds. I will be glad and rejoice in you; I will sing the praise of your name, O Most High. My enemies turn back; they stumble and perish before you. For you have upheld my right and my cause, sitting enthroned as the righteous judge. You have rebuked the nations and destroyed the wicked; you have have blotted out their name for ever and ever. Endless ruin has overtaken my enemies, you have uprooted their cities; even the memory of them has perished. The LORD reigns forever; he has established his throne for judgement. He rules the world in righteousness and judges the people with equity. The LORD is a refuge for the oppressed, a stronghold in times of trouble. Those who know your name trust in you, for you, LORD, have never forsaken those who seek you. Sing the praises of the LORD, enthroned in Zion; proclaim among the nations what he has done. For he who avenges blood remembers; he does not ignore the cries of the afflicted.
"Those who know your name trust in you, for you, LORD, have never forsaken those who seek you." Thank you Father for never forsaking me. You have poured out forgiveness in spite of my sin. You have blessed me with opportunity in spite of my impure motives. You have given me me your presence in spite of my rebellion. You have extended second chances in spite of my broken promises. You have been steadfast though I have been inconsistent. I praise you God for your consistent love, grace, direction, and blessing. You are my firm foundation.
"For he who avenges blood remembers; he does not ignore the cries of the afflicted." As I aim to grow in your character as the years go by, You know all to well that there have been times that, unlike You, I have ignored the cries of the afflicted. There have been days when I have not immediately and adequately responded to someone in need. Forgive me for my selfishness. Forgive me for my short-sightedness. Forgive me for my lack of empathy and concern for those who find themselves in pain. As you have responded to my afflictions, may I respond to the afflictions of others - with love and compassion.
"I will give thanks to your LORD, with all my heart; I will tell of all your wonderful deeds." Lord, please make me into a man who is not afraid to boast about what you have done. Develop me into someone who rejoices in what you have done, in what you are doing, and in what you will do. Give me the courage to shout out from the rooftops how You are moving, how You are saving, how You are redeeming, how You are transforming, how You are delivering, how You are blessing, and how You are bringing Your promises to pass! I ask all these things in Jesus name, Amen.


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Information Polity 15 (2010) 11–31
DOI 10.3233/IP-2010-0196
Off the wall political discourse: Facebook
use in the 2008 U.S. presidential election
Scott P. Robertsona,∗ , Ravi K. Vatrapub and Richard Medinaa
a Information
b Center
and Computer Sciences Department, University of Hawaii at Manoa, Honolulu, HI, USA
for Applied ICT (CAICT), Copenhagen Business School, Denmark
Abstract. Both candidates and voters have increased their use of the Internet for political campaigns. Candidates have adopted
many internet tools, including social networking websites, for the purposes of communicating with constituents and voters,
collecting donations, fostering community, and organizing events. On the other side, voters have adopted Internet tools such
as blogs and social networking sites to relate to candidates, engage in political dialogue, pursue activist causes, and share
information. In this paper we examine two years of posts on the Facebook walls of the three major contenders for the U.S.
Presidency in 2008: Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and John McCain. We analyze participation patterns of usage along
dimensions of breadth and frequency, and interpret them in terms of the concept of the "public sphere".
Keywords: Digital government, social networking, e-participation, e-citizenship
Informed discourse is central to democratic government. Theories of deliberative democracy posit that
informed argument and rhetoric will lead to rational decision making [3,5,9,11,12,15,36]. Alternatively,
some "social choice" theorists suggest that such unfettered discourse is often a source of disequilibrium
and may, in the end, result in confused and chaotic decision making and irrational outcomes [1,26,36].
Van Mill [36] argues that these two positions differ only in terms of their outcomes (e.g. voting), but that
the deliberative process involved in both is the same. In this article, we examine the extent of discourse
in the comment areas of the Facebook social networking sites (SNSs) of the major U.S. Presidential
candidates in 2008 on the assumption that SNSs are a contemporary form of Habermas' public sphere [6,
7,14–16], and that they will become increasingly important for the exercise of deliberative democracy.
1.1. The internet and U.S. politics
The Internet has clearly taken a significant new position in politics after the 2008 U.S. election. All U.S.
Presidential candidates, virtually all candidates for national offices, and most candidates for state-level
offices used the Internet extensively as part of their campaigns [13]. U.S. President Obama's campaign
was widely recognized as a leading innovator in the use of information and communication technologies
Corresponding author: Scott Robertson, Information and Computer Sciences Department, University of Hawaii at Manoa,
1680 East-West Rd. POST 317, Honolulu, HI 96822, USA. Tel.: +1 808 956 2023; Fax: +1 808 956 3548; E-mail: scott.
1570-1255/10/$27.50  2010 – IOS Press and the authors. All rights reserved
S.P. Robertson et al. / Off the wall political discourse
Fig. 1. Montage of snips from www.barackobama.com during the 2008 election season.
(ICTs). Figure 1 shows a montage of snippets from www.barackobama.com taken during the campaign
season showing the range of ICTs with which the campaign was involved. Central to the Obama Internet
effort was the extensive use of social networking systems (SNSs) such as Facebook to involve users in
ongoing two-way interactions with the campaign, to enable and encourage users to form online political
coteries among themselves, to facilitate "micro-payments" in the form of campaign contributions, and
to support personalized environments (e.g. "my.barackobama.com") that may engender a stronger sense
of participation and ownership.
The Presidential candidates were not alone in their use of SNS. Almost one third of U.S. Senate
candidates and one in ten U.S. House candidates in 2006 updated their Facebook pages [42]. Candidates
were more likely to update their Facebook profiles when they were in competitive races, and interestingly,
their Facebook support was correlated with their final vote share [42,43].
From the voter standpoint, use of the Internet to obtain information about candidates for public office
has grown consistently over the last three election cycles. Forty percent of all Americans (regular and
non-regular Internet users alike) used the Internet to get news about the 2008 campaign [31]. Usage
patterns among demographic groups changed very dramatically from 2004 to 2008, with some "digital
divide" issues disappearing completely and others becoming more pronounced. Significant discrepancies
in Internet usage have been persistent in the areas of race, age, gender, and education [4,23–26,35,41],
however in a recent study Smith & Raine [31] found that the percentages of white (non-Hispanic), black
(non-Hispanic) and Hispanic Americans using the Internet to get political news were essentially the
same, with a dramatic increase of 21% for black Americans as compared to 8% for white (non-Hispanic)
Americans and 12% for Hispanic Americans. Their study also showed less of a gender gap than previous
studies when the definition of "Internet use" was widened to include e-mail and text messaging, however
Internet use remained higher for young (18–29) and middle-aged Americans (30–49) than for Americans
over 50, and this gap widened from 2004 to 2008. In their data, Internet use for political news and
information increased with education and with household income in both 2004 and 2008. As computing
equipment and networking infrastructure have become more ubiquitous and less costly, researchers have
begun to postulate that discrepancies in internet use may be due largely to skill gaps and not to access
inequities [9,23,35].
Prior research has explicated the role of social networks in shaping and influencing political processes [2,15,19,21]. Early research on networked groups has characterized the similarities of computer
networks to traditional social networks [37]. Implications for politics online have also been explored
and discussed [32–34].
1.2. Social networking systems and the public sphere
SNSs such as Facebook and MySpace are very new and little research is available on their use in
democratic discourse. Political candidates have populated these social sites in earnest and utilize many
of their tools for collecting funds, disseminating messages, creating groups, and initiating collective
activities. Many researchers have focused on the creation and maintenance of "social capital" in social
networking environments and have noted that social networks tend to be homophilic (connecting people
who are alike) [22]. Early research [20] suggests that Facebook users tend not to meet new people
online, but rather use the social networking tool to augment existing relationships. Emerging research
results show the political impact of online social networking sites such as Facebook and MySpace [33,42,
43]. Comparing the Facebook presence and participation of candidates in the 2006 and 2008 elections,
Williams and Gulati [42] found that "in 2006, the candidates' Facebook support had a significant effect
on their final vote shares, particularly in the case of open-seat candidates." Williams and Gulati [42]
conclude that "whether the number of Facebook supporters is a campaign resource or a distinctive
indicator of a campaign dynamic other measures are missing, it does matter now, particularly for the
youngest age cohort, which in 2008 shows signs of upending historical patterns and conventional wisdom
about its political participation."
We propose that SNSs are a form of online "public sphere" that meet more of the requirements for
successful democratic deliberation [6,7,11,12,36] than other types of online forums. Habermas [17]
defines "public sphere" as "a domain of our social life in which such a thing as public opinion can be
formed" (p. 398). Habermas conceptualizes the public sphere as a mediating space between the state and
the civil society. A public sphere is a democratic space where public interests, opinions, agendas and
problems are formed, transformed, and exchanged by citizens' proactive participation. The relationship
between citizens engaged in public discourse and communication is the critical feature of a public sphere.
Critical rationality, equality, freedom of expression, and dissemination are the necessary conditions for
the proper structuring and sustainable functioning of a Habermasian public sphere.
Habermas derived the notion of public spheres from a study of English salons, French cafes, and
German table corners in Western Europe and with an explicit focus on print media. In a Habermasian
public sphere, communicative action based on equality in the communication process is a prerequisite.
This prerequisite of equality depends on the participation and representation of multiple interests and
perspectives in public discourses in egalitarian and multicultural societies (see [37]). This point comes
into sharp relief when we consider civic participation and democratic deliberation in the Internet age.
Digital divide and digital literacy are significant factors in determining access to and engagement in
online public spheres and discussion forums.
Extending the discussion of public sphere characteristics of political blogs and other types of online
discussion forums [6,7,28,37], SNSs such as Facebook enable a variety of sociological functions. SNSs
Public sphere characteristics of facebook in particular and social networking
sites in general
Sociological Functions
Technological Features
Public Sphere Characteristics
Social Relations (weak & strong ties)
List of Friends
Linear Threaded Discussion Forum (Wall)
Threaded Discussion Forums
News Postings
Information Sharing (links, photos, videos)
Unmoderated vs. Moderated
Open Door vs. Registration
Emotionality
enable the dissemination of private opinion and through their distribution and consumption facilitate the
formation of (online) public opinion via user participation and interaction. With respect to the Facebook
walls of political candidates, these sociological functions are always already political in nature. If the
public sphere provides an intermediate space between the state and civil society for the dissemination,
discussion, and deliberation of issues and enables communicative action grounded in equality and
rationality, then with the qualifying caveats of digital divide and digital literacy, new media such as SNSs
can provide such an intermediary deliberative space. Table 1 lists the public sphere characteristics of
Facebook in particular and SNSs in general.
Many political theorists such as White [40], Fiskin [11,12], and Dahlberg [6,7], often following
Habermas [16–18], have all proposed criteria by which the effectiveness of political dialog might be
judged. According to White [41], effective political deliberation occurs when:
Each person is allowed to participate in discourse.
Each may question any proposal.
Each may introduce any proposal.
Each is allowed to express attitudes, wishes, and needs.
There is universality on agreement concerning outcomes.
Fishkin [11,12] stresses that deliberative democracy is most likely to result in learning and enlightened
decision making when:
– There is equity in opportunity to participate and be heard.
– Views expressed reflect a diversity of interests.
– Participants treat each other with mutual respect.
Dahlberg [6,7] provides a set of "requirements" for online political discourse if it is to meet Habermas'
concept of the public sphere, specifically (from [7, p. 623]):
"Exchange and critique of reasoned moral-practical validity claims,
Reflexivity,
Ideal role taking,
Sincerity,
Discursive inclusion and equality,
Autonomy from state and economic power."
Dahlberg finds that online forums of various types meet the first requirement, but often fall short on
the remaining ones. SNSs are different from many other online forums in important ways relative to
these requirements. First, at the core of SNSs are friend networks, which means that participants are
not masquerading in alternative identities but are presenting themselves as they wish to be seen by their
friends, in other words they are presenting a persona in a manner that is more consistent with their offline
("real") life. Since participants' activities can be seen by their friends (in fact, activities in Facebook are
broadcast to friends), they are more likely to reflect real interests and opinions (sincerity), and they are
open to challenge. Finally, anyone may post on a candidate's Facebook site (at least this is how most
candidates set up their SNSs, and how all of the candidates in this study set them up), and therefore
there are no barriers to inclusion beyond the normal social pressures that might come from one's social
network. Domination of the discussion is not an issue since there are no temporal or spatial constraints
on participation that would result in one participant's voice drowning out others' voices.
1.3. The Presidential Candidates' Facebook Walls
The use of Facebook and other SNSs by candidates and voters allows researchers an unprecedented
opportunity to observe retrospectively and unobtrusively political conversation as it unfolded. In this
paper, we present preliminary observations of online political discourse in a social networking environment by examining the pattern of posts on U.S. Presidential candidates' Facebook "walls." Walls are
essentially unthreaded public forums within the Facebook environment on which registered users may
post their thoughts. A clip of John McCain's wall (with user images and names obscured) is shown in
Fig. 2. Posters are identified by name, image (if provided in the user's profile), and regional network.
Because Facebook is intended to connect people who know each other, these identifying features are
typically true. Other information about posters might be available depending on individual settings.
In this paper, we report information about the distribution of postings over a two-year span on the
walls of the three major candidates for U.S. President in 2008: Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and John
McCain. Our initial goal is to understand the pattern of postings across walls and the behavior of posters
in terms of (a) degree of engagement, (b) connectivity to assets outside of Facebook, (c) individual
versus group reference, and (d) frequency and persistence of activity. In this paper we will not attempt
to characterize the semantic content of posts or their interactional sequence beyond these issues.
Our experiment is not hypothesis driven per se, but the data addresses several research questions:
1. How persistent are Facebook posters in the context of political walls? We gauge this in terms of
frequency of posts and duration of participation.
2. How broad are Facebook posters in terms of their interest in multiple candidates or assets outside of
the Facebook environment? We gauge this in terms of the amount of cross-posting among different
walls and the number of hypertext links included in posts.
3. Are Facebook posters talking about themselves or others? We gauge this by looking at characteristics of pronouns used and direct references to candidates.
4. To what degree is SNS participation an activity consistent with Habermas concept of "public
sphere." We use participation patterns and some content analysis to address this question.
Fig. 2. A screenshot of part of Senator John McCain's Facebook wall during the 2008 election season.
2. Method and data set
We examined the wall posts from the Facebook sites of U.S. Presidential candidates Barack Obama,
Hillary Clinton, and John McCain from September 1, 2006-September 30, 2008. In this time period, a
total of 76,045 individuals created 687,626 postings on the three walls.
Participation on the three walls was not equal, with Obama's wall containing 324,780 postings (47.2%),
Clinton's wall containing 316,330 postings (46%), and McCain's wall containing 46,516 postings (6.8%).
The average number of posts per individual was 9.04, however this number is misleading because the
distribution was highly skewed. The lower bound for posts was 1, and 55,666 individuals (73.2%) posted
only once. Unary posters posed several problems for our analyses since they loaded certain conditions
with many small numbers by definition (e.g. all unary posters had to be in a one-wall group, all unary
posters had a participation span of 0 days, etc.). Also, we considered unary posters to be qualitatively
different than posters who came back to participate in the political dialogue. Although we consider
the finding that only 26.8% of individuals returned to the candidates' walls an important empirical
observation (which we will discuss below), we were primarily interested in discourse participants.
Therefore, in subsequent analyses we eliminated all unary posters from the analysis. At the other end of
the distribution, there was a scattering of posts in the thousands. Cutting the tail of the distribution at a
mean of 125 posts eliminated 1% of the individuals at this end, shortened the tail considerably, and likely
eliminated mostly spammers or automated posters. These data manipulations left 19,652 individuals in
our data set which we felt represented true participants in political dialog. Our trimmed data set had a
mean number of postings per individual of 14.5.
3.1. Wall crossing
The walls were open for postings from any Facebook member, so individuals could post on multiple
walls. Posters are uniquely identified in Facebook, so it was possible to determine whether individuals
posted on more than one candidate's wall. Figure 3 shows the numbers of individuals who posted to one
candidate's wall (88.7% in total), to the walls of two candidates (10.5%), and to the walls of all three
candidates (0.8%). The largest number of people (59.7%) were participating in the Obama conversation
only, the next largest (18%) in the Clinton conversation only, and the next largest (11%) in the McCain
conversation only. Of those engaged in two walls, the largest number (6.9%) was interested in the Obama
and Clinton combination. A smaller percentage of individuals (4.4%) crossed the partisan barrier to post
on both McCain's wall and one or both of the Democratic challengers. The seven possible wall posting
contexts depicted in Fig. 3 were used to form three groups making up the Wall Crossing independent
variable in several of the analyses to follow. We contrasted posters to a single wall (Obama, Clinton, or
McCain), to two walls (Obama+Clinton, Obama+McCain, or Clinton+Mcain), and to all three walls
(Obama+Clinton+McCain).
3.1.1. Engagement
We examined the average number of posts per person for individuals posting in each of the three
Wall Crossing conditions (Fig. 4). The more walls people posted on, the more they tended to post. The
mean numbers of posts in the one-wall, two-wall and three-wall conditions were 6.46, 13.24, and 19.95
Fig. 3. Number of wall posters who commented on each candidate's wall and across walls (areas approximated).
Fig. 4. Average number of posts per poster in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
respectively, F (2,19649) = 270.34, p < 0.0001, MSE = 203.85. A Tukey HSD post-hoc test at p <
0.05 showed significant differences between all pairs of means.
We examined the average number of words per person for individuals posting in each of the three
Wall Crossing conditions (Fig. 5). The more walls people posted on, the more verbose they were with
the mean numbers of words per poster being 225.84, 474.26, and 783.31 in the one-wall, two-wall and
three-wall conditions respectively, F (2,19649) = 248.58, p < 0.0001, MSE = 317198.86. A Tukey
HSD post-hoc test at p < 0.05 showed significant differences between all pairs of means.
We examined the average length of time (in days) between the first and last posting for each poster in
each of the three Wall Crossing conditions (Fig. 6). People who posted on only one wall had a shorter
participation span (67.01 days) than people posing on two walls (116.28 days) or three walls (97.36). The
overall ANOVA showed significant differences, F (2,19649) = 184.49, p < 0.0001, MSE = 12394.78.
Fig. 5. Average number of words per poster in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
Fig. 6. Average number of days between first and last posts per poster in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
A Tukey HSD post-hoc test at p < 0.05 showed that the one-wall participation mean was smaller than
the two-wall and three-wall means, but that the two-wall and three wall conditions did not differ from
3.1.2. Connecting to the outside
We examined the average number of links (found by matching the pattern "http" without regard to
capitalization) that each poster included across all of their posts (Fig. 7) and the average number of links
Fig. 7. Average number of links per poster in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
Fig. 8. Average number of links per poster per post in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
per post per person (found by dividing the number of links by the number of posts) in each of the three
Wall Crossing conditions (Fig. 8).
For both dependent measures, the number of links increased dramatically as the amount of cross-wall
posting increased. The mean numbers of links per poster were 0.61, 1.50, and 6.29 links for the one-wall,
two-wall, and three-wall conditions respectively, F (2,19649) = 211.98, p < 0.0001, MSE = 14.95. The
mean numbers of links per post per person were 0.09, 0.14, and 0.44 links for the one-wall, two-wall, and
three-wall conditions respectively, F (2,19649) = 121.03, p < 0.0001, MSE = 0.09. For both dependent
measures, Tukey HSD post-hoc tests at p < 0.05 showed significant differences between all pairs of
Fig. 9. Average number of inward versus outward pronouns in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
3.1.3. Pronouns
The use of pronouns in wall postings indicates to whom the poster was referring. Posters might refer
to themselves (I, me, my, mine), to themselves as part of a group of others (we, us, our, ours), to other
individuals (he/she, him/her, his/hers) or other groups (they, them, their, theirs), or directly to someone
else (you, your, yours) or a group of others (also you, your, yours). Mixed design 2 × 3 ANOVAs
were conducted with one factor being a pronoun characteristic (repeated measures on two levels since
each individual used pronouns in all categories) and one factor being the Wall Crossing group (one-wall,
two-wall, or three-wall).
We categorized pronouns according to their deictic direction, i.e. inward-pointing (I, me, my, mine,
we, us, our, ours) versus outward-pointing (he/she, him/her, his/hers, you, your, yours, they, them, their,
theirs) and identified them without regard to capitalization in the corpus of posts. Figure 9 shows the
mean number of inward-facing and outward-facing pronouns used by individuals in the different Wall
Crossing groups.
Posters used more pronouns the more walls they cross-posted on (11.42, 23.33, and 32.94 pronouns
per poster for the one-wall, two-wall and three-wall conditions respectively), F (2,19649) = 217.26,
p < 0.0001, MSE = 1497.12, but this is not a surprise in light of the finding reported earlier that
multiple-wall posters tended to post more and be more verbose. Posters used more outward-pointing
than inward-pointing pronouns (15.68 versus 10.00 respectively), F (1,19649) = 424.76, p < 0.0001,
MSE = 211.47, but we have no baseline or control conditions to which this difference can be compared.
Of greater interest was the interaction between deictic direction and number of walls. Posters diverged
in the number of inward-pointing versus outward-pointing pronouns such that multiple-wall posters used
a greater number of outward-pointing pronouns relative to inward-pointing pronouns, F (2,19649) =
121.86, p < 0.0001, MSE = 211.47. In other words, discourse about other people increased relative to
discourse about oneself when posters were involved in multiple communities.
We also categorized pronouns according to how many people were referred to, i.e. a single individual
(I, me, my, mine, he/she, him/her, his/hers) versus a group of people (we, us, our, ours, they, them, their,
theirs) and identified them without regard to capitalization in the corpus of posts. For this analysis
we ignored the second person pronouns (i.e. you, your, yours) since they are ambiguous for number.
Figure 10 shows the mean number of individual and group pronouns used by people who posted on a
single wall, two walls, or all three walls.
Fig. 10. Average number of individual versus group pronouns in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
Once again, posters who cross-posted on more walls used more pronouns (8.90, 18.27, and 25.59
pronouns per poster for the one-wall, two-wall and three-wall conditions respectively), F (2,19649) =
215.28, p < 0.0001, MSE = 928.71, and used more singular than group pronouns (12.06 versus 7.98
respectively), F (1,19649) = 324.57, p < 0.0001, MSE = 137.72. However, the interaction between
pronoun number and number of walls was significant. Posters diverged in the number of individual
versus group pronouns such that multiple-wall posters referred more to individuals relative to groups
F (1,19649) = 93.55, p < 0.0001, MSE = 137.72. In other words, discourse about individuals increased
relative to discourse about groups when posters were involved in multiple communities.
3.1.4. Direct references
We examined the number of direct references to candidates by matching the patterns "Obama,"
"Barack," "Clinton," "Hillary," "Hilary," and "McCain" without regard to capitalization. When a first
and last name appeared together we counted it as one reference. We counted lone occurrences of Obama's
and Clinton's first names as direct references, but we did not count "John" alone since it was not highly
unique to John McCain and rarely used alone to refer to him anyway. A 3 × 3 mixed-measures ANOVA
was performed with Candidate Reference as the repeated-measures factor and Wall Crossing as the
independent groups factor.
Posters who did more cross posting on multiple walls also made more direct references to the candidates
(1.77, 4.09, and 6.71 direct references for one-wall, two-wall and three-wall posters respectively),
F (2,19649) = 260.79, p < 0.0001, MSE = 25.61 (Fig. 11). In all cases, Obama was referred to most
frequently (an average of 5.76 times per poster), Clinton next (an average of 4.42 times per poster),
and McCain next (an average of 2.41 times per poster), F (2,39298) = 121.18, p < 0.0001, MSE =
30.61. An interaction between the two factors showed that references to the low-referenced candidate
(McCain) did not increase as dramatically as number of cross-postings increased when compared with
the higher-referenced candidates, F (4,39298) = 22.47, p < 0.0001, MSE = 30.61. In other words,
candidates with a reference advantage have a greater advantage from individuals posting on multiple
walls.
Fig. 11. Average number of direct references to candidates by name in the three Wall Crossing conditions.
3.2. Frequency of posting
We were interested in the characteristics of individuals who posted infrequently versus those who
posted frequently. This measure is theoretically independent from the Wall Crossing factor since a
frequent poster could stick to one wall and an individual who posted as few as three times could be in
the three-wall category. We split our data set into three subsets based on frequency of posting:
– Low: People who posted 2–10 times (n = 17,062)
– Moderate: People who posted 11–100 times (n = 2491)
– High: People who posted 101–124 times (n = 99)
Since number of items in any category will be correlated with number of posts, we standardized all
dependent measures reported in this section by dividing by the number of posts.
Figure 12 shows the mean number of words per post in each of the posting frequency conditions.
We were surprised to see a non-linear function in which verbosity increased from the low condition
(34.50 words per post) to the moderate condition (36.63 words per post), but decreased again for high
frequency posters (32.38 words per post), F(2,19649) = 5.89, p < 0.01, MSE = 890.40. Although
significant, the effect amounts to only 2–4 word differences across the conditions.
Figure 13 shows the mean number of days between the first and last posts in each of the posting
frequency conditions. Although it appeared that higher frequency posters tended to have longer durations
(72.19 days, 73.52 days, and 85.18 days for the low, moderate, and high frequency posters respectively),
this effect was not significant, F (2,19649) < 1.0, ns.
Figure 14 shows the mean number of links per poster in each of the posting frequency conditions. There
was a significant and dramatic increase in average links per poster as the posting frequency increased
Fig. 12. Average number of words per post in the three Posting Frequency conditions.
Fig. 13. Average number of days between the first and last posts in the three Posting Frequency conditions.
with the low frequency posters averaging 0.33 links, moderate frequency posters averaging 3.25 links,
and high frequency posters averaging 9.42 links, F (2,19649) = 931.92, p < 0.0001, MSE = 13.95.
We again examined deictic direction and pronoun number (as defined in Section 3.1.3 above) as they
differed across the three posting frequency conditions. We performed 2 × 3 mixed measures ANOVAs
Fig. 14. Average number of links per poster in the three Posting Frequency conditions.
Fig. 15. Average number of inward versus outward pronouns in the three Posting Frequency conditions.
with Pronoun Condition being the 2-level repeated measure and Posting Frequency being the 3-level
independent measure.
Figure 15 shows the mean number of inward-pointing versus outward-pointing pronouns per post
across the three frequency conditions. In this analysis, there was no interaction between deictic direction
and posting frequency. There were more outward-directed pronouns (2.11 per post) than inward-directed
pronouns (1.35 per post), F (1,19649) = 96.11, p < 0.0001, MSE = 2.51. Of greatest interest was the
Fig. 16. Average number of individual versus group pronouns in the three Posting Frequency conditions.
fact that the number of pronouns decreased as posting frequency increased (1.91, 1.76, 1.51 pronouns per
post for the low, moderate, and high frequency posters respectively), F (2,19649) = 9.54, p < 0.0001,
MSE = 6.54.
Figure 16 shows the mean number of singular versus plural pronouns per post across the three posting
frequency conditions. More singular pronouns were used than plural pronouns (1.63 per post versus
1.07 per post respectively), F (1,19649) = 77.40, p < 0.0001, MSE = 1.71, and the number of pronouns
of this type also decreased slightly as posting frequency increased (1.44, 1.39, and 1.21 pronouns per
post in the low, moderate, and high posting frequency conditions respectively), F (2,19649) = 2.86, p <
0.06, MSE = 3.65. The interaction was significant however, F (2,19649) = 20.02, p < 0.0001, MSE =
1.71, and inspection of the means suggests that the decrease in pronoun usage did not begin as soon for
singular pronouns as for plural pronouns.
We examined direct references to the candidates by name (as defined in Section 3.1.4 above) across the
posting frequency conditions (Fig. 17). A 3 × 3 mixed measures ANOVA was performed with Candidate
as the 3-level repeated measures factor and Posting Frequency as the 3-level independent groups factor.
Once again, the frequency of direct reference decreased as the posting frequency increased (0.30, 0.29,
and .24 direct references per post in the low, moderate, and high frequency posting conditions respectively,
F (2,19649) = 2.94, p < 0.05, MSE = 0.377. There was a difference among the candidates, with Obama
receiving the greatest number of direct references (0.43 per post), Clinton second (0.25 per post), and
McCain third (0.15 per post), F (2,39298) = 50.80, p < 0.0001, MSE = 0.328. The interaction was
significant however, F (4,39298) = 5.40, p < 0.0001, MSE = 0.328, and inspection of the means
suggests that the more highly referenced the candidate, the more drop in reference was observed as
posting frequency increased. The least referenced candidates (McCain and Clinton) were referred to
directly about the same amount by posters in all frequency conditions, but the most referenced candidate
(Obama) was referred to more as the frequency of posting decreased.
Fig. 17. Average number of direct references to candidates by name in the three Posting Frequency conditions.
3.3. Summary of results
We can summarize our findings as follows:
– In the social networking space of Facebook, a large percentage of individuals posting to the walls
of the three major U.S. Presidential candidates were "one-timers," with about a quarter of the
participants returning to participate more than once.
– The bulk of individuals (excluding one timers) posting to the walls of the three major U.S. Presidential
spent their time and resources on a single candidate's wall.
– The participation in political dialogues was highly skewed, with one candidate (the ultimate winner)
receiving the bulk of the attention.
– Some individuals posted on multiple candidates' walls. These individuals' postings were quantitatively different from the postings of individuals who stayed in the context of a single wall in the
following ways:
Multiple wall posters tended to post more often.
Multiple wall posters were more verbose.
Multiple wall posters provided more outside links.
Posters to two walls were engaged for a longer time than posters to one or three walls.
Multiple wall posters were more outward-directed than directed toward themselves.
Multiple wall posters were more oriented toward individuals and less toward groups.
Multiple wall posters referred directly to candidates more often.
The discrepancy in direct reference to candidates was greater for the candidates with highest
reference.
– The data set was partitioned into low, moderate, and high frequency posters (excluding "one timers"
and individuals posting 125 times of more). Individuals in these three groups differed quantitatively
from each other in the following ways:
∗ Most people were low frequency posters.
Fig. 18. Social networking dialog space.
∗ More frequent posters were more verbose, but only up to a point. High frequency posters tended
to say less per post than moderate frequency posters.
∗ More frequent posters provided dramatically more links per post to the outside. The number of
links per poster tripled for each frequency group.
∗ More frequent posters had greater participation duration, but the average difference between low
and high frequency posters was only about two weeks.
∗ High frequency posters used fewer pronouns per post.
∗ High frequency posters used fewer direct references to candidates per post, but this trend was most
apparent for the highly-referenced candidate (Obama).
Individuals who chose to participate in the political dialogues taking place on the Facebook sites of the
three major 2008 U.S. Presidential candidates could involve themselves as much or as little as they liked,
and they could participate in one or more dialogues. We traced behaviors along these two dimensions of
intensity of engagement and breadth of participation.
Participants could be assessed on their involvement both in terms of how many times they posted
and how often they posted on multiple walls. These can be thought of different dimensions of social
networking participation space which may be independent (see Fig. 18). We propose that frequency
of posting is influenced by knowledge about and commitment to a candidate or cause whereas breadth
of posting is influenced by the degree of desire to influence and understand other points of view. This
analysis predicts that different types of people might be recognizable in different quadrants of the social
networking participation space as shown in Fig. 18. For example, the spokesperson for a political
candidate would be expected to post a moderate to high amount on their own candidate's wall, showing
little breadth. A political analyst, on the other hand, would be expected to post often on multiple walls.
Someone new to political discourse might be expected to participate infrequently but in multiple places.
An individual who only posts once or twice to one wall might be a person with a "rant" or a single point
to make.
The two-dimensional social networking dialogue space also makes the prediction that the content of
posts (i.e. the nature of the discourse) will be different in different quadrants. The next step in our
research project involves careful analysis of the content of these posts.
Finally, we discuss our findings in light of requirements for public spheres as described by Dahlberg [6,
7] and productive democratic discourse as described by Fishkin [11,12] and White [40]. All of these
researchers stress equity and openness of participation. Our results show a large unary posting rate, but
we do not know why these individuals dropped out of the discourse nor do we have a baseline for what
might be interpreted as normal for an open forum. There was no impediment to their return, and indeed
many people returned often. Those participants who returned were engaged in what Dahlberg [7] calls "a
commitment to an ongoing dialogue," which he takes as important evidence for the requirement of "Ideal
role taking." Additionally, multiple wall posters used more outward-directed pronouns, suggesting that
they were not just talking about themselves but also addressing the comments of others. We take this as
evidence of an "attempt to understand the argument from the other's perspective," which Dahlberg also
considers to be an important constituent of "Ideal role taking," and which we interpret as an indictor of
Fishkin's "mutual respect."
People who did return to post more than once tended to be more verbose. In physical settings
this would cause such participants to dominate discourse due to time limitations. However, in the
asynchronous and non-temporally bounded wall-posting context of Facebook, the participation levels of
posters are independent of each other to a large extent. Therefore we argue that this forum affords greater
opportunities for Dahlberg's "Discursive Inclusion and Equality" and Fishkin's criterion that there be
equal opportunities for participation and for all participants to be heard.
Linking to the outside was more common for frequent posters and for multiple wall posters. In related
work [29,30] our research team has categorized the purposes of user-supplied embedded links and found
that many links were used to provide bolstering evidence for a claim, rebut another comment, or call
others to action. We argue that these types of comments are indicative of "engaging in reciprocal critique
of normative positions that are provided with reasons rather than simply asserted," which is Dahlberg's
explanation of the requirement for "Exchange and critique of reasoned moral-practical validity claims."
To summarize, we feel that the dialog we observed on the Facebook walls of the 2008 U.S. Presidential
candidates showed evidence of several of the characteristics that scholars claim are central to the
realization of a Habermasian public sphere. (Without a more qualitative analysis of the discourse content
we cannot comment on Dahlberg's requirement of "reflexivity," which refers to participants' ability to
"critically examine their cultural values, assumptions, and interests, as well as the larger social context").
We claim that SNSs are currently the sociotechnical environments that most closely enable public sphere
discourse for those who choose to enter the online "salons" of political candidates. It remains an open
question, however, whether the outcome of this dialog is informed political decision making in the form
of votes.
This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant Nos
IIS0535036 and IIS0827911 to the first author. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of
the National Science Foundation
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Life on the Home Front: WWII Propaganda
Propaganda Posters from World War 1 FIB
WWII Propaganda Posters
WWII Propaganda Webquest Journal
World War I Poster assignment ww1_posters.1
Welcome to Grand Panthers We love our children and grandchildren
WWI Propaganda Posters
Selecting Advertising Media

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


awakened. And on that occasion he sat for seven days in one session, sensitive to the bliss of release.
Then, with the passing of seven days, the Blessed One emerged from that concentration. Muccalinda the nāga king, realizing that the sky had cleared and was free of clouds, unraveled his coils from the body of the Blessed One, dropped his own appearance and, assuming the appearance of a young man, stood in front of the Blessed One with hands before his heart, paying homage.
In that one auspicious moment when Muccalinda the Nāga King sheltered the Blessed One from the elements, thus sparing him any discomfort from his deep samādhis, the Nāgas became the official protectors of the Buddhadharma. The Blessed One paid him great homage for his meritorious act in verse when he highlighted the importance of solitude and dispassion from all the wriggling and annoying things of samsara. Thus, when one is engaged in solitude with one-pointedness of Mind, one ought to bear in mind in spiritual fashion that Muccalinda the Nāga King is very near at hand to offer protection from the diverse elements that prevents one from growing spiritually in the Buddhadharma—wherein even the conceited "I am" is subdued by Muccalinda's coils—ah, the sheer bliss!
This entry was posted in The Hermit's Den and tagged Blessed One, Buddhadharma, darkness, Muccalinda, Naga King, solitude. Bookmark the permalink.


City south Apartments - How to Be More Productive?
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Gallery of City south Apartments – How to Be More Productive?


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text:
Smoking crack high experience
Smoking crack cocaine delivers the drug rapidly to the bloodstream and brain via the lungs, producing a quicker and stronger but shorterlasting high than snorting. It can destroy your physical and mental health, and even firsttime users can have heart attacks and seizures. Tons of free smoking crack porn videos and xxx movies are waiting for you on redtube. Crack cocaine, which is often just referred to as crack, is a freebase version of cocaine that can be smoked. The first time a person uses crack, he or she feels an initial high that cannot be recreated by subsequent use. Its like the uninhibited feelings of alcohol, but since youre hyperlucid, youre able to have epiphanies about your behavior, and be able to communicate them to someone else. Because of this short duration of pleasurable effects, users tend to take one dose after another before the previous one wears off.
It could also lead to the development of tolerance, meaning it will require larger amounts for them to experience the same desired. However, the effects usually wear off after only 5 to 15. Some crack addicts are unable to function sexually without the drug. No other sex tube is more popular and features more smoking crack scenes than pornhub. Cocaine is a drug that can be ingested in a variety of ways, including by snorting, smoking, or intravenous injection. You already know this otherwise you wouldnt have commented on your parents and sister. Tennis, i said, thinking back to a recent experience in which i dragged myself onto the court after a long night of smoking crack. Discover the growing collection of high quality most relevant xxx movies and clips. However, a cocaine high is shortlived, and when the effects of the drug wear off the person will likely experience a crash or come down, which can include depression and anxiety. Six genderspecific focus groups drug theres not really that much euphoric property in crack in my experience the high is short and kind of a headrush where the sounds go very loud and you get this holding your breath type of moment where everyting goes loud and still and then you blow out and its just like youve got pleasurable anxiety its not that great in my experience but it is still very incendently addictive although swims never been addicted to it even so i wouldnt even find it that. Typically, due to its method of administration, crack immediately creates an intense high experience which lasts 515 minutes.
Smoking or freebasing crack can lead to a nearly immediate high, which is one of the reasons why it is so addictive. A person who has been smoking crack often has burned fingers or lips from holding onto the pipe while it heats up. We explored the lived experience of people who smoke crack cocaine. Never had crack, but i can definitely relate to this experience with certain stimulants, particularly amphetamines and mdpv. Ive smoked crack maybe a hundred times or so, so i have the most experience with that other than cannabis. Whats it like smoking crack, or doing heroin, meth.
Nothing but the highest quality smoking crack porn on redtube. Using cocaine, regardless of whether youre smoking cocaine or snorting or injecting it, can also cause high blood pressure, rapid heartbeat, and tremors. Studies suggest that drug addiction is developed more rapidly to crack due to the way it is introduced to the body through smoking it. This is a startlingly high statistic considering the dangers of smoking crack. Nida reports that a year or more after a person quits cocaine he will still remember the pleasurable feelings crack cocaine produced and experience intense cravings for the drug. But after a few seconds from the second inhale, you feel pretty good. People who smoke crack cocaine are described as chaotic and more likely to engage in risky sex, polysubstance use and contract infectious diseases. The chosen method of ingestion can have different effects on the body, including how rapidly it enters the bloodstream and how it affects different systems in the body. When its smoked, it delivers a short but very intense high to the user, and because of that sense of euphoria it creates, its incredibly addictive. Watch girls smoking crack naked porn videos for free, here on.
The first hit of crack causes an intense high that many individuals spend the rest of their life chasing. Eric keith white smoking crack and looking crazy and stupid in houston, tx. According to the national institute on drug abuse, around 72 percent of cocaine related drug treatment admissions are due to crack cocaine. Crack cocaine is a crystallized form of cocaine mixed with other chemicals that is hardened into a rocklike object. It is best known for its massive popularity in powdered and freebase crack forms.
When a person quits smoking, the body will start to naturally. Smoking crack exposes the lungs not only to crack, but to any other toxins or chemicals the drug may be laced or cut with. The drug causes short but intense euphoric effects. What are crack cocaine effects on the brain and body. My best friend in the world started me smoking, i came over expecting to play chess and smoke weed.
As the water dissolves, dried crystals, known as crack cocaine, form. Describing that experience to him, i remembered it all very. Being that crack can have shortlived effects, this can prompt individuals to keep smoking crack. Smoking crack is a fast and easy way to become seriously addicted to the drug. Smoking crack produces a more immediate high than snorting cocaine. What crack cocaine is really like the new republic. The crack user may not want or need to sleep as long as the drug is potent, which ranges from five to 30 minutes, depending on route of ingestion. I was introduced to crack cocaine incidentally, i did not try snorting the powder form until after i smoked crack by a couple of friends who sold me highquality weed made by the canadian government for those with medicinal marijuana permits. Comedown, crash, or rebound effect after taking drugs. In the 1980s, crack use created an epidemic that affected thousands of people in poor urban communities in the united states. A crack user is therefore always in need of more of the drug. In combination with the drugs toxins, this could cause lung damage or aggravate a persons asthma. When smoked, crack produces a very fast, very intense feeling of euphoria. Freebasing carries almost all of the same risks as snorting or injecting cocaine.
For me, it was just a shortest instant of gratification if it even existed the sharpest of peaks everything afterwards was just a great increase in energy and confidence geared towards obtaining more of the drug. The drug can make people feel paranoid, 1 angry, hostile. Although the initial high from smoking cocaine can occur quickly, it is also shortlived, causing a. Crack cocaine effects do not last as long as powder cocaine, meaning that the user will need to disappear for another dose in as short a time as 10 to 15 minutes. Id tell you to use the search engine, because theres full experience report on it, but hell, ill just answer it straight up for you now.
Crack can cause longterm changes in the brains reward system as well as other brain systems, which may lead to addiction when used repeatedly. However, little is known about how individuals perceive smoking crack as compared to other forms of cocaine use, especially injection. When the rock is heated, it makes a cracking sound, which is. Find the best smoking crack videos right here and discover why our sex tube is visited by millions of porn lovers daily. People who use it often dont eat or sleep properly.
Crack causes a shortlived, intense high that is immediately followed by the oppositeintense depression, edginess and a craving for more of the drug. The first big hit is known as the ultimate crack experience among those who use the drug. Crack cocaine, which is often just referred to as crack, is a freebase version of cocaine that can be. Crack is responsible for my two most vivid memories the first time i tried it and when it came very close to killing me. Crack was a parody of reaganism, i concluded, a brief high with a bad aftertaste and untold bodily damage. Many of those with crack use disorders talk about how it only took one good hit of crack to become addicted to the drug.
Heating crack cocaine with a pipe can create vapors that may be inhaled to experience a rapid euphoric high. While the act of smoking crack cocaine results in an immediate, intense high, these feelings of elation only last about fifteen minutes. According to an article in the journal neuropsychopharmacology, crack use is associated with a higher rate of dependence than use of powdered cocaine crack cocaine gives the user an intense, euphoric feeling. Browse through our impressive selection of porn videos in hd quality on any device you own. Smoking crack wont fix your school and depression issues.
When a person uses crack cocaine as their drug of choice, they smoke the rock in a pipe. Nasal cocaine users can experience the same pattern, but with less intensity than crack cocaine. The shortterm high could result in them consuming significant amounts over time as they keep reupping their high. Crack, which is a crystalized form of cocaine, is heated and smoked by inhaling the vapors or smoke into the lungs. Funnily enough, most of them yes, its hard to overstate what a devil crack is for most people. Crackheads smoking crack rock cocaine mature moms tv. Personally, i like smoking cannabis more than any of those drugs. Cocaine is a common stimulant derived from the erythroxylum coca plant.
Users typically insufflate snort or first dissolve in solution, then inject powdered cocaine. Smoking can cause burns, cuts, and open sores on your lips and transfer blood to a pipe. Cocaine, in contrast, is a clear high, a stimulant to sociality. Unfortunately, this feeling is extremely addictive. Unfortunately, with longterm use, the high is replaced by a greatly increased risk of heart attack, stroke and heart disease as well as other effects of crack cocaine abuse, along with a possible lifealtering addiction. Crack offers the user a brief yet intense high that increases mental alertness and a sense of euphoria, according to narconon, a californiabased drug rehab and addiction treatment center.
Crack cocaine is so addictive because it affects a section of the midbrain that is a key area involved in reward. Crack, which is derived from powdered cocaine, is a rocklike form of cocaine that can be smoked to achieve a high. You starts to find out that the world is such a good place to live but suddenly you remember you have to finish your work, so you finish the work of 2 hours in only 45 minutes. No other sex tube is more popular and features more girls smoking crack naked scenes than pornhub. They can experience greatly increased heart rate, muscle spasms and convulsions. Sex, drugs and rock n roll 420 thank you for the comment. Smoking cocaine dangers of smoking coke and effects. Smoking cocaine can produce a high nearly as fast as when it is injected, and quicker than when the drug is taken orally or snorted. It stimulates the reward system, dopamine, of the brain and generates instant effects throughout the central nervous system. The tingles up and down your body for 20 minutes after a great hit are the best although that only lasts after the first few hits, then you gotta keep doing more just to feel normal to avoid the comedown. Nyc health department announced the presence of fentanyl in cocaine is contributing to an increase in drug overdose deaths. This journalist smoked crack so he could write this article. Smoking crack for the first time can you get addicted.
Its effects are experienced almost immediately and can last anywhere from a few minutes to an hour. Experts consider the short, intense high coupled with the rapid onset of the crash, which is lifted by more of the drug, to explain why nicotine and crack cocaine are so addictive. Cocaine side effects and complications healthfully. However, smoking crack is like getting the hottest smoke in your lungs. Some people say that the effects of smoking crack lasts 1015 minutes. People on crack tend to find the drug incredibly difficult to avoid after just one use.
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La Commission des phares est une commission française qui mit en place le programme de signalisation du littoral français. En particulier, elle a défini le cadre technique des systèmes d'éclairage utilisés : lentille de Fresnel, lampe à huile, machine de rotation. La Commission est à l'origine de plusieurs plans de modernisation des phares – électrification dans les années 1880, expériences de radionavigation au début du .

Origine

En 1800, les côtes de France sont peu éclairées par rapport à celles des îles Britanniques : une quinzaine de feux, dont Cordouan (1611), les Baleines, le Stiff (1699), et le cap Fréhel (1702), contre plus de cinquante chez les Anglais. Si des projets d'éclairage des côtes existent depuis le milieu du , ceux-ci butent sur des problèmes de financement, sauf aux approches de l'estuaire de la Seine où trois phares (Barfleur, Ailly et La Hève) sont construits en 1775, contre l'instauration d'une taxe sur les navires entrant dans les ports du Havre et de Rouen. La fin de l'ancien régime a été marquée par des innovations qui font entrer les phares dans le giron des savants et des ingénieurs « civils », les Ponts et Chaussées, alors qu'ils dépendaient auparavant des ingénieurs militaires et de la Marine nationale. En 1788, l'ingénieur Joseph Teulère exhausse Cordouan et installe dans la lanterne un appareil à réflecteurs paraboliques plus efficaces que les médiocres appareils de Tourtille-Sangrain, l'entrepreneur à qui l'éclairage des côtes a été confié dans les années 1770. La Révolution abolit les droits de feux en 1792 et Napoléon transfère les phares de la Marine nationale aux Ponts et Chaussées. La Commission des phares va devenir le catalyseur de ces innovations, scientifiques, techniques et administratives.

Création

La Commission des phares a été créée au printemps 1811 par le comte Mathieu Molé, alors directeur général de l'École nationale des ponts et chaussées. Elle devait examiner un projet de réseau de phares, rouge et bleu, proposé le chef d'état-major de la Marine nationale à Boulogne, Yves Le Coat de Saint-Haouen. Le projet est rejeté mais la Commission poursuit ses travaux sous la Restauration et adopte en 1825 un rapport contenant l'exposition du système adopté par la Commission des phares pour éclairer les côtes de France. Ce « système » repose sur un usage généralisé des lentilles de Fresnel, dont la taille dépend de l'ordre du phare, c'est-à-dire de son importance pour les marins. Le rapport pose comme principe qu'un navire longeant les côtes de France ne doit jamais perdre de vue un phare dit « de premier ordre », les plus importants. Dans La Mer (1861), Jules Michelet écrit que « ce fut comme un ciel de plus (que la France) fit descendre », notant bien la relation intime entre la Commission et le monde savant de son temps, dominé par les astronomes et les mathématiciens.

Composition

La composition de la commission fut très variable au cours du temps. À l'origine, elle était composée de neuf membres : 3 savants de l'Académie des sciences, 3 inspecteurs des Ponts et chaussées, 3 officiers supérieurs de la Marine nationale. Parmi ses membres célèbres figurent l'astronome François Arago, le physicien Augustin Fresnel, l'astronome Élisabeth-Paul-Édouard de Rossel, les ingénieurs Charles-François Beautemps-Beaupré, Joseph Cachin, Gaspard de Prony.

Compétences
La Commission donne un avis sur toute création, suppression ou modification d'établissement de signalisation maritime. Les dossiers sont instruits par le service des phares et balises. Un projet de décret est en cours de rédaction pour modifier la composition et les compétences de la Commission.

Mémoire

Depuis Augustin Fresnel, qui en fut le premier secrétaire, la Commission tient à jour des registres de ses délibérations. Ce fonds, qui constitue la mémoire de l'éclairage et du balisage des côtes de France, est aujourd'hui conservé aux Archives nationales, qui ont entrepris la numérisation des registres à l'occasion du bicentenaire de la Commission en 2011. La numérisation fut achevée en 2014. 26 000 images sont en ligne sur la salle des inventaires virtuelle.

Références

Sources
  Histoire de la commission des phares.
  Plaquette publiée par le Ministère de l'Écologie pour bicentenaire de la Commission.
 Vincent Guigueno, Au service des phares : La signalisation maritime en France - siècle, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2001.

Voir aussi
 Liste des commissions et instances consultatives ou délibératives françaises

Liens externes

Commission et instance ministérielle consultative ou délibérative
Association ou organisme lié aux phares
Phare en France

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


I am renting here in California and very unclear as to what I should do in my situation.
I have been renting in a Condo for almost 2 years now. I started off on a one year lease that went to a month to month lease after the first year was up. The owner was going to foreclose, but ended up doing a short sale. Escrow closed on the short sale 2 days ago on June 30th. The new owner started making ridiculous requests for me to wire the first month's rent plus security deposit before escrow was even closed. She also wanted me to send 6 post-dated checks to Canada, where she lives. On top of this she was asking me to do a bunch of caulking work and fix all of these things. (The dishwasher has been broken for over 2 months now, and nobody wants to address it). Here's the kicker: THERE IS STILL NO LEASE AGREEMENT! I have asked her several times, and she has not been able to produce one.
We did have a verbal agreement that I would stay month to month.
The good news is that I have already received my deposit back from the original landlord, and the funds have cleared.
I want to move out and do no feel comfortable dealing with this woman. She also is refusing to get a property manager.
What are my rights? Should I give a 30 day notice? I do not want to send her a security deposit for a month, as I no longer feel comfortable dealing with her. I have already started looking for a new place to move, but it could take me a couple of weeks. I plan to pay her for every additional day I stay here, but I no longer feel comfortable signing an agreement, and I definitely don't feel comfortable sending her a deposit.
There's two ways this could go. Simply continue to pay the rent and ignore her requests for security, chalking, post dated checks. She has the option of accepting the rent, thereby tacitly approving your tenancy OR send you a 30 day notice. I guess if you're not ready to move I'd do that. If you want to be proactive then send her a 30 day notice, Maybe then she'll back off and you can reconsider if you want to stay or not. I see room here for negotiation. New owner seems to be running her RE empire on a very tenuous thread.
Personally I would give her my 30 day notice and get out ASAP. I would not send her a deposit.
Tell her your rate for caulking and fixing is $200 per hour. Then when she balks, tell her it's HER job to do these things, not yours. Send your rent, one month at a time, and do not give her a security deposit. She sounds like a tyrant and it would be wise to get the heck out of there as soon as you can. That place is going to go downhill fast. Give her 30 days notice. She's not entitled to anything else. Oh, and take pictures of the place so she can't come after you for "damage". Document EVERYTHING!
If I find a new place that is available to move into next week, do I still have to give her the full month's rent? Even if I haven't signed a lease agreement?
If you don't have a signed lease, then I can't see how she could hold you accountable for anything more than this month's rent. Chances are the new place will understand that you have to give notice and will let you move in on August 1st. You might google your state's landlord-tenant laws to see what your obligation is with no lease. Month to month implies that you pay the rent at the beginning of each month and then you get to live there for that month. It's not a week to week or day to day agreement. Save yourself some grief and give her 30 days notice. She would have to do the same if she wanted to kick you out. And be prepared for her to show the place while you are still there. Be aware of what your rights are in that situation.
If you've never given her a check for anything then just move. No rent paid as of yet then there is zero evidence of any agreement, month to month or otherwise or even the amount of rent to be paid.
You still have to give 30 days notice. Don't do anything that will give the LL the ability to come after you. Do everything by the book and get out.
The new owner started making ridiculous requests for me to wire the first month's rent plus security deposit before escrow was even closed. She also wanted me to send 6 post-dated checks to Canada, where she lives. On top of this she was asking me to do a bunch of caulking work and fix all of these things. (The dishwasher has been broken for over 2 months now, and nobody wants to address it).
I can't offer you advice on your rights or responsibility under CA law. I can tell you that if I were in your shoes, I'd start looking for another apartment ASAP. Once a LL starts getting difficult, it's time to evaluate the hassle of moving versus the hassle of dealing with the LL.
it sounds to me like the new LL is in Canada and is buying real estate at a bargain in order to make a future klilling. The new LL does not know or understand landlord/tenant laws and or obligations.
I would give 30 days notice and pay the rent for July. Nothing else. Do not address the requests to do maintenance. I would send a written list of things broken, in need of repair, or not up to your expectations. I would also make sure to send it certified, return receipt so that you know she got the rent and the letter. Did I say put the rent and the letter in the same envelope.
Find another place to live and enjoy the new surroundings and leave the ignorance behind.


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Home > Topic > Corporate law > Point to note when dealing with the company: the requirement to record in writing.
Point to note when dealing with the company: the requirement to record in writing.
Posted by: Dirkzwager legal & tax on November 10, 2014 in Corporate law, The Netherlands
Article 2:247 of the Dutch Civil Code contains the so-called 'requirement to record in writing': a written record must be made of legal acts between a limited liability company ('BV') and its sole shareholder in cases where the company is represented by this shareholder. An exception is made for legal acts which, 'under their stipulated terms, are within the ordinary course of business of the company'. In day-to-day practice this requirement is usually not complied with and this can have unfortunate consequences for the particular shareholder.
The underlying reason for this requirement is the possibility that creditors could be disadvantaged: with a one person company, there is a lurking danger that the sole shareholder could undertake legal acts to his own advantage which are to the detriment of the company's creditors. This not only involves documenting in writing the legal acts between the company and its sole shareholder when this individual represents the company in multilateral legal acts (contracts, for instance) but also unilateral legal acts by the company with respect to the sole shareholder (for example the cancellation of a debt).
But it is not only the sole shareholder who is also a director under the articles of association who must abide by this regulation, this also applies for a shareholder who acts on the BV's behalf on grounds of a power of attorney or on grounds of the representative authority that the law confers on the (person of the) shareholder: after all, it is stated that the BV is represented by this shareholder. This could for instance involve the appointment of a director on grounds of Article 2:242 of the Dutch Civil Code. By extension, the requirement to record in writing does not apply if the company does indeed have the same shareholder-director, but is being represented by a different person (or authorised representative) in the particular case.
The law does not stipulate anything about how and when the written record must be created. The legal act may be recorded in the minutes of the shareholder meeting, for instance, or this record may even be made after the fact. It must be noted here, however, that the written record must be 'adequately specific' so that it is clear what precisely was agreed between the parties involved and when this agreement took place: there must be actual consensus between the parties.
What is considered the 'ordinary course of business'? In general, it is assumed that this criterion is less broad than the objects clause contained in the BV's articles of association. Specifically the judge looks mainly at the actual activities of the BV. In that context, if it cannot be determined, or only with some difficulty, whether an activity falls within the ordinary course of business, the judge will first test whether the legal act was entered into under the usual terms (the 'stipulated terms criterion').
If the requirement to record in writing has not been satisfied, the legal act is subject to annulment. Only the company itself (and not the possibly disadvantaged shareholder) can invoke this. Particularly in situations where a BV has become insolvent, Article 2:247 of the Dutch Civil Code can play a role and the receiver will take action on the company's behalf. In that case the receiver will have to demonstrate the BV's interest in having the legal act annulled. Annulment can take place either inside or outside of court; a period of 3 years applies during which the legal act can either be invoked or – after the fact – confirmed. Annulment has a retrospective effect to the moment at which the legal act was performed and can result in the shareholder having an obligation to undo the act, something which is often no longer possible in practice, which means damage compensation becomes owed. There can also be directors' and officers' liability on grounds of Article 2:9 of the Dutch Civil Code.
In short: if you are the sole shareholder, always be alert to the fact that you must adequately record in writing all legal acts that you perform (in any capacity whatsoever) on the BV's behalf with yourself as the counterparty, so that reliance on Article 2:247 of the Dutch Civil Code has no chance of success. It is recommended that you review periodically whether any such legal acts have been performed.
By Anne Claire Sillevis Smitt
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With offices in Nijmegen and Arnhem and more than 260 staff members, Dirkzwager legal & tax has specialist legal knowledge in almost every area of the law. Besides up to date knowledge of legislation and case law, it also demonstrates good judgement of character and knowledge of the markets in which our clients operate. We use our knowledge to serve our clients. We also share that knowledge, a feature that distinguishes us and benefits our clients. Clients who are supported by a lawyer with the latest professional knowledge are in a stronger position and need have no concerns. By actively sharing its knowledge, keeping you constantly updated during your case and providing clear explanations, Dirkzwager helps you become wiser. Which means that in future you can identify similar problems sooner and be better prepared, even in the temporary absence of your lawyer. After all, it's always easier to talk about things you understand.


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Creative ArtsTheatre
Music that's designed to give you a lift
The stirring and the inspirational take to the stage in Good Ol' Country Gospel at the Schoolhouse Theatre, St. Jacobs
Audiences can expect an authentic atmosphere, soul-stirring ballads, and plenty of interaction with the cast in Drayton Entertainment's latest offering.
Now on stage, Good Ol' Country Gospel is a lively musical revue taking place in the cozy confines of the Schoolhouse Theatre in St. Jacobs.
The tribute to the gospel sound puts a homespun feel on many beautiful songs, then adds a country twist. Audiences get a genuine feel for what they're seeing: no one in the cast is taking on the role of another character, says the show's assistant director.
"We're basically playing versions of ourselves," said Mark MacRae, who's also a cast member. "It feels natural … but also quite different from playing a character."
The eight-member cast showcases a variety of skilled multi-instrumentalists, several of whom are making their Drayton Entertainment debut. Actors include choral singer and cellist Ben Cookson, professional drummer Kevin Dempsey, fiddler and violinist Leah Grandmont, Drayton regular Zachary Knowles, versatile actor, and skilled baritone singer MacRae, Drayton veteran with a powerful voice Daphne Moens, and talented newcomers Paul Jerry Schwarz and Kate Suhr.
They are lead by director and choreographer David Rogers, whose voice and performance skills have landed him in many major musicals over the years; he played the Phantom and Raoul in the Toronto Production of The Phantom of the Opera, Jean Valjean in Les Misérables, and Harold Hill in The Music Man, among others.
"Packed with humour and heart, Good Ol' Country Gospel is a fun-filled tribute to the cherished canon of gospel hits," says Alex Mustakas, artistic director of Drayton Entertainment in a release. "Audiences will be uplifted, inspired, and amazed by the depth of talent on stage."
Actors will switch effortlessly between playing the banjo, keyboard, mandolin, double bass, organ, guitar, double bass, and piano… in folk and country type style. Audiences will recognize "Amazing Grace," "I'll Fly Away," "Peace in the Valley," "How Great Thou Art," "When The Saints Go Marching In," "Will the Circle Be Unbroken," "I Saw the Light," and many more.
Rather than focusing on scripted scenes with one another, the actors' attention is on engaging with the audience.
"It's more like a musical concert – where we're going back to the audience and saying 'hey!'" said MacRae with a laugh. "We might be joking about this, or a little bit of information about the background of a particular composer.
"It's always about bringing them into our world."
While much of the music has a religious theme, MacRae said that it would appeal to everyone, no matter what their denomination may be.
"Obviously, it has the religious aspect to it too, and I think that our audience members who come to it from a stronger religious background connect to it that way," said MacRae.
"Even if you don't, I think the music is very uplifting, has a good message of community, loving your neighbour – the goodness and wholesomeness that is transcendent beyond the religious overtones."
As the show runs for a considerable length of time compared to usual Drayton Entertainment offerings – four months in total – the variety of audience members and engagement helps to keep things fresh for the actors onstage.
MacRae recalled one humorous incident where he blanked on his solo line during a live performance. One of the actors improvised, declaring the scene to be replayed again.
"The audience gets to see a moment where … y'know, we're human up here. We're going to go back and start again. That freedom is fun. As an audience member, I love it when I see little mistakes like that and think: 'oh yeah, I'm seeing something real!'" said MacRae with a laugh.
"Because we're not just watching something on Netflix. We're watching a live show with live people, and anything can happen. If you weren't there at that performance, you didn't get to see that particular Mark McCrae addition to the show on that particular Thursday afternoon."
Good Ol' Country Gospel is on stage now to December 22 at the St. Jacobs Schoolhouse Theatre. Tickets may be purchased in person at any Drayton Entertainment Box Office, by calling the box office at (519) 747-7788 or toll free at 1-855-drayton (372-9866), or online.
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