text:
The story behind the explosive, deadly labor protest that gave us the eight-hour workday
On May 4, 1886, the deadly cycle of events that would lead to Americans living with eight hour workdays was set in motion.
In the evening hours at Chicago's Haymarket Square, as a peaceful labor protest was winding down, police ordered the crowd to disperse. A bomb was thrown, the police fired their rifles, and when it was over, hundreds were injured, and at least four civilians and seven police officers were dead.
What followed was a miscarriage of justice that lead to quick convictions, executions, too-late pardons, and lasting effects on the labor movement in the U.S. and abroad. It was an event, in the words of labor historian James Green, that "challenged…the image of the United States as a classless society with liberty and justice for all."
The story begins after the end of the Civil War, according to Green's book Death in the Haymarket. Newly freed men saw little difference between the shackles of slavery and the low wages of the industrialized north and (white) working men saw their employers made rich by the war effort while their pay remained meager.
Seeing protesting union workers fired and blacklisted, and wondering how the nation could outlaw slavery and still work its people to the bone, the Eight-Hour Movement was born, seeking to "end the degradation of the endless workday" and give workers the time to pursue education and other endeavors to make them better citizens of the Republic. Grassroots movements sprouted up and began rallying and pushing for legislation. They found success in Illinois.
In 1867, Illinois Governor Richard J. Oglesby, a friend of the dead President Lincoln, signed a new law guaranteeing an eight-hour workday, the nation's first, for all in his state to take effect on May 1 but "employers refused to abide by the law and in one week, effectively broke the movement by the use of force from police, militia and private agents."
The movement stalled for several years for a few reasons: employers forced workers to waive eight-hour rights, The Great Chicago Fire, and the Panic of 1873 (that lasted until 1879) to name three macro issues, but there were more factors including, "high rents, inadequate schools, filthy streets…and immigrant suspicions" that created constant unrest among the working class.
However, 1886 saw The Great Upheaval. Following another protracted economic depression, with mass strikes across several industries popping up across the country, workers were fed up. The eight-hour workday issue returned and workers weren't going to back down as easily this time.
Two years prior, during a meeting of federated unions, May 1, 1886 was eyed as the day for a nationwide eight-hour workday to be implemented. As the date approached, nothing happened. Workers grew agitated and employers and others who sided with them openly worried about the possibility of armed insurrection.
On May 1, 1886, there were mass demonstrations across the country. One, in Ohio, was headed by Albert Parsons, a Chicago labor activist in town to organize. On his way back to Chicago, on May 3, disaster struck as police attacked protesting and striking workers, injuring scores and killing six of the picketers at McCormick Reaper Plant near the city's Little Village neighborhood.
Parsons and a man named August Spies would quickly emerge as integral figures in the late 19th century labor movement. Both had come to Chicago in the early 1870s and quickly became socialist activists. Parsons became the top English-speaking spokesman for the city's mostly German socialists. In the late 1870s, Parsons lost job after job because of his political leanings and was even threatened with physical harm by a police superintendent. Spies was a German upholsterer affiliated with the myriad socialist movements in town. He also published a socialist newspaper called Arbeiter-Zeitung.
And while both men were interested in legal means of securing workers' rights, as the new decade approached "Parsons and Spies were convinced that social, political, and economic harmony and justice were impossible" with society as constructed. They became anarchists and rose in those organizations as well, but they disagreed with some of their fellow anarchists on the issue of using violence to achieve certain aims, specifically with dynamite, which they called "the great equalizer."
After the peaceful May 1 protests, both Parsons and Spies were singled out in an editorial in the Chicago Mail which said, "Mark them for today. Hold them responsible for any trouble that occurs. Make an example of them if trouble does occur."
On May 4, 1886, Carter Harrison, the pro-labor mayor, gave his blessing for a mass demonstration in Chicago's Haymarket Square. However, he made sure there were plenty of police on hand, in case something happened. As rain began to fall, Spies spoke to the assembled crowd, which was smaller than expected. Parsons then took the stage, speaking for over an hour. Samuel Fielden, a teamster and Methodist lay preacher, spoke next.
As the rain picked up, the crowd dispersed from the more than 2,000 who had started the rally to fewer than 200. At this moment, Chicago police officer Captain John "Black Jack" Bonfield claimed to have allegedly heard Fielden using inflammatory language in an attempt to incite the crowd to violence. Mayor Harrison later described hearing no such speech.
As the police moved in to disperse the crowd, a bomb exploded, instantly killing one officer, Matthias J. Degnan. Eyewitnesses later "recalled seeing the 'hissing fiend'—a round object with a fiery fuse—as it coursed through the darkness just above the heads of the crowd."
The police began shooting at the protestors and each other in the chaos. When the shooting stopped, six additional officers and at least four workers were killed, though an accurate count of civilian deaths was never made. Hundreds were injured. Another police officer died two days later from his injuries. It was the first peace-time use of a dynamite bomb in U.S. history.
The press began breathlessly reporting the news, calling for the arrests of any and all anarchists and socialists. Martial law was quickly declared nationwide. The public as well "called for vengeance" as "a wave of popular sentiment against anarchists and labor organizers swept through the city and the country."
The ensuing witch hunt, which included raids, illegal searches, and the closure of leftist newspapers, was allegedly approved by State's Attorney Julius Grinnell, who reportedly ordered, "Make the raids first and look up the law afterward!" Prominent businessmen in the city donated private funds to assist the investigation.
Still, the bomber remained at large—Rudolf Schnaubelt, a lead suspect, fled the country a week after the riot.
After weeks of raids, seizures, and questionings, on May 27, 1886, a grand jury indicted 31 men as accessories to the murder of Officer Degan. Eight were chosen to stand trial: Parsons, Spies, Fielden, Oscar Neebe (an associate of Spies), Louis Lingg (who was accused of throwing the bomb even though he had a solid alibi), George Engel (who was playing cards that night but known for militant ideology), and Adolph Fischer and Michael Schwab (both editorial assistants at Spies' newspaper). Only Spies and Fielden had been present at the time of the bombing and only Fischer and Parsons had also attended. They became known as the Chicago Eight.
The trial was, by all accounts, a farce. The jury was made up of businessmen (the defense used all of its challenges dismissing jurors that Judge Joseph Gary refused to nix even when their biases were plain). The Chicago Tribune offered to pay money to the jury in order to secure a guilty verdict, but that wouldn't be necessary.
The state's evidence was minimal, and revolved around convincing the jury the men were co-conspirators. The defense said their clients had merely tested the limits of free speech and nothing more. During closing arguments, Moses Salomon, another member of the defense, described the eight as "men of broad feelings of humanity…that their only desire has been, and their lives have been consecrated to, the betterment of their fellow-men." Black reminded the jury that the charge on trial was murder, not their ideology.
The jury briefly deliberated and all eight men were found guilty. Seven were sentenced to death. Nebbe, the lone non-immigrant among the Eight, was sentenced to 15 years of hard labor.
The Illinois Supreme Court upheld the verdict on appeal. An international clemency movement began, with the Eight scoring endorsements from the likes of Oscar Wilde and George Bernard Shaw. On November 2, 1887, the U.S. Supreme Court denied a last-ditch appeal. The executions were scheduled for the next week.
Gov. Oglesby acquiesced, though, and reduced the sentences of Fielden and Schwab to life. On November 10, 1887, Lingg used a small explosive to kill himself in his cell. The next day, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Albert Parsons, and August Spies were hanged. Each man made one last pro-anarchy declaration before swinging from the gallows. Rumors of armed revolutionaries attempting to break the remaining four prisoners out of prison at the last moment were completely unfounded, but may have contributed to Oglesby upholding the sentences.
In 1893, after some prodding from the legendary attorney Clarence Darrow, newly elected governor of Illinois John Peter Altgeld ("perhaps the greatest any state ever had," according to historian Studs Terkel) decided to review the trial. Incredibly:
Altgeld did not merely grant clemency, as some asked, on the assumption that the prisoners were guilty but had been "punished enough." After his painstaking review of the case, Altgeld concluded that the trial was so full of errors that it was "clearly [his] duty" to "grant an absolute pardon to Samuel Fielden, Oscar Neebe, and Michael Schwab."
More than seven years and one month after the bombing, the three survivors were free.
The five dead men, though, became martyrs for the labor movement. In honor of them, and again to push for the eight-hour workday, the Second International, a large meeting of socialists held in Paris, declared May 1, 1890 as International Worker's Day—May Day, a holiday the U.S. doesn't recognize.
In 1996, the oral historian Studs Terkel commemorated the 110th anniversary of the Haymarket Riot with a short invocation, saying, "Five score and ten years ago, here on this very spot, ardent advocates of a revolutionary idea, put forth, it was called the eight hour day." He quoted a popular folk song from the time period and explained that the notion of an eight-hour day was comical since so many worked 12, 14, or more hours a day. He ended his tribute with a request to "keep battling" for workers' rights.
Though there are memorials and plaques, and the eight-hour workday became federal law in 1938, the Haymarket Affair seems destined to continue to slip from public consciousness as the labor movement continues to diminish in the United States. Death in the Haymarket author James Green said as much in an interview with NPR in 2006, summing up the prevailing sentiment as:
The labor movement…had its place in the 19th and early 20th century when workers were exploited and abused in the furnaces of industrial capitalism but has no place in the high-tech, white collar world of the new economy.
Later in that interview, Green notes the irony of white-collar workers (at the time, and still today) railing against workers' rights when they themselves often work more than eight hours a day without receiving overtime pay—though that, too, after years of fighting, will change.


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altitude.  But even these guys will need a major dose of good luck.
>> Video of iridium flare, I observed awhile ago.


text:
using System;
using System.Collections;
using System.Collections.Generic;
using System.Reflection;
using System.Runtime.InteropServices;
using Xunit;

public static unsafe class BufferTests
{
    [Fact]
    public static void TestBlockCopy()
    {
        byte[] b1 = { 0x1a, 0x2b, 0x3c, 0x4d };
        byte[] b2 = new byte[6];
        for (int i = 0; i < b2.Length; i++)
            b2[i] = 0x6f;

        Buffer.BlockCopy(b1, 0, b2, 1, 4);
        Assert.Equal(b2[0], 0x6f);
        Assert.Equal(b2[1], 0x1a);
        Assert.Equal(b2[2], 0x2b);
        Assert.Equal(b2[3], 0x3c);
        Assert.Equal(b2[4], 0x4d);
        Assert.Equal(b2[5], 0x6f);

        b2 = new byte[] { 0x1a, 0x2b, 0x3c, 0x4d, 0x5e };
        Buffer.BlockCopy(b2, 1, b2, 2, 2);
        Assert.Equal(b2[0], 0x1a);
        Assert.Equal(b2[1], 0x2b);
        Assert.Equal(b2[2], 0x2b);
        Assert.Equal(b2[3], 0x3c);
        Assert.Equal(b2[4], 0x5e);

        Assert.Throws<ArgumentException>(() => Buffer.BlockCopy(new String[3], 0, new int[3], 0, 0));
        Assert.Throws<ArgumentException>(() => Buffer.BlockCopy(new byte[3], 3, new byte[3], 0, 1));
        Assert.Throws<ArgumentException>(() => Buffer.BlockCopy(new byte[3], 0, new byte[3], 3, 1));
        Assert.Throws<ArgumentException>(() => Buffer.BlockCopy(new byte[3], 0, new byte[3], 4, 0));
    }

    public static IEnumerable<object[]> ByteLengthTestData
    {
        get
        {
           return new[]
           {
               new object[] {typeof(byte), sizeof(byte) },
               new object[] {typeof(sbyte), sizeof(sbyte) },
               new object[] {typeof(short), sizeof(short) },
               new object[] {typeof(ushort), sizeof(ushort) },
               new object[] {typeof(int), sizeof(int) },
               new object[] {typeof(uint), sizeof(uint) },
               new object[] {typeof(long), sizeof(long) },
               new object[] {typeof(ulong), sizeof(ulong) },
               new object[] {typeof(IntPtr), sizeof(IntPtr) },
               new object[] {typeof(UIntPtr), sizeof(UIntPtr) },
               new object[] {typeof(double), sizeof(double) },
               new object[] {typeof(float), sizeof(float) },
               new object[] {typeof(bool), sizeof(bool) },
               new object[] {typeof(char), sizeof(char) },
               new object[] {typeof(decimal), sizeof(decimal) },
               new object[] {typeof(DateTime), sizeof(DateTime) },
               new object[] {typeof(string), -1 },
           };
        }
    }

    [Theory, MemberData("ByteLengthTestData")]
    public static void TestByteLength(Type type, int size)
    {
        const int length = 25;
        Array array = Array.CreateInstance(type, length);
        if (type.GetTypeInfo().IsPrimitive)
        {
            Assert.Equal(length * size, Buffer.ByteLength(array));
        }
        else
        {
            Assert.Throws<ArgumentException>(() => Buffer.ByteLength(array));
        }
    }

    [Fact]
    public static void TestGetByteAndSetByte()
    {
        uint[] a = { 0x01234567, 0x89abcdef };
        byte v;

        v = Buffer.GetByte(a, 0);
        Assert.Equal(v, 0x67);

        v = Buffer.GetByte(a, 7);
        Assert.Equal(v, 0x89);

        Assert.Throws<ArgumentOutOfRangeException>(() => { v = Buffer.GetByte(a, -1); });

        Assert.Throws<ArgumentOutOfRangeException>(() => { v = Buffer.GetByte(a, 8); });

        Assert.Throws<ArgumentOutOfRangeException>(() => Buffer.SetByte(a, -1, 0xff));

        Assert.Throws<ArgumentOutOfRangeException>(() => Buffer.SetByte(a, 8, 0xff));

        Assert.Equal<uint>(a[0], 0x01234567);
        Assert.Equal<uint>(a[1], 0x89abcdef);
        Buffer.SetByte(a, 0, 0x42);
        Assert.Equal<uint>(a[0], 0x01234542);
        Assert.Equal<uint>(a[1], 0x89abcdef);
        Buffer.SetByte(a, 7, 0xa2);
        Assert.Equal<uint>(a[0], 0x01234542);
        Assert.Equal<uint>(a[1], 0xa2abcdef);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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The second session of coffee with NGOs held on the 12th of March 2014 focused on Strategy for NGOs. The session saw the attendance of over 9 players in the social sector namely Samhita Social Ventures, SNEHA (Society for Nutrition Education and Health Action), Educate Girls, Lend a Hand India, CORO, Mumbai Mobile Creches, Shelter Associates, Sujaya Foundation, Ummeed, Ratan Nidhi Foundation and Observer Research Foundation.
Rohit Menezes from Bridgespan Group presided as the chief speaker of the session through a teleconference. The Bridgespan Group is a nonprofit advisor and resource for mission-driven organizations and philanthropists. Bridgespan works on issues related to society's most important challenges and breaking cycles of intergenerational poverty.
The session broadly spelt out the need for strategy and the step-wise process of devising strategy in NGOs. It also focused on the importance of impact assessment and various methods of adopting it.
Click here to read the white paper that carries the key takeaways from this session.


text:
5 Stories About What It Means To Feel American Right Now
From the newly naturalized to the born-and-raised, we hear about the complexities of an American identity.
By Amos Barshad, Leah Mandel, Ruth Saxelby
Andrew Renneisen / Getty Images
Here at The FADER, we strongly believe that if you love someone, you should be honest with them. So, ahead of the Fourth of July — that gloriously rambunctious celebration of all that is good about the U.S.A. — we asked some real Americans how they really feel about their national identity. That included folks born here and now living abroad, folks naturalized under both Obama and Trump, and folks now applying for official citizenship. The answers are manifold, heartfelt and critical both. Ultimately, they display a faith, or at the very least a desire for faith.
Happy Birthday, America. We still want to believe in you.
Juan, bike share project manager
Juan with his mother after his naturalization ceremony.
I was born in Bogotá, Colombia. My family came to the states in 1990 on a tourist visa and we just overstayed it. Different members of my family were undocumented for different periods. My brother married an American woman and became a resident in '94. He petitioned for my mom, and my mom petitioned for me. So the answer to "when did you apply for citizenship" is "as soon as I could," but for me that meant 22 years.
I had felt American for a long time before that. But it was nice to get the document, and to have my family come to the ceremony. It was this big massive thing in San Antonio with thousands of people getting naturalized. They call out countries alphabetically. There weren't that many Colombians. But half the room was Mexican. So they skipped Mexico. They went from, like, Lithuania to Nigeria. It was obvious that they were saving it for the end. And then when it got to the end, they called "Mexico," and it was just, like, a roar of applause. It was spine-chilling.
Obama was the first presidential candidate whose life story resonated with me. I'm proud his signature is on my naturalization certificate and that I became a citizen in time to vote for his re-election. This rosy glow is undercut slightly by the Obama administration's inability to pass comprehensive immigration reform and their harsh stance on deportation. Becoming a citizen in 2012 also meant acknowledging that nativism and xenophobia were on the rise, if not in number then at least in political power, and that as a result other immigrants like myself would suffer.
My feelings about the Fourth of July have changed over time, not so much as a result of me becoming a citizen, but more with me growing older and having more complicated thoughts about nationalism in general. Obviously the American idea as a brand is not at its finest moment worldwide right now. But, like — the woman my brother married, she was born and raised in Boston, she's from one of those old Boston families. We would spend the Fourth of July up in Maine on a boat eating lobster watching fireworks. It turned out, that was not some weird myth! That was actually my life!
Pat, caretaker
Pat at her former client Leah's bat mitzvah.
I moved here from Jamaica in 1995 because job-wise, financial-wise, medical-wise it was more affordable than my country. I'm studying for the citizenship test now. Being a citizen, you have more access to things, and you're entitled to more — like if you apply for programs. It's a big asset. I do appreciate being here. I've been thinking about [getting my citizenship] for 5 years now. I wasn't going to do it, but then I said, I think I should. It will be much better for me once I get it. Once I have U.S. citizenship I can work anywhere. It's such a good thing.
I for sure already think of myself as an American, and other people think of me as American. As for Donald Trump, I overlook that part and just look at the good side. If it was he alone [in this country], I wouldn't get my citizenship. But I'll still be doing it, whoever's in office. It doesn't make a difference to me. And I know it will be different soon.
For July 4th, my friends have barbecues and stuff. I celebrate with them, just like if I was in my country. We can see the fireworks from where we live. I do the same things, respect each holiday. People fought for this country.
Asi, video game designer
I moved to Pittsburgh in 2004 because I went to study at Carnegie Mellon. I got really excited about my studies, because video games and entertainment is much more developed here than in Israel. [My wife] Britta had just come to Carnegie Mellon from Germany for a semester. And we met and decided to make the U.S. our home.
At Carnegie Mellon, I did a project around the Middle East peace process and video games, and I started a company around it. Someone told me that I am doing something that is special enough that I should go for a special Green Card application. We made a case that what I'm doing is in the national interest of the United States. Once you've got a Green Card, you need to wait 5 years. So I waited 5 years.
"I go on the subway and see people of 10 different nationalities. I see how people can succeed here. You could be 'American' and come from any place." — Asi
I was very proud to become an American on June 19, 2015. With what has happened [with Trump], it would be very, very different [to get U.S. citizenship now]. I would still do it, for sure. No question. And even with everything that's happened to us in the last year or two, I feel more American than Israeli because I feel some reservations about the direction that Israel is going. In Israel we lost this idea that government can change. They don't have really checks and balances, and it's going more and more in a direction where they limit the right to protest.
Look, here, you need to speak English, you need to do certain things. There's always people who seem more American because they grew up here, after three generations. But it's not so nationalistic here. It's very different than Israel, or Europe. You know? French are French. It's very hard to be "French" when you didn't grow up in that country — you'll always be different. I go on the subway and see people of 10 different nationalities. I see how people can succeed here, people that came from my country, from other countries. That's what I appreciate most about it. You could be 'American' and come from any place.
Linsey, freelance designer
Linsey with a huge goddamn Coke.
I moved to Mexico City a few days after the inauguration. My friends would joke that I moved because of Trump, but I had plans to move before Trump. I'm not proud to be an American citizen right now at this time, but I felt kind of bad leaving, actually. I felt like all my friends are protesting, and I'm just running off to Mexico. But it's not like I don't get a opportunity to be involved in discussions here. When I first got here everyone wanted to know what was going on and how people felt and did I know anyone that voted for Trump? That's still a question that I get all the time. Which I do, of course I do, we all do — we all have family.
[When I moved,] I did it with a regular travel visa — you can have six months as a U.S. citizen, and evidently you can leave and come back. But I was in New York for about a month working in May and three weeks ago, I came back and got rejected at the airport. I had to spend the night in a holding cell. Because I had so many entrances and exits in the past two years, they were like, "You're living here, you're working here, you have to go back and get a visa."
[Being detained] was shitty: we didn't have any water, they didn't give anyone food until we had a flight because the airlines are the ones that supply your dinner, and some people didn't get flights until 10 hours after they got in. [Eventually,] they sent me back to Texas for some reason. Standing in that customs line on the way back in and watching what goes down with the customs officer and how nervous people are stepping up to that desk, it's something I've never had to go through. I've never, ever been nervous that I wasn't going to get let in. The experience was valuable in that way because that is a privilege that we have as Americans and now I get it a little more. It's totally anxiety-inducing. If I feel that, I can't imagine what people coming to the U.S. [feel] when it's so much more strict.
When I talk with people about [Trump and America] here, they're like, look at our government, it's so corrupt and so disorganized, at least the U.S. does this, this, and this. I get it, nowhere is ideal, but I think it's harder to accept it when it's a place that you grew up in.
I don't think [I'll live in America] for five, ten years. I don't see it on the horizon. I know when I come back I'll be in New York because New York, to me, feels so much more inclusive than the rest of America.
My sister is coming from the U.S. to visit me [this weekend] so I'm going to be with her, but there will be no mention of 4th of July. [When I was younger] we always made red, white, and blue cupcakes, but it wasn't really about American pride. It was always just another holiday, a day off work and an excuse to drink.
Warren, concierge/musician
Warren, reluctantly enjoying his first corn dog.
I grew up in Stoke-on-Trent, about 20 miles south of Manchester, right in the heart of deindustrialized England. First moved here full time in 2010, but would do the 90 day visits before then. That's the maximum you're allowed to stay without a visa. On November 8th, 2016, I decided to apply for citizenship. I sent my application in the following morning.
After witnessing the pantomime that unfolded over the previous months result in President Trump I just remember feeling a little helpless and that in order for my opinion to count I needed to be able to vote next time around. I can't imagine I'll be framing my "Welcome to America" letter signed "President Trump" though. Not really the kind of thing I would hang above the mantel piece, personally.
I probably knew about Fourth of July first from a film, maybe the classic What About Bob? Then it just seemed like an excuse to blow off fireworks. I first celebrated a Fourth in 2009. A crew of us convoyed out to Fire Island. To be perfectly honest, the patriotic elements of the occasion were never once brought up in conversation. It was a great time though.
America's relationship with its flag is really funny to me. A huge amount of importance is put on showing respect to the flag, something I became more aware of in particular throughout the whole naturalization process. Yet Star Spangled thong bikinis and beer helmets and the like are absolutely everywhere! Seems kind of hypocritical. You must pledge your allegiance to this, but also it's totally fine to have a jockstrap made of it too.
culture / Features

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
You are here: Parliament home page > Parliamentary business > Publications and Records > Committee Publications > All Select Committee Publications > Commons Select Committees > Science and Technology > Science and Technology
The disclosure of climate data from the Climatic Research Unit at the University of East Anglia - Science and Technology Committee Contents
Memorandum submitted by Lalu Hanuman (CRU 07)
1. As a former postgraduate student of the University of East Anglia [UEA], and a British Citizen, I would like to comment on your committee's planned review of the disclosure of climate data from the Climatic Research Unit [CRU] at the UEA. In particular the issue of : "Are the terms of reference and scope of the Independent Review announced on 3 December 2009 by UEA, adequate".
2. The current furore that the UEA has created by it's falsifying of climate change information, has undermined global climate change action at the recent Copenhagen talks, with some countries relying on these UEA revelations to question the validity of climate change. The resultant catastrophic effect of the UEA's actions on future generations, cannot be exaggerated, as it has helped delay united action against looming climate change. A robust and thorough transparent inquiry is called for. Sir Muir Russell's review is inadequate at least as far as point 3 of his remit goes ie "Review CRU's compliance or otherwise with the University's policies and practices regarding requests under the Freedom of Information Act and the Environmental Information Regulations for the release of data".
3. From my experience as a former postgraduate student of the UEA, I have documentary evidence that the UEA as an institution and it's agents have often indulged in falsifications, distortions, and misrepresentations. Hence the CRU in distorting information was manifestly in compliance with the University's policies and practices. There is an urgent need for a wider remit, namely to look into the institutional failings of the UEA itself.
4. Declaration of interests: None.
5. DPA: I give permission for my name, and contact details, to be released.
© Parliamentary copyright 2010
Prepared 31 March 2010