This paper aims to present the legal treatment given to extradition in Fascist Italy and in the Brazil of Getúlio Vargas to understand if the institute has suffered authoritarian torsions both on the field of domestic Law and on the diplomatic relations between these countries. On the Codice Rocco, the provision on extradition was meant to strengthen the repression. On its turn, if on one side the 1938 Brazilian Extradition Act relies on the elements of the institute created in the nineteenth century, it also adds important elements to the defence of a strong State. However, the Italian-Brazilian extradition treaty of 1932 attached to the liberal paradigm ended up protecting the individuals subjected to extradition. Thus, were these rules truly of a fascist origin? The hypothesis is to realize that the "Fascism Criminal Law" is not quite a revolution, since despite introducing major changes it cohabits with the liberal tradition of Criminal Law.
O presente artigo tem como objetivo apresentar o tratamento jurídico dado à extradição na Itália Fascista e no Brasil de Getúlio Vargas para compreender se o instituto sofreu torsões autoritárias, seja no campo do direito interno como nas relações diplomáticas entre os dois países. No Codice Rocco, as regras sobre extradição foram pensadas para fortalecer a repressão. Por sua vez, se de um lado a lei brasileira de extradição de 1938 retomava elementos do instituto quando criado no século XIX, também adicionou importantes elementos para a defesa de um Estado forte. Porém, o tratado Itálo-Brasileiro de extradição de 1932 aproximou-se do paradigma liberal, resultando em proteção aos indivíduos sujeitos à extradição. Assim, tais regras teriam realmente uma origem fascista? A hipótese é a perceber que o "Direito Penal fascista" não foi exatamente uma revolução, já que apesar de introduzir alterações importantes, coabitou com a tradição liberal de Direito Penal.
Noi siamo in tempo piuttosto di collaborazione, che evidentemente è una cosa diversa di azione: la prima rappresenta sempre un agire distinto, per quanto associato e coordinato; la seconda, invece, è un tutto unico, è l'apice del movimento unitario, lo dico quindi azione perchè guardo principalmente alla fase finale, di cui considero la presente come preparatoria, qualunque sia il corso di anni di cui essa abbia bisogno; e intanto anche per l'oggi la parola può accogliersi, intendendola in senso largo e non stretamente preciso3.
This work will examine the extradition treaty between Brazil and Italy in 1932 and the domestic legislation of each country on extradition from the current criminal-legal thought in that period. Brazil had issued a special law on the subject; Italy, on the other hand, left the matter to be regulated by provisions in the Criminal Code4. The goal is to see how these laws and the treaty between Italy and Brazil are composed in regards to the maintenance of the liberal tradition of the nineteenth century or to the rising authoritarianism experienced by both countries with Mussolini and Vargas in the first half of the twentieth century and their doctrinal term.
The relationship between treaty and domestic law is dialectical, because at the same time that the already present domestic legislation determines the treating possibilities,5 the international concerts directly influence changes in the extradition law by possessing the dynamics of international practice into a particular order, influencing the legislator's new choices.
In this sense, criminal doctrine is a privileged locus to the extent that it builds a specific scenario on the theme, reflecting or moving away from criminal policy choices of each State. There is already historiography on the analysis of authoritarian inflows about Criminal Law6. Extradition has a double valence here, due to reflections within internal and external law. It is interesting to note how the presentation of a new discourse of authoritarian hue or the maintenance of a traditional liberal discourse behaves in this particular institute.
Authoritarianism presented itself after World War I as a front-line alternative to the liberal model in the context of a world crisis. In the 1930s, Fascism found itself bound in Italy, moving to an 'Italian road to totalitarianism'.7 Brazil, in turn, experienced a period of uncertainty, since it had recently surpassed the Revolution of 1930, ruled by a provisional government that foreshadowed the future dictatorship claims of Getúlio Vargas that would take place in 1937.
A turnaround in the legal-criminal area was experienced. Fascism takes hold of Criminal Law as a regime's legitimizing discourse by the authority of imposing a strict legislation. The criminalists of the period, led by Arturo Rocco8 and Vincenzo Manzini9 consolidate the legal technical approach that closes its eyes to the civil commitment of jurists from the previous period to keep against the role of interpreting the Law, regardless of its nature, when they did not place themselves directly on defence of Fascism10.
This work aims to analyze the standards (treaty and domestic law) relating to the Italian-Brazilian case, paying special attention to the discussion about the possibility of extradition of political criminals.
Even before the rise of Vargas, but already under Fascism, Brazil and Italy began negotiations for the making of their second extradition treaty, which was to be completed after the 1930 Revolution12. Henceforth, Brazilian law and the sparse Italian provisions would rule only on the present gaps in the recently struck agreement.
At that time, the new Italian Criminal Code of 1930 was already in force. Extradition regulated in Article 13 served a double discourse. Externally, it aimed to put Italy in the forefront of an early international collaboration to fight crime13, to the extent that it bore the maximum application speech of the institute by reducing exceptions to turn-ins14. It thus ended any distrust regarding foreign justice effectiveness15, because there would not even be a need for a turning in treaty16.
Domestically, however, such position met the proposed intensification of criminal law, a symbol of state authority, as so often hypothesized by Minister Alfredo Rocco, as by the doctrine affiliated to Fascism. In this sense we celebrate the supposed possibility of extradition of political offenders, the main target of this new conception of Criminal Law.
From the content of the treaty, the promise of the Brazilian Plenipotentiary Foreign Minister to the concert was about respect for the traditions, because "molded on more liberal principles and broader legal culture of our day, it constitutes a complementary to the series of approaching acts previously signed between the two countries"17.
The Explanatory Memorandum gives great prominence, for example, to the principle of extradition of nationals, which until now appeared as a breakthrough in the nations' concert, being Brazil the first country to set such treaty with Italy, which recently allowed such a situation with novel coding18. In the case of extradition of nationals, Fascism and the Estado Novo took inverse directions. The possibility of extradition of nationals inserted by Article 13 of the new Italian Criminal Code was seen by the doctrine, as well as in the issue of political crime, as an avant-garde action of the regime under international collaboration19. There would be no fear, because it was conditioned to the existence of a treaty, not merely in need of a declaration of reciprocity, and even in case of suspicion, the administrative licensing system would have further protection20.
Among the treaties that would work under such logic, the first that Italy would subscribe to that effect was exactly in Brazil21. At the time, the constitution of 1891 and the law of 1911 allowed Brazil to such agreement. Putting oneself at international level as countries that gave an effective contribution to combating crime was a big motivation22.
Respecting the current Brazilian law of 1911 and the open clause of Article 13 of the Italian code, as well as the tendency of extradition treaties from the early twentieth century, one leaves the exhaustive list model for a generic clause that kept the institute's job possible for all ordinary crimes (Article 2).
The exceptions contained in Article V, are the same ones that were already present in the national legislation. This excludes the possibility of extraditing "special" crimes, among which those committed by the press, politicians and the military (Article V, 5)23.
An interesting new feature was the inclusion of the impossibility of extradition if the crime in the requesting country is the jurisdiction of an exceptional court (Article 6, b). This article takes on importance to such an extent that in the time of entry into force of the treaty became active in Italy the Tribunale speciale per la difesa dello Stato, and that a few years later it would be Brazil to do such experiment with the Tribunal de Segurança Nacional.
Despite both courts having jurisdiction for the prosecution of political crimes, there could be discussion in the cases of application of the "Swiss" clause under the new treaty. Thus, with the possibility of extradition by the understanding that the offense was particularly common, the question would be if the courts could judge such crimes. Both courts were created as temporary agencies, but were made permanent. It would be strange for a country to consider exceptional a tribunal similar to that which it itself holds24.
From what investigated so far, there was no reference to the application of this clause from the treaty. On the one hand, we will see the expansion of the concept of political crimes in both jurisdictions with set limit on the external scope. On the other, there are studies that show a link within the police that would allow an underground action to the judicial means, typical of authoritarian regimes25.
The treaty also predicted the impossibility of extradition to the death penalty, allowed in Italy, unless commitment to conversion to imprisonment (Article 7, 2nd part). Even after an amendment to the 1937 Brazilian Constitution, such possibility was opened to the most serious political crimes and murderers. The Additional Protocol of 1937 dealt only with the impossibility of extradition of nationals, a necessary adjustment to the 1934 Constitution which had been maintained by the letter of 1937.
With the blow of November 10th 1937, Brazil turns to authoritarian means. Affirmed on the idea of nationalism, a discourse of marginalization from abroad which was reflected in the laws relating to extradition and deportation was created26.
The Decree-Law number 394 of April 28th 1938, sought to give new shape to extradition in Brazil. However, unlike the 1911 Law, it did not denounce treaties then in force, such as the Italian-Brazilian one of 1932 with the Additional Protocol of 1937. Their guidelines were used as additional tool in the omission of provisions about issues therein versed and indicated conditions for the establishment of new bilateral concerts.
The main emphasis of legislation was the regulation about the impossibility of extradition of nationals, definitely abandoning any possibility of cooperation as agreed with Italy in 1931. Brazil has pledged to punish the foreign agent in its own territory. The regulation was also highlighted on the impossibility of extradition of political offenders, as well as exceptions to this rule, although the warranty of non-extradition of political offenders, which appeared for the first time in 1934 Brazilian Constitution27, was not repeated in the letter granted in 1937.
Sore point in regards to extradition is the question of political crime. The changes that Brazil and Italy imposed in their domestic laws to such category in the 1930s brought further discussion to the topic.
The change of concept of political crime, laid down in Article 8 of the new Italian code generated numerous discussions in the extraditional field. However, this construction that modifies assumptions of the previous code is a recurring theme in the legal-criminal thought of the time, because the international consensus, concerned about increased collaboration, tended to restrict the concept of political crimes28.
Considerable doctrine - generally enthusiastic to Fascism - defended the thesis that Italy would have started to allow extradition of political crime, by having omitted in his Article 1329, the prohibition in Article 9 of the Zanardelli Code30. Saltelli and Di Falco emphasize that this choice reflects the high disapproval the fascist State gives to political crimes deserving of severe punishment anywhere31.
Galdino Siqueira and Eduardo Espínola Filho accepted such a position in Brazil32. The latter was supported by a quote from Ugo Aloisi extracted from the article "Extradition" in the Nuovo Digesto Italiano, legal encyclopedia of wide circulation in the fascist period33. However, it seems that the Brazilian treatise did not looked to the text as a whole, because Aloisi himself, despite appearing to be in favor of the measure, highlights the humorous opposite effect that the definition of Article 8 produced on the external front34.
Fascism's concern in expanding the concept of political crime created a discrepancy in the effects between the internal and external plans. On the one hand it provided a greater possibility of punishment in Italy as it expanded the list of behaviors that could frame this particular category of offenses that had a particular court with an exception procedure35. On the other, the second part of Article 8 of Rocco Code36 went against the principle of preponderance. Thus preventing international collaboration on the part of Italy, since setting the crime subjectively political it accepted the preponderance even if partially. In addition to Aloisi, such a current counted with Vincenzo Manzini37.
Moreover, Italy had not agreed to such a possibility in any treaty, rather the opposite, as in the case of the treaty between Italy and Brazil38. The treaty of 1931 would have placed the parties in a position of international consensus on the matter. In the words of Chancellor Afranio de Mello Franco, "it appears from the foregoing that the Extradition Treaty with Italy, even in the case of political crimes, followed our conventional law, where Brazil is part and it followed ancient traditions in the practice of the institute"39.
In fact, it was signed keeping the protection to the political criminal, contrary to what had already been set in Italy, in avant-garde position in the external front, but reactionary position in the internal front. The extradition of a political criminal by Italy would restrict to the possibility of a promise of reciprocity grounded in a disobedience to mutual comparison between Articles 8 and 1340. Even with the only opening provided by the insertion of the Swiss clause in the treaty it did not convince Manzini, because the broad discretion afforded to the requested State would easily render the arrangement useless41.
The Brazilian Act of 1938, already inside the authoritarian spirit of national security laws and the Constitution of 1937, showed the possibilities of opening the impossibility of extradition of political offenders in the paragraphs of its Article 2.º, § 2.º innovated by placing a series of political movements, if they acted with violence, to be excluded from the bounty of non-extradition.
Bento de Faria understood that such crimes, by violating a universal feeling about the established order, deserved punishment anywhere42. Such argument is based on a doctrinal consensus on the subject since the anarchic attacks appeared in the late nineteenth century. The punishment, according to the author, would really be worthy if such movements have a political program and are accepted by some civilized nation43. It is interesting that by the end, the minister says that the only modification with respect to the previous law was the issue of extradition of nationals.
Importantly, unlike the Italian case, the whole discussion about the concept of political crimes is out of the new Brazilian Criminal Code of 1940. Such code left the political crimes to the exceptional legislation. That way, the political dissension would be criminally fought duplicating the 'legality level'44 to the legal-criminal order. The material force of the legality principle was mitigated with the creation of exceptional laws to control the political dissent, the innovations on extradition of political crimes also included.
Nélson Hungria faced the subject on several occasions. An example is his of the National Security Act of 1935. He was disappointed about the new dispositions that clashed with the traditional rulings on the subject45. To justify this situation, he quoted Francesco Carrara's Programma di Diritto Criminale where it was explained how difficult it was to build a scientific construction of the subject46. In classical Carrara's words, 'when politics enter by the door, justice runs away through the window'47. According to the Italian jurist, if it was impossible to construct a philosophical Criminal Law on political crimes, one should focus on the positive Criminal Law, therefore Carrara himself took a stand regarding the legislative productions of the time. However, Hungria escaped from the thinkers of the penalistica civile48 approaching the criminal-legal technicality when exempted himself of judging the legislator's work, that did not make any distinction between communists, anarchists and other ways of political dissent49.
The result is that the main political crimes listed in the Brazilian national security laws and the Rocco Code, in other words, the crimes of attempted subversion of the order50, cease to be political offenses for extradition if practiced by members of these political movements. We have here an effective nonsense, because Article V of the treaty designated the requested State as the competent authority.
Given the content of Article 8 of the Italian Criminal Code and conceptual layouts of successive national security laws of Brazil51, in both cases of broad spectrum, such conduct would always be considered a political crime in the territory, to the extent that communism was the main opposition to authoritarian regimes then present in Brazil and Italy. No wonder that the main defendants of political processes before the courts of both countries were the leaders of the national Communist parties.
Even if restricting the interpretation to anarchism, the situation worsened because the actions taken as a classical anarchist movement were punished in domestic law within the same laws that dealt with political crimes. Therefore, to Manzini, the expansion of the concept of political crime by Article 8 ended up considering acts of anarchism and terrorism as political crimes52.
The authoritarianism of Fascism reached the institute in the Criminal Code in 1930. If the original idea was the extinction of the clause, the concept of political crime prepared in the same code prevented its effectiveness, since the excessive internal amplitude was expressed as a restriction on international level. Moreover, there even were resistances that would prevent concerts from being performed without such a clause, of which the Italian-Brazilian treaty is exemplary.
The Brazilian Extradition Act of 1938 also brought authoritarian inflows. It aimed to achieve a certain communist movement, the enemy of the constitutional regime, as noted in the preamble to the Constitution of 1937. The expansion was intended to free the country of undesirable elements.
However, it was realized that such a search to the fullest extent of the Criminal Law, in the case of political crimes, came to create a paradox: the more repressive domestically, the less power on the external front. The Italian-Brazilian case turns out to be interesting. The inclusion of authoritarian elements in the internal legislation masked by a liberal vanguard position, possible only in the duality that extradition allows, does not achieve success internationally. In this arena, both countries end up taking more conservative positions.
Thus, there is no way to talk about a Fascism Criminal Law as a single block. It not only used the tenets of liberal tradition, but had to give way in order to remain active even at the time when it had greater support.
1 This text has already been published in Forun Historiae Iuris, available in: https://forhistiur.de/media/zeitschrift/Nunes_-_1-fo_YiMiB9W.pdf.
2A complete synthesis about the conceptions in that period, also included the comparative prospective, can be found in Antonio Bento de Faria, Código Penal brasileiro (comentado): noções gerais, interpretação da lei penal, extradição (Decreto-Lei n. 2.848, de 7 de dezembro de 1940) vol 5 (2nd edn Record 1958) 87-8. He was also a Brazilian Supreme Court's Justice.
3Emanuele Carnevale, 'Linee unitarie dell'azione internazionale contro il delitto' (1933) 4 Rivista penale, 873.
4However, that's not means the Italian doctrine don't wish a specific regulamentation about this: 'Il codice penale attualmente in Italia segna, anche in linea di estradizione, um grande progresso sulle legislazioni che lo hanno preceduto [...] Queste poche statuizioni non bastano evidentemente a regolare una materia che presenta casi molteplici, e questioni oltremodo difficili. Cosicchè, quando si tratta di concedere una estradizione, bisogna necessariamente ricorrere al trattato che lega nostro governo allo Stato richiedente e qualora il trattato manchi o taccia, l'autorità giudiziaria nel prendere la sua deliberazione non è vincolata da alcuna norma positiva' Costantino Castori, 'Necessità di una legge speciale che regoli la estradizione' in Per onoranza di Francesco Carrara: studi giuridici (Tipografia Editrice Alberto Marchi 1899) 19.
5Ugo Aloisi, 'Estradizione' in Mariano D'Amelio (ed), Nuovo digesto italiano vol 5 (UTET 1938) 689.
7Pietro Costa, 'Lo "Stato totalitario": un campo semantico nella giuspubblicistica del fascismo' 28 Quaderni Fiorentini per la storia de pensiero giuridico (1999) 61.
8Alfredo Rocco's brother, Italian jurist of indirizzo tecnico giuridico of Criminal Law. See Arturo Rocco, Opere giuridiche, 3 voll., Roma 1932-1933. See also Mario Sbriccoli, La penalistica civile. Teorie e ideologie del diritto penale nell'Italia unita, originariamente in Aldo Schiavone (a cura di), Stato e cultura giuridica in Italia dall'Unita` alla Repubblica, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1990, pp. 147-232.
9Eminent jurist addept of technical approach, with so many works on Criminal Law, specially your famous Trattato di diritto penale (here Torino, 1933). See also Mario Sbriccoli, Dissenso politico e diritto penale in Italia tra Otto e Novecento. Il problema dei reati politici dal 'Programma' di Carrara al 'Trattato' di Manzini, « Quaderni fiorentini per la storia del pensiero giuridico moderno », II, 1973, pp. 607-702.
10Sbriccoli (n. 5), p. 817.
11Most important Brazilian jurist of technical approach of Criminal Law. He was also a Brazilian Supreme Court's Justice. See Nélson Hungria [Hofbauer], Comentários ao código penal (here Rio de Janeiro, 1958). See also Ricardo Sontag, Código e Técnica. A reforma penal brasileira de 1940: tecnicização da legislação e atitude técnica diante da lei em Nelson Hungria (UFSC 2009).
12'9. - Entaboladas negociações, conseguiram os dois Estados, ao cabo de longos annos, chegar, afinal, a uma formula de tratado, quando, ao terminar o periodo administrativo, que precedeu o do Governo Provisório, forma suspensas as conversações a respeito [...] 11. - O Tratado em apreço é o primeiro que o Brasil celebra com um paiz não americano, e matéria de extardição, depois de promulgada a Lei n. 2.416, de 28 de Junho de 1911' Afrânio de Mello Franco, 'O tratado de extradição do Brasil com a Itália: a exposição de motivos apresentada ao Chefe do Governo Provisório pelo Sr. Dr. Afrânio de Mello Franco, Ministro da Relações Exteriores' in 33 Archivo Judiciário (1932) 13.
13'Si, par contre, comme on l'a souvent affirmé, l'extradition doit être considérée comme un acte de solidarité humaine, les restrictions que nous venons de mentionner ne se justifient nullement […] L'un en extradant, l'autre en jugeant, punissant, reclassant, ils ne font que servir une cause commune, qui est celle de la défense internationale contre le crime. Un regard sur les lois et traités existants suffit à nous convaincre que le monde actuel est encore bien loin de pouvoir tirer toutes les conséquences de ces vérités primordiales. Si nous croyons devoir rappeler, ce n'est pas pour critiquer des textes où des réserves, imposées par les circonstances, atténuant la rigueur des principes. Nous n'avons d'autre but que de mettre en lumière la difficulté de la tâche qu'assument les Conférences internationales pour l'unification du droit pénal" Henry G. J. Maas Geesteranus, 'Les résultats de la quatrième conférence internationale pour l'unification du droit pénal' in 38 La Giustizia penale (1932) 21.
14'I nuovi codici hanno disciplinato l'istituto della estradizione in conformità dei principî elaborati dalla scienza, accolti nei trattati e nelle consuetudini e sanciti dalla giurisprudenza dei paesi più civili […] L'Italia tiene il primo posto sia per le tradizioni storiche, sia per l'opera dei giuristi a cominciare dal fitto medioevo sino a Cesare Beccaria, a Pasquale Stanislao Mancini, ad Enrico Ferri, onde furono fermati i quattro cannoni fondamentali regolatori della consegna del reo' Salvatore Adinolfi, 'La estradizione ed i nuovi codici penali italiani' in 38 GP (1932) 1.
15'Il codice vigente ha, inoltre, sprezato la tradizione ed il principio del divieto dell'estradizione del cittadino. Nel proclamarlo il codice Zanardelli si metteva, in conformità dei tempi, nel solco della generale diffidenza dello Stato verso la giustizia di un Stato straniero […]' Alfredo De Marsico, Diritto penale: parte generale (Jovene 1935) 87.
19'Rilevi particolari. 1o) La estradizione deve di regola applicarsi per tutti i delitti. Le eccezioni debbono contemplarsi nelle convenzioni e nelle leggi interne, ed è preferibile che tali eccezioni si precisino non mediante il nomen iuris, ma per la quantità e la specie delle pene […] 6o) La estradizione del cittadino non è consentita se non sia concessa per convenzione. I più eminenti scrittori - da Bernard a Fauchille, da Holzendorf a Bluntschly, da Pessina a Fiore, da Garofalo a Longhi - invocavano la soppressione del divieto [di estradizione dei cittadini] in conformità del voto espresso nel congresso di Oxford […] Pertanto la nuova disposizione legislativa merita la maggiore lode' Adinolfi (n 10) 14; 'Condizioni dell'estradizione - la quale è regolata dalla legge penale italiana, dalle convenzioni, e dagli usi internazionali - sono (art. 13): … 3º) che l'estradando non sia cittadino italiano, salvo che l'estradizione non sia espressamente consentita nelle convenzioni internazionali. Qui è riprodotto il divieto del codice passato, ma non in via assoluta, come in quello, perchè si ammette che pattuizioni espresse internazionali possano intervenire. Per tal modo è agevolata la via ad eliminare, con meditata cautela, uno dei più vecchi e forti ostacoli alla ammissibilità dell'estradizione, che non dipendeva da ragioni scientifiche, ma da diffidenze politiche' Giuseppe Maggiore, Principi di diritto penale (Zanichelli 1932) 120-1.
20'Notevole anche la disposizione del nuovo Codice (art. 13, ultimo capoverso), secondo cui la estradizione del cittadino non è ammessa, salvo che essa sia espressamente consentita nelle convenzioni internazionali. L'estradizione potrà essere domandata soltanto da quegli Stati, che saranno ritenuti dallo Stato italiano idonei a giudicare con le necessarie garanzie di giustizia; né ciò esclude la possibilità di rifiutare la estradizione in casi eccezionali, essendo dal nostro diritto interno riconosciuto al Governo un potere discrezionale in tal campo, anche quando esista trattato speciale e sia stato dall'Autorità giudiziaria manifestato parere favorevole all'estradizione' Eugenio Jannitti Piromalo, Corso di diritto criminale (Colombo 1932) 68-9.
21Manzini (n. 8), p. 420-421.
22In Italy: 'Per l'art. 9 del codice abrogato il Governo del Re poteva offrire o concedere l'estradizione di un delinquente nel concorso di tre condizioni: che l'estradando non fosse cittadino italiano; che il delitto, pel quale l'estradizione fosse offerta o domandata, non costituisse un delitto politico po un altro reato a questo connesso; che dovesse precedere la deliberazione conforme dell'autorità giudiziaria del luogo, ove l'estradando si trovava. L'art. 13 ha posto nell'ultimo capoverso la prima la prima delle predette condizioni e cioè che l'estradando non sia cittadino italiano, mitigando però il divieto, nel senso che permette al Governo di estradare anche il cittadino, quando tale facoltà è espressamente consentita dalla convenzione di estradizione stipulata col paese nel quale il cittadino ha commesso il delitto. In tal modo il codice, orientandosi decisamente verso il sistema della legislazione inglese e di quella nord-americana, permette al Governo di assumere, mediante convezioni internazionali e quindi con sicurezza di piena reciprocità di diritti e di doveri da parte degli Stati contraenti un impegno di collaborazione internazionale sempre maggiore, nella lotta contro il delitto' Carlo Saltelli and Enrico Romano-Di Falco, Commento teorico-pratico del nuovo codice penale (UTET 1930) 117; in Brazil: 'Com sobejas razões tem-se impugnado, como injustificável, semelhante restrição, verdadeiro resquício do direito de asilo, incompatível de todo com os sentimentos de solidariedade internacional, cerceadora de procedimento eficaz contra os delinquentes' Galdino Siqueira, Tratado de Direito Penal: parte geral (José Konfino 1947) 216.
23'Artigo V. Não será concedida a extradição [...] 5) por delitos políticos ou conexos com tais delitos, salvo si o fato incriminado constituir principalmente infração da lei penal comum. Neste caso, concedida a extradição, a entrega ficará dependente de compromisso, por parte do Estado requerente, de que o fim ou motivo político não concorrerá para agravar a penalidade. Qualquer apreciação sobre a natureza política dos fatos cabe exclusivamente ás autoridades do Estado requerido'.
24In this way, it is interesting the Bento de Faria's opinion: 'Que se deve entender por Tribunal ou Juízo de exceção? Evidentemente, são os criados fora da organização judiciária do Estado requerente, sem caráter de estabilidade, para julgamento de determinados casos, não apresentando as garantias da boa administração da justiça, pouco importando que na sua composição entrem Juízes do quadro da magistratura regular [...] Não se devem confundir, porém, a jurisdição de exceção com juízes ou tribunais especiais, aos quais incumbe, normalmente, como integrantes da organização judiciária, o processo e julgamento de certos fatos, v.g. o Tribunal de Segurança Nacional, hoje extinto' Faria (n 1) 160-1. How we can see infra, that is not the only Author's conflict than conception and reality.
25'O estreitamento das relações fez até com que o jornal "O Globo" estampasse com grande destaque a denúncia de Maurício de Medeiros, de que haveria um cláusula secreta entre Brasil e Itália, onde o Brasil empenhava-se em expulsar sumariamente de seu próprio território, e a conselho da Itália, os italianos indicados pelo governo fascista. Na verdade, embora não haja qualquer evidência sobre a existência desta cláusula secreta, que visava a repressão política policial, o próprio tratado, firmado entre os dois países, em 28 de novembro de 1931, era visto como uma espécie de escândalo repressivo. As principais críticas recaiam sobre o Artigo IV, que previa a "extradição de seus próprios cidadãos" […] Havia muita boa vontade das autoridades italianas em relação às brasileiras. Afinal, ambas comungavam o mesmo ódio aos comunistas' Elizabeth Cancelli, De uma sociedade policiada a um Estado policial: o circuito de informações das polícias nos anos 30 (Fundação Perseu Abramo 2003) 13.
26Arno Dal Ri Jr., O Estado e seus inimigos: a repressão política na história do Direito Penal (Revan 2006).
27'Art. 113 - A Constituição assegura a brasileiros e a estrangeiros residentes no País a inviolabilidade dos direitos concernentes à liberdade, à subsistência, à segurança individual e à propriedade, nos termos seguintes: [...] 31) Não será concedida a Estado estrangeiro extradição por crime político ou de opinião, nem, em caso algum, de brasileiro'.
28'Ma la tendenza odierna dottrinale, in ogni modo, in relazione alla pratica degli Stati, sembra accertabile nel senso di una dichiarazione delle eccezioni all'eccezione, non lasciando più passare sotto il manto della delinquenza politica reati che veramente non vi rientrano, onde vien meno la ragione dell'esclusione dell'estradizione' Ugo Conti, 'Estradizione e delinquenza politica' 106 RP (1927) 356.
29'Articolo 13. Estradizione. L'estradizione è regolata dalla legge penale italiana, dalle convenzioni e dagli usi internazionali. L'estradizione non è ammessa, se il fatto che forma oggetto della domanda di estradizione, non è preveduto come reato dalla legge italiana e dalla legge straniera. L'estradizione può essere conceduta od offerta, anche per reati non preveduti nelle convenzioni internazionali, purchè queste non ne facciano espresso divieto. Non è ammessa l'estradizione del cittadino, salvo che sia espressamente consentita nelle convenzioni internazionali'.
30'I codici precedenti che la proibivano si ispiravano ad una ideologia che il nostro Regime ha sorpassata e secondo la quale il delitto politico era considerato una violazione di una norma attuale, e, ad un tempo, preparazione di un diritto futuro […] Anche le situazioni ideali, voi vedete, ed una di questa era lo stato della coscienza giuridica verso il delitto politico, non rimangono com quelle storiche' De Marsico (n 11) 84; 'Nel nostro diritto interno non esiste divieto di estradizione per i delitti politici, come, invece, era sancito nell'art. 9 dell'abrogato codice. I trattati e le convenzioni possono contenere, e in effetti, contengono, limitazioni, in proposito' Remo Pannain, Manuale di diritto penale (La Corte di Assise 1942) 138; 'Non vi è alcun limite oltre quello indicato, circa la natura del fatto oggetto della richiesta di estradizione: quindi è possibile l'estradizione anche per reati politici. L'innovazione della legge italiana è conseguente alla nozione adottata del delitto politico in dipendenza di quella sullo Stato. Le difficoltà di attuazione della norma dati i trattati che diversamente stabilivano secondo le precedenti dottrine, non ne diminuiscono certo l'alto significato di affermazione di un principio d'ordine civile, per cui non è possibile ritenere che uno Stato costituisca asilo contro i sovvertitori di altro Stato e per cui si possa ritenere in via generale meno pericolosa delinquenza quella così detta politica, senza nessun esame della personalità del reo, unico criterio che in materia possa indirizzare a una equità di giudizio. Onde è che la nostra legge deve attuarsi anche contro il criminale politico con tutti i mezzi di difesa individualizzata secondo i principi di questo codice' Mario Manfredini, Manuale di diritto penale (Athaeneum 1931) 26; 'Non è stata riprodotta l'altra condizione del codice passato, cioè il divieto di estradizione per delitto politico o con questo connesso e che occorra una previa deliberazione dell'autorità giudiziaria del luogo dove l'estradando si trova. La nuova valutazione che il nuovo codice fa del delitto politico, a differenza delle altre legislazioni a tipo individualista, lo porta a considerare questo delitto con maggiore rigore e perciò ad escludere ogni forma di favore' Maggiore (n 15) 120-121.
31'La condizione che non si tratti di reati politici o di reati che a questi siano connessi, era incompatibile con la concezione fascista dello Stato, secondo la quale, nel conflitto fra interessi dello Stato e interessi del cittadino, quelli dello Stato debbono in ogni caso prevalere. In conseguenza, il divieto di estradizione per reati politici non è stato riprodotto nell'articolo in esame. Come a suo tempo abbiamo visto, la nuova legislazione penale italiana ha affermato risolutamente il suo disfavore per il delitto politico o per il delitto comune commesso anche soltanto in parte per motivi politici, e quindi era inammissibile per il delitto politico qualsiasi norme di favore, come quella dell'art. 9 del codice abrogato' Saltelli and Di Falco (n 18) 118; And another ones: 'Il codice penale abrogato (art. 9, primo capoverso), non ammetteva la estradizione del straniero per delitti politici, né per reati che a questi fossero connessi […] Il nuovo Codice repudia qualunque limitazione al riguardo, coerentemente alla severa concezione del delitto politico da esso accolta. La Relazione Ministeriale sul Progetto definitivo pone giustamente in rilievo la contraddizione flagrante delle consuete convenzioni di estradizioni, in cui il maggiore impegno è promesso per quanto riguarda l'assistenza giudiziaria internazionale in ordine ai delitti comuni' Jannitti Piromalo (n 16) 68-9; 'L'estradizione può essere in linea generale conceduta ed offerta anche per reati politici (art. 8), nessun divieto essendovi al riguardo nella legge penale italiana; ma se le convenzioni internazionali ne facciano espresso divieto, l'estradizione non è ammissibile. In tal caso, nella determinazione di reato politico si deve aver riguardo alla nozione che ne dà la legge italiana' Nino Levi, 'Titoli primo, secondo e terzo del libro primo', in Ugo Conti (ed), Il codice penale illustrato articolo per articolo, vol 1 (1934) 140-1.
32Siqueira (n 18) 219; Eduardo Espínola Filho, Código de processo penal brasileiro anotado. Vol 1 (first published 1954, Bookseller 2000) 193.
33In verbis: 'Pela inovação (que talvez mais exatamente possa se qualificar de verdadeira revolução a respeito dos principias unanimemente professados no passado), que realizou o Código Penal em vigor, parece termos chegados ao ponto terminal do ciclo de exceções, cuja evolução traçamos através das legislações dos vários países. O art. 13 não reproduz a proibição relativa aos crimes políticos, que se encontrava no art. 9 do Código revogado' Aloisi (n 4) 696 - the translation of the Brazilian author is faithful.
34'A questa premessa è da aggiungere un'altra, quella cioè che anche in materia di estradizioni noi siamo vincolati dall'art. 8 dello stesso c. p., il quale dispone che "agli effetti della legge penale" è delitto politico ogni delitto che offende un interesse politico dello Stato, ovvero un diritto politico del cittadino; ed è considerato come delitto politico il delitto comune determinato, in tutto o in parte, da motivi politici. Il contratto, evidentemente esistente fra la nostra legislazione interna e le convenzioni internazionali, porta alla strana conseguenza: che disposizioni, come quelle ora riferite dell'art. 8, le quali secondo lo spirito dei nuovi tempi, furono dettate per irrogare ai delinquenti politici un trattamento penale di maggiore asprezza rispetto ai delinquenti comuni, possono tradursi, nella realtà, in altrettanti coefficienti di attenuazione' Ibid 697.
35Legge 25 novembre 1926, n. 2008. Provvedimenti per la difesa dello Stato (pubblicata nella Gazzetta ufficiale n. 281 del 6 dicembre 1926): 'Art. 7 [...] Nei procedimenti pei delitti preveduti dalla presente legge si applicano le norme del codice penale per l'esercito sulla procedura penale in tempo di guerra. tutte le facoltà spettanti, ai termini del detto codice, al comandante in capo, sono conferite al ministro per la guerra. Le sentenze del tribunale speciale non sono suscettibili di ricorso, né di alcun altro mezzo di impugnativa, salva la revisione. I procedimenti pei delitti preveduti dalla presente legge, in corso al giorno della sua attuazione, sono devoluti, nello stato in cui si trovano, alla cognizione del tribunale speciale, di cui alla prima parte del presente articolo'.
36'Articolo 8. Delitto politico commesso all'estero. Il cittadino o lo straniero, che commette in territorio estero un delitto politico non compreso tra quelli indicati nel n. 1 dell'articolo precedente, è punito secondo la legge italiana, a richiesta del Ministro della giustizia. Se si tratta di delitto punibile a querela della persona offesa, occorre, oltre tale richiesta, anche la querela. Agli effetti della legge penale, è delitto politico ogni delitto, che offende un interesse politico dello Stato, ovvero un diritto politico del cittadino. È altresì considerato delitto politico il delitto comune determinato, in tutto o in parte, da motivi politici'.
37'Con ciò non si esclude che anche in altri reati possa esservi siffatta offesa e quindi il carattere politico obiettivo. Non sembra che questa nozione sia conveniente, almeno per ciò che concerne l'estradizione, perchè è manifesto che un fatto delittuoso, ancorchè attentante ad ordinamenti politici, può essere mezzo per conseguire un scopo meramente individuale, che con la politica nulla ha da fare. In secondo luogo "sono considerati" politici (soggettivamente politici) i delitti comuni "determinati, in tutto o in parte, da motivi politici". Qui i possibili inconvenienti sono ancora maggiori, sempre con riguardo all'estradizione, perchè basta il concorso di un qualunque motivo politico per qualificare come politico un reato che è in sè stesso comune, dando così motivo agli Stati di negarci l'estradizione' Manzini (n 17) 425.
39'Verifica-se do exposto que o Tratado de Extradição com a Itália, ainda no que se refere aos crimes políticos, seguiu a nossa lei, o direito convencional em que o Brasil é parte e antigas tradições nossas na prática do instituto' Franco (n 8) 32.
40'È inutile dire che la omissione intenzionale dell'art. 13 fece apparire il legislatore del 1930 come inovatore e, quasi, rivoluzionario. Ma la fretta di questa deduzione è evidente. Anche nel vigore del c.p. 1889 un trattato Internazionale avrebbe potuto obligare l'Italia ad estradarre per i delitti politici, non potento il codice penale, che è una semplice legge, sopprimere tale possibilità. Lo stesso deve dirsi per il c.p. 1930, mutatis mutandis [...] L'art 13 era dunque tutt'al più una manifestazione implicita di intenzione con riguardo ad eventuali trattative diplomatiche e niente altro di questo; ma come manifestazone di intenzione doveva considerarsi deplacé. In ogni modo la prassi diplomatica dello Stato italiano successiva al c.p. 1930, confermò pienamente il principio della non estradabilità per i reati politici come dimostrano le Convenzioni con [...] il Brasile del 28 novembre 1931 (art. 5)' Rolando Quadri, 'Estradizione: diritto Internazionale' in Enciclopedia del diritto (Giuffrè 1967) 38.
41'Reati connessi a reati politici. - Questi reati non sono presi in considerazione del vigente codice penale (e però non sono considerati reati politici), bensì invece dalla maggior parte delle convenzioni d'estradizione, che li equiparano, date certe condizioni, ai reati politici. Le convenzioni italo-brasiliana del 1931 […] ad es., escludono dall'estradizione i reati connessi a reati politici, "salvo che il fatto costituisca principalmente un reato comune", lasciando alle Autorità dello Stato richiesto ogni apprezzamento in proposito. Si è così stabilito un criterio di prevalenza assai vago e indeterminato' Manzini (n 17) 427.
42'Pouco importa que essas formas de delinqüência (anarquismo, niilismo, comunismo, socialismo ou as que lhes sejam equiparáveis com outras denominações), resultem do desenvolvimento de um programa qualificado como - político […] Sendo tais criminosos universalmente perigosos, daí resulta para os Estados o dever de direito internacional - da prestação da maior assistência recíproca em persegui-los' Faria (n 1) 137.
43'É certo que certa nação européia adota princípios subversivos das instituições sociais, como a abolição completa do direito de propriedade. Nem por isso, nos países como o nosso, a propagação de tal credo há de perder o aspecto de atentado contra a sociedade' Ibid 137-8.
44'Entra così nell'ordinamento, frutto quasi di una ineluttabile fisiologia, un duplice livello di legalità [...] Il dualismo nelle regole e nelle pratiche repressive che si viene affermando non riguarda, peraltro, la sola tutela dell'ordine pubblico: non si tratta soltanto di giurisdizione contro amministrazione, di codice penale contro legge di pubblica sicurezza, di giudici da un lato (che amministrano il diritto) e polizia dall'altro (che tutela l'ordine e la sicurezza). Il duplice livello di legalità discerne i "galantuomini" dai "birbanti" destinandoli a differenti filières punitive, fa prevalere l'opportunità politica sulla regola giuridica, lo scopo sul diritto' in Mario Sbriccoli, 'Caratteri originari e tratti permanenti del sistema penale italiano (1860-1990)' in Luciano Violante (ed), Storia d'Italia: legge, diritto, giustizia - Annali 14 (Einaudi 1998) 139-141.
45Nélson Hungria, 'A lei de segurança' (1935) September Revista dos Tribunais 318.
46Nélson Hungria, 'A evolução do Direito Penal brasileiro' (1943) July Revista Forense.
47'Ingenuo, un tempo io credetti che la politica dei liberi reggimenti non fosse la politica dei despoti: ma le novelle esperienze mi hanno pur troppo mostrato che sempre e dovunque quando la politica entra dalla porta del tempio, la giustizia fugge impaurita dalla finestra per tornarsene al cielo' Francesco Carrara, Programma del corso di diritto criminale ,Vol 7.(Fratelli Cammelli, 6th edn 1898) 674-5.
48'Una caratteristica permanente dell'esperienza penalistica italiana sta dunque nella durevole centralità delle questioni penali nelle diverse fasi della vita politica del Paese. Ad essa si correla un tratto distintivo che riguarda la vocazione, per così dire, della scienza e della cultura giuridica penali, impegnate con un loro spirito peculiare, storicamente caratterizzato, intorno alle ragioni ed ai modi del proibire, del prevenire, del giudicare e del punire. Si tratta di quella specifica attitudine dei penalisti italiani [...] che ho gia` avuto modo di designare come penalistica civile' Sbriccoli (n 41) 145.
49'Haja vista a nossa recente lei de segurança - dec. N. 38, de 4 de Abril de 1935 - que, na defesa da ordem político-social entre nós dominante, não faz descrime algum entre os brutaes discípulos de Bacunine e o "olho de Moscou" ou o mystico sigma do integralismo indígena [...] Deixemos, porém, de lado o aspecto reaccionario do decreto numero 38, apadrinado, aliás, pela Constituição de 16 de julho, para o apreciarmos como parte integrante do nosso direito constituído, que é o que é, e não o que devia ser' Hungria (n 41) 312.
50Although the Vargas Era (1935-1945) these are not political crimes more often, because the difficulty of the legal framework and perpetration, compared with the propaganda crimes and associative ones, cfr. Diego Nunes, O percurso dos crimes políticos durante a Era Vargas (1935-1945): do Direito Penal político italiano ao Direito da Segurança Nacional brasileiro (UFSC 2010) 150-184. However, they are the most serious crimes because once accomplished would change the political order would cause a revolution, and the accused would not be criminals, but victorious.
51The first National Security Act (Lei n. 38/1935) concepts came as complements to the crime of subversive propaganda in Article 22, but ended up becoming general: 'Art. 22. Não será tolerada a propaganda de guerra ou de processos violentes para subverter a ordem politica ou social (Const., art. 113, n. 9). § 1º A ordem política, a que se refere este artigo, é a que resulta da independencia, soberania e integridade territorial da União, bem como da organização e actividade dos poderes politicos, estabelecidas na Constituição da Republica, nas dos Estados e nas leis organicas respectivas. § 2º A ordem social é a estabelecida pela Constituição e pelas leis relativamente aos direitos e garantias individuaes e sua protecção civil e penal; ao regimen jurídico da propriedade, da família e do trabalho; á organização e funccionamento dos serviços publicos e de utilidade geral; aos direitos e deveres das pessoas de direito publico para com os individuos e reciprocamente'. The concept remains virtually unchanged in Decreto-Lei n. 431/1938: 'Art. 1º Serão punidos na forma desta lei os crimes contra a personalidade internacional do Estado; a ordem política, assim entendidos os praticados contra a estrutura e a segurança do Estado, e a ordem social, como tal considerada a estabelecida pela Constituição e pelas leis relativamente aos direitos e garantias individuais e sua proteção civil e penal, ao regime jurídico da propriedade, da família e do trabalho, à organização e ao funcionamento dos serviços públicos e de utilidade geral, aos direitos e deveres das pessoas de direito público para com os indivíduos, e reciprocamente'.
52'Per il vigente codice penale i delitti anarchici, o terroristici in genere, sono indubbiamente delitti politici. Qualche convenzione, peraltro, li esclude dal novero dei delitti politici, agli effetti dell'estradizione' Manzini (n 17) 432.
E-mail: diegonunes@ufu.br Endereço profissional: Campus Universitário Reitor João David Ferreira Lima, s/n., Trindade, Florianópolis, SC. CEP: 88040-900.
Diego Nunes é Professor Adjunto I no Departamento de Direito e no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito do Centro de Ciências Jurídicas da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. Foi Professor Adjunto II na área de Fundamentos do Direito na Faculdade de Direito "Professor Jacy de Assis" da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia. Doutor em História do Direito pela Università degli Studi di Macerata (Itália). Mestre em Teoria, Filosofia e História do Direito pela Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, possui graduação em Direito também pela Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina.


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Unite ULRs from Grimbsy win award for supporting disadvantaged learners
Sue Kinnaird and Danuta Smoliniec are Union Learning Reps (ULRs) with Unite the Union at Seachill in Grimsby and have been presented the unionlearn ULR of the Year Award for Supporting Disadvantaged Learners at July's unionlearn Annual Conference at TUC Congress House in London.
Unite ULR Sue Kinnaird collects award from Frances O'Grady and Anne Milton MP @JessHurd
TUC General Secretary Frances O'Grady and Skills Minister Anne Milton MP presented Sue the award, who collected it on behalf of herself and Danuta, at the annual gathering of learning reps, union officers and education providers.
Sue said:
I'm so proud that I've won this award for supporting disadvantaged learners, and I know my work colleague Dana is really proud as well."
Thirty percent of the workforce are Eastern European, and we've also got English speakers who need our help with dyslexia. So we've put together, with Unite the Union, an ESOL course that will get them through health and safety, first aid and the skills they need outside the factory."
One of Sue and Danuta's proudest achievement as ULRs was when a student who had previously failed her Food Hygiene Level 2, due to her lack of English skills, came back to thank them for their support. She had passed the qualification following the completion of the ESOL course, which enabled her to apply for a different position within the company.
That's when they knew what they were doing was having a positive impact on their colleagues and making a real difference to the individuals they support and their day to day lives.
Sue and Danuta have worked closely together to overcome not only the barriers of their learners, but also their own barriers. Sue is a self-confessed technophobe, who has a genuine fear of computers and Danuta's first language is Polish, but together they have been able to overcome these barriers, and support each other, to deliver an ESOL program to both the members and non-members within their workplace - making a real difference to their day to day lives.
Sue and Danuta, along with their Union Learning Organiser, have worked closely with Seachill to identify individuals that would benefit most from ESOL classes. They even managed to secure paid release for learners to attend outside of the individual's core hours. This was done by the negotiating and signing of a learning agreement, as this was identified as a key barrier to learning.
Some of the individuals identified were unable to pass their basic food hygiene and health and safety training and were at risk of losing their jobs and were referred to Sue and Danuta to complete initial assessments.
Upon completion of initial assessments, some individuals were identified as pre-entry level. This meant Sue and Danuta had to develop their own materials that were relevant to the business and the needs of the individuals, as the materials they were originally using were aimed at a higher level. Working with the companies training department resources and materials were developed, to incorporate key words, instructions, signs and common place objects. These materials were used to complement the Learn with Unite ESOL program which is designed to start at Entry Level 1, working through to Entry Level 3 and then onto English Skills Level 1.
With a high level of underrepresented migrant, low paid workers within the factory, the main priority was to raise the basic level of training/skills within the workforce, but even though there was a lack of funding in the local area for ESOL, the company agreed to support and fund the courses for non-union members, as well as allowing paid release.
Gill Pearson, Regional Learning Manger with Unite NEYH said:
Sue and Danuta have worked tirelessly to put training plans into place and work with the company to ensure these are delivered, in line with other company training. Due to this commitment from the company and the ULRs, individuals have now progressed from pre-entry level and are working through the ESOL program, as well passing their Food Hygiene and Health and Safety training at Level 2".
Moving forward there is a plan to engage with the local college to support and encourage the ESOL learners through English qualifications up to and including Level 2 as well as maths and ICT, as well as anyone else who wishes to access learning.
Chris Muscroft, NEYH Regional Learning Organiser with Unite, said:
Myself and Unite are really proud of Sue and Dana in winning the award. We have a positive relationship with Seachill that is based around the Learning Agreement which allows Sue and Dana to support workers."
Katie George, HR Seachill said:
Sue and Dana are doing a great job in the training they are providing to all our employees, not just our Unite members, but it open to everybody who works here."
Gill said:
Both Sue and Danuta became Union Learning Representatives to offer support and opportunities to their work colleagues, with a view to making a difference in their everyday lives, both in and out of work.
They have both worked tirelessly, in a proactive and constructive manner with their employer, to ensure that they can deliver what they set out to and offer the best opportunities possible to the workforce. Well done in winning this ULR of the Year award!"
Unionlearn Director, Kevin Rowan, said:
The unionlearn Annual Conference celebrates workplace learning and the role of unions in supporting members across the country. Union Learning Reps are vital in promoting learning and skills development, which not only helps workers, but also employers – and the award recognises all their hard work."
Sue and Dana have done a fantastic job supporting disadvantaged learners at the Seachill factory in Grimsby, and organising ESOL classes for staff. Unionlearn is very pleased to present them with the 2018 ULR Award for Supporting Disadvantaged Learners."
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Category: Planet of the Apes
Posted on July 15, 2014 December 8, 2017
"After a wonderful quick vacation getaway to Chicago, I returned to my usual movie theater for the latest Apes installment. I actually had a chance to see this while I was away, but the exhausting events of the day didn't make me optimistic about being awake and alert. Also, I had to come back to pick up the ""Hakuna Matata"" shirt I'd forgotten the last time I was there from the Lost and Found. So I rewatched Begin Again (since I correctly guessed my buddy would absolutely love it) and returned home for Apes. It was a solid plan.
Solid movie too. We pick up exactly where we left off with Rise. The end credits virus sequence opens the film with a bit of an upgrade. More detail and insight into the devastation of the world and a peek further down the timeline. Then we jump ahead about a decade. While the human world is now desolate, the apes have thrived. They live a blissful and peaceful life that is threatened when the surviving humans find them.
There was one thing that stood out to me as truly incredible. Caesar is a wonderfully complex character, among the best we've seen on screen in recent years at least. I'm not even qualifying that with ""for an animal"" or ""for a CGI"" charcater. I mean at all. Certainly more than any character you'll find in a summer blockbuster. Andy Serkis breathes such life into him with a technology that is so advanced that you don't think of him as an ape, but as a fully fleshed out being. The internal conflict, the pressures of leadership, the familial obligations, everything is there. I'd say that other summer films wish they could hit that level, but the truth is few even bother trying.
The main theme seemed to be the duality of man. And of ape for that matter. You can't classify all men as purely good or purely evil. One person with bad intentions can offset the balance and destroy everything. The apes learned this and the humans learned this.
All that weight PLUS the suspense you'd expect from a popcorn film. My heart was nervously pounding in my chest, particularly thru the last act. I didn't always know where the story was going to go and that excited and even scared me. I've become jaded by predictable action sequences, but these were stunning. Sure, my general love of primates may have had something to do with that, but it felt like each shot was carefully thought out and not just thrown together to look cool.
We're certainly progressing the prequel story in a very consistent manner that's exciting to follow. While I know where things will ultimately end up in the far far future, I can't wait to see the next few steps in getting there
Dawn of the Planet of the Apes – \m/ \m/ \m/ \m/
Posted on July 6, 2014 December 8, 2017
"This was the first of the Apes films I'd ever seen. I'd actually blogged it before. I hit most of the general details of the film then, so no need to rehash. What I was missing at the time was the context with the rest of the franchise. I think I actually hadn't missed too much.
Okay so it's not so much the whole rest of the franchise. Except for the nod to revolutionary Caesar in the later films, the continuity really only goes thru the first two movies in the future. It doesn't so much fit in with what happened when the chimps came back to present earth. That said, I was really impressed with the film as an individual piece of cinema when I first saw it, and I'm equally impressed with how it fits into the mythology.
The film establishes where the intellegence came from that led to the apes evolution, and it also deals with what wiped out much of the human population. That whole transition is pretty seamless. I remember that I had expected the ape revolution to be the human killer. The virus thing during the credits was a genius curveball. I'm really excited to see where that goes in the next installment.
As far as references, I'd caught the obvious dialog one before. There were a few more lines (strangely also given to Tom Felton) that were a bit more below the radar. And actually, in trying to find said dialog, I found that the full sequence actually gets an homage, but the lines are split up elsewhere. There was also some of the names. I knew from the way they'd referred to Bright Eyes that name must have had some significance. Now I understand. There was also a ""Cornelia"" thrown in there quickly.
Well, it'll be a few days until I can complete this project with the prequel sequel. Until then, how about a fun clip of Andy Serkis."
"This remake/reimagining/reboot doesn't have the best reputation. I can sorta see why. I'm just having trouble getting into it.
This isn't so much a remake in that it has very little in common with the original. There's a planet filled with apes. That's about it. Well okay, the (d)evolution is still there. Sort of. We're not on future earth. Pretty much everything else is different.
Mark Wahlberg is Leo, and airman and astronaut. He flies his spaceship into some unknown space anomaly and finds himself on the planet of the apes. In one of the few sequences that does sort of mimic the original, he's rounded up with wild humans and taken to the ape civilization. Instead of it being all about him trying to save himself, he tries to become the human messiah, saving all of them from the apes. Oh yeah, the humans can talk this time.
Like I'd complained with the sequels, all the weight is gone from this one. The way the storyline is playing out, we're completely losing the ethical dilemas, or at least dampening them. It's just a thin story that's set up to give us a lot of action. Basically it's like Tim Burton (director) is a little kid playing with the action figures from his favorite movie. It's a little watered down, but you can tell he at least had fun, even if no one else watching would enjoy it.
There are a few positives. I really like the twist with what happened to Leo's home spaceship and where the apes evolved from. We've also got a good cast of apes in some fantastic makeup: Tim Roth, Helena Bonham Carter, Michael Clarke Duncan, Paul Giamatti. All unrecognizable except for their unmistakable voices (especially the latter two). Oh and it does get points for their rework of the original's most famous line
But when it comes down to it, basically this movie has no reason to exist. Well other than that's what introduced Helena Bonham Carter to Tim Burton, who went on to form a fabulous partnership in life and film."
Battle for the Planet of the Apes
"Last of the originals. I gotta admit, I'm not really paying much attention to this one.
So the ape slaves have been freed and are now off educating themselves and developing their own society. We meet the people who will eventually become the nuclear guardian people things (I think). We see some groups of the apes start to become more violent and agitated. This is really where the societies break down into the base forms that we discovered originally.
It occurred to me that it seems strange to watch these last three films when the ultimate conclusion came in the second one. I mean, I guess that's the point of a prequel, but it's still a bit odd when the final conclusion is complete annihilation of the planet."
Conquest of the Planet of the Apes
"I'm loving how different each sequel has been. Most franchises suffer from sequel fatigue. The next one mirrors the first too closely, doesn't add anything to the story, and the audience gets bored. With Apes, each one is very different, but always the next logically progression of the story. We land on the ape planet and then find out what it is. Someone else follows our pioneer and then the planet is destroyed. Apes escape and return to our world where they're misunderstood and killed. Now their hidden child has grown up in a world that treats apes as slaves and he leads a revolution.
I hadn't realized until I saw the end credits role that Roddy MacDowall was back, but this time playing Caesar, son of Cornelius. Hard to tell under all that makeup, which has also improved with each film. At the end of the previous film, when we thought we saw Zira sacrifice her child, she had actually switched him beforehand with a baby chimp at the circus. The baby grows up while the rest of the planet slowly starts to adopt non-evolved apes as servants. Once Caesar ends up among them, we know an ape of his intelligence is not gonna stand for that for long.
I wasn't following this as closely, but I still appreciate where the story went. None of these follow ups have had the same impact as the original, but I haven't lost interest yet. Really excited to see it all come together with the prequel, although it's already becoming apparent that the prequels ignore the sequels"
Escape from Planet of the Apes
"Charleton Heston was so set on there not being anymore sequels, he was the one who suggested that Beneath end with Taylor detonating the nuke. Entire Earth go boom. Problem solved. He didn't count on our two most beloved apes, Zira and Cornelius, sneaking onto a spaceship with (with third, Dr Milo) and finding their way back to their past/our present earth.
Ignore the bad science for getting them there, and you've got a pretty brilliant continuation of the story. Now the tables are turned. The apes are the misunderstood creatures being studied. Yet their welcome once their intelligence is discovered proves to be quite different from Taylor's. For a time at least.
I'm kinda loving this one. Zira and Cornelius are wonderful characters, so I am more than happy to follow them around. I love how fun and quirky they are (""Does the other one speak?"" ""Only when she lets me!""). By this point in the franchise, Roddy MacDowall and Kim Hunter have learned how to be incredibly expressive behind their thick makeup. Absolutely sympathetic characters, and I thoroughly enjoyed following their earthly adventures, as grim a turn as they may have taken."
Posted on June 30, 2014 December 8, 2017
Beneath the Planet of the Apes
"And we pick up exactly where we left off. Actually, more like 5-10 min before where we left off. Instead of a quick recap voiceover montage, we get the last few min of Planet replayed at the beginning. Just in case you forgot what happened. One last altercation with the Apes then Taylor and Nova ride off into the sunset to discover exactly where they are.
We soon pick up with Taylor look alike, Brent. He lands on this same future earth chasing after Taylor in hopes of rescuing him. He finds Nova, who was separated from Taylor when he found a mysterious fire and chasm. Brent and Nova find their way back to Zira in the ape city. Stuff happens and they end up hiding underground. Underground they find a telepathic race of humans with a nuke they've been holding onto (and worshipping) just in case they need it.
I like the Brent/Taylor/Nova storyline, as far as the path taken for them to find each other. I'm just not sold on the whole telepathic humans thing. This was certainly more of your typical scifi type of story, and it makes me sad that they left out most of the weight from the first one. The first was brilliant because of the evolution allegory (is that the right word?). Now I'm a bit leery of the next films in the series, but at least I know there's light at the end of the tunnel in the form of a kick ass prequel. I'm still excited to have more of the context for that."
"This is sort of a spontaneous mini project. I'd had this movie on my watch list for ages, but never put much effort into acquiring it. With the new installment coming out later this summer, there's a new BluRay collection of the original set of films that included movie cash for the new one. I figured why not. I'd watch the first one, and if I liked it, then I'd watch the next one and so on. I could stop at any time. What I didn't expect was how much I absolutely loved the first one. I need to know what happens next and get a better understanding of how it all fits together with the prequels. Seeing as how I'm just wrapping up the first round of the movie wall initiative, now's a good time for a mini project. I'm hoping I can get thru these all in the next two weeks.
My perception of this film was always ""old scifi"". Outdated effects and small plot with over the top actors. I didn't expect it to be so deep and layered. The initial suspense was pretty cool, but where I was sold was once we started meeting the apes and learning their culture. The parallels with debates still on going today about evolution and science vs religion, I was just not expecting them to go there. I'm surprised that this film doesn't have a reputation for being controversial because of all that. I suppose that in the day before internet debates you could get away with things. Now, I'm sure trolls would rip it apart.
I'm of two minds about knowing the big twist at the end. It's on the list of best know spoilers. Hell, it's included on one of my fave tshirts in a big collage of movie spoilers. On the one hand, it makes the debates and arguments a little more intense (and frustrating for Taylor) knowing how wrong these apes got it. On the other, I can't even imagine the impact that reveal would have had on the audiences back in the day. It must have been mind blowing.
So great to see Charleton Heston deliver his iconic lines and get the full context of it. I hadn't realized that there were devolved humans on the planet too, and I was absolutely captivated by Linda Harrison's Nova. Such expressive looks, all in the eyes. I'm happy to see she continues in the series and am very excited to see her storyline play out.
Oh man, I'm so jazzed about this now!"


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One of the most overrated fragrances I have recently used is from this brand…wait before I get to that. Over the Christmas holidays, I decided to capitalize on Nordstrom gifting by purchasing some products as gifts and for myself as well. They had quite an assortment of bundled products in cute holiday packaging that made gift giving easier. I always wanted to try Jo Malone London's fragrances since I have seen a lot of great reviews from fellow bloggers about their perfumes. The Christmas Cracker Collection which consisted of 3 different miniature products. A cologne, a hand, and body wash and a body creme so I decided to go with that one. Ideally, it is a good size if you just want to test the products before buying the full sizes. At the time, the product scored a 4-star rating so I thought that was good enough.
My favourite fragrances are usually fruity or mild scents like blackberry, cinnamon, vanilla or lavender. However, each product in this set was the opposite. Not only is the cologne really strong and distinct but it has a smell I can't explain. But if I had to describe it I'll say that it smells like "cedar wood". Also, it does not smell feminine to me and seems better suited for a man. Whenever I am buying something I always read the reviews. So my purchasing decisions are heavily dependent on them whether good or bad. Why didn't any of the feedback suggest that this is for men or even spoke about the strong scent of this perfume?
Perhaps I got carried away by the beautiful photographs and flatlays on Instagram and expected way more. Or, do people not buy products they enjoy anymore but rather buy because of the hype? I hope it is not the latter. So I ask myself what the rave is about for this brand? Maybe I was misled by popularity and needed to make a more informed decision before committing to purchase. Buying a perfume should not require over-thinking right? Probably I chose the wrong product and there may be others that are great. At least I would like to believe so because honestly, I would like to give this brand another chance. But at the same time, I do not want to have a repeat of this situation. Jo Malone London products are expensive so that leaves little room for disappointment.
Have you used any of their products before and do you like them? Can you recommend a mild smelling fragrance and lotion from this brand?


text:
// Copyright (c) Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
// Licensed under the MIT License.
package com.azure.resourcemanager.network.models;

import com.azure.core.annotation.Fluent;
import com.azure.resourcemanager.resources.fluentcore.model.Attachable;
import com.azure.resourcemanager.resources.fluentcore.model.Settable;

/** A client-side representation of an HTTP load balancing probe. */
@Fluent()
public interface LoadBalancerHttpProbe extends LoadBalancerProbe {

    /** @return the HTTP request path for the HTTP probe to call to check the health status */
    String requestPath();

    /** Grouping of probe definition stages. */
    interface DefinitionStages {
        /**
         * The first stage of the probe definition.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface Blank<ParentT> extends WithRequestPath<ParentT> {
        }

        /**
         * The final stage of the probe definition.
         *
         *
At this stage, any remaining optional settings can be specified, or the probe definition can be attached
         * to the parent load balancer definition.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithAttach<ParentT>
            extends Attachable.InDefinition<ParentT>,
                WithPort<ParentT>,
                WithIntervalInSeconds<ParentT>,
                WithNumberOfProbes<ParentT> {
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the probe definition allowing to specify the HTTP request path for the probe to monitor.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithRequestPath<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the request path.
             *
             * @param requestPath the request path
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withRequestPath(String requestPath);
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the HTTP probe definition allowing to specify the probe interval.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithIntervalInSeconds<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the interval between probes, in seconds.
             *
             * @param seconds number of seconds
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withIntervalInSeconds(int seconds);
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the probe definition allowing to specify the port to monitor.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithPort<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the port number to call for health monitoring.
             *
             * @param port a port number
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withPort(int port);
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the HTTP probe definition allowing to specify the number of unsuccessful probes before failure
         * is determined.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithNumberOfProbes<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the number of unsuccessful probes before failure is determined.
             *
             * @param probes number of probes
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withNumberOfProbes(int probes);
        }
    }

    /**
     * The entirety of a probe definition.
     *
     * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
     */
    interface Definition<ParentT>
        extends DefinitionStages.Blank<ParentT>,
            DefinitionStages.WithAttach<ParentT>,
            DefinitionStages.WithRequestPath<ParentT> {
    }

    /** Grouping of probe update stages. */
    interface UpdateStages {
        /** The stage of the HTTP probe update allowing to modify the port number to monitor. */
        interface WithPort {
            /**
             * Specifies the port number to call for health monitoring.
             *
             * @param port a port number
             * @return the next stage of the update
             */
            Update withPort(int port);
        }

        /** The stage of the HTTP probe update allowing to modify the probe interval. */
        interface WithIntervalInSeconds {
            /**
             * Specifies the interval between probes, in seconds.
             *
             * @param seconds number of seconds
             * @return the next stage of the update
             */
            Update withIntervalInSeconds(int seconds);
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the HTTP probe update allowing to modify the number of unsuccessful probes before failure is
         * determined.
         */
        interface WithNumberOfProbes {
            /**
             * Specifies the number of unsuccessful probes before failure is determined.
             *
             * @param probes number of probes
             * @return the next stage of the update
             */
            Update withNumberOfProbes(int probes);
        }

        /** The stage of the HTTP probe update allowing to modify the HTTP request path for the probe to monitor. */
        interface WithRequestPath {
            /**
             * Specifies the HTTP request path for the probe to monitor.
             *
             * @param requestPath a request path
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            Update withRequestPath(String requestPath);
        }
    }

    /** The entirety of a probe update as part of a load balancer update. */
    interface Update
        extends Settable<LoadBalancer.Update>,
            UpdateStages.WithIntervalInSeconds,
            UpdateStages.WithNumberOfProbes,
            UpdateStages.WithPort,
            UpdateStages.WithRequestPath {
    }

    /** Grouping of probe definition stages applicable as part of a load balancer update. */
    interface UpdateDefinitionStages {
        /**
         * The first stage of the probe definition.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface Blank<ParentT> extends WithRequestPath<ParentT> {
        }

        /**
         * The final stage of the probe definition.
         *
         *
At this stage, any remaining optional settings can be specified, or the probe definition can be attached
         * to the parent load balancer definition.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithAttach<ParentT>
            extends Attachable.InUpdate<ParentT>,
                WithPort<ParentT>,
                WithIntervalInSeconds<ParentT>,
                WithNumberOfProbes<ParentT> {
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the probe definition allowing to specify the HTTP request path for the probe to monitor.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithRequestPath<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the HTTP request path for the probe to monitor.
             *
             * @param requestPath a request path
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withRequestPath(String requestPath);
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the HTTP probe definition allowing to specify the probe interval.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithIntervalInSeconds<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the interval between probes, in seconds.
             *
             * @param seconds number of seconds
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withIntervalInSeconds(int seconds);
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the probe definition allowing to specify the port to monitor.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithPort<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the port number to call for health monitoring.
             *
             * @param port a port number
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withPort(int port);
        }

        /**
         * The stage of the HTTP probe definition allowing to specify the number of unsuccessful probes before failure
         * is determined.
         *
         * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
         */
        interface WithNumberOfProbes<ParentT> {
            /**
             * Specifies the number of unsuccessful probes before failure is determined.
             *
             * @param probes number of probes
             * @return the next stage of the definition
             */
            WithAttach<ParentT> withNumberOfProbes(int probes);
        }
    }

    /**
     * The entirety of a probe definition as part of a load balancer update.
     *
     * @param <ParentT> the stage of the parent definition to return to after attaching this definition
     */
    interface UpdateDefinition<ParentT>
        extends UpdateDefinitionStages.Blank<ParentT>,
            UpdateDefinitionStages.WithAttach<ParentT>,
            UpdateDefinitionStages.WithRequestPath<ParentT> {
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


If you are seeking for Jaguar XK8 Coupe Tyres then you will need to look for the suitable sizes. On this model the authentic Front Tyre size is 245/50-ZR17 and the rear Tyre size is 245/50-ZR17 so before getting a tyre, make sure that it is the suitable size.
The Jaguar XK8 Coupe is a Front engined Coupe that boasts a V8 4195 ccm (254,70 cubic inches) engine with a striking 304.20 PS (222,88 kW or 298,50 HP) at 6100 revs per minute and torque figures of 420.00 Nm (42,59 kgf-m or 308,25 ft.lbs) at 4100 revs per minute which is cooled using a Liquid Cooling System.
With the Jaguar XK8 Coupe weighing around 1685 kg (3696,23 pounds) it is fundamental to have a decent braking system fitted for both performance and safety.
As standard the Jaguar XK8 Coupe has Ventilated disks, 325 mm front brakes and Ventilated disks, 305 mm rear brakes fitted.
There are quite a few second hand parts to be bought on eBay for the Jaguar XK8 Coupe. We have implemented some research and found all of the lowest auctions for you so you do not need to. If you still may not find what you are looking for then you can try utilizing the search function on the left hand side of this page.


text:
The Corner Store Variety Show
SKETCH COMEDY PODCAST
March 7, 2016 March 14, 2016 abw18
The Intros
I, probably like many of you, grew up on TV, the movies, and now the internet – all visual media. Also, I started my career as a filmmaker and also co-wrote a live sketch comedy (with Ellen Bordman, Michele Markarian, and Wendy Kincaid, by the way). When I write a new sketch, I "see" it in my head. I think visually and the characters play out in a movie in my head. The problem is, I'm not making a movie. I'm not making anything visual and as I brainstorm sketches, a lot of ideas go in the trash because they are sight gags and I don't see a good way to translate them to audio. That's not a dig against audio. In fact, what I really love about audio is the challenge of the format. When I started this whole podcast adventure, I didn't realize how much I would enjoy the constraints.
One thing I've learned in writing an audio-only show is that setting and characters have to be introduced as quickly as possible. Like thirty seconds or less quick. Your listener has to know right away where you are, who's there, and what their deal is. If not, the listener can't figure out what's going on and they literally tune out.
First, let's talk about setting the scene. In the first episode or two, Brian did the traditional old radio announcer thing and set us up with a short intro about where we were. In Angel of Death, for example, he tells us that we're in the bedroom of Sadie, an old woman lying in bed, surrounded by her family, on the verge of death. Here the narrator has established the place and generally set the scene for us. We know it's a bedroom. Dying woman. People around her. Each listener fills in the details of the room with their own imagination.
A narrator works nicely to set the scene. But I don't use a narrator anymore. I don't really remember why. Maybe I forgot to have Brian record an intro or a sketch worked fine without one and I just went with it. And, since it requires less recording time for both Brian and me (our schedules don't sync very well – there's always a sick kid or a birthday party or a giant lizard eating one of our homes), I now try to intro all the sketches without a narrator.
To establish setting, I use a combination of sound effects and character exposition. In Superhero and Supervillain Walk into a Bar, first you hear the clinking of glasses and background chitchat. Then immediately the Accelerator says, "Bartender, a drink!" Within the first few seconds, we know we're in a bar. In Pluto's Really Great Advertising Agency, we hear a phone ring. Minnie answers it, "Pluto's Really Great Advertising Agency." She tells the caller that Pluto can't come to the phone because he's in a meeting. Then we "cut" to the meeting. The purpose of that "scene" with Minnie is strictly to establish the setting. It's about fifteen seconds. If we had started the sketch already in the meeting, I would have had to write some (perhaps awkward) dialogue to explain where we were. This way, it gets done in an efficient, and hopefully entertaining, way. Pluto is such a bizarre sketch, but it was soooo much fun to record. Brian, Michele, Michael, and Ellen came of with these voices, suddenly all the characters came to life. As a writer, to experience that "click" is an incredible feeling.
Speaking of voices, something I've been working hard on is having fewer, yet more distinctive, voices. I love The Tree, but I'm probably the only one who understood it. We had, like, six different people playing nine or ten different characters. It was insane! With a visual, you can at least see and keep track of who's in the room, even if they aren't speaking. But with audio-only, if someone's not speaking for awhile, you kinda forget that they're there and, quite frankly, who they are. So now I'm writing sketches with fewer and fewer characters so it's easier for listeners to follow.
Even if there are only two people in a sketch, the audience can still get confused if the voices are of a similar pitch or tone. While Ellen and Michele don't look or sound anything alike in person, I realize how easy it is to get confused when listening to voices in the same vocal range, such as two females. So in our Antiques Roadshow parody, I originally wanted to pair a male and female for each appraisal segment. But scheduling dictated otherwise, and I'm thrilled with the results. Ellen and Michele – smart, thoughtful actresses – created characters with distinctive speaking styles and tone which makes the sketch easy to follow.
In Superhero, we also played with speaking speed not only as character trait, but also for listeners to more easily distinguish the two characters. Accelerator speaks quickly (she's The Accelerator, of course). Dumb Blonde, on the other hand, not only has this crazy caricature cartoon voice, but she also speaks much slower than Accelerator.
Hmm, I realize I don't have a good "summation" for this blog. I'm sure I'll talk about this topic more in the future because I'm slightly obsessed with it. Making sure that your audience knows where you are and who is there is vital to the success of your work. If they're confused, like I said, they'll literally tune out. Hopefully you haven't already tuned out of this blog!
Thanks for listening and enjoy the show!
comedy podcast
corner store variety show
introducing characters
women comedy
women writers
writing for audio
writing sketch comedy
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Jim Wong is the founder and CEO of Brilliant, a Chicago-based firm that specializes in search, staffing and management resources for accounting, finance, and information technology. In 2015, the company topped the Crain's Chicago Business Fast 50 list as the fastest-growing company in Chicago, and for the second time was named one of Chicago's Best and Brightest Companies to Work For by the National Association for Business Resources.
With a staff of 59, Brilliant had an annual revenue of $21.6 million in 2014 with a five-year growth of 27,147 percent, according to Crain's.
"We want the companies we work with to place a high value on the people they hire. These are the companies that we will impact the most with our services. Our mission is to make people's lives better, and we try to do that everyday," said Wong.


Office Manager - District Brewing Co.
Having opened shop in 2013 we are successfully expanding our beer selection, local reach and distribution. To help us keep up with the growth of our brewery we need a talented, passionate digital media specialist to help us stay on top of the market.
Are you a peppy, go-getter that can help us stay organized and assist our clients? We need you!
We are looking for an extroverted professional to bridge the gap between, production, sales (both on premise, and off site) and office management. You will be the first point of contact for our clients so strong interpersonal skills are especially helpful.
Other responsibilities include placing accurate and timely orders within District's operation system, communicating thoroughly with other personnel, coordinating POS orders when working inside the brewery, assisting with retail sales and front line customer service, preparing summary reports as needed for management and other duties as assigned.
District Brewing Co. is an Equal Opportunity Employer committed to workforce diversity.


Alia – Centre for Girls* and Young Women* is an intercultural recreational facility in the centre of Wrangelkiez for girls* aged from nine years and young women up to the age of 27 years in the district Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg. It has been owned by FRIEDA Frauenzentrum e.V. since 2015.


2 events found on M74 Global Explorer's timeline.
M74 Global Explorer is a 73.99 m / 242′9″ luxury motor yacht. She was built by Mondomarine in 2016. With a beam of 13.5 m and a draft of 7.3 m, she has a steel hull. This adds up to a gross tonnage of 2380 tons. She is powered by MTU engines giving her a maximum speed of 16 knots and a cruising speed of 15 knots. M74 Global Explorer's maximum range is estimated at 6500 nautical miles. The motor yacht can accommodate 16 guests in 7 cabins.


The Los Arqueros area has several developments, One is "Los Almendros"; a gated complex of townhouses, it is here you find this property for sale with very nice views.
It is a house with two floors plus basement. Access to the north side it from a very nice mooden door and leads directly to the ground floor which has a fully equipped and open kitchen, from here you have nice views to the terrace.
The living room is 35 m², has a cozy fireplace and two large sliding windows on the south facade which leads to the sunny terrace of the house.
here almost 320 days per year. The terrace overlooks the sea, nice green areas and other harmonious neighboring buildings.
en suite bathroom and direct access to a terrace which also is facing to the south.
Another bedroom has a private terrace, however on the north side.
All three bedrooms have built in wardrobes.
Access to the private garage area is communal on this private and gated property.
The garage accommodates two cars and lots of leisure equipment as bikes, etc.
used as a 2nd lounge and for entertainment.
The house is very bright and cheerful, It has cream marble floors, white doors and windows with double glazing.
Two boilers supply hot water for bathrooms and kitchen.
The house is equipped with a centralized air conditioning system individual on each floor.
This property is offered for sale in very good condition.
It is a property in a quiet area with privacy, with drive in and out from your own home. Furthermore, this complex has two swimming pools to be enjoyed and beautifully landscaped and well maintained garden areas increases the value of it all.


This week the 3rd XI were hosting Malden Wanderers at the Arctic Tundra Turney Road.
Ben Lester was skippering his first League game. The oppo were late and arrived at 12.50 pm. After having a very quick inspection of a slightly damp wicket, Ben duly lost the toss and we were batting.
Fashionably late is one thing, but turning up at 1.10pm because you cannot find the keys to you fluffy handcuffs, Knightbridge, is not an excuse!
Chudders and Faizal opened, and Chudders was looking to kick on from last week. Malden opened up with leg spin from one end and seam from the other. Faizal had obviously been practicing hard all week in front of a mirror, and looked well set from the off. Sadly Chudders played round one and got bowled by a good young leg spinner for nothing. Enter Zaki who, from the get go, quickly tucked into the bowling. At one point Zak was playing a game within a game and was clearly enjoying hitting a lovely 9 iron over long-on. We quickly accelerated to 120 odd before Faizail (44) was caught. Zaki fell for a well-played and cavalier 58 and five & six were quickly despatched by the oppo.
Ben Lester and Matt Balch put on a valuable 30 odd before Ben fell for a well fought 13. Balchy ended the innings on 52 not out.
With a rain affected game, Dulwich finished on a respectable 186 for 7 of 44 overs.
After enjoying a wonderful tea provided by John & Jackie Howard we were all set to grace the field again, in much warmer and sunnier conditions!
There was a little bit of handbags as you would expect from Knightbridge and Jez as to who was bowling into the wind. Sunil was quick to point out that, coming from Wellington NZ, this was nothing and took up the into-the-win task. He bowled beautifully picking up figures of 10 overs 2 wickets for 26 runs removing the promising young MWCC openers wickets.
Jezza bowling down wind was hitting some serious wheels and clearly enjoying good bounce and carry with 6 overs for 17 runs.
Knightbridge, clearly disgruntled at not having the new cherry, adopted a quick leg theory of bowling, which was genuinely quick and dangerous for 3rd XI cricket and scared the oppo and slip cordon alike. After managing a meaty 5 overs he was knackered again. David had to be rested at slip as a spectator for the rest of the game, dreaming of one day finally getting a girlfriend.
Zaki & Abu returning from a two year lay off bowled in tandem quite beautifully – Abu with with strong figures of 9 overs four wickets for 24 runs. Zaki picked up three wickets.
One final mention was Darren Carson, who Kept wicket superbly on 3rd XI debut and how he dealt with Abu's arm ball deserves a special note.
Malden Wanderers were bowled out for 114 of 40.4 overs, for all you stato's out there.