text:
The Star: How climate change could transform the Prairies' iconic landscapes
As the Toronto Star reports:
Western Canada's cold and short growing seasons have historically prevented farmers from planting crops like soybeans. But as temperatures have risen and growing seasonshave grown longer, the extra days between the last and first frost have given farmers a chance to grow new, potentially more lucrative, crops. In a paper in 2011, Paul Bullock, a University of Manitoba professor, analyzed rainfall and temperature data from 12 Prairie weather stations and found that warming from the 1920s to 2000 has allowed farmers to plant more crops that are traditionally grown in the warmer U.S. states….
Although the temperature data shows warming, there is also great variability each year — which means big risks for farmers.
Bullock calls it a double-edged sword.
"You can put (new crops) in the ground but you may not get anything," he said. "That is why there is interest, farmers would like to grow new crops but some people think it's still a gamble."
Most farmers can manage a reasonable middle range of conditions, Bullock said. "It is the extremes that kill you. It takes one night to drop down cold and bam, it wrecks the crop."
Faculty of Agricultural and Food Sciences, Research and International


text:
PPV: Source Code
By Andrew Klavan 11:00 AM on July 16, 2011
Source Code, starring Jake Gyllenhaal, is basically Groundhog Day refashioned into a sci-fi thriller – which, it turns out, works pretty well.
The idea is this: through an amazing technological breakthrough in modern screenwriting, an army chopper pilot gets sent back in time to a commuter train in the last eight minutes before a terrorist bomb kills everyone on board. He has to keep reliving that eight minutes until he can find out who done it.
But that's just the premise, and there are some very good surprises along the way. It's neatly plotted and imagined by writer Ben Ripley – and has a nice, tight running time of ninety minutes, exactly the right duration for something like this. Gyllenhaal does a good job radiating decency and soldierly honor. And the underused and radiantly sweet Michelle Monaghan makes it easy to believe a man could fall in love in eight minutes.
I should mention too that it's nice to see our soldiers being represented as the heroes they are. Even if Hollywood can't swallow enough of its own stupidity to make some movies showing them and the US as the good guys in the fight against Islamo-fascism, at least it's uplifting to have The Veteran return to films as a heroic character rather than a PTSD-deranged maniac. It would also be nice if some of the people who made movies slandering these guys over the last few decades would come out and say publically that they were wrong and are sorry. I'm holding my breath.
Anyway, this is ninety minutes of twisty fun. I saw it on Pay Per View. It's due for DVD release July 26th.
For media inquiries, please contact [email protected]
Andrew Klavan's newest novel is Werewolf Cop.
Read more by Andrew Klavan
[VIDEO] Busted Pfizer Exec Flips Out, Assaults James O'Keefe of Project Veritas

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
APPEARS IN Top Stories
What You Need to Know About the Hearing Protection Act
by Victoria L. Walker - Wednesday, March 1, 2017
If you're into firearms, you should be familiar with the Hearing Protection Act, maybe you already are, but if you're not – we're here to help. This proposed legislation would make it easier for gun owners to acquire suppressors by removing burdensome regulatory hurdles and eliminating the $200 tax stamp requirement.
The Hearing Protection Act is a major step in the right direction for sportsmen and firearms owners, making safer shooting more accessible. But for now, we need to understand the HPA and how we can support it in order to make it a reality.
The National Firearms Act of 1934
We need to first understand the National Firearms Act of 1934 (NFA). The NFA makes it mandatory to go through a three-step process in which the buyer completes a complicated application process and a $200 tax is imposed. Once the application is approved by ATF, the buyer may pick up their suppressor at their local dealer.
When Hiram Maxim patented his silencer there was a lack of knowledge of this new product, so it was lumped into the NFA with machine guns and other firearms used in organized crime.
Purchasing a suppressor has remained legal ever since 1934, but you had to pay dearly for it. When the NFA was passed, $200 could buy you a brand new Ford Model-T, so this exorbitant tax made it cost-prohibitive – exactly what the Federal government had intended.
Even though a $200 tax may be more manageable in 2017, it is an unnecessary expense, and the process of completing paperwork and waiting for the ATF to approve the transfer is tedious and time-consuming.
What Will the Hearing Protection Act Change?
In part, a general lack of knowledge of why suppressors are needed prompted the establishment of the National Firearm Act. The Hearing Protection Act would undo the restrictions on suppressors, treating them like other firearms.
The goal is to simply pull suppressors out of the same regulations as machine guns and grenades.
The HPA would remove the first two steps and make the Firearm Transaction Record, your typical Form 4473 background check, the only step needed to purchase a suppressor. Eliminating the long wait and the excessive tax.
Who Will the Hearing Protection Act Affect?
The HPA will impact the entire firearm industry. Passage of the bill opens up incredible new opportunities for firearm owners to easily acquire these devices for safer shooting, and gives manufacturers more incentive to produce and market suppressors.
Using a suppressor can help protect your hearing, the hearing of those around you and also reduce recoil.
Hearing loss is progressive -- once you've lost your hearing, it's gone. It is important that citizens understand how serious this safety issue is and how much it can affect your daily lives.
Chris Cox, Executive Director of NRA-ILA explained, current suppressor restrictions "don't make any sense," and that gun owners and sportsmen should be able to practice their sport with the tools necessary to do so safely. The HPA will make it easier for them to do that.
This is more than a firearm legislation -- this is common sense safety legislation. If you are interested in helping make the Hearing Protection Act become law, encourage your friends and family to reach out to their local representatives, and let your support for the HPA be known.
Don't succumb to the negativity that surrounds the bill from opponents, who despite the benefits are determined to resist its passing solely based on their political agendas. Don't spread misinformation amongst friends and colleagues, and politely correct others who may have the facts wrong. Most importantly, remain a positive example of a Second Amendment advocate, and combat negativity and petulance with grace, intelligence and maturity.
Ready to act? Contact your representatives via the NRA-ILA website!
Want to learn more about the Hearing Protection Act? Sign up below!
HPA Hearing Protection Act Suppressors National Firearms Act NRA
NRA Foundation's 2021 Winter Gun-derland Online Auction
NRA Hunter Education Online Course Now Available in Tennessee
Pennsylvania COVID Restrictions Prevent NRA's Great American Outdoor Show
NRAstore's 2020 Fall Catalog Now Available!


text:
Dorchester High School
Gibson School
Harris School
Home School for Young Ladies
Industrial School for Girls
William Endicott School
More on Schools..
Click image for more information
2 McLellan Street, Dorchester
James E. McLaughlin, Architect
William Endicott (1842-1903) served for 40 years in the Boston Schools. He was Master of the Christopher Gibson School. Born in Canton, Mass., he served in the Civil War, then he started teaching in the Christopher Gibson School in Dorchester in 1866.
What's In a Name? Names of Boston's Schools: Their Origin. Boston: School Volunteers for Boston and the Boston Public Schools, 1980.
August 2007 From: Jeffrey Forman
I was born in December of 1945 and attended the Endicott school from 1950-1955. At that time, it was K-4. For grades 5 and 6, the Endicott students went to the Sarah Greenwood which was a K-6 school. The Endicott school was a wonderful place, and I have many good memories about it. I will never forget when I was in the first grade and the entire school stood on Blue Hill Avenue to watch Dwight Eisenhower ride by in a cadillac convertible as part of his successful campaign for President.
Created: March 7, 2004 Modified: November 24, 2008


How lucky that they match our colors.
It's Feb. 29, a weird, misfit day on which anything can happen. And it seems like Gambier might be treating us to an early spring: look at these tiny purple crocuses that have been sprouting in the grass near Middle Path over the past few days (the biggest patch is right in front of Rosse). With a projected high of 64˚F today and thunderstorms in the forecast, it will definitely be a springlike (although not especially pleasant) day.


text:
Q: CALayer.opacity not animating inside CATransaction I'm trying to animate a change in the opacity of a CALayer using a CATransaction, but it isn't working:
[CATransaction begin];
[CATransaction setAnimationDuration:3];
[CATransaction setCompletionBlock:^{
    NSLog(@"ENTERING COMPLETION BLOCK");
}];
NSLog(@"BEGINNING TRANSACTION");
self.opacity = 1;
[CATransaction commit];

The opacity, which was 0 coming into this code, doesn't animate. It changes immediately, although the transaction does take 3 seconds before the completion block displays the message, "ENTERING COMPLETION BLOCK," as expected. I understand that this type of animation won't work on the main layer of a view, but that's not the case here.
In case you're wondering, I'm using a CATransaction rather than a CABasicAnimation because (1) I find the code a bit easier to read (and write), and (2) its use of completion blocks makes chaining easier to do (tho I'm not doing that here).
Is there some reason I'm not aware of that makes CATransaction a bad candidate for this type of animation?

A: It appears that the layers  - (id<CAAction>)actionForKey:(NSString *)key no longer returns default animations for its animatable properties
You can fix this by subclassing a CALayer and doing overriding that method. Something like this:
- (id<CAAction>)actionForKey:(NSString *)key {
    if ([key isEqualToString:@"opacity"]) {
       return [CABasicAnimation animationWithKeyPath:key]
    }
   return nil
 }

Or if you can use the layers delegate method: - (id<CAAction>)actionForLayer:(CALayer *)layer forKey:(NSString *)key

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Pieter Gerardus van Os (8 d'octubre de 1776 – 28 de març de 1839) fou un pintor i gravador neerlandès, membre de la reconeguda família d'artistes Van Os.

Van Os va néixer a La Haia, fill de Jan van Os. Va estudiar amb el seu pare, i de 1794 a 1795 a la Tekenakademie a la Haia. Durant aquest període, es va dedicar a copiar pintures de l'obra de Paulus Potter i Charles Dujardin. A Van Os, li agradaven especialment els animals com a tema i va fer com una còpia excel·lent d'una de les obres de Potter, Vedell, que fou adquirida per Guillem V d'Orange-Nassau.

Després de completar la seva formació, va anar a Amsterdam, on es va guanyar la vida sobretot pintant retrats en miniatura de no massa qualitat, i donant classes de dibuix. Al voltant de 1805, va començar a dedicar-se a la producció de pintures de paisatges plens del seu tema favorit d'animals, i encara estava fortament influenciat pels mestres holandesos del . El 1808, el seu Ambient de muntanya amb bestiar va guanyar el premi proporcionat pel rei Lluís Bonaparte per al millor paisatge en la primera exposició pública d'art contemporani holandès a Amsterdam.

El 1813 i 1814 es va formar com a capità de voluntaris, i va adquirir experiència militar, cosa que el va portar a tractar temes militars en la seva obra. L'emperador Alexandre I de Rússia va comprar una pintura de Van Os amb aquest tema i la va posar al seu palau de Sant Petersburg. Van Os es va morir a la Haia el 1839.

El seu fill Pieter Frederik van Os (1808 - 1892) també fou pintor i mestre d'Anton Mauve, entre d'altres.

Bibliografia
 The Penny Cyclopaedeia by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge by George Long, Published 1843 by C. Knight.

Enllaços externs

 Obres de Pieter Van Os al Museu de Nova Zelanda Te Papa Tongarewa.

Pintors neerlandesos del segle XIX
Persones de la Haia
Artistes amb obra al Museu Teyler
Morts a la Haia
Pintors d'Holanda Meridional

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
I Agree By continuing to use our website, you agree to the use of cookies.
Essentialize
Unclaimed matter
From claims to patent
Login ●
Create your first free plan now
texts published: after before
Activate incremental reading mode
1. - a server computer and a database of registered users that stores for each registered user, a user id of the registered user and a video set of user ids of registered users who are directly connected to the registered user, a method for connecting a first registered user to a second registered user through one or more other registered users,
- setting a maximum degree of separation (nmax -rrb-of at leastest two that is allowed for connecting any two registered users, the method comprising the steps of:
- transmitting a profile of the second registered user to the first registered user for display,
- storing a connection path between the first registered user and the second registered user, the connection path indicating the one or more other registered users through whom the connection between the first registered user and the second registered user is made; and transmitting the connection path between the first registered user and the second registered user to the first registered user for display, wherein
- two registered users who are directly connected are deemed to be by one degree of separation and two registered users who are connected through no lesser than one other registered user are deemed to be by two degrees of separation and two registered users who are connected through no lesser than n other registered users are deemed to be by n+1 degrees of separation,
- searching for the user id of the second registered user in the sets of user ids that are stored for registered users who are lesser than nmax degrees of separation away from the first registered user, and not in the sets of user ids that are stored for registered users who are greaterer than or equal to nmax degrees of separation away from the first registered user, until the user id of the second registered user is found in one of the searched sets; and connecting the first registered user to the second registered user if the user id of the second registered user is found in one of the searched sets,
- the method links the searching of the second registered user in the sets of user ids that are stored for registered users who are lesser than nmax degrees of separation away from the first registered user, such that the first registered user and the second registered user who are separate by morer than nmax degrees of separation are not found and connected,
- a clickable hyperlink for each of the one or more other registered users through whom the connection between the first registered user and the second registered user is made.
Created on 2014-10-02 - Published on 2014-10-02 - Permanent URL: https://cloem.com... Publisher: anonymous
- setting a maximum degree of separation (nmax -rrb-of at leastest two that is allowed for connecting any two registered users,
- prior to the step of connecting, transmitting brief profiles of registered users, the method comprising the steps of: wherein
- upon receiving the clickable hyperlink selection for the full profile of the second registered user, the full profile of the second registered user is transmitted to the first registered user for display,, a brief profile of the second registered user, to the first registered user for display, each of the brief profiles including
- a hyperlink to a corresponding full profile,
- receiving a hyperlink selection from the first registered user.
- upon receiving the clickable hyperlink selection for the full profile of the second registered user, the full profile of the second registered user is transmitted to the first registered user for display,
- brief profiles of those registered users who are morer than nmax degrees of separation away from the first registered user are not transmitted to the first registered user for display,, a brief profile of the second registered user, to the first registered user for display, each of the brief profiles including
- the method limits the searching of the second registered user in the sets of user ids that are stored for registered users who are lesser than nmax degrees of separation away from the first registered user, such that the first registered user and the second registered user who are separate by morer than nmax degrees of separation are not found and connected,
- upon receiving the clickable link selection for the full profile of the second registered user, the full profile of the second registered user is transmitted to the first registered user for display,, a brief profile of the second registered user, to the first registered user for display, each of the brief profiles including
- upon receiving the clickable link selection for the full profile of the second registered user, the full profile of the second registered user is transmitted to the first registered user for display,
- receiving a link selection from the first registered user.
8. A computer system for managing connection between registered users of an online social network, comprising:
- a server computer; and a database of registered users that stores for each registered user, a user id of the registered user and a video set of user ids of registered users who are directly connected to the registered user,
- transmit brief profiles of registered users, wherein
- the server computer is programmed to search a connection between a first registered user and a second registered user through one or more other registered users by searching for the user id of the second registered user in the sets of user ids that are stored for registered users who are lesser than nmax degrees of separation away from the first registered user, and not in the sets of user ids that are stored for registered users who are greaterer than or equal to nmax degrees of separation away from the first registered user, such that the connection between the first registered user and the second registered user who are separate by morer than nmax degrees of separation cannot not be found,
- two registered users who are directly connected are deemed to be by one degree of separation, and two registered users who are connected through n, but no lesser than n, other registered users are deemed to be by n+1 degrees of separation,
- the server computer has a programmable setting for a maximum degree of separation (nmax -rrb-of at leastest two,
- the server computer is programmed to:,, a brief profile of the second registered user, to the first registered user for display, each of the brief profiles including
- a clickable hyperlink to a corresponding full profile,
- transmit the full profile of the second registered user to the first registered user for display upon receiving the link selection for the full profile of the second registered user.
- the server computer is programmed to:,
10. - a server computer and a database of registered users that stores for each registered user, a user id of the registered user and a video set of user ids of registered users who are directly connected to the registered user, a method for connecting a first registered user to a second registered user through one or more other registered users,
clickable
Search Tips & Tricks
Read our Terms of Service. Information on this page is provided "as is". It may not be free of IP rights. All warranties of any kind are expressly disclaimed. Use at your own risk.
Copyright © 2014 - 2019 Cloem® S.A.S.U.
Sample queries


text:
package org.jboss.arquillian.testenricher.cdi.container;

import jakarta.enterprise.event.Observes;
import jakarta.enterprise.inject.spi.BeanManager;
import jakarta.enterprise.inject.spi.BeforeBeanDiscovery;
import jakarta.enterprise.inject.spi.BeforeShutdown;
import jakarta.enterprise.inject.spi.Extension;

public class CDIExtension implements Extension {
    private static BeanManager beanManager;

    public static BeanManager getBeanManager() {
        return beanManager;
    }

    private static void setBeanManager(BeanManager beanManager) {
        CDIExtension.beanManager = beanManager;
    }

    void beforeBeanDiscovery(@Observes BeforeBeanDiscovery beforeBeanDiscovery, BeanManager beanManager) {
        setBeanManager(beanManager);
    }

    void beforeShutdown(@Observes BeforeShutdown beforeShutdown) {
        setBeanManager(null);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Soaps Spoiler Digest: Classic Catfights, Shocking Schemes and Desperate Deals
Matt Purvis
Image: Aaron Montgomery, Jill Johnson, Howard Wise/JPI
Romantic history, bleak futures, and dubious credibility.
Catch a glimpse at what's to come with spoilers for the week of May 18 – 22 for The Bold and the Beautiful, Days of our Lives, General Hospital, and The Young and the Restless, plus Days spoilers from May 25 – 29.
Due to the ongoing health crisis, CBS is continuing to air popular episodes from the history of its soaps. This week, they revisit two of Brooke's weddings and some of her fights with Stephanie. You will be able to watch her fantastic wedding to Eric, featuring hot air balloons and horses, as well as her far more low-key wedding to Nick by the ocean. Episodes will also feature Ridge trying to keep the peace between his mother and Brooke, regardless of who she is married to at the time, and Brooke pulling a big publicity stunt to try and get the better of her enemies. Read Bold and the Beautiful spoilers to find out who else Brooke aroused dangerous feelings in.
More: Which soap character would you be stranded with?
Their lives may be falling apart, but does that mean that Brady and Sarah might use each other to try and hold something together? It sure looks that way. Maggie can't handle the guilt anymore and heads for death's door while Xander desperately tries to stop her from stepping over the threshold. This good deed might not be rewarded though. He begs Sarah for another shot, but she's not in the mood to listen. Victor isn't in the mood either, and yet that doesn't stop Brady from demanding some payback for what he's put him through. And there's plenty of misery across Salem as Orpheus launches his latest bright scheme and kidnaps David. He lets John know what else he has planned for his old foes. And things don't seem to be looking up for Gabi. Soon after questioning her about Jake, Lani is cuffing her for attacking the mechanic. Read Days of our Lives spoilers to discover who has to make a hard choice about their future.
Despite her recent misdeeds, things seem to be looking up for Molly. The same can't be said for Jason. Liz decides it's time that he gets some serious advice. Meanwhile, Nelle has made a major move and it leaves her enemies in shock. Her antics at the courthouse go over the line, but will it be far enough to get her what she's dreaming of? The Corinthos clan starts to go into a panic. Diane has an urgent meeting with Carly, yet it may be more than the lawyer can handle to get Carly out of her latest jam. While Carly's credibility is being questioned, Michael gets desperate to defend his recent choices. Across Port Charles, Jordan warns Sonny not to do anything that he's going to regret. That only makes him more suspicious. If Sonny is eager to get some answers, Valentin takes some people aback by making an announcement that none of them saw coming. Check out our General Hospital spoilers to find out what else Laura has to worry about.
More: 13 things to know about Hilary Hamilton
This week's retro episodes concentrate on the history of the Winters family. This includes Neil's initial arrival in Genoa City and his first run-ins with Drucilla at Jabot. It also features the arrival of his estranged brother, Malcolm, and the family's gradual acceptance of Devon into their lives. Other faces from the past will pop up, including Bobby receiving a confession from Nikki, Jack and Ashley plotting against Gloria, and Katherine getting some troubling news about Brock. Visit The Young and the Restless spoilers to see who faced a hard fight in court.
B&B DAYS GH Spoilers Y&R
Survivor Winner Tony Vlachos Reveals...
Survivor Winners Finalists Reveal...


It'd be nice if the sim handled bump mapping though.
Top notch... that looks amazing. Very nicely done.
I am not sure if KE now supports Bump Mapping on planes... but you can always bake the lighting. My guess is they don't... becaue Hardware shading and lighting take a pretty mean hit on videocards.
Last edited by Omita; 10-17-2005 at 02:20 PM.
I cant figure gmax out for nothing!
I have another question about importing our models, will the physic model wire frame be able to wrap around the visual model?
3D modeling can be very hard. Smoke, and Nemo are very talented individuals. Their work is top notch. Don't be frustrated by their work, I am sure they have lots of practice. It's like making a plane out of balsa, you get good over time.
As far as the Physics go, I think they are generated from the visual mesh. When I added the Add-on 1-5 to G3 I think there was a little status bar the said it was generating the physics mesh... so I am assuming that when we add new art it will make the physics mesh based off of the visual geometry. Using 10,000 poly mesh for physics would be crazy slow. In the airplane editor you can see the physics mesh based off of the visual art.
I think they are generated from the visual mesh.
No. The physics 'mesh' that you are referring to is not generated by the software. Someone has to actually go into the airplane editor and add physics components [wings, fuselages, wheels, rotors] and align them with the visual mesh.
It would be nice for the software to be smart enough to look at a model and decide what is a wheel and what is a wing, but it's just not there.
Nope. I'm pretty sure the message you are referring to is the progress bar for building collision meshes.
Cool, thanks for setting me straight. I guess it would make sense that all the physics needs to be hand tweaked.


Hey guys I'm a new member here and I'm unhappy to say I had a fall on my 05 zx6r, breaking my foot peg and rear break pedal! I can place my foot on the remaining half of the peg but the rear brake pedal is hanging...Sooo guys, I was wondering how hard would it be for me to replace both parts or should I just take it to the bike shop? I found the brake pedal for $73. I want to get back on the road ASAP.
What txredneckmedic said..VERY easy and 5 mins. Try ebay for the part unless you need it now then pick it up at your stealship who i'm sure will have to order it. So ebay might be your best best either way!
If you have the broken piece and need to ride NOW, have it welded until you can replace it.


In addition to providing the best possible retinal care, our goal at RCH is to see your patients as soon as possible at a location that is most convenient to them. We believe that patients receive optimal care when there is collaborative management between their referring doctors and RCH. Please call us at 713-524-3434 to confirm your patients appointment before they leave your clinic.
After seeing the patient we will communicate all of our findings and management strategies to you as the referring doctor.
Print and fill out a Consultation Request Form (PDF) describing the reason for the referral and a summary of any diagnostic tests that have been performed.
Fax to our Central Scheduling Department at 832-778-9755 and give a copy to the patient to bring with them to their appointment.
To ensure a smooth transition of your patients' care, we have consultation request forms, brochures, new patients packets, and business cards. If you are interested in receiving any of these resources, please send an e-mail to [email protected] and we will gladly mail them to you.


text:
Click Here for Items Related To - Reform Act 1832
Reform Act 1832 on: [Wikipedia] [Google] [Bing] [Yahoo] [DuckDuckGo] [Baidu]
The Representation of the People Act 1832 (also known as the 1832 Reform Act, Great Reform Act or First Reform Act) was an Act of Parliament of the United Kingdom (indexed as 2 & 3 Will. IV c. 45) that introduced major changes to the electoral system of England and Wales. It abolished tiny districts, gave representation to cities, gave the vote to small landowners, tenant farmers, shopkeepers, householders who paid a yearly rental of £10 or more, and some lodgers. Only qualifying men were able to vote; the Act introduced the first explicit statutory bar to women voting by defining a voter as a male person. It was designed to correct abuses – to "take effectual Measures for correcting divers Abuses that have long prevailed in the Choice of Members to serve in the Commons House of Parliament". Before the reform, most members nominally represented boroughs. The number of electors in a borough varied widely, from a dozen or so up to 12,000. Frequently the selection of Members of Parliament (MPs) was effectively controlled by one powerful patron: for example Charles Howard, 11th Duke of Norfolk, controlled eleven boroughs. Criteria for qualification for the franchise varied greatly among boroughs, from the requirement to own land, to merely living in a house with a hearth sufficient to boil a pot. There had been calls for reform long before 1832, but without success. The Act that finally succeeded was proposed by the Whigs, led by Prime Minister Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey. It met with significant opposition from the Pittite factions in Parliament, who had long governed the country; opposition was especially pronounced in the House of Lords. Nevertheless, the bill was eventually passed, mainly as a result of public pressure. The Act granted seats in the House of Commons to large cities that had sprung up during the
, and removed seats from the " rotten boroughs": those with very small electorates and usually dominated by a wealthy patron. The Act also increased the electorate from about 400,000 to 650,000, making about one in five adult males eligible to vote. The full title is ''An Act to amend the representation of the people in England and Wales''. Its formal short title and citation is "Representation of the People Act 1832 (2 & 3 Wm. IV, c. 45)". The Act applied only in England and Wales; the Irish Reform Act 1832 brought similar changes to Ireland. The separate Scottish Reform Act 1832 was revolutionary, enlarging the electorate by a factor of 13 from 5,000 to 65,000.
Unreformed House of Commons
After the Acts of Union 1800 became law on 1 January 1801, the unreformed House of Commons was composed of 658 members, of whom 513 represented England and Wales. There were two types of constituencies: counties and boroughs. County members were supposed to represent landholders, while borough members were supposed to represent the mercantile and trading interests of the kingdom.
Counties were historical national subdivisions established between the 8th and 16th centuries. They were not merely parliamentary constituencies: many components of government (including courts and the militia) were organised along county lines. The members of Parliament chosen by the counties were known as knights of the shire. In Wales each county elected one member, while in England each county elected two members until 1826, when Yorkshire's representation was increased to four, following the disenfranchisement of the Cornish borough of Grampound.
Parliamentary boroughs in England ranged widely in size from small hamlets to large cities, partly because they had evolved haphazardly. The earliest boroughs were chosen in the Middle Ages by county sheriffs, and even a village might be deemed a borough. Many of these early boroughs (such as Winchelsea and Dunwich) were substantial settlements at the time of their original enfranchisement, but later went into decline, and by the early 19th century some only had a few electors, but still elected two MPs; they were often known as rotten boroughs. Of the 70 English boroughs that Tudor monarchs enfranchised, 31 were later disenfranchised. Finally, the parliamentarians of the 17th century compounded the inconsistencies by re-enfranchising 15 boroughs whose representation had lapsed for centuries, seven of which were later disenfranchised by the Reform Act. After Newark was enfranchised in 1661, no additional boroughs were enfranchised, and, with the sole exception of Grampound's 1821 disenfranchisement, the system remained unchanged until the Reform Act of 1832. Most English boroughs elected two MPs; but five boroughs elected only one MP: Abingdon, Banbury, Bewdley, Higham Ferrers and Monmouth. The City of London and the joint borough of Weymouth and Melcombe Regis each elected four members. The Welsh boroughs each returned a single member.
The franchise
Statutes passed in 1430 and 1432, during the reign of Henry VI, standardised property qualifications for county voters. Under these Acts, all owners of freehold property or land worth at least forty shillings in a particular county were entitled to vote in that county. This requirement, known as the forty shilling freehold, was never adjusted for inflation of land value; thus the amount of land one had to own in order to vote gradually diminished over time. The franchise was restricted to males by custom rather than statute; on rare occasions women had been able to vote in parliamentary elections as a result of property ownership. Nevertheless, the vast majority of people were not entitled to vote; the size of the English county electorate in 1831 has been estimated at only 200,000. Furthermore, the sizes of the individual county constituencies varied significantly. The smallest counties, Rutland and Anglesey, had fewer than 1,000 voters each, while the largest county, Yorkshire, had more than 20,000. Those who owned property in multiple constituencies could vote multiple times. Not only was this typically legal (since there was usually no need for a property owner to live in a constituency in order to vote there) it was also feasible, even with the technology of the time, since polling was usually held over several days and rarely if ever did different constituencies vote on the same day. In boroughs the franchise was far more varied. There were broadly six types of parliamentary boroughs, as defined by their franchise: # Boroughs in which freemen were electors; # Boroughs in which the franchise was restricted to those paying scot and lot, a form of municipal taxation; # Boroughs in which only the ownership of a
burgage Burgage is a medieval land term used in Great Britain Great Britain is an island in the North Atlantic Ocean The Atlantic Ocean is the second-largest of the world's five oceans, with an area of about . It covers approximately 2 ...
property qualified a person to vote; # Boroughs in which only members of the corporation were electors (such boroughs were perhaps in every case " pocket boroughs", because council members were usually "in the pocket" of a wealthy patron); # Boroughs in which male householders were electors (these were usually known as " potwalloper boroughs", as the usual definition of a householder was a person able to boil a pot on his/her own hearth); # Boroughs in which freeholders of land had the right to vote. Some boroughs had a combination of these varying types of franchise, and most had special rules and exceptions, so many boroughs had a form of franchise that was unique to themselves. The largest borough, Westminster, had about 12,000 voters, while many of the smallest, usually known as "rotten boroughs", had fewer than 100 each. The most famous rotten borough was Old Sarum, which had 13 burgage plots that could be used to "manufacture" electors if necessary—usually around half a dozen was thought sufficient. Other examples were Dunwich (32 voters), Camelford (25), and Gatton (7). By contrast, France in 1831 had a population of 32 million, about double the 16.5 million in England, Wales and Scotland. But there were only 165,000 French voters (0.52% of the French population), compared to 439,000 in Britain (2.66% of the British population). France adopted universal male suffrage in 1848.
The claim for the women's vote appears to have been first made by Jeremy Bentham in 1817 when he published his ''Plan of Parliamentary Reform in the form of a Catechism'', and was taken up by William Thompson in 1825, when he published, with Anna Wheeler, ''An Appeal of One Half the Human Race, Women, Against the Pretensions of the Other Half, Men, to Retain Them in Political, and Thence in Civil and Domestic Slavery: In Reply to Mr. Mill's Celebrated Article on Government''. In the "celebrated article on Government", James Mill had stated: The passing of the Act seven years later enfranchising "male persons" was, however, a more significant event; it has been argued that it was the inclusion of the word "male", thus providing the first explicit statutory bar to women voting, which provided a focus of attack and a source of resentment from which, in time, the women's suffrage movement grew.
Pocket boroughs, bribery
Many constituencies, especially those with small electorates, were under the control of rich landowners, and were known as nomination boroughs or pocket boroughs, because they were said to be in the pockets of their patrons. Most patrons were noblemen or landed gentry who could use their local influence, prestige, and wealth to sway the voters. This was particularly true in rural counties, and in small boroughs situated near a large landed estate. Some noblemen even controlled multiple constituencies: for example, the Duke of Norfolk controlled eleven, while the Earl of Lonsdale controlled nine. Writing in 1821, Sydney Smith proclaimed that "The country belongs to the Duke of Rutland, Lord Lonsdale, the Duke of Newcastle, and about twenty other holders of boroughs. They are our masters!" T. H. B. Oldfield claimed in his ''Representative History of Great Britain and Ireland'' that, out of the 514 members representing England and Wales, about 370 were selected by nearly 180 patrons. A member who represented a pocket borough was expected to vote as his patron ordered, or else lose his seat at the next election. Voters in some constituencies resisted outright domination by powerful landlords, but were often open to corruption. Electors were bribed individually in some boroughs, and collectively in others. In 1771, for example, it was revealed that 81 voters in New Shoreham (who constituted a majority of the electorate) formed a corrupt organisation that called itself the "Christian Club", and regularly sold the borough to the highest bidder. Especially notorious for their corruption were the " nabobs", or individuals who had amassed fortunes in the British colonies in Asia and the West Indies. The nabobs, in some cases, even managed to wrest control of boroughs from the nobility and the gentry. Lord Chatham, Prime Minister of Great Britain during the 1760s, casting an eye on the fortunes made in India commented that "the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into Parliament, by such a torrent of corruption as no private hereditary fortune could resist".
Movement for reform
Early attempts at reform
During the 1640s, England endured a civil war that pitted King Charles I and the Royalists against the Parliamentarians. In 1647, different factions of the victorious parliamentary army held a series of discussions, the Putney Debates, on reforming the structure of English government. The most radical elements proposed universal manhood suffrage and the reorganisation of parliamentary constituencies. Their leader Thomas Rainsborough declared, "I think it's clear, that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government." More conservative members disagreed, arguing instead that only individuals who owned land in the country should be allowed to vote. For example, Henry Ireton stated, "no man hath a right to an interest or share in the disposing of the affairs of the kingdom ... that hath not a permanent fixed interest in this kingdom." The views of the conservative "Grandees" eventually won out. Oliver Cromwell, who became the leader of England after the abolition of the monarchy in 1649, refused to adopt universal suffrage; individuals were required to own property (real or personal) worth at least £200 in order to vote. He did nonetheless agree to some electoral reform; he disfranchised several small boroughs, granted representation to large towns such as Manchester and Leeds, and increased the number of members elected by populous counties. These reforms were all reversed, however, after Cromwell's death and the last parliament to be elected in the Commonwealth period in 1659 reverted to the electoral system as it had existed under Charles I. Following Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 the issue of parliamentary reform lay dormant; James II's attempt to remodel municipal corporations to gain control of their borough seats created an antipathy to any change after the Glorious Revolution. It was revived in the 1760s by the Whig Prime Minister William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham ("Pitt the Elder"), who called borough representation "the rotten part of our Constitution" (hence the term "rotten borough"). Nevertheless, he did not advocate an immediate disfranchisement of rotten boroughs. He instead proposed that a third member be added to each county, to countervail the borough influence. The Whigs failed to unite behind the expansion of county representation; some objected to the idea because they felt that it would give too much power to the aristocracy and gentry in rural areas. Ultimately, despite Chatham's exertions, Parliament took no action on his proposals. The cause of parliamentary reform was next taken up by Lord Chatham's son, William Pitt the Younger (variously described as a Tory and as an "independent Whig"). Like his father, he shrank from proposing the wholesale abolition of the rotten boroughs, advocating instead an increase in county representation. The House of Commons rejected Pitt's resolution by over 140 votes, despite receiving petitions for reform bearing over twenty thousand signatures. In 1783, Pitt became Prime Minister but was still unable to achieve reform. King George III was averse to the idea, as were many members of Pitt's own cabinet. In 1786, the Prime Minister proposed a reform bill, but the House of Commons rejected it on a 174–248 vote. Pitt did not raise the issue again for the remainder of his term.
Aftermath of the French Revolution
Support for parliamentary reform plummeted after the launch of the
French Revolution The French Revolution ( ) was a period of radical political and societal change in France that began with the Estates General of 1789 and ended with the formation of the French Consulate in November 1799. Many of its ideas are consid ...
in 1789. Many English politicians became steadfastly opposed to any major political change. Despite this reaction, several Radical Movement groups were established to agitate for reform. A group of Whigs led by James Maitland, 8th Earl of Lauderdale, and Charles Grey founded an organisation advocating parliamentary reform in 1792. This group, known as the Society of the Friends of the People, included 28 MPs. In 1793, Grey presented to the House of Commons a petition from the Friends of the People, outlining abuses of the system and demanding change. He did not propose any specific scheme of reform, but merely a motion that the House inquire into possible improvements. Parliament's reaction to the French Revolution was so negative, that even this request for an inquiry was rejected by a margin of almost 200 votes. Grey tried to raise the subject again in 1797, but the House again rebuffed him by a majority of over 150. Other notable pro-reform organisations included the Hampden Clubs (named after John Hampden, an English politician who opposed the Crown during the English Civil War) and the London Corresponding Society (which consisted of workers and artisans). But the "Radical" reforms supported by these organisations (for example, universal suffrage) found even less support in Parliament. For example, when Sir Francis Burdett, chairman of the London Hampden Club, proposed a resolution in favour of universal suffrage, equally sized electoral districts, and voting by secret ballot to the House of Commons, his motion found only one other supporter ( Lord Cochrane) in the entire House. Despite such setbacks, popular pressure for reform remained strong. In 1819, a large pro-reform rally was held in Birmingham. Although the city was not entitled to any seats in the Commons, those gathered decided to elect Sir Charles Wolseley as Birmingham's "legislatorial representative". Following their example, reformers in Manchester held a similar meeting to elect a "legislatorial attorney". Between 20,000 and 60,000 (by different estimates) attended the event, many of them bearing signs such as "Equal Representation or Death". The protesters were ordered to disband; when they did not, the Manchester Yeomenry suppressed the meeting by force. Eighteen people were killed and several hundred injured, the event later to become known as the Peterloo Massacre. In response, the government passed the Six Acts, measures designed to quell further political agitation. In particular, the Seditious Meetings Act prohibited groups of more than 50 people from assembling to discuss any political subject without prior permission from the sheriff or magistrate.
Reform during the 1820s
Since the House of Commons regularly rejected direct challenges to the system of representation by large majorities, supporters of reform had to content themselves with more modest measures. The Whig Lord John Russell brought forward one such measure in 1820, proposing the disfranchisement of the notoriously corrupt borough of Grampound in Cornwall. He suggested that the borough's two seats be transferred to the city of Leeds. Tories in the House of Lords agreed to the disfranchisement of the borough, but refused to accept the precedent of directly transferring its seats to an industrial city. Instead, they modified the proposal so that two further seats were given to Yorkshire, the county in which Leeds is situated. In this form, the bill passed both houses and became law. In 1828, Lord John Russell suggested that Parliament repeat the idea by abolishing the corrupt boroughs of Penryn and East Retford, and by transferring their seats to Manchester and Birmingham. This time, however, the House of Lords rejected his proposals. In 1830, Russell proposed another, similar scheme: the enfranchisement of Leeds, Manchester, and Birmingham, and the disfranchisement of the next three boroughs found guilty of corruption; again, the proposal was rejected. Support for reform came from an unexpected source—a reactionary faction of the Tory Party—in 1829. The Tory government under Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington, responding to the danger of civil strife in largely Roman Catholic Ireland, drew up the Catholic Relief Act 1829. This legislation repealed various laws that imposed political disabilities on Roman Catholics, in particular laws that prevented them from becoming members of Parliament. In response, disenchanted ultra-Tories who perceived a danger to the established religion came to favour parliamentary reform, in particular the enfranchisement of Manchester, Leeds, and other heavily Nonconformist cities in northern England.
Passage of the Reform Act
First Reform Bill
The death of King George IV on 26 June 1830 dissolved Parliament by law, and a general election was held. Electoral reform, which had been frequently discussed during the preceding parliamentary session, became a major campaign issue. Across the country, several pro-reform "political unions" were formed, made up of both middle and working class individuals. The most influential of these was the Birmingham Political Union, led by Thomas Attwood. These groups confined themselves to lawful means of supporting reform, such as petitioning and public oratory, and achieved a high level of public support. The Tories won a majority in the election, but the party remained divided, and support for the Prime Minister ( the Duke of Wellington) was weak. When the Opposition raised the issue of reform in one of the first debates of the year, the Duke made a controversial defence of the existing system of government, recorded in the formal "third-party" language of the time:
He was fully convinced that the country possessed, at the present moment, a legislature which answered all the good purposes of legislation,—and this to a greater degree than any legislature ever had answered, in any country whatever. He would go further, and say that the legislature and system of representation possessed the full and entire confidence of the country. ..He would go still further, and say, that if at the present moment he had imposed upon him the duty of forming a legislature for any country ..he did not mean to assert that he could form such a legislature as they possessed now, for the nature of man was incapable of reaching such excellence at once. .. long as he held any station in the government of the country, he should always feel it his duty to resist eformmeasures, when proposed by others.
The Prime Minister's absolutist views proved extremely unpopular, even within his own party. Less than two weeks after Wellington made these remarks, on 15 November 1830 he was forced to resign after he was defeated in a motion of no confidence. Sydney Smith wrote, "Never was any administration so completely and so suddenly destroyed; and, I believe, entirely by the Duke's declaration, made, I suspect, in perfect ignorance of the state of public feeling and opinion." Wellington was replaced by the Whig reformer Charles Grey, who had by this time the title of Earl Grey. Lord Grey's first announcement as Prime Minister was a pledge to carry out parliamentary reform. On 1 March 1831, Lord John Russell brought forward the Reform Bill in the House of Commons on the government's behalf. The bill disfranchised 60 of the smallest boroughs, and reduced the representation of 47 others. Some seats were completely abolished, while others were redistributed to the London suburbs, to large cities, to the counties, and to Scotland and Ireland. Furthermore, the bill standardised and expanded the borough franchise, increasing the size of the electorate (according to one estimate) by half a million voters. On 22 March, the vote on the second reading attracted a record 608 members, including the non-voting Speaker (the previous record was 530 members). Despite the high attendance, the second reading was approved by only one vote, and further progress on the Reform Bill was difficult. During the committee stage, Isaac Gascoyne put forward a motion objecting to provisions of the bill that reduced the total number of seats in the House of Commons. This motion was carried, against the government's wishes, by 8 votes. Thereafter, the ministry lost a vote on a procedural motion by 22 votes. As these divisions indicated that Parliament was against the Reform Bill, the ministry decided to request a dissolution and take its appeal to the people.
Second Reform Bill
The political and popular pressure for reform had grown so great that pro-reform Whigs won an overwhelming House of Commons majority in the general election of 1831. The Whig party won almost all constituencies with genuine electorates, leaving the Tories with little more than the rotten boroughs. The Reform Bill was again brought before the House of Commons, which agreed to the second reading by a large majority in July. During the committee stage, opponents of the bill slowed its progress through tedious discussions of its details, but it was finally passed in September, by a margin of more than 100 votes. The Bill was then sent up to the House of Lords, a majority in which was known to be hostile to it. After the Whigs' decisive victory in the 1831 election, some speculated that opponents would abstain, rather than openly defy the public will. Indeed, when the Lords voted on the second reading of the bill after a memorable series of debates, many Tory peers did refrain from voting. However, the Lords Spiritual mustered in unusually large numbers, and of 22 present, 21 voted against the Bill. It failed by 41 votes. When the Lords rejected the Reform Bill, public violence ensued. That very evening, riots broke out in Derby, where a mob attacked the city jail and freed several prisoners. In Nottingham, rioters set fire to Nottingham Castle (the home of the Duke of Newcastle) and attacked Wollaton Hall (the estate of Lord Middleton). The most significant disturbances occurred at Bristol, where rioters controlled the city for three days. The mob broke into prisons and destroyed several buildings, including the palace of the Bishop of Bristol, the mansion of the Lord Mayor of Bristol, and several private homes. Other places that saw violence included Dorset, Leicestershire, and Somerset. Meanwhile, the political unions, which had hitherto been separate groups united only by a common goal, decided to form the National Political Union. Perceiving this group as a threat, the government issued a proclamation pursuant to the Corresponding Societies Act 1799 declaring such an association "unconstitutional and illegal", and commanding all loyal subjects to shun it. The leaders of the National Political Union ignored this proclamation, but leaders of the influential Birmingham branch decided to co-operate with the government by discouraging activities on a national level.
Third Reform Bill
After the Reform Bill was rejected in the Lords, the House of Commons immediately passed a motion of confidence affirming their support for Lord Grey's administration. Because parliamentary rules prohibited the introduction of the same bill twice during the same session, the ministry advised the new king, William IV, to prorogue Parliament. As soon as the new session began in December 1831, the Third Reform Bill was brought forward. The bill was in a few respects different from its predecessors; it no longer proposed a reduction in the total membership of the House of Commons, and it reflected data collected during the census that had just been completed. The new version passed in the House of Commons by even larger majorities in March 1832; it was once again sent up to the House of Lords. Realizing that another rejection would not be politically feasible, opponents of reform decided to use amendments to change the bill's essential character; for example, they voted to delay consideration of clauses in the bill that disfranchised the rotten boroughs. The ministers believed that they were left with only one alternative: to create a large number of new peerages, swamping the House of Lords with pro-reform votes. But the prerogative of creating peerages rested with the king, who recoiled from so drastic a step and rejected the unanimous advice of his cabinet. Lord Grey then resigned, and the king invited the Duke of Wellington to form a new government. The ensuing period became known as the " Days of May", with so great a level of political agitation that some feared revolution. Some protesters advocated non-payment of taxes, and urged a run on the banks; one day signs appeared across London reading "Stop the Duke; go for gold!" £1.8 million was withdrawn from the Bank of England in the first days of the run (out of about £7 million total gold in the bank's possession). The National Political Union and other organisations sent petitions to the House of Commons, demanding that they withhold supply (cut off funding to the government) until the House of Lords should acquiesce. Some demonstrations called for the abolition of the nobility, and some even of the monarchy. In these circumstances, the Duke of Wellington had great difficulty in building support for his premiership, despite promising moderate reform. He was unable to form a government, leaving King William with no choice but to recall Lord Grey. Eventually the king consented to fill the House of Lords with Whigs; however, without the knowledge of his cabinet, Wellington circulated a letter among Tory peers, encouraging them to desist from further opposition, and warning them of the consequences of continuing. At this, enough opposing peers relented. By abstaining from further votes, they allowed the legislation to pass in the House of Lords, and the Crown was thus not forced to create new peers. The bill finally received royal assent on 7 June 1832, thereby becoming law.
Abolition of seats
The Reform Act's chief objective was the reduction of the number of nomination boroughs. There were 203 boroughs in England before the Act. The 56 smallest of these, as measured by their housing stock and tax assessments, were completely abolished. The next 30 smallest boroughs each lost one of their two MPs. In addition Weymouth and Melcombe Regis's four members were reduced to two. Thus in total the Act abolished 143 borough seats in England (one of the boroughs to be completely abolished, Higham Ferrers, returned only a single MP).
Creation of new seats
In their place the Act created 130 new seats in England and Wales: * 26 English counties were divided into two divisions with each division being represented by two members. * 8 English counties and 3 Welsh counties each received an additional representative. * Yorkshire, which was represented by four MPs before the Act, was given an extra two MPs (so that each of its three ridings was represented by two MPs). * 22 large towns were given two MPs. * Another 21 towns (of which two were in Wales) were given one MP. Thus 65 new county seats and 65 new borough seats were created in England and Wales. The total number of English members fell by 17 and the number in Wales increased by four. The boundaries of the new divisions and parliamentary boroughs were defined in a separate Act, the Parliamentary Boundaries Act 1832.
Extension of the franchise
The Act also extended the franchise. In county constituencies, in addition to forty-shilling freeholders, franchise rights were extended to owners of land in copyhold worth £10 and holders of long-term leases (more than sixty years) on land worth £10 and holders of medium-term leases (between twenty and sixty years) on land worth £50 and to tenants-at-will paying an annual rent of £50. In borough constituencies all male householders living in properties worth at least £10 a year were given the right to vote – a measure which introduced to all boroughs a standardised form of franchise for the first time. Existing borough electors retained a lifetime right to vote, however they had qualified, provided they were resident in the boroughs in which they were electors. In those boroughs which had freemen electors, voting rights were to be enjoyed by future freemen as well, provided their freemanship was acquired through birth or apprenticeship and they too were resident. The Act also introduced a system of voter registration, to be administered by the overseers of the poor in every parish and township. It instituted a system of special courts to review disputes relating to voter qualifications. It also authorised the use of multiple polling places within the same constituency, and limited the duration of polling to two days. (Formerly, polls could remain open for up to forty days.) The Reform Act itself did not affect constituencies in Scotland or Ireland. However, there were also reforms there, under the Scottish Reform Act and the Irish Reform Act. Scotland received eight additional seats, and Ireland received five; thus keeping the total number of seats in the House of Commons the same as it had been before the Act. While no constituencies were disfranchised in either of those countries, voter qualifications were standardised and the size of the electorate was increased in both.
Between 1835 and 1841, local Conservative Associations began to educate citizens about the party's platform and encouraged them to register to vote annually, as required by the Act. Coverage of national politics in the local press was joined by in-depth reports on provincial politics in the national press. Grassroots Conservatives therefore saw themselves as part of a national political movement during the 1830s. The size of the pre-Reform electorate is difficult to estimate. Voter registration was lacking, and many boroughs were rarely contested in elections. It is estimated that immediately before the 1832 Reform Act, 400,000 English subjects (people who lived in the country) were entitled to vote, and that after passage, the number rose to 650,000, an increase of more than 60%. Rodney Mace estimates that before, 1 percent of the population could vote and that the Reform Act only extended the franchise to 7 percent of the population. Tradesmen, such as shoemakers, believed that the Reform Act had given them the vote. One example is the shoemakers of Duns, Scottish Borders, Berwickshire. They created a banner celebrating the Reform Act which declared, "The battle's won. Britannia's sons are free." This banner is on display at People's History Museum in Manchester. Many major commercial and industrial cities became separate parliamentary boroughs under the Act. The new constituencies saw party conflicts within the middle class, and between the middle class and working class. A study of elections in the medium-sized borough of Halifax, 1832–1852, concluded that the party organisations, and the voters themselves, depended heavily on local social relationships and local institutions. Having the vote encouraged many men to become much more active in the political, economic and social sphere. The Scottish Act revolutionised politics in Scotland, with its population of 2 million. Its electorate had been only 0.2% of the population compared to 4% in England. The Scottish electorate overnight soared from 5,000 to 65,000, or 13% of the adult men, and was no longer a private preserve of a few very rich families.
Tenant voters
Most of the pocket boroughs abolished by the Reform Act belonged to the Tory party. These losses were somewhat offset by the extension of the vote to tenants-at-will paying an annual rent of £50. This clause, proposed by the Tory Marquess of Chandos, was adopted in the House of Commons despite opposition from the Government. The tenants-at-will thereby enfranchised typically voted as instructed by their landlords, who in turn normally supported the Tory party. This concession, together with the Whig party's internal divisions and the difficulties faced by the nation's economy, allowed the Tories under Sir Robert Peel to make gains in the elections of 1835 and 1837, and to retake the House of Commons in 1841. A modern historian's examination of votes in the House concluded that the traditional landed interest "suffered very little" by the 1832 Act. They continued to dominate the Commons, while losing a bit of their power to enact laws that focused on their more parochial interests. By contrast, the same study concluded that the 1867 Reform Act caused serious erosion of their legislative power and the 1874 elections saw great landowners losing their county seats to the votes of tenant farmers in England and especially in Ireland.
The Reform Act did not enfranchise the working class since voters were required to possess property worth £10, a substantial sum at the time. This split the alliance between the working class and the middle class. The failure of the 1832 Reform Act to extend the vote beyond those owning property led to the growth of the Chartist Movement. Although it did disenfranchise most rotten boroughs, a few remained, such as Totnes in Devon and Midhurst in Sussex. Also, bribery of voters remained a problem. As Sir Thomas Erskine May observed, "it was too soon evident, that as more votes had been created, more votes were to be sold". The Reform Act strengthened the House of Commons by reducing the number of nomination boroughs controlled by peers. Some aristocrats complained that, in the future, the government could compel them to pass any bill, simply by threatening to swamp the House of Lords with new peerages. The Duke of Wellington lamented: "If such projects can be carried into execution by a minister of the Crown with impunity, there is no doubt that the constitution of this House, and of this country, is at an end. .. ere is absolutely an end put to the power and objects of deliberation in this House, and an end to all just and proper means of decision." The subsequent history of Parliament, however, shows that the influence of the Lords was largely undiminished. They compelled the Commons to accept significant amendments to the Municipal Reform Bill in 1835, forced compromises on
Jewish emancipation Jewish emancipation was the process in various nations in Europe Europe is a large peninsula conventionally considered a continent in its own right because of its great physical size and the weight of its history and traditions. Europe is ...
, and successfully resisted several other bills supported by the public. It would not be until decades later, culminating in the Parliament Act 1911, that Wellington's fears would come to pass.
Further reform
During the ensuing years, Parliament adopted several more minor reforms. Acts of Parliament passed in 1835 and 1836 increased the number of polling places in each constituency, therefore reduced polling to a single day. Parliament also passed several laws aimed at combatting corruption, including the Corrupt Practices Act 1854, though these measures proved largely ineffectual. Neither party strove for further major reform; leading statesmen on both sides regarded the Reform Act as a final settlement. There was considerable public agitation for further expansion of the electorate, however. In particular, the Chartist movement, which demanded universal suffrage for men, equally sized electoral districts, and voting by secret ballot, gained a widespread following. But the Tories were united against further reform, and the Liberal Party (successor to the Whigs) did not seek a general revision of the electoral system until 1852. The 1850s saw Lord John Russell introduce a number of reform bills to correct defects the first act had left unaddressed. However, no proposal was successful until 1867, when Parliament adopted the Second Reform Act. An area the Reform Act did not address was the issue of municipal and regional government. As a result of archaic traditions, many English counties had enclaves and exclaves, which were mostly abolished in the Counties (Detached Parts) Act 1844. Furthermore, many new conurbations and economic areas bridged traditional county boundaries by having been formed in previously obscure areas: the West Midlands conurbation bridged Staffordshire, Warwickshire and Worcestershire, Manchester and Liverpool both had hinterlands in Cheshire but city centres in Lancashire, while in the south Oxford's developing southern suburbs were in Berkshire and London was expanding into Essex, Surrey and Middlesex. This led to further acts to reorganise county boundaries in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Many historians credit the Reform Act 1832 with launching modern democracy in Great Britain. G. M. Trevelyan hails 1832 as the watershed moment at which the sovereignty of the people' had been established in fact, if not in law". Sir Erskine May notes that the "reformed Parliament was, unquestionably, more liberal and progressive in its policy than the Parliaments of old; more vigorous and active; more susceptible to the influence of public opinion; and more secure in the confidence of the people", but admitted that "grave defects still remained to be considered". Other historians have argued that genuine democracy began to arise only with the Second Reform Act in 1867, or perhaps even later. Norman Gash states that "it would be wrong to assume that the political scene in the succeeding generation differed essentially from that of the preceding one". Much of the support for passage in Parliament came from conservatives hoping to head off even more radical changes. Earl Grey argued that the aristocracy would best be served by a cautiously constructive reform program. Most Tories were strongly opposed, and made dire predictions about what they saw as dangerous, radical proposals. However one faction of Ultra-Tories supported reform measures in order to weaken Wellington's ministry, which had outraged them by granting Catholic emancipation. Historians in recent decades have been polarized over emphasizing or downplaying the importance of the Act. However, John A. Phillips, and Charles Wetherell argue for its drastic modernizing impact on the political system: :England's frenzy over the Reform Bill in 1831, coupled with the effect of the bill itself upon its enactment in 1832, unleashed a wave of political modernization that the Whig Party eagerly harnessed and the Tory Party grudgingly, but no less effectively, embraced. Reform quickly destroyed the political system that had prevailed during the long reign of George III and replaced it with an essentially modern electoral system based on rigid partisanship and clearly articulated political principle. Hardly "modest" in its consequences, the Reform Act could scarcely have caused a more drastic alteration in England's political fabric. Likewise Eric Evans concludes that the Reform Act "opened a door on a new political world". Although Grey's intentions were conservative, Evans says, and the 1832 Act gave the aristocracy an additional half-century's control of Parliament, the Act nevertheless did open constitutional questions for further development. Evans argues it was the 1832 Act, not the later reforms of 1867, 1884, or 1918, that were decisive in bringing representative democracy to Britain. Evans concludes the Reform Act marked the true beginning of the development of a recognisably modern political system.Eric J. Evans, ''The Forging of the Modern State: Early Industrial Britain, 1783–1870'' (2nd ed. 1996) p. 229
* 1832 United Kingdom general election * Elections in the United Kingdom § History * List of Acts of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, 1820–39 * List of constituencies enfranchised and disfranchised by the Reform Act 1832 * Reapportionment Act of 1929 * Reform Act, other legislation concerning electoral matters
* * * Lady Holland and Sarah Austin. (1855). ''A Memoir of the Reverend Sydney Smith by his daughter, Lady Holland, with a Selection from his Letters edited by Mrs Sarah Austin.'' 2 vols. London: Brown, Green, and Longmans. * * * * * * Smith, E. A. (1992). ''Reform or Revolution? A Diary of Reform in England, 1830-2.'' Stroud, Gloucestershire: Alan Sutton. * * Trevelyan, G. M. (1922). ''British History in the Nineteenth Century and After (1782–1901).'' London: Longmans, Green, and Co.
* Aidt, Toke S., and Raphaël Franck. "How to get the snowball rolling and extend the franchise: voting on the Great Reform Act of 1832." ''Public Choice'' 155.3–4 (2013): 229–250
* Brock, Michael. (1973). ''The Great Reform Act.'' London: Hutchinson Press
* Butler, J. R. M. (1914). ''The Passing of the Great Reform Bill.'' London: Longmans, Green, and Co. * Cannon, John. (1973). ''Parliamentary Reform 1640–1832.'' New York: Cambridge University Press. * Christie, Ian R. (1962). ''Wilkes, Wyvill and Reform: The Parliamentary Reform Movement in British Politics, 1760–1785.'' New York: St. Martin's Press. * Conacher, J.B. (1971)''The emergence of British parliamentary democracy in the nineteenth century: the passing of the Reform Acts of 1832, 1867, and 1884–1885'' (1971). * * Ertman, Thomas. "The Great Reform Act of 1832 and British Democratization." ''Comparative Political Studies'' 43.8–9 (2010): 1000–1022
* Evans, Eric J. (1983). ''The Great Reform Act of 1832.'' London: Methuen and Co. * Foot, Paul (2005). ''The Vote: How It Was Won and How It Was Undermined.'' London: Viking. * Fraser, Antonia (2013). ''Perilous question: the drama of the Great Reform Bill 1832'' London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. * Maehl, William H., Jr., ed. ''The Reform Bill of 1832: Why Not Revolution?'' (1967) 122pp; brief excerpts from primary and secondary sources * Mandler, Peter. (1990). ''Aristocratic Government in the Age of Reform: Whigs and Liberals, 1830–1852.'' Oxford: Clarendon Press. * Morrison, Bruce. (2011)
Channeling the "Restless Spirit of Innovation": Elite Concessions and Institutional Change in the British Reform Act of 1832.
''World Politics'' 63.04 (2011): 678–710. * Newbould, Ian. (1990). ''Whiggery and Reform, 1830–1841: The Politics of Government.'' London: Macmillan. * O'Gorman, Frank. (1989). ''Voters, Patrons, and Parties: The Unreformed Electoral System of Hanoverian England, 1734–1832.'' Oxford: Clarendon Press. * Phillips, John A., and Charles Wetherell. (1995) "The Great Reform Act of 1832 and the political modernization of England." ''American historical review'' 100.2 (1995): 411–436
in JSTOR
* Phillips, John A. (1982). ''Electoral Behaviour in Unreformed England: Plumpers, Splitters, and Straights.'' Princeton: Princeton University Press. * Pearce, Edward. ''Reform!: the fight for the 1832 Reform Act'' (Random House, 2010) * Trevelyan, G. M. (1920). ''Lord Grey of the Reform Bill: Being the Life of Charles, Second Earl Grey.'' London: Longmans, Green, and Co. * Vanden Bossche, Chris R. (2014) ''Reform Acts: Chartism, Social Agency, and the Victorian Novel, 1832–1867'' (2014
excerpt and text search
* Veitch, George Stead. (1913). ''The Genesis of Parliamentary Reform.'' London: Constable and Co. * Warham, Dror. (1995). ''Imagining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain, c. 1780–1840.'' Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. * Whitfield, Bob. ''The Extension of the Franchise: 1832–1931'' (Heinemann Advanced History, 2001), textbook * Wicks, Elizabeth (2006). ''The Evolution of a Constitution: Eight Key Moments in British Constitutional History.'' Oxford: Hart Pub., pp. 65–82. * Woodward, Sir E. Llewellyn. (1962). ''The Age of Reform, 1815–1870.'' Oxford: Clarendon Press.
* Full original text of the Act as passed:
* BBC Radio 4, In Our Time podcast,
The Great Reform Act
'' hosted by Melvin Bragg, 27 November 2008
Image of the original act on the Parliamentary Archives website
{{authority control United Kingdom Acts of Parliament 1832 1832 in law Representation of the People Acts 1832 in politics Election law in the United Kingdom June 1832 events Electoral reform in the United Kingdom


text:
Le Bois du Cazier, forme abrégée de « société anonyme des Charbonnages du Bois du Cazier à Marcinelle », est un ancien charbonnage situé à Marcinelle, actuellement section de Charleroi, en Belgique. Le , un incendie y fait .

Le site est inscrit en 2012 au patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO lors de la  du Comité du patrimoine mondial avec trois autres charbonnages de Wallonie comme sites miniers majeurs de Wallonie. En 2017, le site du Bois du Cazier est inscrit au Label du patrimoine européen.

Historique

Les origines du charbonnage remontent au , lorsque la concession houillère fut accordée par un arrêté royal hollandais de Guillaume I à une certaine Eulalie Desmanet de Biesme, née Propper de Hun. Ladite Eulalie avait hérité du baron Jean-Baptiste de Cazier, entre autres choses, de deux bois, nommés respectivement Bonbois et Hublinbut, situés sur la commune de Marcinelle, ainsi que la houille qu'ils pouvaient contenir. Ce dernier, mort sans descendance en 1812, avait légué ses biens à , famille par alliance, et à un neveu, René-Albert de Cazier. Ils se partagèrent l'héritage par un acte notarié daté du . Les bois prirent le nom de « Bois De Cazier », en souvenir du baron. C'est peut-être à la suite d'une erreur de transcription que « de Cazier » devint « du Cazier ».

Le , une société est constituée sous le nom de leurs propriétaires « Tournay, de Decker, Brichart et Cie » qui devient, le , la Société anonyme du charbonnage du Bois de Cazier. La concession, pourtant bénéficiaire, est abandonnée en 1898, en raison de nombreux dégagements de grisou.

Le  la concession est rachetée par S.A. des Charbonnages d'Amercoeur et exploitée par la Société Anonyme du Charbonnage du Bois du Cazier.

En 1904, les concessions du Bois du Cazier et de Marcinelle-sud sont réunies ; le , la concession du Bois du Prince vient agrandir la superficie exploitée par la société. Le , deux extensions sont accordées, portant la superficie exploitée à . On y creuse deux puits au début du . Un troisième puits à , dit « Foraky », creusé en 1954, est toujours en cours de creusement lors de la catastrophe de 1956.

L'exploitation reprend huit mois après le drame. La société est mise en liquidation le . En 1963 on remet en fonction partiellement l'exploitation du Bois du Cazier pour la fermer définitivement le .

La catastrophe du 8 août 1956

La catastrophe du Bois du Cazier est la plus importante catastrophe minière survenue en Belgique, le . Elle causa la mort de . La catastrophe fut couverte internationalement pendant de nombreuses semaines. Elle est ensuite à l'origine d'une prise de conscience de la condition des ouvriers mineurs et des normes de sécurité dans cette industrie.

Les musées du site
En plus de la visite du site des anciens charbonnages et du mémorial, les bâtiments du site du Bois du Cazier abritent les collections permanentes et les expositions temporaires de différents musées.
 L'Espace 8 août 1956 est consacré à l'histoire de la mine et des mineurs et, en particulier, au déroulement de la catastrophe.
 Le Musée de l'industrie est consacré aux principaux secteurs industriels : les charbonnages, la sidérurgie, la verrerie, les fabrications métalliques, les constructions mécaniques et électriques, la chimie, l'imprimerie ; il propose des collections d'objets, d'outillages et de machines qui s'y rapportent. La vie sociale et le monde ouvrier sont également représentés.
 Dans les Ateliers, forges et marteaux-pilons permettent à des artisans de réaliser des créations originales et d'effectuer des démonstrations du travail de la forge à destination du public.
 Depuis février 2007, l'ancienne lampisterie à laquelle a été adjoint un nouveau bâtiment de verre et d'acier, accueille le musée du verre de Charleroi dont les collections proposent non seulement un aperçu de l'importante production locale de l'industrie verrière belge du  et du début du , mais aussi des pièces anciennes de toutes époques et provenance et des créations de maîtres verriers et d'artistes contemporains et actuels. Le site comprend également un centre  important de documentation dont les nombreux écrits et archives témoignent de l'évolution des différentes techniques de la production de verre.
Dans l'ancienne remise des locomotives : Se trouve 3 authentiques locomotives à vapeur qui sont exposées au public (et certaines sont opérationnelles pour des démonstrations). Les trois locomotives sont :
La GV 59 : Locomotive à vapeur dite "sans foyer" de type 020T. Construite par les "Ateliers métallurgiques de Tubize" en 1941 (n°2259), 23T. Elle fut d'abord utilisée par la société "Dynamit AG" entre 1941 et 1948. Transférée ensuite à l'usine "Solvay" entre 1948 et 1954. Et enfin vers l'usine "Univerbel" entre 1954 et 1978. Rachetée par un particulier en 1978 et prêtée au CFV3V en 1979. Vendue et transférée en 1995 au Musée de l'industrie (à Marchienne-au-Pont) puis au musée du Bois du Cazier en 2001. Remise en état de marche depuis 2020.
La Cockerill (Chaudière verticale) n°2647 : Locomotive de type 020T, construite par Cockerill en 1908. Elle fut d'abord utilisée par la "Sucrerie de Saulzoir" entre 1908 et 1921. Reprise par la société "Escaut-et-Meuse" entre 1921 et 1966. Puis elle est vendue en 1966 à un particulier en France. Acquise par un autre particulier qui la rapatrie en Belgique en 2018. Et enfin elle est transférée au musée en 2020.
 L'Énergie (Chaudière verticale) n°283 : Locomotive de type 020T, construite par la société Énergie (à Marcinelle) en 1912. Retrouvée totalement par hasard dans le jardin d'un particulier, elle a été reprise et transférée au musée en 2021.

Les visiteurs en transports en commun accèdent au site depuis la gare de Charleroi-Central puis avec le bus 52 direction Nalinnes, arrêt Cazier à Marcinelle (dimanche et fêtes : bus 1, arrêt rue des Pommiers).

Fréquentation
En 2018,  ont fréquenté les trois musées présents sur le site. Si le nombre est moins élevé qu'en 2017 (), il présente une progression de  par rapport à 2015. Sur le total des visiteurs en 2018,  ont payé l'entrée. Les entrées gratuites sont notamment celles du premier dimanche du mois. Ces visiteurs se répartissent à part égal entre individus et groupes. Le nombre de groupes présente une notable augmentation entre 2017 () et 2018 (). Les recettes propres du site (billetterie, cafétéria, boutique, location de salle) était de  en 2018.

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Voir aussi

Bibliographie
 .
 .
 .
 .
 .

 .

 .

Articles connexes
 Liste des musées de la mine
 Sites miniers majeurs de Wallonie
 Chronologie de catastrophes industrielles
 Liste du patrimoine immobilier classé de Charleroi

Liens externes

 Charleroi Métropole
 Charleroi-Museum
 Liste Unesco Sites miniers majeurs de Wallonie
 Institut d'histoire ouvrière, économique et sociale - Centre d'archives privées qui conserve entre autres des documents sur l'histoire de l'immigration italienne en Belgique.
  Nouvelles du Bois du Cazier Édition spéciale
 Site du musée du verre
 Protocole italo-belge

Sites miniers majeurs de Wallonie
Musée à Charleroi
Vestige de catastrophe
Histoire industrielle des Wallons
Histoire de Charleroi
Patrimoine classé à Charleroi
Patrimoine mondial inscrit en 2012


Sarah O'Neill was born in Bristol, England. In 1967, her family settled in Don Mills where she attended Victoria Park Secondary School and met her friend Sue Mills. After attending The University of Waterloo and York University, Sarah launched her stellar career in sales. She quickly rose through the ranks and was promoted to Vice President of Sales at ADP before she turned 30. Sarah has held various Senior Canadian Sales Management positions in a number of software companies including ADP, Infinium Software and JD Edwards. Sarah also served on the Board of the Canadian Professional Sales Association for two years.
During her time in corporate life, Sue Mills helped Sarah and her husband, Shaun, buy their first home. Sarah loved the entire process and obtained her real estate license with the long-range plan of joining Sue and her family in their successful real estate business, "when the time was right". It was a number of years before that happened, but in 2002 Sarah traded in her busy corporate life of living on planes and in hotel rooms, for the arguably even more hectic life of selling Toronto real estate. The work days are not any shorter, but Sarah has never looked back. Working directly with her clients, providing solutions for them that she truly believes in, and exceeding their expectations, all while working in a team environment provide Sarah with her ideal second career.
Sarah and her husband Shaun Adams are the proud parents of two great sons, Michael (22) and Mitchell (21). Playing tennis is just one of Sarah's passions, along with travelling and spending time with her family and friends at their cottage in Fenelon Falls.


text:
All articles tagged Cultural Studies
Focus - October 23, 2000
THE UNIVERSITY'S CHANGING ROLE: CULTURE, CITIZENSHIP, AND COMMODITIES
Afternoon Magazine Archives - December 02, 1999
A SHORT HISTORY OF RUDENESS: MANNERS, MORALS, AND MISBEHAVIOR IN MODERN AMERICA
Afternoon Magazine Archives - November 16, 1999
Masks: Faces of Culture, exhibition organized by The Saint Louis Art Museum (October 9 - January 2,
Afternoon Magazine Archives - October 12, 1999
THE 8TH FRANCOPHONY SUMMIT
Afternoon Magazine Archives - September 13, 1999
DUE SOUTH: DISPATCHES FROM DOWN HOME
Afternoon Magazine Archives - August 06, 1998
GOLDEN ARCHES EAST: McDONALD'S IN EAST ASIA
Afternoon Magazine Archives - May 07, 1998
SWINGIN' THE DREAM: BIG BAND JAZZ AND THE REBIRTH OF AMERICAN CULTURE
Afternoon Magazine Archives - April 23, 1998
OTHER PEOPLE'S DIRT
Focus - July 08, 1992
We're Number One!: Where America Stands-and Falls-in the New World Order
Focus - March 05, 1991
The Culture of the Cold War
Focus - February 28, 1990
Primitive Art in Civilized Places
Academic Racism
Focus - November 08, 1989
Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans
Fear of Falling: The Inner Life of the Middle Class
Curses! Broiled Again!
The Cocaine Kids: The Inside Story Of A Teenage Drug Ring
Focus - May 09, 1989
The Riddle of Amish Culture
Blood Magic: The Anthropology of Menstruation
Falling From Grace: The Experience of Downward Mobility in the American Middle Class
Focus - September 23, 1988
Rediscovering American Values
Page 11 of 12 pages ‹ First < 9 10 11 12 >


missing shop files in far cry 4 | Mods Forums - Mods for Far Cry, MGS & more!
are missing, there isnt even "misc" folder. So i tried to find it in patch (not _hd), there is '"misc" folder but those files are not, i also tried convert all files (in this patch) and check them but i found nothing what looks like "shop file", what am i doing wrong?
OK i tried change it using cheatengine, it works but after game restart prices are restored, any ideas?


text:
Steger-South Chicago Heights Public Library
News & Online Events
Supporting Your Library
Board of Trustee Meetings & Minutes
Kids/Teen
Community & Government Information
EBSCO Databases
Local History Archive
Museum Adventure Passes
(curbside only)
Mondays – Thursdays:
10 a.m.-1 p.m. & 4-7 p.m.
Fridays & Saturdays:
1-4 p.m.
Closed on the following holidays:
New Years Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Labor Day, Thanksgiving, Christmas Eve, Christmas Day, and New Years Eve.
ref.ssch@gmail.com
Sign up for our free, monthly enewsletter!
In 1963, Steger School District 194 made an agreement to have the newly constructed school library at Central Junior High serve as a library to residents within the school district. Eventually, a group of Steger and South Chicago Heights residents worked together to pursue a referendum to establish a library district that including both villages.
On March 15, 1975, the referendum was passed and the Steger-South Chicago Heights Public Library District was formed. The new library opened on Aug. 30, 1976, at 3326-28 Chicago Road in South Chicago Heights. In 1987, the library moved into a new 5,000-sq. ft. building, located at 54 E. 31st St. in Steger.
After receiving a $250,000 Live and Learn Construction Grant from the Illinois State Library and an Illinois First Grant sponsored by State Representative Debbie Halvorson, plans were implemented to add a Children's Wing. With fundraisers sponsored by The Friends of the Library and personal donations from residents and businesses, an additional $35,000 was raised. The Children's Wing was constructed in 2002 without an increase in taxes.
Today, the Steger-South Chicago Heights Public Library has more than 45,000 items available for circulation. We have seven elected library trustees, an enthusiastic Friends of the Library group, and a staff of dedicated employees. We offer great monthly programs for children and adults, and we are committed to our mission of providing and promoting information and ideals that will continuously inspire the residents of Steger and South Chicago Heights.
The Steger-South Chicago Heights Public Library will provide resources for lifelong learning.
Library Vision Statement
The Steger-South Chicago Heights Public Library District will be an essential resource in connecting people with our world through the discovery of knowledge and culture. We will meet this challenge by providing access to information in a welcoming community environment.
Library Core Values
• Equal Access • Intellectual Freedom • Service • Diversity Literacy & Lifelong Learning • Teamwork • Creativity • Responsible Stewardship of All Resources •
Steger-South Chicago Heights Public Library, Create a website or blog at WordPress.com


BUCKLE-UP IN YOUR TRUCK. IT'S THE LAW!
June 2010, the exemption for seat belt use for drivers and riders in pickup trucks ended. Georgia law states that if you are in a pickup truck YOU MUST buckle up your seat belt. Each occupant riding in a pick up truck seat shall be restrained by a seat belt while the vehicle is operated on a public road, street, or highway of this state. Law enforcement around Georgia will be watching. Just like in cars, if you don't click it, expect a ticket.


Prickril Consulting can help you develop a custom training program for your organization's product managers, product owners and other product professionals. An intelligent combination of online and instructor-led training create a common foundation, improving collaboration and making the product management function more effective. Follow-up workshops and coaching ensure continuity, helping product managers effectively apply what they've learned, improving the business performance of the products they own.
We also offer training for all product-related disciplines that help them understand the strategic and commercial aspects of digital product development, especially the critical role that product management plays in product success.
Contact us to discuss your professional development needs.


"Her attention to detail is top notch"
"She was very professional – organized, pleasant to work with, and a real advocate"
Shelley is the best of the best! If you are looking for a realtor to really listen to what you need and to help you find exactly what you want she will do it! She is super knowledgeable about the area, ethical and goes above and beyond. If you are looking to purchase or sale your home you definitely need to contact her!
I have had the opportunity to work with Shelley on a business level for many years and on many transactions. She is awesome when it comes to communication and attention to detail. You would be hard pressed to find a Realtor who works harder for her clients than Shelley does. I highly recommend her.
"Thank you so much Shelley"
Shelley is an experienced, knowledgeable, personable, hard working and competent Realtor who understands the buying/selling processes. Working with her will only make your live easier and more happy. It has ours. This is my wife's first experience with buying a home. I've known Shelley for 10 years - She sold me my first home back in 2006. Now that my wife and I have a little one and a dog we really needed more space in a more family friendly environment. We needed and upgrade. Shelley helped us find the home of our dreams within our price range! I wouldn't use another agent. Thank you so much Shelley for everything you have done for us.
"pleased to give her my wholehearted recommendation!"
We just bought a house with Shelley and I can say without any hesitation that she is THE BEST Realtor I have EVER worked with. Right off the bat she really listened to us and did not waste our time showing us properties that didn't fit our needs and "must-haves." We didn't know the area at all and Shelley was very knowledgeable and able to guide us right to what we were looking for. After we found the perfect place she really went to work and made the deal happen. She was very professional - organized, pleasant to work with, and a real advocate. I am very pleased to give her my wholehearted recommendation!
"Shelley is the best Realtor out there"
When we decided to sell our home, there was only 1 agent we considered. Shelley helped us buy our home years ago and we knew she was the best. She sold our home quickly and within a few days had us in contract on our new home! She was even able to get our offer accepted over 4 competing offers with ours being contingent on a home sale and the buyer of ours, contingent on his home sale too. Amazingly, she handled everything with ease…including my pregnant wife. Shelley is the best Realtor out there and we will continue to refer her to everyone we know.
"seasoned veteran of the real estate market"
Shelley is the kind of agent you dream about but rarely get. She is a seasoned veteran of the real estate market, knows the region like the back of her hand. Her advice is excellent and kept me from making a major mistake on a house. In merely three days of communication and only one day of showing, she found me the perfect house. Negotiating a great price, insuring repairs were done and even sitting with me at the title company to make sure all was in order. I cannot recommend her highly enough. Call her and you'll be in great hands. -R. Poverello Shelley was our Top pick out of several agents we interviewed to sell our beloved home and she hit it out of the park. She Sold it in just a few days over our asking price and even over the appraisal value. She's an expert in marketing and negotiation and we highly highly recommend her!


There's never been a better time to become a social media professional than now. Social media is booming and there is no signs of it slowing down. Every business needs to be seen on social media platforms and these sites are continuing to evolve.
With the popularity of social media platforms growing, it makes sense that the opportunities as a social media professional are endless. So, this begs the question – how can you learn to be a social media professional.
The first point of call is to complete a social media course so that you not only have the basics covered but you can be on top of all the latest trends taking place within this form of digital marketing.
What is involved in being a social media professional?
Whether you're an industry expert or looking to improve your social media skills – it is vitally important to stay up to date with this ever-growingindustry to get the most out of your social media marketing strategy.
Here are few basic concepts of social media management that you need to know before you delve deeper into learning how to be a social media professional.
Social marketing –It's important to understand the fine line between advertising and content sharing. There is a definite need for authenticity in all social media engagement and it's key to have a firm grasp of when to advertise and when to share great and relative content.
Engagement – No matter which social media platform you decide to promote your brand on, engagement is the number one factor in making your marketing drive a success. Consistent engagement with your audience is an essential part of being a social media professional.
Project management – There is much more to social media than merely posting or creating great content for social media campaigns. Planning, creating and executing a social media campaign has become a full time project and as such needs proper project management skills in order to stay ahead and cut through the noise on the social media platforms.
Budgeting – It's important that social media professionals manage their digital marketing budget, just like any other form of advertising. Understanding and learning what works for your brand on the social media platforms is key.
All digital marketing usually falls under the marketing department within an organisation, which can be a huge responsibility depending on the size of the business. There is no doubt that every single brand, business and organisation needs to be visible on social media platforms and this is where the services of a social media professional is very much in need.
There are certain characteristics that are needed to be a competent and successful social media professional. To keep up with the latest digital skills needed to enhance your career in this field it is very important to regularly complete a social media marketing course to keep you one step ahead of this evolving industry.
Passion – Being a social media junky is key to successfully learn how to be a social media professional. Being passionate about all things 'social media' is key to being a success in this form of digital marketing. This includes being passionate about your audience and their needs and wants and engaging with them in a consistent and helpful manner.
Ability to listen – Although social media platforms are visual, being able to 'listen' to your customers is probably one of the most important characteristics needed for this career.
Thinking visually – Back in the day being able to write effectively was key to marketing, it still is today, however in order to hold your audience's attention it's key to keep text succinct and to the point. To be an effective social media professional it's imperative to also be able to think visually. Most social media marketing involves visual images and a lot of video posts too, so being able to 'see' the big picture is crucial.
Creativity – There is a daily barrage of posts on all of the social media platforms and so being able to cut through this bombardment of advertising is not an easy thing to do. Being instinctively creative is an absolute must.
Analysis skills – Measuring the results of your social media marketing campaigns tells you which route is working, and which isn't. Being able to master the analysis of your online marketing results is very much a prerequisite.