The liberation struggle was fought in Mozambique between 1964 and 1974. The fighting was the longest and most intense in the northern province of Cabo Delgado. I will detail the different experience of the war in this province and the changes it caused. I will trace the path of resistance followed by a large number of the Makonde people. I will also show how fighting was not the only option undertaken by the northern population. While a large number did fight, or assisted FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique – The Mozambique Liberation Front) in their efforts by supporting them with food and information, a significant proportion of the population lived and worked in Portuguese controlled towns. Their experience of the war differed dramatically from that of the people living in liberated areas and fighting the Portuguese. While there is generally one official, heroic, narrative of the liberation struggle (luta de libertação), the experiences of the struggle were much more diverse, and memories of these years form an important part of present day relationships between the Ma-konde and Mwani peoples.
The liberation struggle fought in Mozambique between 1964 and 1974 opposed FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique – The Mozambique Liberation Front) and the Portuguese army and left longstanding memories and introduced lasting changes to the relationships between the groups inhabiting the northernmost Cabo Delgado province. This article traces the dual experience of resistance and collaboration and the ways in which the population presently inhabiting the coastal district of Mocimboa da Praia, in Cabo Delgado experienced the war as well as its lasting memories.
Anthropological studies of resistance became popular in the 1970s and 1980s (Abu-Lughod 1990; Moore 1998), and had a focus on forms of agrarian resistance (e.g., Scott 1985). They became increasingly sophisticated (Abu-Lugod 1990), and provided interpretations of subtle, culturally defined forms of resistance and a questioning of issues of power departing from understandings of outright resistance. These studies departed from an emphasis on peasant resistance, revolution or communal resistance, and bring in nuanced historical accounts (e.g., Swedenburg 2003), and an increased emphasis on the historical, geographical and cultural context of resistance (Moore 1998: 346).
Here I am looking not at the process of resisting to or collaborating with a waning colonial power but with the lingering memories of the liberation struggle and the current understanding of what it meant to take part in the struggle or remain within Portuguese controlled areas, while tracing the blurred lines between resisting and collaborating and the stark contrast that the memories of the struggle evoke. Furthermore, the memories of the period are increasingly sharpening the distinction between the actions of the different groups in place, whereas a closer look at the stories paints a much less stark distinction. Long after the conflict has ended, the understanding of the roles played by different groups still form a part of present day discussions of power and emerge at times of political strife.
I will describe the different experiences of the Makonde and Mwani people living in Mocimboa da Praia and the ways they remember their respective roles in the struggle, as well as the enduring divisions brought forth by this. I will present the context in which the struggle took place and the geographical divisions brought forth by the war, as well as their lasting impact.
The district of Mocimboa da Praia is located in northern Cabo Delgado and has 90,421 inhabitants.1 The town of the same name, a sleepy, semi-urban centre on the Indian Ocean coast, houses half that population. Along with two other northern districts (Palma and Nangade), it has a population that has been extremely mobile throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries2 leading people far from their areas of origin and into places where they have to rebuild networks and establish new relationships.
The Makonde3 and Mwani constitute the two largest groups4 living in Mocimboa and this article focuses on them. Along with them, smaller numbers of Swahili, Makwe, and Makua live together in villages and in the town. The Mwani claim to be, and are recognized by others as, the original occupants of the area. The Makonde traditionally occupy in the hinterland, the Mueda plateau, but have been settling in the coast in larger numbers since the peace agreements of 1992.
Prior to the anti-colonial struggle, the interior of northern Mozambique that the Makonde traditionally inhabit had a strong tradition of resistance to Portuguese colonial rule: initial policies were met with resistance and avoidance from early on. This resistance initially meant active fighting, later it took the form of 'foot-dragging' (Scott 1985) – avoiding work in the colonial plantations, refusing the forced cotton cultivation, and migration – and would again entail active fighting from 1964.
On 16 June 1960, in the town of Mueda a demonstration requesting the release of two representatives of a Makonde proto-nationalist movement7 turned violent and ended in a massacre, after the police appeared to lose control of the situation, panicked and opened fire on the crowd (Hall and Young 1997; Kingdon 2002; West 2005). The number of casualties is contested: while some accounts claimed more than 600 dead (Hall and Young 1997: 12; Kingdon 2002), others place the number at between 60 and 80 (Henriksen 1983: 19), and others at an even lower 30 to 40 dead (Graça 2005: 274). Regardless of the numbers, the violence remains one of the important moments in the period leading to the struggle. The Mueda massacre8 and the Makonde tradition of resistance to the Portuguese administration would later become one of the reasons for choosing Cabo Delgado as the initial theatre of operations for the liberation struggle (Israel 2009). It would also be a cornerstone of the memory and history of the struggle, as told in the post-independence period. Nora (1989) distinguishes between the uses of history, seen as a representation of the past and memory, which he describes as 'life, […] in permanent evolution, open to the dialectic of remembering and forgetting, unconscious of its successive deformations, vulnerable to manipulation and appropriation, susceptible to long being dormant and periodically revived' (Nora 1989: 8). It is his distinction I am using here. The memories of the massacre remain powerful – these are still events that mark the early days of active resistance from the Makonde. The massacre is considered a watershed in the relationship between the Makonde and the Portuguese, and features prominently in the histories of the struggle, providing the background for Makonde discourses of active resistance.
Following the massacre of 1960 there was a generalized movement to organize a political and military opposition to the Portuguese. In 1961, Makonde living in Tanzania formed a political union – MANU (Makonde African National Union).9 MANU evolved from a Makonde mutual aid association called the Tanganyikan Mozambican Makonde Union which had been created in 1954 by Makonde migrants in Tanganyika, and had received the support of TANU (Tanganyikan African National Union) and KANU (Kenyan African National Union) (Opello 1973).
FRELIMO was created after five days of meetings on 25 June 1962 (Opello 1973). Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane12 was chosen to be the president of the Front at the first congress held in Dar es Salaam in September 1962.
FRELIMO had problems organising a cohesive force out of a very diverse group. The combination of different movements helped shape the character of the Front, but also contributed to some of the fissures within it (Birmingham 1992). Unity would enable the three groups to campaign more successfully and became an aim that endured through the struggle and into independence. However, the first years of FRELIMO were marked by internal struggles for power and influence, by dissent, expulsions, different visions of what the front should be, and of the ideal course of action (Cahen 1999; West 2005). Unlike Angola where the liberation struggle was fought by three movements at the same time (MPLA, FNLA and UNITA), in which none ever had a good grasp of the territory, or a real chance of winning the war, FRELIMO emerged as the single force fighting the Portuguese for the independence of Mozambique.
Cabo Delgado was the first region where serious fighting took place, and indeed where most of the war was fought.13 A number of reasons led FRELIMO to select Cabo Delgado as their primary area of action. Not least was the Mueda massacre mentioned above. Other reasons included the support of the president of newly independent Tanzania, Julius Nyerere. This support enabled FRELIMO to launch military actions from Tanzania and keep training camps in various parts of the country, making military actions considerably easier at this point.
The initial success of FRELIMO also depended on the support of the northern population, especially the Makonde. The Makonde, who along with the Chewa and Nyanja, were some of the first to be involved, formed the backbone of the army throughout the liberation struggle. At the start of its campaign in rural Cabo Delgado FRELIMO found willing ears for their arguments and strong supporters for their actions among the Makonde population (Newitt 1995: 524). The majority of Makonde supported FRELIMO, and when not actively fighting would find other means to help: through contributing food, assisting FRELIMO recruiters, hiding the soldiers, helping with the transport of material, and passing on information. Their familiarity with the terrain proved invaluable. Mobility and constant travel provided the Makonde with extensive knowledge of the general travel routes and of the best places to cross the river which were extremely useful (and often used) during the struggle.14 This knowledge was unavailable to the Portuguese army, and the Portuguese administration officers who lived in the country longer than the soldiers, but largely lived in urban and semi-urban areas, and had limited knowledge of the terrain. Large parts of the countryside, referred to as the bush (mato), did not have roads, what made them inaccessible without local guides. These proved difficult to find, especially for people from the coast. The same is true for the social networks which could be tapped into and to which the Portuguese military and intelligence had no access.
As support for FRELIMO grew, more and more of the rural population was informed of its demands for independence and self-determination, as well as the need to fight to liberate the country. There was increasing awareness by the Portuguese of the movement in rural Mozambique, and a greater effort was made to gather information on FRELIMO's activities. The Portuguese were no less violent in their approach than FRELIMO, imprisoning people they believed to be supporters of the Front and torturing them for information on its activities and supporters.
Some of the early supporters of FRELIMO managed to maintain an ambiguous role, working for the colonial state while carrying out other functions for FRELIMO, such as the sale of party membership cards which would identify loyalty to the Front, and the gathering and passing on of information. Eduardo Chambone told me about the massacre of Mueda, and also what had happened after the events of that day. He continued to work with the Portuguese administration voluntarily, mostly in road construction, while also working with the proto-nationalist movements and later with FRELIMO selling party cards. He was arrested and stayed in custody for the duration of the struggle. Eduardo's experience was not unusual. Quite the opposite: it was not exceptional to work with the Portuguese, either in direct connection with the administration, or as part of the administrative hierarchy, and at the same time work with the proto-nationalist movements and later with FRELIMO.
There were others like Eduardo, who spent the war in prison. The number of political prisoners from Cabo Delgado was high, but their experience of the struggle often passes unacknowledged by the postcolonial administration (West 2003).
Miguel Ntumbati was a political prisoner for most of the struggle, and his story is one of the first I listened to one morning as we were sitting in the yard of his house. He described where he had been and what had happened to him during the years he had been imprisoned by the Portuguese. Miguel was arrested early on and held in Mueda for some time, where he was beaten and made to tell to whom he had sold FRELIMO cards. He had to show where he kept the documents.15 He almost escaped from his captors once thanks to the kindness of one of the soldiers. Shortly after that when one of the soldiers was beating him, the Commander made him stop, claiming that the mission was not to kill Makonde people. His account of his ordeal was extremely detailed, full of information on dates and places. He seemed to remember every detail of his arrest and time spent in jail.
On 12 October, the plane for the Ibo [Ibo Island, where he was to he held in prison] came. At Ibo I was not beaten because they had organized the process. But many died: we ate dried cassava and did not work. We would put dried cassava, beans and water to boil in the sun. Many died because of the food.
Miguel spent some time in prison on Ibo Island, before being transferred to Maputo and then Gaza and spending the rest of the struggle in different prisons. He was only freed at the end of the struggle.
He told his story in a way that made it clear that he was used to telling it, and felt like this was an important story to tell: 'It is very good to collect these stories, because we are getting old and will die soon, and these stories will die with us'. Unlike other interviewees, he seemed to find it important to tell and record his story, and he told it at length. Given that these stories sit uncomfortably within the official history of the struggle (West 2003: 356), it was not peculiar for him to believe so. The former political prisoners are in a strange and difficult position in present-day Mozambique. While they worked for FRELIMO early on, and were arrested for it, they still did not fight the war, and as a consequence some of them do not receive the pension the war veterans are entitled to. West (2003) describes a similar situation when discussing the memories of political prisoners and their post-war experiences. These people were, as West says, comprometidos (compromised) (2003: 353), and therefore not the template of the heroic FRELIMO fighter who should be celebrated and remembered. Although the present government recognizes their importance, there is no an overt celebration of their role as there is of the soldiers in the struggle (Santos 2010; Israel 2010). Miguel also notes the need of political prisoners to tell their story, and that they had been telling their story since independence. In part this constant re-telling of the story accounts for the rich detail, and for the maintenance of the differing elements. It also sets the narrative and detracts from questioning the events and the interpretation of those who tell the story.16 Whenever I interviewed political prisoners I was struck by the rich detail, and by the fact that these stories were never vague. While other interviewees would say things like: 'it was all good', or 'we lived well', or 'there was a lot of suffering' without going into detail unless they were prompted with more specific questions, the political prisoners would generally give long, elaborate answers, full of details which included names, places and dates and which would reflect on specific events, conversations and responses. However, research on memory has remarked on the way these narratives become 'set' (Smith 2004) and form a story in themselves, denying, like the accepted narrative of the liberation struggle, competing histories.
Below I will present the experience and memories of Makonde and Mwani caught on opposite sides during the struggle.
I worked in Mocímboa at the start of the war. My mother's uncle called me and told me to get out of the city because I could die if the war reached there. I went to the bush. On that same day I saw troops from Mocímboa [Portuguese], and the troops from the bush [FRELIMO] caught me. I was arrested because I was wearing a watch and nice clothes, and the soldiers suspected I was tuga [Portuguese soldier] and I spoke Portuguese what made them more suspicious. I was sent back to Mocímboa and told to build houses in the area of Nautchemene [on the outskirts of the town]. Some time after that FRELIMO got in contact with us and we left for the bush on Saturday. This was before they made their controls tighter (Safia Sinepo).
'Liberated zones' does not mean the complete expulsion of the physical presence of the colonialists. There are still Portuguese there but they are isolated in a few small garrisons. The basic question is: who do the people follow? […] In our zones the work is open. […] That means freedom from exploitation, from forced labour. That is a liberated zone (quoted in Hall and Young 1997: 31).
The establishment of liberated zones creates the material bases for the transformation of the anti-colonial liberation struggle into a revolutionary struggle, a struggle for the establishment of a new political, economic, social and cultural structures which give expression to the complete power of the masses over society in its totality (quoted in Meyns 1981: 49).
While talking about the lack of food and basic goods, some of my interviewees would also remember the excitement of building a free area within Mozambique which was to be controlled and administered by FRELIMO. However, other interviewees had a very different recollection of life in the liberated areas, one which appears to be impossibly rosy, and in which everything was perfect.
The liberated zones were by and large remote for the Portuguese army, which was concentrated in towns and in garrisons at smaller administrative posts. The Portuguese soldiers would travel within the province in convoys on the main roads, but would not stray much from these areas: the lack of knowledge of the terrain and the unpredictability of the guerrilla presence were reasons for not moving far from the places where the garrisons had been established (Henriksen 1983).
The population in the areas where the Portuguese were stationed was usually under surveillance and concentrated in fenced towns and villages. The semi-urban centres of the north were fenced and guarded. Larger villages were also created gathering population from smaller settlements and they were subjected to the same degree of control.
When the war started I was making a machamba (field) in N'totwe and we ran to Nanchemele. The government ordered that people were gathered and taken to the town. Trucks came and took the people to the area where the administration buildings were, even if people did not want to do that. There was food, but we were all cramped around the administration, until they finished surrounding the town with barbed wire. I stayed here until independence, but my brother didn't because he was selling cards, and sold cards here too. He was arrested and sent to Machava.20 Inside we had a signal to know who had bought cards and who hadn't, and we would go at night to talk to those who hadn't bought cards and sold them to them (Issa Jabili).
In towns and fenced villages the population was subjected to a curfew, and the town was surrounded by barbed wire in order to better control the population. Most of the people who stayed and lived here – and sometimes became a part of the Portuguese administration – were Mwani. They were the ones who, while I was conducting fieldwork, remembered the colonial administrators better and described life in a Portuguese-controlled town at the time of the liberation struggle.
Our job was to go out in the morning and make the rounds in the machambas (fields) around the village. If the situation was good [meaning that they had not encountered FRELIMO guerrillas] we would shoot into the air and the population would get to work. We would control the population, and would also work in our machambas. We would return from the fields at noon. The village was surrounded by barbed wire and had three well guarded gates: one on the side of Mocímboa, one on the side of Mueda and another gate which the population used to go to the fields (Rashid Momade).
Rashid stressed the lack of a relationship with the Portuguese military, claiming that: 'we'd go to get leftover food from them, but there was no conversation'. However, the situation was still difficult for these men once the war was over, and FRELIMO rose to power.
Concentrating the population in order to better exercise control was widely used in Cabo Delgado (Henriksen 1983). The traditional villages which had been relatively small, with only a few families under the leadership of a lineage head (Dias 1964; West 2005), grew much bigger, gathering hundreds, sometimes thousands of people. The concentration of people in larger villages had an impact on the way the villages were organized and changed the traditional patterns of land use and power (West 1998, 2005), as well as population distribution and group relationships. The villages would most often concentrate population from similar ethnic backgrounds, but in some areas they would have a mix of people, particularly in the areas of transition between territories occupied by different ethnic groups.
The confinement of people by the Portuguese and FRELIMO had another consequence: it contributed to an increase in divisions between various ethnic groups of the north, separating them along opposing lines of those who supported the Portuguese and those who fought against them. The coastal populations became more closely associated with the Portuguese, fostering resentment between them and the population from the hinterland, which were actively fighting the Portuguese in larger numbers or living in the liberated areas. The rift between coastal and inland societies increased. Although the Muslim population had been active in their support for the liberation movement up until 1968, after that their support seemed to wane. The repressive actions of the PIDE-DGS (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado – Direcção Geral de Segurança) (for details see Gallagher 1979; Costa Pinto 2006, 2008) against the Muslim populations in northern Mozambique, with large numbers of arrests, torture, murder and exile of Muslim leaders between 1965–68, may have stopped people from being as active in the liberation movements as before. As well as other political prisoners, these people would be considered comprometidos (compromised) (West 2003) by FRELIMO in the post-independence period (Bonate 2009: 290–291). Between 1968 and 1972, the Portuguese administration undertook a campaign for the support of the coastal population (Bonate 2009).
Mocímboa was one of the towns where fencing was implemented. Being one of the largest semi-urban centres in the northernmost part of the province, it was under Portuguese control. It was a place where the Portuguese had, if not support from the coastal population, at least not open hostility as was the case in more contested areas such as Mueda or the hinterland where the control of the territory was scant (Henriksen 1983). The presence of the Portuguese army is still marked in the town landscape today. Remains of the main barracks occupy a large area beside one of the main streets and are used as a primary school, though the buildings are in a state of decay. This was a strategic town for the Portuguese because of the port which provided relatively easy and safe access by sea to the south of the province compared to the greater possibility of attacks faced by overland convoys.
Life here was also running. FRELIMO would bomb here while the Portuguese bombed there [in the interior, where the FRELIMO had their military bases] and we took refuge at the beach. It was all surrounded by barbed wire. We went to the fields with the soldiers. They shot in the air and that was the signal to return. We had cards with our name and picture which we left when we went to the fields. They were returned when we got back. If someone didn't return, it was because they had been captured by FRELIMO. Some ran away but many were caught.
When the war came, I was here. FRELIMO came until Nkomangane [a village near the town] and started bombing. Those in Milamba could see the houses burning and heard the shots. A bomb hit a store and it burnt down. A rocket launched at the market hit a woman who was going to the bathroom and she was cut in two. In the garrison a soldier and his wife died. They [FRELIMO] couldn't come in, but bombed from afar. There was war here and there. Nowhere was safe. We had PIDE [the Portuguese secret police]. Many people were denounced, and were arrested, beaten, and killed.
We suffered from the Portuguese here, because they suspected we were supporting FRELIMO, and FRELIMO suspected that we supported the Portuguese. My family was kidnapped [by FRELIMO]. Sometimes the Portuguese troops would beat us. We were in a very difficult situation (Lukia Ali).
The stories of those who stayed behind are not those of people who chose to stay away from the war, but stories of people who had little choice. Their experience of the period of the struggle was in many ways similar to the experience of those living in the liberated zones. These experiences are seldom mentioned in the official accounts.
During the liberation struggle the Mwani and the Makonde had a very different experience. Their accounts of this period and of the ensuing years are consequently distinct. Mocímboa da Praia had been a base for the Portuguese army during the struggle in the province and this meant that its inhabitants had a very different experience of the struggle from that of the people who lived in the liberated areas and who had fought.
While conducting interviews and trying to learn about the history of the region and the dynamics in group relationships, I was often presented with a seamless, polished version of history of the struggle, almost one straight out of a history book. When I first discussed national history with N'janjaula, a Makonde veteran, he said he would explain it to me. N'janjaula proceeded by detailing the timeline of the formation of FRELIMO and the choice of Mondlane as its first leader, explaining at the same time the relationship between the Mozambican leadership and the Tanganyikan leaders and how these influenced the choices made. Aware of the general political situation in Mozambique and of the Portuguese responses to demands of independence, he nevertheless failed to account for much of the internal tension of FRELIMO during those years. However, despite having fought for the duration of the struggle, his initial account did not provide any personal details of his experience. It was only after being asked for specific examples that he provided them. Veterans, who had had first-hand experience of the events of the struggle, but who nevertheless passed on the official rhetoric, recounted similar versions. A short account of the struggle, and of how FRELIMO liberated the country, naming the most prominent leaders, would not include the complexity, contradictions and entanglements of events. It was only after recounting the official version that they would describe their more personal experiences of the period. However, their stories would never describe the other side of the story, that of the people who had stayed in the Portuguese controlled towns and villages.
The official history of the struggle is mostly told from the perspective of those who took an active part in it, and who are, still, very much aligned with FRELIMO. It is the version of the victors. What is missing from this history is the experience of those who did not fight with FRELIMO. In Mocímboa da Praia (district and town) there were many who did not share the experience of the veterans of the struggle. Those who had remained in Portuguese controlled areas during the struggle, and did not actively take part in it alluded to different versions of the history. When telling their personal history, they would describe what it was like to live in a fenced town, what their everyday life consisted of, how their movement and options were confined by the presence of the Portuguese army. They would stress especially what the implications of having been considered aligned with the Portuguese were.
When told with the inclusions of these perspectives, the history of the struggle gains different overtones and becomes a much richer picture. It allows us to understand the situation with all the subtleties and avoid stark distinctions between those who resisted and those who collaborated with the Portuguese. It also provides a basis for understanding some of the present-day relationships between groups in this part of Mozambique, since the experiences and memories of the period inform people's relationships and understandings of present-day politics. The memories and representation of the past are not a truth set in stone (cf. Das 2000); on the contrary, they are constantly formed and reinforced through the telling of past stories, representations of the struggle and commemorations of the role FRELIMO played in those years.
I argue that memories of the armed struggle contribute to the persistence and worsening of identity divisions. The relationships between the Makonde and Mwani were manipulated to serve colonial interests (Henriksen 1983). The coastal population took a more passive stance during the period of the struggle, and stayed within the confines of the Portuguese controlled areas eschewing a more active part in the events. The divisions during the war replayed old relationships between the coastal population and the people from the hinterland (Conceição 2006: 195).
The period of the liberation struggle, as any other in the history of this area, cannot be defined by one single narrative: it was a time for defining alliances and fighting for the liberation of the country, but also a time when some people allied with the Portuguese. People moved within the territory, and had very different experiences of the struggle. What comes out of many reports, and especially of the official history (Cahen 1999), is a homogenous treatment of the population and their approaches to the struggle. However there was a fair amount of internal tension and the allegiances chosen during the struggle reflect this (Bonate 2009). The experience of colonial rule was different for different groups and even within a group for different categories of the population, and this determined choices between forms of resistance and collaboration. The representation of the past struggle is very much appropriated by the ruling party of the state, which has excluded/silenced the alternative perspectives and experiences of all those who, while living in the province, did not take part in the struggle or fought with the Portuguese.
The liberation struggle brought vast change to Cabo Delgado. I do not mean by this that the previous decades had not seen important changes and that the social structure and organization of this province had remained the same through time. What I mean is that the war brought ruptures and very rapid change to this area.
Location of residence, and personal and group alliances was then to have an impact on the experience of the struggle. Being placed on the side of the Portuguese or on the side of FRELIMO meant different things and led to the establishment of allegiances and more importantly resentments, which have developed into cleavages and political and ethnic divisions with unforeseen consequences. For an area where different ethnic groups come together and share the same living space, the heightened awareness of this division makes coexistence difficult. This becomes increasingly relevant when the Makonde who have arrived and are occupying spaces in town in recent years are perceived as occupying a higher social position and as having access to more (in economic and political terms).
Similarly to the experience of the political prisoners alluded to above, the experiences of those who stayed in the towns controlled by the Portuguese are not considered part of the same heroic history of resistance. Their memories of the liberation struggle are ignored, like a past that never happened. The memories of the struggle deemed worthy became part of the uniform, official narrative of the past and the only politically and socially sanctioned history. When asked about this history at present, the former fighters would present, along with their personal history, a very uniform history of FRELIMO and the struggle to liberate the country. Most of them would not go beyond the official version of the story. Even when their personal history was contradicting some elements of the official version, they would still not change it or acknowledge the different, sometimes contradictory elements in the two histories. In some cases they expressed contempt for the experiences of those who lived in towns occupied by the Portuguese during the struggle. Their experiences were not valued, and if expressing disagreement or resentment for preferential treatment the former fighters received, their argument would not be perceived as legitimate. They were considered unreasonable since, having not fought, or lived far from Portuguese controlled areas, they had no right to make claims on the state. This was especially contentious when discussing rights to state provided pensions, which the veterans of the struggle were entitled to. Since large numbers of Makonde fought, while large numbers of Mwani remained in towns controlled by the Portuguese, they could make claims to these pensions and therefore reap the financial benefit of their role in the struggle. At a time when the political arena in Mocimboa became increasingly contested, the references to the past and to the experience of resistance and collaboration were brought to the forefront and used to assert or deny political claims. Unsurprisingly the use of the past in this fashion highlighted tensions between the diverse groups living in town. The aftermath of the 2005 local elections, and the violence that ensued (Santos 2010) is but one example of the continuing tension in this area of Mozambique.
A wider discussion on memory and its political relevance and role has been emerging in anthropology and history. The analyses of memory as a form of public practice brought forth by Werbner (1998) highlighting the divisions between those who fought and those who did not are especially relevant here. Werbner's questioning of 'who is a hero to be honoured, and who receives or should receive state benefits and compensation for wartime sacrifice' (Ibid.: 8) is a remarkably pertinent one to ask here. It is one asked frequently in northern Mozambique, bringing into focus the division between those who resisted colonialism and those who did not. But this question does not provide satisfactory answers in the light of the variety of experiences during the war, or the lack of clearly defined categories of resistance and collaboration, which often emerge blurred from the narratives, and create what Werbner (1998) terms an 'unfinished narrative' leading to an increased politicized understanding of memory. Examples of increased politicization of memory, and its consequences, can be found in Terence Rangers's (2004) analysis of the use of history as a political weapon, in the process of which history is written with a patriotic bent and the narrative becomes increasingly set.
1 The official census results for 2007 are available at: http://www.ine.gov. mz/censo2007 accessed in September 2010. The town's results were broken down locally immediately after the end of the census. As a note on the increase in population in the district: numbers from the 1950s put the district's population at 37,687 (Dias 1964).
2 Details of the migrations and population shuffle in the north can be found in Dias 1964; Medeiros 1997; Conceição 2006; West 2005.
3 There are Makonde living in Mozambique and Tanzania, but they constitute separate groups with distinctive histories, political affiliations and national allegiances.
4 The Makonde and Mwani are often crudely divided into very distinctive categories: agrarian societies, continental and ethnic; maritime societies, coastal and non-ethnic (Conceição 2006: 130).
5 The charter for the Nyassa company lasted until 1928, at which point the Portuguese government decided not to renew it and began administering Cabo Delgado directly (Vail 1976).
6 The pacification of the Mueda Plateau, where the Makonde traditionally live, was only completed in 1922 (West 2005; Medeiros 1997).
7 The most prominent of whom were Ernesto Vanomba and Chibiliti Diwani. Ernesto Vanomba and Chibility Diwani were both young Makonde who had lived in Tanganyika for some time and who had become involved in Makonde associations there. Their presence in Mueda in 1960 was linked with demands for workers rights, and especially to 'ask for the independence of the country' as many of my informants put it.
8 There are various accounts of the massacre (Hall and Young 1997; Graça 2005; West 2005; Henriksen 1983) and participants tell different stories. It has been looked at by various witnesses and researchers from diverse viewpoints since it happened.
9 Later renamed Mozambican African National Union.
10 Conferência das Organizações Nacionalistas das Colónias Portuguesas – Conference of Nationalist Organisations of the Portuguese Colonies. CONCP joined together all the liberation movements from the Portuguese colonies and aimed at establishing cooperation between these movements. It was founded in 1961 in Casablanca, Morocco, by PAIGC from Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde, MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola – Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) from Angola, FRELIMO for Mozambique and MLSTP (Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe – Movement for the Liberation of São Tomé and Príncipe). It left out UNITA (União para a Independência Total de Angola – Union for the Complete Independence of Angola) and FNLA (Frente Nacional para a Libertação de Angola – National Front for the Liberation of Angola) from Angola.
11 For an account of the different regional experiences of the colonial administration see Cahen (1987).
12 Eduardo Mondlane was the first Mozambican to have a PhD (in Sociology from Northwestern University) and who had experience as a University lecturer (Syracuse University) and worked for the United Nations.
13 Fronts were opened in Nyassa Province as well, but, at least in the early days of the struggle, FRELIMO's presence was never as strong there as it was in Cabo Delgado.
14 A good knowledge of travel routes, and personal networks has proved important in other conflicts providing more diffuse networks of resistance and making it harder for those who do not have access to them (the Portuguese in the case) to be able to make sense of the spread of information and support (cf. Swedenburg 2003 on the rebellion of 1936–1939 in Palestine for an analysis of local networks of resistance).
15 He recalled in detail what he kept with the documents: 30 cards; 60 escudos (the Portuguese currency in use at the time); 4 pens; 4 notebooks; 1 photo of Mondlane; and a FRELIMO flag. His long imprisonment and the experience of it were constantly remembered, what explains the details he provided when we were talking about the struggle.
16 This is the case with the telling of war stories elsewhere (e.g., Algeria). The narratives acquire a format deemed appropriate and there is less space for interpretation of the stories and experiences of war (Smith 2004; Scheele 2006) and, in this case, prison. These stories also become a set part of nationalist narratives (McDougall 2006).
17 These were the liberated areas, under the control of FRELIMO during the liberation struggle. It was in these areas that FRELIMO first tried its hand at administration and tried for the first time some of the policies it would later implement all over the country.
18 Eugenia Bwanda is a Makonde woman who had lived in the liberated areas for the duration of the struggle.
19 Albano Amissi is a Makonde man who had spent most of the war years living in liberated areas.
20 Machava is located in the outskirts of Maputo. During the liberation struggle there was a prison there where many of those arrested remained for the duration of the war.
21 Fatima Suleimane is a Mwani woman who had lived in the town during the liberation struggle.
Abu‐Lughod, L. 1990. The Romance of Resistance: Tracing Transformations of Power through Bedouin Women. American Ethnologist 17(1): 41–55.
Birmingham, D. 1992. Frontline Nationalism in Angola and Mozambique. London: Africa World Press.
Bonate, L. 2009. Muslims of Northern Mozambique and the Liberation Movements. Social Dynamics 35(2): 280–294.
Brito, L. de 1988. Une relecture nécessaire: la genése du parti-État FRELIMO. Politique Africaine, 'Mozambique, guérre et nationa-lismes' 29: 15–27.
Cahen, M. 1987. Mozambique, la révolution implosée: études sur 12 ans d'indépendence, 1975–1987. Paris: L'Harmattan.
Cahen, M. 1999. The Mueda Case and Maconde Political Ethnicity. Africana Studia 2: 29–46.
Conceição, A. R. 2006. Entre o mar e a terra, situações identitárias do Norte de Moçambique (Cabo Delgado). Maputo: Promédia.
Costa Pinto, A. 2006. 'Chaos' and 'Order': Preto, Salazar and Charis-matic Appeal in Inter-war Portugal. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7(2): 203–214.
Costa Pinto, A. 2008. 1975–76 Political Purges and State Crisis in Portugal's Transition to Democracy. Journal of Contemporary History 43(2): 305–332.
Das, V. 2000. Violence and Subjectivity. Berkeley – London: University of California Press.
Dias, J. 1964. Os Macondes de Moçambique. Vol. I. Lisboa: Junta de Investigação do Ultramar, Centro de Estudos de Antropologia Cultural.
Gallagher, T. 1979. Controlled Repression in Salazar's Portugal. Journal of Contemporary History 14(3): 385–402.
Graça, P. B. 2005. A construção da nação em África. Ambivalência cultural em Moçambique. Coimbra: Almedina.
Hall, M., and Young, T. 1997. Confronting Leviathan: Mozambique since Independence. London: Hurst.
Henriksen, T. H. 1983. Revolution and Counterrevolution: Mozambique's war of Independence, 1964–1974. Westport – London: Greenwood Press.
Israel, P. 2009. Utopia Live: Singing the Mozambican Struggle for national Liberation. Kronos 35: 98–141.
Israel, P. 2010. The Formulaic Revolution. Cahiers d'études africaines 1: 181–216.
Kingdon, Z. 2002. A Host of Devils, the History and the Context of the Making of Makonde Spirit Sculpture. London: Routledge Harwood Anthropology.
Mateus, D. C. 1999. A luta pela independência: a formação das elites fundadoras da FRELIMO, MPLA e PAIGC (Vol. 11). Editorial Inquérito.
McDougall, J. 2006. History and the Culture of Nationalism in Algeria. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Medeiros, E. 1997. História de Cabo Delgado e do Niassa (c. 1836–1929). Maputo.
Meyns, P. 1981.Liberation Ideology and National Development Strategy in Mozambique. Review of African Political Economy 22: 42–64.
Moore, D. S. 1998. Subaltern Struggles and the Politics of Place: Remapping Resistance in Zimbabwe's Eastern Highlands. Cultural Anthropology 13(3): 344–381.
Newitt, M. 1995. A History of Mozambique. London: Hurst.
Nora, P. 1989. Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire. Representations. Special Issue: Memory and Counter-Memory 26 (Spring): 7–24.
Opello, W. 1973. Internal War in Mozambique: A Social-Psychological Analysis of a Nationalist Revolution. University of Colorado PhD.
Ranger, T. 2004. Nationalist Historiography, Patriotic History and the History of the Nation: The Struggle over the Past in Zimbabwe. Journal of Southern African Studies 30(2): 215–234.
Santos, A. M. 2010. Performing the Past: Celebrating Women's Day in Northern Mozambique. Cahiers d'Études Africaines. Special issue on Politics and Memory in Africa 1: 217–234.
Scott, J. C. 1985. Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. New Haven – London: Yale University Press.
Scheele, J. 2006. Generating Martyrdom: Forgetting the War in Con-temporary Algeria. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 6(2): 180–194.
Smith, A. L. 2004. Heteroglossia, 'Common Sense', and Social Memory. American Ethnologist 31(2): 251–269.
Swedenburg, T. 2003. Memories of Revolt: The 1936–1939 Rebellion and the Palestinian National Past. Fayetteville, AR: University of Arkansas Press.
Vail, L. 1976. Mozambique's chartered companies: the rule of the feeble. Journal of African History 17(3): 389–416.
Werbner, R. P. (ed.). 1998. Memory and the Post-colony: African Anthropology and the Critique of Power. London: Zed Books.
West, H. G. 1998. 'This Neighbour is not My Uncle!': Changing Relations of Power and Authority on the Mueda Plateau. Journal of Southern African Studies 24(1): 141–160.
West, H. G. 2003. Voices Twice Silenced: Betrayal and Mourning at Colonialism's End in Mozambique. Anthropological Theory 3(3): 339–361.
West, H. G. 2005. Kupilikula: Governance and the Invisible Realm in Mozambique. Chicago – London: University of Chicago Press.


J.Boroski: an enigmatic cocktail space of the highest level of innovation.
A creative cocktail space with a non-traditional and in-the-know entrance-way, J.Boroski offers savvy cocktail consumers captivating décor, sensational bespoke cocktails, and levels of service and intimacy rarely encountered.
Bangkok: J.Boroski is hidden behind a non-descript door down a small quiet soi.
Hong Kong: J.Boroski is down a back alley and through a rear-entrace elevator bank of a high-rise.


The 203-266-XXXX Phone Number is located in our around Fairfield County, CT and other near by areas.
Sick of getting those calls which you won't take because you are not familiar with the number? Our tool lets you perform a FREE Phone Lookup on any phone if its unlisted or not. You now have the resource to track any phone call you receive, obtain data related the owner of the phone, and find out whether or not it was a phone call you needed to take, or if it was just another telemarketer trying to waste your time. Simply include the unknown number in the search field, and find out exactly who is calling you. Answering your phone has never been so stress free.


text:
Canada's protectionist foreign flag rule hurting Canadian exporters, Broad tells CILTNA
Ensuring amendments are made to Canada's Coasting Trade Act, which currently prevents foreign flag ships from carrying cargo between Canadian ports, will be the top priority next year for the Shipping Federation of Canada, according to its president Mike Broad.
Protecting the market for Canadian flag ships is fine but in the case of empty marine containers, the law is creating inefficiencies for Canadian exporters, particularly those from Atlantic Canada, Broad told a transportation workshop put on by the Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport North America (CILTNA) in Ottawa yesterday. That's because Transport Canada lawyers have deemed containers to be cargo and not conveyance.
"Therefore, when our members need to move an overflow of empty containers from one port, say Montreal, to a port in need of empty containers for exports, like Halifax or St. John, they must use rail or truck because Canadian flag ships cannot and/or do not want to handle them for a reasonable price. Not that rail or truck rates are reasonable. Therefore, to get empty containers into Atlantic Canada, our members have to re-position them from outside of Canada, like the United States or Europe," Broad explained.
A change in this legislation could make exports from Atlantic Canada more competitive, he argued.
Another priority for the Shipping Federation, which represents more than 250 international ship-owners from around the world with ships moving between Canadian and overseas ports, is encouraging Transport Canada to move "faster and higher" on its plans to develop a multi-modal approach to transportation policy, Broad said.
Rather than a marine or rail or truck policy (except for operational issues such as safety or pollution emissions), the Shipping Federation would like to see a freight transportation policy and a passenger transportation policy. The freight transportation policy would have two components, an international and a domestic freight policy.
The international freight policy would support Canada's international trade policy; rely on international trade agreements, maritime conventions and customs conventions. It would focus on gateways and trade corridors and offer Canadian importers and exporters an efficient and competitive conveyor belt to and from foreign markets, Broad explained.
A domestic freight transportation policy would support the movement of domestic freight within Canada through the best use of all modes, the goal being to ensure all Canadians and businesses, especially those in more remote areas, have access to an efficient distribution network for goods.
"This domestic policy could favour domestic service providers, although this would be an industrial rather than a transportation policy requirement," Broad said.
A third priority for the Shipping Federation is being vigilant on potential government cost downloads. Government agencies have been instructed to cut costs as part of Canada's belt tightening following the stimulus spending during the recession. Two key departments that marine carriers deal with, Transport Canada and the Canadian Coast Guard are looking to download costs on to the shipping industry, Broad said.
"We don't mind paying a fair share, but there is a need for a direct relationship between fees and the benefits to the user/payer – in other words, the user should only have to pay for the infrastructure or services they need and use and there should be standards with respect to fees and levels of service. User pay, user say," Broad emphasized.
Broad wrapped up his remarks by pointing to the Rail Service Review (and the legislation likely to stem from it) as a game changer for the year ahead.
"Not since Hunter Harrison took over as CEO of CN Rail has there been as much competition for our members' intermodal container business between Canadian ports and inland destinations. Now, I am not saying that it is perfect, but we do see a gradual movement by both CN and CP to expand their intermodal business and a real effort to improve service," Broad said.
Broad was part of a panel of industry stakeholders which included Mark Feduke, CMILT, director of trade compliance at VLM Foods; Ian Hamilton,CMILT, vice-president, business development & real estate, Hamilton Port Authority; Elias Demangos, president & CEO, Fortigo Freight; and Bruce Burrows, vice-president, Railway Association Canada. The panel was moderated by editorial director Lou Smyrlis, MCILT, who opened the session with an address on transportation industry trends.
Purolator introduces electric curbside delivery vehicle
Day & Ross acquires Ottaway, Cross Dock Express
Behind the Kriska-Mullen deal
CTA voices beef with USDA over meat inspection suspensions at border
OPINION: Is Walmart's 'supercube' trailer good or bad for the environment

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


While online looking at the details and structure of this fairing, I thought this fairing was going to be a huge waste of time and money, but I was completely wrong. Looking at it online, it seemed flimsy like it would shake and deform with any kind of wind resistance and that it would just look awful on the bike. Once I received it my thoughts completely changed it was so well made you could feel it when holding it, the structure is strong, the mounting points are reinforced, and fully adjustable on the mounting hardware. It came with a nice light shine black paint that is also paint ready, so don't fear you can change the color of it all you want with ease.
I matched mine with the 9 inch Ghost Spoiler windshield from Memphis Shades since I am 6 feet tall and it is a perfect combination, the windshield is held tightly in place and both the fairing and windshield are held tightly to the bike and works perfectly to keep the wind off you. The fairing also seals around the headlight housing as well, giving the whole fairing a nice look, as if it was supposed to be on my bike (2007 Harley Davidson Street Bob). The entire set-up is easy to clean, starting with it doesn't really get that dirty to begin with, bugs do not seem to stick to it to bad and it is highly scratch and shatter resistant. I had a rock sling off the tire off a truck in front of me and impact the fairing directly and you couldn't even tell it hit it, no scratches or dents.
The batwing also has great additions to make the fairing better such as a speaker pod to go into the inside gap which is pretty big if you don't fill it with something, also lower leg wind deflectors, and they have many different sizes of windshields with different color options to suit every rider.


text:
Home / Software & Gaming / EA makes Dungeon Keeper free on GoG for the weekend
EA makes Dungeon Keeper free on GoG for the weekend
Matthew Wilson February 14, 2014 Software & Gaming
You may have noticed that EA released a mobile version of an old but much loved franchise, Dungeon Keeper, a couple of weeks ago. Following the game's release, the publisher instantly felt backlash as the internet ripped the game apart, branding it as a scam and nothing more than a cash grab. Things got worse when it came to light that EA were actively trying to block users from giving the game a bad rating in the Google Play Store but now EA is trying to make up for it by giving away the original Dungeon Keeper game for free on GoG.
GoG recently had a similar deal with the original Fallout games, unfortunately the site couldn't handle the demand, making it quite difficult to redeem your copy. However, this time around Good Old Games is doing it differently, on the site's front page you click a redeem button and then you will get sent an email notification when you're able to access the game. Dungeon Keeper 2 is also available on the site for $1.49, both original PC games are worth giving a go and neither of them pester you with micro-transactions every time you perform an action.
KitGuru Says: After EA's Humble Bundle last year, many gamers thought that maybe this was a sign that the company would make a turn around, unfortunately the good karma it generated back then was destroyed with the release of Battlefield 4 and then again with the mobile version of Dungeon Keeper. Do you think its possible for EA to win back the trust of gamers any time soon? Giving away a game is a nice gesture but I think the publisher still has a long way to go.
Tags Dungeon Keeper ea Free GoG news
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text:
Q: Deleting current string array from a file C# asp.net Just a simple newbie question. I want to delete the displayed string in an "accepted" button. Once the "accepted" button is clicked the displayed array is written in another file, however I need the displayed one line array to be deleted from this file. Thanks for your time. Much appreciated!!!
Below is my code:
    StreamReader srAc = new StreamReader(Server.MapPath("~") + "\\App_Data\\UserEntryNew.txt");

    string allAccept = srAc.ReadToEnd();

    string[] allAcceptArray = allAccept.Split('\n');

    string accepted = "";

    for (int i = 0; i < allAcceptArray.Length; i++)
    {
        if (allAcceptArray[i] == modTextBox.Text)
        {
                accepted = allAcceptArray[i];
        }
    }

A: You can use linq to remove the entry from the array.  Assuming you have an array allAcceptArray and you want to remove modTextBox.Text from the array:
 allAcceptArray = allAcceptArray.Where(x => x != modTextBox.Text).ToArray();

A: If you are not comfortable with Linq, an Array approach might work something like this.
// Read the data
string[] allAcceptArray = rdr.ReadToEnd().Split('\n');

//identify item index - \r might be required
int idx = Array.IndexOf(allAcceptArray, modTextBox.Text);

// Create output string without item
string rtn = string.Join("\n", allAcceptArray, 0, idx);
rtn += string.Join("\n", allAcceptArray, idx+1, allAcceptArray.Length - idx-1);

// Write to file
using (StreamWriter swOut =
    new StreamWriter(Server.MapPath("~") + "\\App_Data\\UserEntryNew-1.txt")))
{
    swOut.Write(rtn);
}

It works similar to your current code, but rather then identify the item via a for loop, we use the Array.IndexOf() function.  Then recombine the array excluding the item, and write to disk.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Addictions and mental health issues affect a growing number of Canadians each year. Students will learn the necessary skills to provide support, understand behaviours and provide treatment. Using theory and firsthand experience, graduates will have a full understanding of how mental health and addiction problems affect different populations.
In this program you will learn to deliver responsive, culturally relevant, client-centered assessment and treatment to diverse individuals and groups. You will acquire the knowledge, skills and abilities required by front-line workers and supervisors in order to deliver effective addictions and mental health services while promoting empowerment, self-determination and optimum quality of life to individuals with addictions and mental health issues.
Collaborate as a member of a multidisciplinary team in the implementation of individual-centred intervention strategies based on current mental health and addiction models of recovery and relapse prevention.
An addictions worker creates records of their patients' history and charts their progress during ongoing sessions. They implement treatment and recovery plans, and perform assessments of their patient's psychological condition. Addictions counselors must ensure that treatment goals are being met, as well as attend staff meetings regarding patient care. They may administer urine samples to determine whether a patient is drug-free.
Addiction workers consult with other professionals in order to assess the physical or mental state of their patients. They must guide their patients in overcoming their addictions and addictive behaviors. Workers may suggest changes in living arrangements to remove their patients from negative environments and influences. Addictions counselors work with their patients in aftercare programs, as well as help them make adjustments without relying on their dependencies.
Participants of this one day course will develop the four pillars of self-leadership, to make meaningful, empowered choices while taking action. Training sessions include using techniques for adjusting to change, cultivating optimism, and developing good habits.
Students will discuss the current state of knowledge concerning the nature of addiction. A major task of this course is definitional: to offer a conceptualization of addiction specific enough to be usable yet broad enough to encompass seemingly disparate behaviors such as compulsive overeating, disordered gambling, excessive devotion to work, and out- of- control spending. In this course attention is paid to the biological, psychological, social, and spiritual aspects of addictive behavior.
Students will look at what role do our drugs of choice play in society, and the ways has society tried to curb the use of drugs. This course focuses on the history of America's, Canada's, and Europe's drug use and misuse, and on economic and legal history from the earliest days to the present time.
This course presents the physical side of alcohol abuse, alcoholism, and other addictions as well. The addictions we discuss in this course are not what you think of as your ordinary addictions, and only one involves a substance— food. What these addictions share is that they all involve everyday legal activities: eating, shopping, sexual activity, gambling, and surfing the Internet. What these behavioral or pleasure- related addictions have in common with the substance dependencies is that they are compulsive and obsessive, and they involve euphoria that is not induced artificially by a drug. Like all addictions, the ones we discuss in this course have strong biological, psychological, and social components.
Students will be introduced to the major drug categories and properties of some of the most popularly used drugs. This course will reveal the impact of chemical damage on the major body organs and reinforce information presented in the previous course on biological aspects of addiction. This course will introduce the basics of group counseling techniques that are aimed at clients whose cognitive resources may have been weakened through substance misuse. This course will also provide an overview of gender differences in biology, genetics, paths to dependence, and responses to various treatment options, relapse triggers, and social contexts. Students will discuss myths and misconceptions about gay, lesbian, transgender, and bisexual individuals that pose barriers to prevention and treatment.
This course will focus on the development of skills and versatility for understanding and working with people who have addictions. Students will explore the psychological, familial, and social impact of addiction. Theories for understanding addictive and co-dependent behaviour will be presented for examination and application to practice. This course will also define the role of mutual-help groups in the recovery process, and the strengths and limitations of such groups.
The course focuses on the Asian/Pacific Islanders, Alaskan/Native Americans, Hispanic Americans, and African Americans as examples. In order to avoid stereotyping, the diversity and complexity of each group is highlighted. The student is encouraged to focus on the strengths and traditional values of the most vulnerable in each group; that is, those who are recent immigrants, are poor, have a history of oppression, and may be undereducated. The purpose of this approach is to track influences on the path to drug initiation, drug use patterns, the consequences of drug misuse and addiction, and the resources available for recovery. In addition, the impact of race, ethnicity, culture, and class is also examined in relationship to gambling problems. Although the success of culturally specific treatment programs is a contested area that needs more research, several programs are described that have made progress in this area.
This course describes the contemporary social context of public policy that impacts addiction, treatment, individuals and their families. Students will review several current social policies and evaluate on the basis of compassion, the effectiveness of these policies and how they address the problems related to addiction.
During this course students will learn to practice a comprehensive approach to Stress Management. Whether participants are looking for appropriate initiatives to apply from a corporate perspective, or as individuals, stress is an unavoidable reality that can be positively impactful. This course also includes information on the signs of chronic stress overload, identifying actions that add to people's stress levels, and how to implement action to reduce unhealthy stresses.


text:
package org.nd4j.linalg.api.concurrency;

import lombok.NonNull;

/**
 * @author raver119@gmail.com
 */
public abstract class BasicDistributedINDArray implements DistributedINDArray {
    private final ArrayType arrayType;

    public BasicDistributedINDArray(@NonNull ArrayType arrayType) {
        this.arrayType = arrayType;
    }

    @Override
    public ArrayType getINDArrayType() {
        return arrayType;
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Greg In The Desert
Writings from a Dude who lives in the Desert
Links Updated
I updated the links section on the side. Some of the links to the blogs have been updated and added a few more blogs. Also added a home automation links section. If there's a link you think I should add please leave a comment.
[Update:] Looks like I left off Neatly Sliced. Since that was clearly fault of someone at FTHOI World Headquarters we have made the the first link.
Waterlogged
Holy crap we got a lot of rain! The state of New Mexico has been pounded with rain for the last 4 days. And I'm talking lots of rain. Despite being in a drought sometimes you can get too much rain.
Generally New Mexico gets about 8 inches of rain a year. This last storm brought 2.5 to 3.5 inches depending on where you are. Carlsbad got nearly 6.
This is why I suggest a national pipeline. Not to pump oil but to pump water. There would be a network of big pipes located throughout the country. Through these pipes we could pump water from where ever there are rivers and lakes and people living near by. If these waterways flood then we could pump the water to where it's needed. For example the flooded Pecos river in Carlsbad could have had it's water pumped to Elephant Butte lake where it's extremely low. If it floods in the mississippi river valley they and there's a drought in the southwest the excess water could be pumped where it's needed.
It's been done with the CAP (Central Arizona Project) where they bring water from the Colorado River to the Phoenix area.
Modern Ruins
I have traveled between Albuquerque and the Phoenix area about 100 times. I have tried every route possible settling on the Albuquerque to Flagstaff via I-40 then Flag to Phx via I-10. This is the fast way taking less then 8 hours (a lot less if your not worried about Cops). I've written about the trip before and some of the sites to see. Some of the interesting parts are the modern ruins of Route 66 along I-40. I never knew Route 66 as a road only what I have seen driving along at high speed and can only imagine what it was like when Route 66 was a real road.
Just west of Albuquerque is the Rio Puerco Bridge. This bridge is an remnant of the orignal Route 66 and the New Mexico highway department has chosen to keep it in tact for history along with a little bit of the original route 66. What facinates me most about this bridge is it appears to be a 1 lane bridge. With people zipping by on nearby I-40 it's hard to imagine a time when people had to slow down for this. You can read more here. The sign on the bridge reads the following" "This parker through truss located on the historic route 66 was built in 1933. It was fabricated by the Kansas City Structural Steel Company and erected by F.D. Shufflebarger of Albuquerque. It's 250 good lenght is on eo fhte longest in New Mexico. Repairs and remodeling were completed in 1957. This structure was replaced in 1999 and is being preserved by the New Mexico State Hightway and Transportation Department."
On down the road in Arizona you will find the Meteor Crater, "50,000 years ago, a huge iron-nickel meteorite, hurtling at about 40,000 miles per hour, struck the rocky plain of Northern Arizona with an explosive force greater than 20 million tons of TNT. The meteorite estimated to have been about 150 feet across and weighing several hundred thousand tons, in less than a few seconds, left a crater 700 feet deep and over 4000 feet across". You will find a modern vistors center at the crater site itself. What is most interesting is the original visitors outpost located along the old route 66. It amazes me how quickly and easily a building can be come run down so quickly.
I can only imagine what a place Two Guns was back in it's day. The run down buildings once held wild animals one of them still partially stands to say "Mountian Lions". There's a standing bridge crossing the Diablo Canyon which was part of the original route 66 road. The whole place is for sale you as of this writing you can drive up on the property. I assume that is so prospective buyers can take a look at the place. Looks like there was once an attempt at a modern gas station but apparently didn't get enough business.
Twin Arrows is another abandon outpost along the old Route 66. Looks a little more modern and from the gas price still partly up on the sign it appears to be opened sometime during the last decade at least. I guess people don't need to stop as often as they use to for gas thought this station looks a lot more interesting than the run of the mill "modern" stations do. There's more to Twin Arrows then what you can see from the interstate as the old Route 66 loops back and around this gas station to the Padre Canyon Bridge. There's nothing to stop you from driving along these areas of old Route 66.
You can read more about these sites and others along Route 66 here
So Long Manufacturing In New Mexico
My Cat Does This To The Litterbox
Intel Rio Rancho Laid Off 700 People In 2016
New Mac Pros… in 2018
Quicken 2007 For Mac To Be Discontinued, Replaced By Quicken 2017
deltatee on Quicken 2007 For Mac To Be Dis…
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deltatee on New Mac Pros… in 20…
1972 Ford Maverick
About Greg In The Desert
Filmed in New Mexico
Happening In The Desert
New Mexico Film


Oh Hell No! KLTV reported Monday night about a woman from Longview that found a ball of hair in the bottom of her Blue Bell ice cream. Check out the video of the story!
Have you ever found anything in your food that wasn't supposed to be there?


text:
/*
  Convenience module that copies a file to new target destination.
  The destination directory will be created automatically if it doesn't exist.
  Reference: http://stackoverflow.com/questions/11293857/fastest-way-to-copy-file-in-node-js
*/

"use strict";

var path = require("path");
var fs = require("fs");
var mkdirp = require("mkdirp");

function copyFile(source, target, cb) {
  var cbCalled = false;

  mkdirp(path.dirname(target), function (err) {
    if (err) {
      done(err);
    } else {
      var rd = fs.createReadStream(source);
      rd.on("error", function(err) {
        done(err);
      });
      var wr = fs.createWriteStream(target);
      wr.on("error", function(err) {
        done(err);
      });
      wr.on("close", function(ex) {
        done();
      });
      rd.pipe(wr);
    }
  });

  function done(err) {
    if (!cbCalled) {
      cb(err);
      cbCalled = true;
    }
  }
}

module.exports = copyFile;


text:
The Free Library > Miscellaneous > Pharmaceuticals and cosmetics industries > Chain Drug Review > January 22, 2007
The Free Library > Business and Industry > Business > Chain Drug Review > January 22, 2007
The Free Library > Business and Industry > Retail industry > Chain Drug Review > January 22, 2007
The Free Library > Date > 2007 > January > 22 > Chain Drug Review
Health information network debuts.
<a href="https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Health+information+network+debuts.-a0158091899
MLA style: "Health information network debuts.." The Free Library. 2007 Racher Press, Inc. 15 Jan. 2021 https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Health+information+network+debuts.-a0158091899
Chicago style: The Free Library. S.v. Health information network debuts.." Retrieved Jan 15 2021 from https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Health+information+network+debuts.-a0158091899
APA style: Health information network debuts.. (n.d.) >The Free Library. (2014). Retrieved Jan 15 2021 from https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Health+information+network+debuts.-a0158091899
NEWTOWN, Pa. -- Walgreen Co. is among the community pharmacy chains that have joined with CapMed and IBM Corp. to provide patients with their medication histories. Consumers in New York and North Carolina are participating in pilot tests of the national health information network (NHIN).
According to CapMed, a division of Bio-Imaging Technologies Inc., the pilot is part of a prototype network being built under the auspices of the Department of Health and Human Services and the Office of the National Coordinator for Health Information Technology (ONC) to facilitate the secure sharing of information among pharmacies, physicians, hospitals and laboratories. A nationwide program is projected to be in place by 2014.
The pilot, known as the "Consumer Empowerment Use Case," has been developed to demonstrate how to provide consumers with a means of securely and electronically accessing information important to their health and wellness.
Upon completion of a registration form that confirms their identity, patient volunteers for the pilot can download their medication histories into a customized personal health record (PHR). In New York patient volunteers are from the Fishkill/ Taconic region; from North Carolina, residents of the Research Triangle Park area and Rockingham County are participating.
Surescripts, the nation's largest provider of electronic prescribing services, is also collaborating on the pilot. The project is characterized as the first implementation in which a patient can electronically and securely access a consolidated record of his or hers prescription history from participating retailers.
Besides Walgreens, community pharmacy chains involved in the pilot include Rite Aid Corp. and Stop & Shop Cos.
"There are millions of people in this country whose lives depend on properly managing their medications," notes Surescripts president and chief executive officer Kevin Hutchinson. "Providing these and millions of other patients with secure access to their medication history represents an enormous opportunity for patient empowerment.
"This pilot will provide practical insights on how medication history is accessed, used, updated and--most important--valued by patients themselves. It is the latest example of how community pharmacies are helping to build an electronic backbone to support the exchange of critical information among patients, physicians and pharmacists."
CapMed general manager Wendy Angst asserts that electronic PHRs can transform the health care system, "saving the valuable time of physicians and other providers" and helping patients to manage their health.
"When patients cannot easily share up-to-date medical histories it can lead to costly repetition of examinations and testing," she points out. "At worst it can lead to delayed diagnoses--and even death.
"An underlying theme for the NHIN initiative is that empowered and informed consumers will be better able to manage their own health care. We have designed a product that has been proven to be easy to use, with multiple ways to manage and share information so as to encourage widespread adoption within this initial trial."
COPYRIGHT 2007 Racher Press, Inc.
Chain Drug Review
Demands on Rx technology on the rise.
Safeway's Burd backs reform bill in Senate.


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Horrible massacre: New Zealand mosque attack suspect charged with murder
World Oceania
Australian-born Brenton Tarrant, 28, stood in the dock in handcuffs, white prison smock
Published: March 16, 2019 06:43 Last updated: March 16, 2019 20:19 AFP
Brenton Tarrant, the accused Christchurch shooter, makes a white power sign during his court appearance Image Credit: AFP
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CHRISTCHURCH, New Zealand: A right-wing extremist who filmed himself on a shooting rampage that left 49 mosque-goers dead flashed a white power gesture as he appeared in a New Zealand court Saturday charged with murder.
Australian-born 28-year-old Brenton Tarrant stood in the dock wearing handcuffs and a white prison smock, as the judge read a single murder charge against him.
A raft of further charges were expected.
New Zealand mosque attack suspect visited Croatia: Police
The Australian extremist suspected of carrying out the New Zealand mosque massacre visited Croatia just over two years ago, police told the Hina news agency on Saturday.
The man believed to be responsible for gunning down 49 people at two mosques in Christchurch on Friday has been identified as 28-year-old Brenton Tarrant.
He was charged in court on Saturday, with investigators now trying to piece together how his extremist views managed to go undetected by the intelligence services.
"The police have information about the movements of this person in December 2016 and January 2017," a spokeswoman for Croatia police said.
Earlier on Saturday, local media said Tarrant had visited Zagreb during that period as well as several other towns on Croatia's Adriatic coast, including Zadar, Sibenik and Dubrovnik.
Croatian investigators are looking into the reasons for his visit, Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic told HRT national television.
On Friday, Bulgaria also began investigating a recent visit by Tarrant between November 9-15 last year, claiming he wanted "to visit historical sites and study the history of the Balkan country," chief prosecutor Sotir Tsatsarov said.
He had also made a short visit to the Balkans from December 28-30, 2016, travelling by bus across Serbia, Croatia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina, they said.
Media reports said the gunman had listened to a Serbian song about convicted war criminal Radovan Karadzic en route to the massacre, and also had the names of two historical Serbian and Montenegro leaders written in Cyrillic on his gun.
Ethnic hatreds fuelled the bloody dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, sparking wars that left 130,000 dead and displaced millions as borders were redrawn.
Self-professed fascist
The former fitness instructor and self-professed fascist occasionally turned to look at media present in court during the brief hearing that the public were excluded from for security reasons.
Map of Christchurch, New Zealand, showing the two mosques targetted in a gun attack that has left 49 people dead Image Credit: AFP
Flanked by armed police he flashed an upside-down "okay" signal, a symbol used by white power groups across the globe.
He did not request bail and was taken into custody until his next court appearance which is scheduled for April 5.
A still image taken from video circulated on social media, apparently taken by a gunman and posted online live as the attack unfolded, shows him driving in Christchurch, New Zealand.
A short distance away, 39 people were being treated in hospital for gunshot wounds and other injuries inflicted in the massacre. They included a two-year-old boy and a four-year-old girl, who is in critical condition.
Terror attacks: New Zealand media reaction reflected its society
Doctors at Christchurch hospital said they worked through the night in 12 operating theatres to do what they could to save the survivors.
Christchurch residents piled bouquets of flowers at a makeshift memorial near the Al Noor mosque, many accompanied with handwritten letters laden with sadness and disbelief Image Credit: AFP
For many, the road to recovery will require multiple surgical procedures and many survivors said the mental scars may never fully heal.
The attack on the Al Noor and Linwood mosques has been labelled terrorism by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and is thought to be the deadliest attack directed against Muslims in the West in modern times.
Outside the court, the son of 71-year-old Afghan victim Daoud Nabi demanded justice for his late father, who believed New Zealand to be a "slice of paradise."
"It's outrageous, the feeling is outrageous," he said. "It's beyond imagination."
The attack on the Al Noor and Linwood mosques has been labelled terrorism by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern Image Credit: AFP
Ardern said the victims came from across the Muslim world, with Turkey, Bangladesh, Indonesia and Malaysia among the countries rendering consular assistance.
One Saudi citizen and two Jordanians were among the dead, while five Pakistani citizens were missing.
Tributes to victims
Tributes to the victims poured in from around the world.
US President Donald Trump condemned the "horrible massacre" in which "innocent people have so senselessly died", but denied that the problem of right-wing extremism was widespread.
How Islamophobia and bigotry led to Christchurch massacre
As of Saturday morning, 42 people remained hospitalized, and two people, including a 4-year-old child, are in critical condition, New Zealand Police Commissioner Mike Bush was quoted by the Defense Post.
3 people arrested
Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern said three people had been arrested, and inquiries were ongoing as to whether the other two were directly involved.
A fourth person arrested on Friday was a member of the public in possession of a firearm with the intention of assisting police and has been released.
Speaking in Sydney, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison described the gunman as "an extremist, right-wing, violent terrorist".
New South Wales police commissioner Mick Fuller said police had visited Tarrant's childhood home in the town of Grafton, north of Sydney, and spoken to family members as part of their investigation.
The attack has prompted searching questions about whether right-wing extremism has been treated with enough seriousness by Western governments.
Terrorist's assault rifle: The New Zealand mosque shooter names his 'idols' on weapons he used in massacre. Image Credit: Daily Sabah
Ali Soufan, a former high-ranking FBI counter-terrorism agent, said the threat needs to be treated with the same seriousness as jihadist violence.
"We are in the midst of a surge of right-wing terrorism that has been metastasising in plain sight while generating only a muted response from domestic counter-terrorism authorities," he said.
Ardern said she would be reviewing events leading up to the attack to see how the suspect went unnoticed by authorities.
"The individual charged with murder had not come to the attention of the intelligence community, nor the police, for extremism," she said.
"I have asked our agencies this morning to work swiftly on assessing whether there was any activity on social media or otherwise, that should have triggered a response. That work is already underway."
FACTBOX: Mass shooting incidents in New Zealand
SYDNEY (Reuters): New Zealand suffered its worst peacetime shooting as at least one gunman, a suspected white supremacist, killed 49 people during Friday prayers at two mosques in Christchurch, the largest city on South Island.
Violent crime is rare in New Zealand and police do not usually carry guns, though mass shootings have occurred previously.
Here is a list of some previous incidents:
1997: A lone shooter killed six people, including his father, and wounded four others in the ski-lodge hamlet of Raurimu. He was tried and found not guilty by reason of insanity.
1994: Seven members of the Bain family were shot dead in Dunedin, South Island's second largest city. A surviving son was convicted of their murders in 1995, but later acquitted at a retrial in 2009 and awarded a payout of almost NZ$1 million ($680,000).
1992: At a farm outside Auckland, Brian Schlaepfer shot and stabbed six members of his own family before killing himself with a shotgun.
1990: A gun-mad loner killed 13 men, women and children in a 24-hour rampage in the tiny seaside village of Aramoana. He was killed by police. It prompted a modest tightening of gun laws.
1943: Forty-eight prisoners-of-war and a guard died when officers opened fire on rioting inmates at a camp holding Japanese soldiers captured during the Guadalcanal Campaign. A court martial determined prisoners were responsible, but no charges were pressed.
India: Will the temple be built on Babri site?
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New Zealand's first gun buy-back a success — police


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How Coworking Spaces Are Taking Over Much More Than Work
by Christine Cox | Community, Technology
Coworking spaces continue to grow across all major metropolitan areas offering amenities and respite to the growing number of remote and freelance workers in the US. Do a quick Google search and you'll find article after article touting the numerous benefits of coworking spaces, from built-in socializing over free beer to the networking potential and aesthetically pleasing office design.
Many small businesses, like New Why, look to coworking buildings as a more affordable option to renting office spaces that require complicated and multi-year leases and as a more attractive option than, say, working from the garage. But what many people don't know is that the new age of cowork buildings is collecting vast amounts of revenue from and marketing data on the very people who occupy the spaces.
Coworking Spaces of the Past
Photo by Eloise Ambursley on Unsplash
The idea of cowork buildings and spaces is nothing new. Just think back to the way people used to occupy libraries and the student centers of universities. Both of these spaces offered much the same amenities and opportunities that current coworking companies advertise: communal areas, the ability to meet other like-minded people, snacks, access to information, and spaces inviting people to work for hours. Cities boasted many of their own small work collectives, like The Caroline Collective in Houston, Texas (which is now defunct), offering quiet work spaces and private offices for nominal fees. The space could accommodate approximately 50 people per day and many freelance journalists, writers, and artists used the collective to launch careers and network. Such small enterprises, however, are a thing of the past. Now, the We Company (you likely know them as WeWork) dominates the coworking landscape.
The Benefits of Coworking Spaces
There are certainly tangible benefits to coworking spaces. As Entrepreneur lays out, coworking offices offer the potential for built-in socializing, as aspect that many remote employees enjoy, and the potential to network with others interested in similar projects. They also provide a space to work away from home–an important thing for many remote-working parents– and working outside of your home can offer a new perspective or reinvigorate a project.
The Problems with Coworking Spaces
It's not all positive, though, despite the plethora of articles online listing only the benefits. Depending on the culture of the space, and who chooses to work there along with you, noise and socializing boundaries can be big issues. Most only offer WiFi, too, and that brings up privacy concerns for those working with sensitive material. And then there is the cost, making many of these spaces available only to people who run small businesses or work for companies willing to pay for the space. The benefits may ultimately outweigh the concerns for many, but what if your coworking building wanted to enter every aspect of your life? Coworking isn't just about work anymore.
The Monetary Value in Coworking
Photo by Dan Gold on Unsplash
Most of us think of coworking spaces as a place to simply drop in for a work day and then pack up and go (minus the few who can afford the lockable offices). But what many people don't realize is that these spaces are becoming much more–they are turning into facsimiles of communities; a stand-in for true community spaces, reaping benefits from those who occupy the space. What exactly does this mean? It means the coworking companies are coming not just for your job time but for your living space, workout needs, and even your child's education.
Take the We Company for example: they now offer interested people a place to work (WeWork), to live (WeLive), to teach their children (WeGrow) and to sell their goods (WeMRKT). They are piggybacking on Apple's successful "i" marketing campaign and it's working. In January of 2019, the We Company reported $2.5 billion in annualized revenue. And more than doubling memberships to 372,000. The We Company claims Ashton Kutcher as a partner, too, and both Kutcher and one of the founders, Adam Neumann, are investors in Uber. The expansion of coworking has been hugely successful from a marketing perspective.
CoWork, CoLive, CoExist
Where things get troubling is in how the We Company wants to move in on all aspects of employee lives. From a small business perspective, it's not all bad: WeMRKT allows companies who rent spaces at WeWork locations to compete for physical space in We-based brick-and-mortar stores to showcase and sell their products, providing much-needed and useful marketing feedback in real time. And reviews about the first wellness gym from the company (based in NYC), Rise by We, are stellar so far. But all the data on who buys what and when gets reported to the We Company, too.
And then there is the private school, WeGrow, currently in a a pilot program in NYC. As reported by Curbed, the founders (who also founded SoulCycle) want the education initiative to focus on "conscious entrepreneurship" and the children spend one day a week on the founders' farm for hands-on learning while the rest of the week is spent "getting lessons in business from WeWork employees and clients." We certainly support a unique and well-rounded education for children, and to explore entrepreneurship if it interests them, but this is taking young children (ages 5–8) as business and marketing models to a new and shocking level.
Immersion into the community of the We doesn't stop there, either. Enter the WeLive initiative: it offers furnished apartments with flexible leases for a unique coliving situation. The company explains that "This concept is another layer of our platform focused on enabling people to live more fulfilling lives" and units come with a monthly cleaning, a community manager who plans social events, and an app where everything can be organized and scheduled (from work to home in the We universe). And this is all covered in the rent: one payment for all the amenities you could want AND a flexible lease. Not to mention that it generates truly unique data on the way people live and want they want/need in a living space. For example, the flexible leases are designed to work for the "new employee," who is someone that moves between cities and jobs far more frequently than in decades past.
Communal Living Turns a Profit
According to a leaked investor pitch deck, that Curbed shared, the company forecasted over $600 million in revenue by 2018 for such residential investments, a fraction of the We company's total revenue. And when combined with the billions in revenue from WeWork, not to mention the billions in investment money, the We Company has turned communal work and living into a highly profitable business model.
As Julie Rice, a WeWork partner explains, the company's vision "is intended to create meaningful human connections." But how meaningful can those connections be when the foundation of WeWork and WeLive is on people who are remote employees, moving between cities and jobs? Are these spaces actually engendering communities where people support each other and provide aid during crises, much like our city centers and neighborhoods do now? Or is it all just an excellent marketing campaign turning a robust and quick profit on the backs of a growing number of Americans working as remote employees?
Time may be the only true test of the communal success as coworking spaces are projected to grow to 30% of all office stock by 2030.
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If you're going to run third party software on SBS, make sure that it supports a client/server model. It is a security best practice that no user should log on directly to the server to run any software.
Another thing to be wary of is whether the application uses IIS - if it does you want to be VERY careful as it could potentially "pave over" the SBS settings, causing irreversiable damage! I would advise against it completely.


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How to Get Rid of Your Dermatitis
August 26, 2021 4 min read admin
How do you get rid of your dermatitis?
By getting rid of it.
That's the gist of a recent study in the Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology that was designed to help you get back on track and get back to feeling good.
"Our goal was to determine whether it is possible to induce the inflammatory response of the skin that leads to skin cancer," said Dr. Elizabeth Czaprak, a professor of dermatology and director of the Department of Dermal Pharmacology at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.
"What we wanted to know is: What do we know about how to do that?
We wanted to see if we could change the inflammatory cascade that is a major driver of skin cancer."
In this study, participants were given a placebo or an injection of peptide that could help control the inflammatory state of the epidermis.
After a short period of time, participants took part in an experimental trial that used an inflammatory response.
The study found that the peptide induced a reduction in the inflammation in the epidersis and the dermis of the subjects that participated.
When they were given the peptides, participants felt a greater degree of control over the inflammatory process.
Additionally, the peptine reduced the inflammation of the dermal papilla of the inner ear, a layer of the lining of the ear that covers the inner surface of the ears, and the epiphyseal skin, which is made up of layers of connective tissue, said Dr., Jennifer S. Pappas, a dermatologist and professor of obstetrics and gynecology at UC San Francisco.
In the study, Pappachas and her colleagues looked at the effect of the peptidyl peptidase inhibitor (PPI), a peptidoglycan found in many different peptides.
PPIs, like the peptidergic peptide, can cause the release of growth factors that help cells grow and develop.
This led the researchers to hypothesize that if they could reduce the inflammatory reaction, then patients would have less of a need for the peptids.
"If we can prevent or even reverse the inflammatory responses that are part of the inflammatory pathway, we can possibly reverse the condition," said Pappassas.
"It is really important to understand the mechanism of action of these peptides in the context of the inflammation cascade, which has been linked to the development of skin cancers."
Dr. Czeprak and her team have conducted a series of studies that have shown that, in the body, the inflammatory cytokines (IL-1β and IL-6) are involved in the development and progression of skin tumors, including melanoma.
However, it was not clear how PPI might change this cascade.
Researchers have found that it has a role in the growth of melanoma cells.
However, it has been unclear how this peptide could be used to reduce the inflammation caused by melanoma or the melanoma-related growth.
Pappas and Sperling, the lead author of the study and an associate professor of pediatrics at UC Davis, have been studying peptides that can reduce inflammation in skin.
These peptides include a compound called the peptosterol, which increases the activity of IL-1 beta and IL, or IL-4.
The researchers were able to show that PPI was able to decrease the inflammatory effects of the melanomas and improve the inflammatory function of the human skin.
The study is a collaboration between the U.S. National Institutes of Health and the National Institute of Dermicology.
Dr. Papakas is currently developing a similar peptide for the treatment of skin inflammation, said Sperning, who also works with Dr. Czzaprak at UC Berkeley.
The new study was supported by the National Institutes for Health, the National Science Foundation, the UC Davis Health System, the Office of Research and Development at the UC San Diego Department of Clinical and Laboratory Sciences, and UC San Benito.
bellaire dermatology, dermatology san antonio, dimitri dermatology, lakes dermatology
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Open your mind, See with your heart.
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