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Freedom House Map of Freedom 2008
Play Video: Freedom in Retreat
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Freedom in Retreat
Peter Ackerman
Larry Diamond
Arch Puddington
Jennifer L. Windsor
International Affairs Executive
Joanne J. Myers
Former Director, Public Affairs Program, Carnegie Council
Carnegie Council's acclaimed Public Affairs program hosted speakers who are prominent people in the world of international affairs, from acclaimed authors, to Nobel laureates, to high-ranking UN officials.
Freedom House representatives and Larry Diamond discuss the findings of the FH annual survey, "Freedom in the World 2008," which shines a light on the decline in freedom around the world.
JOANNE MYERS: Good afternoon. I'm Joanne Myers, Director of Public Affairs Programs at the Carnegie Council. I'd like to welcome our members, our guests, and C-SPAN Book TV.
This afternoon we are delighted to once again welcome the representatives of Freedom House, who will be discussing the findings of their annual global survey, entitled Freedom in the World 2008, which reflects worldwide events during the past year.
For anyone pursuing the subject of global freedom, Freedom House's annual survey continues to be the standard bearer for evaluating trends on this issue. And, if you are interested in comparing this year's discussion with the one presented at the Carnegie Council last year, which talked about freedom, stagnation, and the pushback of democracy,I invite you to do so by visiting our Website at www.carnegiecouncil.org.
Recent events on nearly every continent have painted a rather bleak picture for the advancement of democracy. From Myanmar to Kenya, from Pakistan to Venezuela, there is a real cause for concern, as civil liberties and human rights have gradually been slipping away. Therefore, it's not surprising that the subtext of this year's Freedom House survey is "Freedom in Retreat," as the researchers found a disturbing deterioration in the advancement of freedom worldwide.
Today our speakers will engage in a conversation about the findings of this year's annual global survey of political rights and civil liberties, and they will highlight key countries that you have been hearing about in the news.
We will begin the presentation with Peter Ackerman, Chairman of the Board of Freedom House. He will say a few words about this organization, which has been in existence since 1941, with the main objective to see that the global expansion of freedom remains a critical goal of U.S. foreign policy. After his remarks, Jennifer Windsor, Executive Director of Freedom House, will moderate a discussion between Larry Diamond and Arch Puddington. Larry is a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and a renowned scholar on democratic development. He is also the author of The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World, which will be available for you to purchase at the end of the program today. Arch is the Director of Research at Freedom House.
Thank you all for joining us.
PETER ACKERMAN: Thank you, Joanne, very much, and thanks to the Carnegie Council for hosting this event. I'm delighted to be here and to have the opportunity to introduce Jennifer, Larry, and Arch.
As Joanne alluded, Freedom House was created in 1941, just after Wendell Wilkie lost the election to Franklin Roosevelt. He teamed up with Franklin's wife Eleanor Roosevelt to form Freedom House, which was a counter-concept to the Brunhaus in Germany that was a representative institution of the Nazi government at that time.
The explicit purpose was to basically keep Americans interested in the risks confronting them with respect to the Nazi threat in Europe and to the fascist threat in Japan, because, as you remember, at that time there was an overwhelmingly strong sense among many Americans that these were problems that shouldn't be America's problems. They felt differently. What they did is they organized an extraordinarily diverse, competent group of labor leaders, business leaders, distinguished Democrats and Republicans, journalists, and members of the scholarly community to come together to say that we can't ignore these threats.
Now, these individuals came, as I said, from various backgrounds, and probably disagreed on a wide variety of issues, just like our diverse board does today. But we all do, then and now, agree on one primary concept: that freedom of the individual here and abroad is critical to the advancement of the human enterprise, and that the American government has a tremendous stake in promoting freedom and democracy and human rights around the world.
Today's board of trustees, as I mentioned, is composed of a very distinguished bipartisan group of people from the Republican side and the Democratic side in government. We have as my vice chairman Mark Palmer and Stu Eizenstat, who worked, respectively, in the Bush and the Clinton administrations. We have phenomenal scholars, including Andy Nathan, who wrote The Tiananmen Papers, and Ruth Wedgwood, who's a famed international legal scholar. And we have very distinguished businesspeople as well. I want to recognize particularly Walter Schloss, who just came in, who is one of our oldest and most venerated directors and a vital member of our Freedom House Board.
Freedom House is unique because of its diversity, and it has also maintained a tremendous focus on keeping its viewpoint and its tone nonpartisan and independent. We work very hard to do that, because that's the fundamental premise in which the credibility of our work is hinged.
Freedom House is also unique because we utilize three interrelated approaches that we think are synergistic to what our basic work is—and that is analysis, advocacy, and action. So, first, we analyze trends and the state of freedom and democracy throughout our various publications. Second, we advocate against repressive regimes and for U.S. foreign policy that puts as a priority, as I said, the expansion of freedom in the world. And finally, we try to be directly involved, supporting actions of reformers, the civic activists on the ground, who are put under pressure or who are in need of sharing best practices from other parts of the world.
Now, before I introduce Jennifer, I want to mention one other initiative that we are about to launch that we are extremely excited about. Many people who talk to us, particularly in the last three or four years, as I think the image of the United States has declined somewhat, will come to us and say, "Well, you Americans are always evaluating others, telling others what to do. What about yourselves? What are you doing about yourselves?"
And so we are very proud to announce that next month we are going to be publishing a book, called Today's American—How Free? It is going to be, I think, the most extensive flashlight shined on America and the state of the individual American and his experience with freedom. It's, I think, going to, at the very least, lay a framework for a great deal of debate about who we are as a society and what we aspire to be.
Let me just say this: I have a very multipolar, bipolar, interesting, difficult board. I'd say that there was a virtually infinite number of places where there was disagreement on particular issues, from FISA [the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act], to the quality of opportunity and education. But even though there were these tremendous points of dissent, or frequent points of dissent, there was unanimity that this book had to go forward and it had to be published. So we'll be sharing it with you shortly.
Now I'd like Jennifer to take over. Thank you, Jennifer.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: I've had the privilege to work at Freedom House for the last seven years as the Executive Director.
We are going to talk tonight about our analysis portfolio, in particular our foundational survey, Freedom in the World. We have been actually undertaking Freedom in the World since 1972. It is a unique effort in many ways. It's an expert assessment that includes both narrative as well as numerical scores—grading, you might call it—of how each country in the world performs against the political rights and civil liberties that are enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This combination of numerical and narrative scores allows us to actually look at the progress or the reverses of freedom over time within countries, within regions, and globally.
I think over the years, and especially under Arch Puddington, who has ably led this effort for 15 years at Freedom House, Freedom in the World has gotten better. It has been subject to more intensive reviews, more intensive discussions. As we all know, there will never, ever be a complete agreement about the state of the political system in any country in the world, including our own. But it has become a document that has increased in its credibility and in its influence, particularly since the U.S. government has decided to link the findings of Freedom in the World in political rights and civil liberties directly to U.S. foreign assistance decisions. That has led many, many governments and individuals to look at our survey for the first time and to engage with us in a dialogue and a debate on what is this methodology, what are you measuring exactly. And it has opened up real opportunities, I think, for those of us who are committed to the promotion of freedom to talk with people who would have never listened to a human rights group report before.
So today we're going to have a little conversation, as opposed to just my talking here about what we are finding. I want to turn to Arch first and ask him what the five most important findings of our latest Freedom in the World survey are and what it means.
ARCH PUDDINGTON: The principal finding is that freedom is in fact, at least for 2007, in retreat. Our analysis showed 38 countries in decline, 10 countries moving ahead.
Second point: Many of the countries that were in decline are geostrategically significant countries, big countries, countries with big militaries, with influence regionally and globally. We're talking about Russia; we're talking about every country of the Indian subcontinent, except for India; we're talking about the Philippines and Malaysia; Nigeria and Kenya in Africa; Egypt, the P.A. [the Palestinian National Authority], and Lebanon; to Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, energy-rich countries, and Venezuela.
Third point: Dictators are becoming smarter. We are seeing a phenomenon whereby dictators are showing strategic savvy, tactical sophistication, and real determination in developing ways to censor the press, marginalize the political opposition, and to cripple civil society, and to do these things in ways that are less overtly brutal than was the case in the past.
Fourth point: Freedom in the Middle East was in a state of decline last year. This is significant not simply because the Middle East is the target of the American democracy promotion initiative, but because actually since 9/11 the Middle East region had actually showed a modest level of progress on our survey. This year it moved in the wrong direction, and several of the countries that had moved in the right direction in the past moved backwards.
Finally, some of the countries that are in decline are also major countries that are poisoning the well for their neighbors. That is to say they are providing diplomatic assistance and cover for despotic neighbors and they are undermining neighboring democracies, as Russia has done in Georgia, in Estonia, and Ukraine.
So on those points I think I'll stop and let Larry comment.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: I just want to mention additional information about Larry Diamond for those of you who do not know him. He is the foremost scholar on democratization, and has written or edited over 20 books about every facet of the relationship between democracy development and democracy in conflict. He has been involved. He is not just a scholar and an editor of the Journal of Democracy. He actually tried his hand at trying to help the Bush Administration in Iraq, and he can comment on the possibilities for democracy in Iraq.
Do you think that this decline in freedom is something that—I mean is freedom really failing? Is democracy failing, Larry? Is that what we're seeing?
LARRY DIAMOND: First of all, thank you, Jennifer for your kind words. Thank you, Peter Ackerman, for your warm introduction. And thank you to the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs for bringing us all together.
This is an extremely important and timely moment to be talking about the future of freedom in the world. Jennifer, I don't think freedom is failing, I don't think democracy is failing, in general. We do public opinion surveys around the world. We have more public opinion survey data than we've ever had before from people around the world. There continues to be a broad belief, not just in the "Western world," but in Africa quite strikingly, even in parts of Asia, quite stunningly in the Arab world, believe it or not, that democracy is the best form of government and that people want to be governed under a democratic system.
One reason why people lose faith—and Arch was alluding to this in presenting the findings from the last year—is that when democracy doesn't function well, when it doesn't meet people's aspirations for governance, not just in "delivering the goods" in economic development—we tend to think too much in economistic terms—one thing people expect from democracy is that, at a minimum, a democratic form of government is going to meet its obligations in assuring a rule of law, in protecting civil liberties, in producing constitutional government and free and fair elections. If it doesn't do that, people do lose faith.
One of the things we find in looking at the public opinion survey data—we'll publish an article in the next issue of the Journal of Democracy that attests to this very point—is that people are more patient than they are sometimes given credit for in terms of expecting an economic transformation. But the thing that most causes a loss of faith in democracy is when the political performance of democracy—in terms of human rights, rule of law, protection for liberty, and, crucially, control of corruption—needs to be better than it is and people judge that that is failing.
Now to come back to your point, I don't think democracy as a concept is failing, but I do think it has stalled. One of the things we see from the Freedom House survey—and I talk about it in my book—is that there has been a kind of plateauing in terms of levels of democracy in the world over the last 10 years. The number of democracies in the world, which is now about three in every five states in the world—basically the overall levels have not changed in the last decade or so.
Freedom has progressed, until the last couple of years, and, as you note, in this year's Freedom in the World survey this is the first year in over 15 years, I think, when there have been two successive years of decline in terms of the net progress or regress of freedom in the world.
But the key in terms of assessing this, which Arch was doing in his opening remarks, is to look beneath the trends to understand why this is happening. I would point to a few key factors and in a way underscore what Arch has said.
One is bad governance. It's not enough to have free and fair elections. If democracy is going to be viable, it has to be democracy with a rule of law, with control of corruption, with government that is at least somewhat responsive to the interests and needs of the people. That is very much the spirit of democracy. If you don't have responsiveness and a rule of law, then democracy can seem a very hollow thing.
So we need really a total global assault on corruption in the world. One of the main themes of my book is that corruption is poisoning the prospects for democracy in many parts of the world. If you look at why Freedom House was compelled to downgrade the Philippines in this past year from an electoral democracy to something less than that, or what might be called a pseudo-democracy, corruption, which has rushed back into the government of President Macapagal-Arroyo, has to figure prominently. Nigeria, Kenya—you can't understand the political crises, and I would even say you cannot understand the ethnic violence in Kenya today, without understanding that corruption is rampant, that President Mwai Kibaki's chief corruption control official was forced to flee into exile to England because his life had been threatened because he was getting too serious about doing his job. So that's a huge problem.
I think Arch spoke very well about the pushback against democracy—the authoritarian learning, unfortunately, and coalescing of countries like Russia and China and the Central Asia states into a very pernicious alliance that we need to really watch very carefully, called the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which has really become a club of dictators.
I would like to note two other things, if I may, before we move on, that I think we have to count very prominently among the reasons for democracy being under pressure now, or, as Freedom House says in its survey, "in duress."
One is oil. You can just draw a bar graph and see the rise in the price of oil and the decline in the prospects for democracy. I think this is one point where Freedom House and I don't quite agree, but democratic experts don't agree on this. I still don't think Venezuela can be called a democracy, even after the recent referendum. And so, if you accept that—and certainly Nigeria has long ceased to be such, and so has Russia—if you look at the 23 states that derive 60 percent or more of their export earnings from oil and gas, not a single one is a democracy. Well, if we are going to be pouring oil rents into these oil states, right into the centralized coffer of these states, we're feeding authoritarianism. It's another reason to get serious about moving away from dependence on oil.
And finally, there's another thing that functions as rents, as bounty easily captured by the corrupt central ruling elite, and that is foreign aid. Many of the states in Africa derive 50 percent or more of their recurrent budgets from foreign aid. We're not doing enough to question how the money is being used and to set standards for good governance that are going to ensure that the aid is used for development—after all, it's being called development assistance—rather than to nurture and entrench in-power ruling parties and enrich the governing officials. And so, if we don't get more serious about expecting higher standards for the utilization of foreign aid, I think it is going to continue to foster bad governance and, therefore, in some ways even undermine democracy.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: I want to raise an issue. You talked, Arch, about the backslide in the Middle East. The Middle East has been one of the least free regions in the world. You also saw a number of countries in Africa backsliding. Many of these countries that we're seeing either not make progress or slide back have ethnic or religious divisions. Is this the cause of the backlash against freedom? Are there certain societies that are so divided that you shouldn't try to bring freedom; freedom should not be valued, it should be unity?
ARCH PUDDINGTON: No, I wouldn't agree with that.
First, I would say that in each case you have to look at the particular situation. In Kenya, yes. What you have uncovered here since this crisis began are these simmering ethnic rivalries, these hatreds even. But if that election had taken place—that is to say, if democracy had worked as democracy should have worked—if the election took place and the counting had been honest and the correct person had been designated as president, I think you would not have had any of this. That's number one.
Number two, there is a point of view out there that we have these ethnically divided societies, and that what you need is not democracy and elections but something else, some other kind of system. Some people call it a different kind of democracy. But it is presumably some system that meets the people's needs for freedom and economic growth and also provides security. But in what country has this existed without there having been some kind of autocrat at best, and tyrant at worst?
Iraq? Whatever mistakes the United States has made in Iraq, just remember what Iraq was before. It was a society that was controlled, and it was controlled by one of the most brutal dictators of our time.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: So, Larry, speaking of Iraq, if Iraq is the centerpiece of what democracy promotion is, and we look at the real setback in the Middle East and other countries in the world, does that mean that the U.S. government has failed to effectively promote democracy? Does that mean we should give up the goal?
LARRY DIAMOND: Well, fortunately, Iraq is not the centerpiece of democracy-promotion efforts, I wouldn't even say in the Middle East, but certainly not in the world. I don't think we can learn much from Iraq about democracy promotion, except we should never seek to invade and occupy another country for the purpose of promoting democracy.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: Which wasn't the purpose.
LARRY DIAMOND: It was actually not for the Administration its leading purpose, but for some people it was a prominent element in the mix. I think they didn't think it through well enough. But, more importantly, coming back to a previous book I wrote, called Squandered Victory [see Carnegie Council talk], they certainly didn't implement it very well, if that was their goal.
In any case, I think one of the things we learned from the last few I'd say fairly tragic years of America's stated aspiration to promote democracy in the Middle East is that these efforts really need to be very sensitive to the country, cultural, and regional context. People look at the electoral victory for Hamas in the Palestinian Authority, which was, by the way, not a majority—it wasn't even close; it was barely over 40 percent—at the gains for Hezbollah in Lebanon, at the gains for Islamist parties in Iraq, at the electoral inroads that the Muslim Brotherhood made in the first two rounds of the parliamentary elections in Egypt before President Mubarak finally cracked down on them, and they say: "Oh, look what happens when you promote democracy in the Arab world."
Well, I think this is not all that happens when you promote democracy in the Arab world. We saw a very different electoral outcome in Jordan recently. We saw in the Arab country that has gone the furthest toward political liberalization and might be described as the least authoritarian now—Morocco—the Islamists actually not doing all that well in the recent parliamentary elections there.
I think a lot of it has to do with the strength of political alternatives. One of the problems in Egypt, and Mubarak has been quite clever about this—I talk about it at length in my book—is I think he got deliberately the outcome he wanted. He repressed the secular forces. He imprisoned Ayman Noor as soon as the election was over, who was the leading secular alternative. He let the Muslim Brotherhood contest for a while, to scare the United States and send a message, "See what happens when you promote democracy?" while brutally suppressing the secular alternatives precisely to manipulate Western countries into thinking that it was him or the deluge, his dictatorship or the Muslim Brotherhood.
And that is not the only choice in the Arab world. I think the key imperative in these countries is to follow strategies of political opening that will allow time for moderate Islamists to emerge and compete, for secular forces to emerge and compete, and, crucially, for other institutions, non-electoral institutions, of democracy and rule of law to emerge and become effective. So that you don't get a situation where, if you have an election, all the imaginable levers of power are at stake in the election. So that you have a court that can constrain whoever rules; so that you have institutions of corruption control and good governance that can constrain who gets elected; and so that over time, if you have an Islamic-oriented party that is somewhat more reasonable and is allowed to compete, it may go through the process of evolution that the Justice and Development Party in Turkey went through. So that if you have an Islamic-oriented party like that, that's the kind of, if I can say, Muslim democratic party, tantamount to the Christian democratic parties in Europe, that we can live with, frankly. Turkey has done very well in recent years under the rule of the Justice and Development Party. It has made progress in terms of democracy. It has made progress in terms of economic development.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: Arch, you've been at Freedom House for 15 years. Everybody always says that Freedom House gives the United States a pass and just picks on those countries in the developing world. Do we find any flaws in the United States in Freedom in the World findings this year? How does the United States rank? Does it get a perfect score? Is it the top performer?
ARCH PUDDINGTON: We have several different gradations of rating a country. There is the blunt instrument—whether a country is free, partly free, or not free. Then, there is another scale, a one-to-seven scale, with one being the best score for political rights and one being the best score for civil liberties, and seven being the worst. And then, there is yet another more granular way of measuring, which provides scores for some of the subcategories that we use to measure specific areas of freedom.
So if we look at this more granular area, the best scores in the world, which will come as no surprise, are in Scandinavia, and I think New Zealand usually gets nearly a perfect score as well. The United States scores somewhere along the lines of the United Kingdom and France; that is to say, a high score, a score that is equivalent to many of the West European countries, but by no means a perfect score.
Where does the United States suffer?
First, the political process. The United States has—it is not just the election of 2000—but yesterday there were breakdowns in the voting machines and problems with lists all over the country. We've had these problems for a number of years. The federal government has adopted a new law to deal with these problems, but they still exist. That's one area.
A second area is in corruption. The United States gets some points off for corruption, even though the United States does a pretty good job at policing corruption.
Then, of course, the United States is penalized for the constellation of issues that you could sum up by Guantanamo, the Patriot Act, renditions, and the like. These are rule-of-law issues. There are also issues of whether all people are treated equal. The United States gets some points off for its labor policies, which are not up to the highest global standards.
So these are the areas where the United States does more poorly than Sweden or Finland or Norway.
Where the United States does very well is where you might expect, on civil liberties—freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of belief, academic freedom, pluralism, minority rights, and actually treatment of immigrants, in which, despite the ugliness of the debate over illegal immigrants, we perform better than most countries in Western Europe today.
LARRY DIAMOND: Can I just come in and say a couple of things?
First of all, I think that this book that Freedom House is producing, I guess, at the end of March, Today's American—How Free?, is a very honest, I'd say surprisingly objective and unsentimental, and I think historically important work, that takes a very searching look at the state of democracy in the United States. I think its publication is going to be very important.
Second, we really have serious problems of democratic functioning in the United States that are not just captured by numerical scores. People around the world look at the United States, they look at the functioning of its democracy, and they are surprisingly aware of these things. They look at the number of incumbents that are reelected to Congress. They look at the way that congressional and state legislative districts are drawn, in obscenely partisan ways, with these tortured districts to preserve incumbency and partisan advantage. They look at the flow of money from lobbyists into the congressional earmarking process, which is still, I think, even after the recent reforms, quite scandalous. This does take some of the moral edge off our own efforts to promote democracy, and it provides just a bit of cynicism toward America's efforts, and a sense that at times maybe we're being a bit hypocritical.
So I think the ability of Americans who care about freedom in the world to question the quality and effectiveness of our own democracy is extremely important. It is why I titled the last chapter in my book "Physician Heal Thyself." I think we do have some work to do to improve the quality of our democracy and to renew its transparency and competitiveness if we are going to summon the maximum level of effectiveness in promoting democracy in the world.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: Before we open for questions, I know Arch wanted to say one thing, which is—I'm going to set you up here, because I know what you were going to say—so should we wait for the United States to be a perfect democracy to preach to others?
ARCH PUDDINGTON: What I was going to say is this discussion is taking place in the context of what transpired yesterday. The United States, compared to Europe and many of the other consolidated democracies, is a pretty wild and crazy place. It is a place where money plays a much bigger role in our political system than it does in Europe. It's a place where we do have these gerrymandered political districts. There are things wrong with our political system.
On the other hand, I cannot imagine in any European society anything approaching the Obama phenomenon. So that, just as we have our sometimes glaring faults, we also have proven, I think, this year that the dynamic element of the American electoral system still pertains.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: I'm asking everybody in the audience—I've come up with some of my toughest questions, but I'm sure there are tougher ones out there, so I'd like to open it up.
QUESTION: What is the relationship between what we might call political democracy—that is, the processes that go into creating and running government—and the quality of life, the standard of living? It seems to me that under some authoritarian regimes in the political sense, the standard of living is a good deal higher than it is in some so-called political democracies. How do these two considerations mesh?
JENNIFER WILSON: Arch, is Freedom House ignoring what really is on people's minds, in terms of getting food in their stomachs and health care and an education for their family? Are we really over-valuing civil and political rights in our Freedom in the World surveys?
ARCH PUDDINGTON: Several points.
One is our survey does look at issues of equality. Our survey is basically focused on traditional civil and political rights, but we also look at the level of inequality, for example, or property rights, rights to move around a country, rights to start a business, and this sort of thing. That's number one.
Number two, yes, we are for the first time—not historically, but for the first time in decades—confronted with a situation where there are a very few countries that are providing economic growth and an improved standard of living for their people that are dictatorships or autocracies. Many of these countries are oil-rich countries, energy-rich countries, and they are distorting their economies, distorting their political systems, and doing damage to the future of their countries. But nonetheless, in the short run yes, in Venezuela Hugo Chavez can use that oil money and he can hand out goodies to his people and he can win elections. It's a fact. But it will not last forever, and it is going to do crippling damage to his society.
Then there's the question of China. I mean China is a different case here because China is not energy-wealthy. China is something of a model for other societies. There is no other society that has succeeded the way China has in combining a Leninist political system with a kind of state-driven market economy. It is one of the very few, if not the only, economies that has succeeded in this. Here again, I think you will eventually see the development of a middle class, demands for rights. You are already seeing the demands for rights in that country. How long China is going to be able to hold the lid on is not entirely clear.
LARRY DIAMOND: A couple of additional points.
Number one, the relationship holds at the top end of the distribution of standard of living in this way. Of the top 25 countries in the world in terms of the UNDP's Human Development Index, which is the best index we have of standard of living because it measures not just money income but health and welfare as well, only one is not a democracy, and that is Singapore. You can't make generalizations from a tiny island-state like Singapore, where even survey data shows now that younger Singaporeans want a more politically open and competitive system.
Secondly, if you look at the bottom distribution, the 59 poorest countries in the world, the bottom one-third of countries in terms of standard of living, we have, according to the Freedom House data of electoral democracy, a reality now without precedent in the history of the world: 40 percent of those countries are democracies. And, as Amartya Sen has written quite eloquently in Development as Freedom, it is not just because it has been imposed on them; poor people actually increasingly see the value of democracy as a tool to improve their standard of living, to defend their rights, to express them in the political process. And so I think we're going to see more of this.
We see very high commitment to democracy in sub-Saharan Africa now. They have seen "developmental dictatorship," and they realized it didn't bring development and it isn't going to protect their rights.
QUESTION: When you measure countries around the world as far as the level of freedom and democracy, and you also measure the number of people living under those various governments, it seems to me that places like Scandinavia and Iceland have very small populations, and they excel, but most of the very densely populated countries in the world probably have very low grades.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: Except for India.
ARCH PUDDINGTON: Well, you could start with India. We rate India as a free country. It's got a vibrant democracy. Brazil, the largest country in Latin America, has a free rating. It is also a vibrant democracy. There are plenty of problems in both Brazil and India, but politically these countries are doing well. And actually, economically they are on the move as well.
There are other countries that are not doing as well. But I don't think you can make the generalization that very large, highly concentrated countries are incapable of democracy.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: Also, when we do our measurements of freedom in the world, we not only look at the number of countries that are moving but we look at the world's population and we split it up into those that are living in free, partly free, and not free countries. There is a lot more work that needs to be done. Two-and-a-half billion people are living in not-free countries. Sixty percent of those are in China.
QUESTION: The president-to-be of Russia, Medvedev, has just suggested that Russia start imitating China in terms of organizing itself. What do you see that as bringing?
LARRY DIAMOND: Probably an effort to institutionalize dictatorship, of course. I don't think Russia is going to be able to imitate China, and I don't think China is going to be able to imitate Singapore, which is the goal of the communist Chinese leadership, to make a soft landing to a kind of pseudo-democracy, where the Communist Party will rule and dictate indefinitely. And, if the Russians do want to imitate the Chinese, good luck to them, because there are deepening cracks in the Chinese system, which I also write about at length in this book, which are not being paid much attention to but I think are going to bring a deep, profound, and probably fatal political crisis for Chinese communist rule in the next 20 years if they don't rapidly accelerate the process of introduction of institutions of real rule of law and democracy.
Everyone trumpets the introduction of village elections in China. These elections are not for any meaningful level of authority. They are for a very, very tiny village committee that has very little power or control over resources. When I was there observing the village elections in 1998, I spoke to the Chinese official at the Ministry of the Interior who was responsible for operating them and developing the system. We asked him: "Okay, it's at the village level now. When will you have competitive elections at the township level?" He said, "In five years." And I said, "When at the country level?" He said, "In another five years, and then provincial in another five years." He thought in 20 years they'd have national democracy. Well, we're now a decade later and it's not even very present at the township level.
For Russia to introduce that kind of system, they'd have to really codify what they have already done, which is really the shutting down of democracy. And I think they still crave sufficient attention and respect in the Western world, even though they won't admit it. So they are not going to formally end multiparty competition.
I think much of Putin's popularity now is tied to the price of oil. We come back to this cyclical phenomenon and to the money that has gushed into the treasury of the Russian state to be able to be distributed in a variety of ways, subtle and not so subtle, to improve life, particularly in cities like Moscow and St. Petersburg. But this is not going to last. It is not built on an organic capitalism, of real entrepreneurship. It is certainly not built on good governance.
And so I'd say both the Russian and Chinese experiments have very acute vulnerabilities that are going to widen and become apparent over the next decade or two.
JENNIFER WINDSOR: There is obviously a lot of debate about what is happening in China, and Freedom House is quite fortunate to have one of the foremost experts on China, Andy Nathan, who I see has joined us on our board. Of course, the debates are when you have a country as big as China, how do you describe it in one brief narrative. That's why people like Andy write volumes, as opposed to putting one measure on it. But I think the answer is we don't know. Some people say there are cracks. Some people say that it's a tight system that has undergone a successful succession. But, you know, the experts have always been proven wrong, right?—in almost every country.
QUESTION: Don't we make a mistake thinking that we can actually export democracy? Having elections, as you just said, Mr. Diamond, doesn't necessarily promote or develop democratic behavior. We have to change the culture of these nations before we can change the way they live politically and any other way. That's sort of a statement but it's also a question.
My other question is: I'd be interested to know what your methodology has been in terms of getting these data collected for your book. Do you send people to the field? Do you look it up in here, in libraries? What is your way of doing that?
ARCH PUDDINGTON: Jennifer, you were one of the architects of American democracy promotion policy in the Clinton Administration. Why don't you tackle question number one?
JENNIFER WINDSOR: You know, I'm supposed to be the moderator, by the way.
My answer to that is any successful democracy-promotion effort is based on responding to local needs and requirements. Any effort that the United States or any governmental or non-governmental effort has ever made that is about telling another society what to do has failed.
The question is: Do these people not want to have their leaders to be held accountable? Ultimately, we have not been able to find another mechanism that allows governments to be regularly held accountable other than elections. Even if we decided that we were going to no longer provide any funding for elections—which, by the way, is 10 percent of the entire U.S. government's democracy-promotion budget, which itself is under 1 percent of the foreign aid budget—they'd still have them. It's a universally accepted right.
The U.S. government does not have the power to export democracy, but it also doesn't have the power to tell people that they have to wait until they are ready. The only way people become ready is to actually engage in political contestations, meaningful political contestations, for power. That's what we should be trying to foster.
I think it is an illusion to think that we can sequence. I have a great respect for many of the thinkers that have written this—Natan Sharansky, Fareed Zakaria. We cannot orchestrate for other societies that they cannot choose their leaders. I think we tried to do that in Iraq. We held back elections right from the beginning in terms of local elections, in order to have an interim constitution and an interim government that was supposedly representative. That didn't work.
LARRY DIAMOND: Let me just add a couple of things.
I completely agree with Jennifer. I never use the words "exporting democracy." First of all, it has a ring of imposition, which is I think ill advised and culturally arrogant. And second of all, it does carry the implication that we are literally exporting our model of democracy. Our model of democracy is very expensive, first of all, and it has significant problems of its own.
So I think democracy has to be fitting in its institutions, presidential or parliamentary; the type of electoral system, and so on, to each individual country and its needs. One reason why you have this outburst in Kenya in this deadly violent sense is because power is so centralized there that if one ethnic group captures the presidency the other feels like they've lost everything.
Well, a centralized government might work well in some parts of the world, or more centralized. But in many countries if you don't have federalism, if you don't have devolution of power, then democracy just can't work. By the way, that is also true in Iraq.
Secondly, Jennifer is absolutely right. We are working, whether it is with the official institutions, like the Democracy in Governance Program at USAID that Jennifer was involved with, or the National Endowment for Democracy, or Freedom House itself. We are working with people on the ground who are risking their lives because they believe in democracy, who have bet their livelihoods on this, who have mobilized very creatively, very courageously. They don't need us to tell them that democracy is a value to do this. When they do that, when they come forward and say, "We want a democratic system," I think we, having the privilege of living in a democracy, frankly have a moral obligation to help them as we can.
QUESTIONER: How would you relate that to the Iraq situation? I think that's on all our minds.
LARRY DIAMOND: I'd say that in my view—it's one that I have friends on the other side—but in my view the invasion of Iraq was a mistake at a number of levels. I was opposed to the war from the beginning. But now is not the time to debate that.
I think once we are there, we have some obligation to try and help bring about the emergence of decent governance and a rule of law, even if it's not a perfect democracy. I don't think that obligation extends as a blank check for decades on end.
But there are signs of some better governance emerging. There are signs of democracy taking hold. There is certainly less violence in Iraq now than there was a year ago. I do think that we have to find a way to get the Iraqis to assume more responsibility and wind down our engagement there.
But I don't think you can draw lessons from Iraq about democracy assistance generally in the world, because almost everywhere else in the world it is being done without having invaded a country, by purely peaceful means, and typically as a result of partnerships with democrats in the country.
PETER ACKERMAN: Before I get to that, one quick note on the question of culture and democracy. After World War II, many social scientists were absolutely convinced you could not have consolidated democracy in Catholic countries, and today you have democracy in almost every Catholic-dominated country. There was also a time in which it was widely believed you could not have democracy in Slavic countries, and then the Berlin Wall fell and all of a sudden Slavic countries wanted democracy.
Now, on the methodology question, we have a battery of about 50 analysts and experts who travel to the region, study the region. They are experts on particular countries or on particular regions. They come together. They write their analysis. They propose scores for the particular countries.
We meet together. We have a series of regional rating meetings where all of the analysts plus some academic advisors come together. We assess the countries' performance for the past year. We look at every question. We have 25 checklist questions on our methodology. We debate every one of those questions. We analyze them, we go through several layers of editing and checking, and eventually we publish the results.
QUESTIONER: Sounds good.
JOANNE MYERS: I want to thank you, Peter, Arch, Jennifer, and Larry, for joining us this afternoon for a very interesting discussion.
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With summer upon us, many state legislators are finding themselves stuck in "summer school" in order to hammer out bills to address growing infrastructure needs.
With the exception of a few states who meet year-round, most state legislatures will convene anywhere from 60 to 100 days. Unfortunately, this year many of states with short sessions now find themselves working well into the summer months in order to reach common ground on bills that will fund surface transportation in their state.
Whether is sticking it out at the state house beyond their required adjournment date or being called back by the Governor until a deal is reached, a healthy handful of states find themselves working tirelessly to find a solution. Our summer watch list includes: California, Illinois, Maine, Oregon, South Carolina, and Washington.
California's Governor Jerry Brown called for a two week special session to focus on the state's investment in transportation infrastructure. With the state facing a number of competing proposals—and needs—the hopes is to develop a long-term and sustainable funding solution. From high speed rail to road repair, Governor Brown is looking to the legislature to deliver a package that will improve public safety and secure the state's economic future.
Illinois finds itself in an extended regular session as it moves to reach a balanced budget that includes transportation and water infrastructure funding. At present the legislature is delivering budget bills in piecemeal fashion as it finds itself at an impasse with the Governor's Office. The 2016 fiscal year begins on July 1, 2015 and without a budget in place Governor Rauner has indicated program cuts would begin to take effect. Up to now, it is expected the Department of Transportation will not be affected.
Maine, like Illinois, finds itself in the middle of a larger budget battle. The most recent proposal was met with a number of vetoes (and later veto overrides) including the separate highway and transportation budget. Governor LePage removed $2.9 million in line items from the state's transportation that will require additional votes in the state Senate to be restored. This after a number of promising bills that would have established study commissions to assess the overall condition of the state's surface transportation systems did not advance.
Oregon with its Vehicle Miles Travelled (VMT) program set to start July 1, 2015 the legislature is still in discussions with Governor Kate Brown over funding $200 million in roads repairs through a 4-cent gas tax increase. With rumors a deal is near we expect that Oregon legislators will be among the first to head back their home districts.
South Carolina's legislature burned the midnight oil in Columbia and reached that will allocate an additional $216 million to fund county road maintenance and repairs beyond the $71 million already distributed among counties from their portion of the state gas tax. The transportation budget also includes the potential for $500 million in state bonds for large highway projects. The bill has been sent to Governor Nikki Haley for signature as legislators prepare to return home for the summer.
Washington State's legislature has already push through and received Governor Inslee's approval on the operating portion of the Department of Transportation's budget. The legislature nearing the end of its second special session, has again stalled when it comes to reaching agreement on a funding measure. While there was consensus for the package that included a 11.7 cent per gallon gas tax increase during the regular session, discussion that would lead to revenue generation for highways, bridges, and ferries, have been put in a holding pattern behind larger budget negotiations.
Now that the heat of summer has arrived the heat is on to get these lawmakers back home. As they look to neighboring states that have already taken action (and adjourned until next year), we fully expect legislators in these states will also make strides when it comes to meeting their infrastructure needs. We will watch as they work furiously to ensure that there is no disruption in state operations come July 1 and know they will diligently make necessary investments in maintaining and improving the condition of infrastructure in their state.


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Tag Archives: AC Milan
MAGAZINE ARCHIVE : FOOTBALL ITALIA – AUGUST 1997
Posted on April 8, 2021 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
Ronaldo (the original one) is the cover star of this edition of Football Italia, having completed a big money move to Inter Milan from Barcelona.
In adverts, there was a full page avert for a Football Italia hotline, where you could get all the latest Serie A news for just 50p a minute.
Cover star Ronaldo gets a four page feature.
Also getting four pages is AC Milan, who have a familiar face in the dugout, with Fabio Capello returning as manager.
Capello appears in another four page feature, a profile of all the managers in Serie A.
Claudio Ranieri gets profiled, but he is an out of work Serie A manager, having just been sacked by Fiorentina.
The best goalscorers in Serie A get profiled – Sandro Tovalieri, Pasquale Luiso and Marco Negri. Negri won't be scoring any goals in Serie A this year, as he had just signed for Rangers.
There are profiles of players who have been dubbed Heroes Of 97, including two players who would later play for Manchester United – Juan Sebastian Veron and Massimo Taibi, who was compared to AM Milan keeper Sebastiano Rossi. There was also a former United player profiled – Paul Ince, who was leaving Italy after two years to sign for Liverpool.
The magazine ends with the fixture list of the forthcoming season in Serie A and Serie B.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1997, AC Milan, Fabio Capello, Football, Football Italia, Juan Sebastian Veron, Magazine Archive, Massimo Taibi, Paul Ince, Ronaldo, Serie A, Serie B | Leave a comment
MAGAZINE ARCHIVE : SHOOT – 19.5.1973
Action between Scotland and Northern Ireland is the cover image of this edition of Shoot, which is dominated by the Home Internationals.
Bobby Moore uses his column to state that England were out to avenge bad results to Northern Ireland (a 1-0 defeat at Wembley in the 1972 Tournament) and Wales (a 1-1 draw in a World Cup Qualifier at Wembley) in the previous year. Moore also stated that he is planning to write a tribute column in the next few weeks to the recently retired Bobby Charlton.
Scotland and Northern Ireland's chances are put under the spotlight, with Northern Ireland Player/Manager Terry Neill believing his new look team can shock England, officially a home match for Northern Ireland but moved to Goodison Park due to Civil Unrest in Belfast.
There is a crosstalk feature between Mike England of Wales and Emlyn Hughes of England, with both players believing that the competition should not be scrapped.
Alan Ball uses his column to say that his 2nd place Arsenal side are as good as 1st place Liverpool, it was just that Liverpool got more points than them.
Archie Gemmill of Derby County is interviewed, declaring Johnny Giles of Leeds United to be "The master of midfield"
Frank Clark of Newcastle United takes questions from fans, revealing that Mike Summerbee is his toughest opponent.
Republic of Ireland are in World Cup action, facing a trip to the Soviet Union, hoping to keep alive their chances of reaching the finals in West Germany.
It isn't all international football, as Leeds United's European Cup Winners Cup Final against AC Milan, with Leeds hoping to keep the trophy in the UK for the 4th successive year after wins for Manchester City, Chelsea and Rangers.
The magazine ends with a poster of Pat Stanton of Hibs, but wearing a Scotland kit.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1973, 1974 World Cup, AC Milan, Alan Ball, Archie Gemmill, Bobby Charlton, Bobby Moore, British Championship, Emlyn Hughes, England, European Cup Winners Cup, Football, Frank Clark, Goodison Park, Home Internationals, Johnny Giles, Leeds United, Magazine Archive, Mike England, Northern Ireland, Pat Stanton, Republic Of Ireland, Scotland, Shoot, Svoiet Uniomn, Terry Neill, Wales | Leave a comment
MAGAZINE ARCHIVE : 90 MINUTES – 9.3.1996
Posted on November 19, 2020 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
Gary McAllister is the cover star of 90 Minutes as Leeds aim to reach the FA Cup Final, having already reached the League Cup Final.
In news, Manchester United want to sign Fernando Couto from Parma, while Bradford City have announced plans to build a 4,500 seater stand.
There is a three page feature on newly promoted Middlesbrough, who are sliding down the table after making a promising start.
Also getting a few pages is a feature listing the best (or possibly worst) short stays by players at a club.
90 Minutes Live canvasses opinions outside Watford v Ipswich, asking if managers should return to their former clubs, after Graham Taylor has returned to Watford for a second spell.
Leeds get a double page spread, having reached their first Wembley final in 23 years, and are aiming to reach a second on in the FA Cup, while Steve Walsh of Leicester City is interviewed, as they aim for a quick return to the Premier League, adding that none of their rivals stand out.
In competitions, you could win a trip to see Sampdoria take on AC Milan.
The magazine ends with an interview with Scotland manager Craig Brown.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1996, 90 Minutes, AC Milan, Craig Brown, Fernando Couto, Football, Graham Taylor, Ipswich Town, Leicester City, Magazine Archive, Manchester United, Middlesbrough, Sampdoria, Steve Walsh, Watford | Leave a comment
MAGAZINE ARCHIVE : WORLD SOCCER – FEBRUARY 1986
Posted on September 3, 2020 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
Michael Laudrup is the cover star of World Soccer as he faces a busy year, a World Cup in Mexico, but before that, a European Cup tie for Juventus against Barcelona.
AC Milan are in debt and out of Europe, but Silvio Berlusconi has made an offer to buy the club.
As you open the magazine, there is a feature on the fortunes of European and South American sides in 1985, with Soviet Union (82% win rate) and Uruguay (64% win rate) being the best of each continent.
There is a full page feature on Derry City, based in Northern Ireland but playing their first season in Republic Of Ireland's League Of Ireland.
The article is written by Michael Nesbitt, a football commentator for the BBC. who you may recognise as future UUP leader Mike Nesbitt.
Beside that, there is a full page article about South Korea qualifying for the World Cup in Mexico, becoming the first Asian country to qualify for two World Cups..
There is a double page spread on Juventus star Michael Laudrup, which also mentions his younger brother Brian.
Their dad was also a football, and reveals that his love of all things English was why he gave his two sons English sounding names.
Diego Maradona is struggling with injury, but it is too late for surgery, so he will play through the pain barrier in Mexico.
In England, it looked like Manchester United were going to win the league by a convincing margin, but their lead has now been reduced to five points.
In the Soviet Union, Neftchi Baku avoided relegation via a play-off.
The magazine ends with a poster of Frank McAvennie.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1986, AC Milan, Diego Maradona, Football, Frank McAvennie, Magazine Archive, Michael Laudrup, Neftchi Baku, Silvio Berlusconi, Soviet Union, World Soccer | Leave a comment
MAGAZINE ARCHIVE : GOAL – 21.12.1968
Posted on December 12, 2019 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
What appears to be Santa Claus on this week's edition of Goal is actually Terry Neill of Arsenal, visiting Great Ormond Street Hospital in his role as Chairman of the PFA.
Bobby Charlton uses his column to discuss onfield violence, stating that football is not too violent.
Another Bob is featured, Stokoe, who has hit out after being sacked as manager of Charlton Athletic.
Derby County have discovered they have a growing fanbase across the world, with supporters emerging in Baghdad.
Frank O'Farrell, new manager of Leicester City, has claimed that Leicester can win the title. He would be proved right, albeit 47 years later.
With it being nearly Christmas, naturally, Goal asks some footballers what they want this year. Alan Ball, just wants Everton to beat Man City on Boxing Day.
The tie of the round in the European Cup Quarter-Finals is AC Milan v Celtic, with writer Leslie Vernon expecting the Italian side to win the tie and the competition. He would be proved right.
This week's Girl Behind The Man goes to Scotland, to meet Anne Gemmell, wife of Celtic star Tommy Gemmell.
There is a look at gates in England, with the most notable figure being that Nottingham Forest have lost 123,000 fans over two seasons.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1968, AC Milan, Alan Ball, Bob Stokoe, Bobby Charlton, Celtic, Derby County, European Cup, Football, Frank O'Farrell, Goal, GOSH, Great Ormond Street Hospital, Iraq, Leicester City, Magazine Archive, Nottingham Forest, Santa, Santa Clause, Terry Neill, Tommy Gemmell | Leave a comment
MAGAZINE ARCHIVE : FOOTBALL ITALIA – NOVEMBER 1997
Posted on September 26, 2019 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
To Russia With Love is the headline of this edition of Football Italia. It's nothing to do with James Bond, but the fact that Italy will be facing a World Cup Play-Off against Russia after a 0-0 draw with England.
There are two England players celebrating on the cover – Serie A old boys Paul Ince and Paul Gascoigne.
In news, Silvio Berlusconi has ordered AC Milan's players to learn Italian in order to improve results on the pitch.
In reviews, there is a review of the 3rd Round of the Coppa Italia and the three European competitions, which still have Italian interest.
There is a ten page review of the World Cup Qualifier between Italy and England, which is quite impressive for a 0-0 draw.
Strike partnerships is a theme in this issue, with a look at the duos leading the line for Juventus, Sampdoria, AC Milan and Parma.
There is a look back at the opening weeks of the Serie A season, with Inter Milan being the team getting all the attention in the early weeks.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1997, 1998 World Cup, AC Milan, England, Football, Football Italia, France 98, Gazza, Italy, Magazine Archive, Paul Gascoigne, Paul Ince, Silvio Berlusconi | Leave a comment
Posted on August 15, 2019 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
The rhyming duo of Deane and Keane are the cover stars of this edition of The Magazine Archive as the 93/94 season is about to start, having made big money moves during pre-season to Leeds United (Brian Deane) and Manchester United (Roy Keane)
As you open the magazine, there is a double page spread of Shoot staff offering predictions for the forthcoming season. Manchester United were heavily predicted to win the league, though there were suggestions for Aston Villa, Arsenal and West Ham.
Shoot aims to find the best footballer in the world, and this week is a play-off between Ally McCoist and Dean Saunders. A penel of Denis Law, Gary Stevens, Terry Yorath, Tony Coton and Howard Kendall gave McCoist the decision by a score of 243 to 237.
Tony Cascarino of Chelsea is the subject of a Q and A on the theme of First and Last, revealing that the last concert he was at was Steve Harley in Motherwell, when he was living in Scotland as a Celtic player.
Neil Webb issues a warning for Roy Keane, who is hoping to avoid the fate of Neil Webb, Ian Storey-Moore, Garry Birtles and Peter Davenport, who all flopped at Old Trafford after joining from Nottingham Forest.
In competitions, you could win a trip to Italy to see AC Milan in action, as well as getting to meet their players.
In posters, there was a poster of Coventry City's Roy Wegerle, Mick Quinn, Peter Ndlovu.
In news, Chelsea have won a trophy, The Makita Tournament, beating Tottenham 4-0 in the Final at White Hart Lane.
Everton goalkeeper Neville Southall voices his opinion on the price of football, by stating that admission prices are too expensive for supporters.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1993, AC Milan, Ally McCoist, Brian Deane, Chelsea, Coventry City, Dean Saunders, Football, Leeds United, Magazine Archive, Manchester United, Neil Webb, Neville Southall, Roy Keane, Shoot, Tony Cascarino | Leave a comment
Posted on March 1, 2018 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
Bryan Robson, in action for England, is the cover star as the 1986 World Cup gets closer.
The magazine opens with rumoured tansfer activity by the Old Firm, with Rangers wanting to sign Richard Gough (he would eventually sign in 1987, after a year at Tottenham Hotspur) from Dundee United and Andy Goram (It took until 1991, from Hibs, for him to join) while Celtic want to sign Stevie Clarke from St Mirren. That is ex Chelsea player and West Brom manager Steve Clarke.
Another Scottish player potentially on the move is John Robertson of Hearts, who has been attracting attention from Tottenham Hotspur.
With the World Cup getting closer, there is a double page spread previewing Poland's chances.
Canada also get a preview. UK fans will get a glimpse of them before the tournament as they play England in a friendly at a 16,000 capacity venue, due to England manager Bobby Robson insisting that the game be played on grass, and not artificial grass that is used in Canada's bigger stadiums.
Bryan Robson uses his column to argue the case for England as World Cup winners, giving a brief profile of the 22 players tasked with taking the trophy home from Mexico.
Swindon Town won the 4th division, and this gets a double page spread, with manager Lou Macari giving most of the credit to defender Colin Calderwood.
Also promoted and getting a double page spread were Norwich City.
In World Cup news, Socrates was left out of Brazil's friendly against East Germany, while West Germany manager Franz Beckenbauer says this World Cup has come too soon for his team, but they have a great chance of winning the trophy in 1990.
The centre page poster is of AC Milan's English duo of Ray Wilkins and Mark Hateley, settling in in Italy, complete with family portraits. Former Motherwell player Tom Hately wasn't pictured, because he wasn't born until 1989.
Charlie Nicholas uses his column to discuss the vacant manager's position at Arsenal, suggesting that his preference is Alex Ferguson or Billy McNeill.
John Fashanu gets a full page profile, described as "articulate TV and radio star who listens to Dire Straits and Phil Collins". His biggest ambition is to appear on The Cosby Show. Fashanu would be going to the World Cup in Mexico as a pundit for Nigerian TV. Fashanu describes himself as "Mean and nasty"
The magazine goes green for a few pages, with features on Northern Ireland and Plymouth Argyle.
There was an advert for the following week's edition, which had a World Cup wallchart.
It was a World Cup that Trevor Francis won't be playing. He tells Shoot of his disappointment of not being selected for England, and that he's not planning on leaving Italy, where he is currently based.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1986, AC Milan, Alex Ferguson, Andy Goram, Billy McNeill, Bryan Robson, Celtic, Charlie Nicholas, Colin Calderwood, Football, Franz Beckenbauer, Ian Stewart, John Fashanu, Lou Macari, Magazine Archive, Mark Hateley, Northern Ireland, Norwich City, Plymouth Argyle, Rangers, Ray Wilkins, Richard Gough, Shoot, Socrates, Steve Clarke, Swindon Town, Trevor Francis, West Germany | Leave a comment
Posted on February 22, 2018 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
It's Derby Day in Manchester, and this is reflected with Paul Walsh and Andrei Kanchelskis appearing on the cover of Shoot.
As you open the magazine, there is a poster of Liverpool's Rob Jones, Steve Nicol and Julian Dicks.
United's recent FA Cup Semi-final Replay win over Oldham gets a double page spread, with most of the focus being on Andrei Kanchelskis and his goal.
Having just made his England debut, Darren Anderton is already worried that he might not be able to add to his number of caps in future, if Tottenham Hotspur are unsuccessful in their battle against relegation.
Over the page, there is a poster of Neil Webb.
With the World Cup approaching, Shoot does a double page feature focusing on Nigeria's chances, having qualified for the first time.
In 1994, Shoot had a columnist called Metro, who was the reigning Nintendo UK Champion. He reviewed video games. This week, he reviewed Ryan Giggs Champions World Class Soccer.
In adverts, there were adverts for World Cup Cards, made by a company called Uppper Deck.
Paul Gascoigne had recently suffered a serious and potentially career ending injury. Shoot dedicates a page to this, with a host of footballers offering messages of support to him.
In foreign news, Inter Milan want to offload Dennis Bergkamp and replace him with Chris Sutton, while AC Milan want to buy back Ruud Gullit, a year after selling him after they thought he was too old.
Arsenal's win over Paris St Germain in the European Cup Winners Cup Semi-Final gets a double page spread. It was a bittersweet night for Arsenal, as Ian Wright would miss the final through suspension.
With the World Cup approaching, Shoot has a series previewing it, with a comic book style full page look at past tournaments. This week featured the 1950 tournament.
Rangers and Dundee United have won through to the Scottish Cup Final, and this gets a double page feature, with Rangers aiming to make history by becoming the first team to win back to back trebles.
The Manchester Derby gets previewed on the final pages, with an interview with City's Michael Vonk.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1994, AC Milan, Andrei Kanchelskis, Arsenal, Chris Sutton, Dennis Bergkamp, Dundee United, Football, Inter Milan, Liverpool, Magazine Archive, Manchester City, Manchester United, Neil Webb, Nigeria, Oldham Athletic, Paris St Germain, Paul Gascoigne, Rangers, Ruud Gullit, Ryan Giggs, Ryan Giggs Champions World Class Soccer, Shoot | Leave a comment
Posted on May 21, 2016 by analogueboyinadigitalworld
Not long to go now until kick-off at Wembley. Back in 1990, Manchester United and Crystal Palace drew 3-3, meaning a replay was required to decide who won the cup.
That won't happen today, as it has to be played to a finish
Printing deadlines meant Shoot could only cover the original game in this edition.
That match at Wembley got four pages of coverage, with a lot going to wether Ian Wright, who came off the bench to score twice, would be picked in the replay.
In Scotland, they didn't go to a replay, as they used a penalty shoot-out to decide it. Aberdeen beat Celtic 9-8 in the first Scottish Cup Final decided by penalties, but Aberdeen manager Alex Smith criticising the use of a penalty shoot-out instead of a replay, even though his team won.
Luton Town's great escape against relegation gets covered with an interview with Kingsley Black, who announces he wants to stay at Luton despite interest from Nottingham Forest and Liverpool.
Shoot previews the European Cup Final, which Ruud Gullit is desperate to play in after a season blighted by injuries.
He did play in a match which finished 1-0 to AC Milan, just as predicted by Shoot.
With the World Cup coming up, Scotland face Poland in a friendly, with Shoot interviewing Stuart McCall, as he reflected on the moment he almost made a substitute appearance for England in an Under 21 international.
Leeds United are promoted back to the top flight of English football after an eight year absence, but Shoot says they should be kicked out of football altogether after crowd trouble at their final game at Bournemouth.
Ian Rush uses his column to pay tribute to Liverpool manager Kenny Dalglish, who has just retired as a player, making a final appearance in the game against Derby.
There is a double page interview with Niall Quinn, who recently left Arsenal for Manchester City in a bid to get first-team football to ensure his place in the Republic of Ireland's World Cup squad.
In foreign news, Diego Maradona intends to stay at Napoli in an attempt to win the European Cup.
In ads, there was an advert for Esso's World Cup coins of the England and Scotland teams.
Transfer rumours see Sampdoria want to sign Steve McMahon, Celtic want to sign Brian McClair, and Liverpool want to sign Wynton Rufer.
Previews of the forthcoming World Cup continue with United Arab Emirates, a squad who is very much disunited due to rows over money.
Dundee's relegation from Scotland's top flight was covered with an interview with Billy Dodds, who says he intends to stay at Dens Park.
There is another Wembley Cup Final this week, with Third Division champions Bristol Rovers taking on Tranmere Rovers in the Leyland Daf Cup Final.
Rovers were currently exiled at Twerton Park in Bath, with defender Geoff Twentyman saying the club will be the poor relations in the city until they get a new ground.
Tranmere won the match 2-1.
Posted in Football, Magazine Archive | Tagged 1990, Aberdeen, AC Milan, Alex Smith, Amen Corner, Benfica, Billy Dodds, Brian McClair, Bristol Rovers, Celtic, Crystal Palace, Diego Maradona, Dundee, European Cup, FA Cup, Football, Football League Trophy, Geoff Twentyman, Ian Rush, Ian Wright, Kenny Dalglish, Leeds United, Magazine Archive, Niall Quinn, Scottish Cup, Shoot, Steve McMahon, Stuart McCall, Tranmere Rovers, UAE, United Arab Emirates, Wynton Rufer | Leave a comment

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Saddle River mulling E. Allendale Road land buy
The Borough Council introduced a $500,000 bond ordinance for the proposed purchase.
Saddle River mulling E. Allendale Road land buy The Borough Council introduced a $500,000 bond ordinance for the proposed purchase. Check out this story on northjersey.com: https://njersy.co/2wvYvSO
Sarah Nolan, Staff Writer, @sarnolan Published 3:31 p.m. ET Aug. 22, 2017
The front of a home at 20 East Allendale Road. Saddle River officials are considering purchasing the 1-acre lot.(Photo: Sarah Nolan/NorthJersey.com)
SADDLE RIVER — Borough officials are considering spending up to $500,000 to buy an East Allendale Road property that could be used to help the town meet its affordable-housing obligations.
The 1-acre lot at 20 East Allendale Road, where there is currently a house, would be put in the borough's land bank, Council President Eric Jensen said. He cautioned that it is not designated for a specific use at this time, but he said it could be useful in satisfying the town's need to provide low- to moderate-income homes.
Like many municipalities throughout New Jersey, Saddle River filed a declaratory judgment in state Superior Court in 2015 to have its affordable-housing plan reviewed by a judge.
The borough is working with special counsel, Jonathan Drill, on its plan to address affordable-housing obligations, along with court-provided special master Frank Banisch. The Fair Share Housing Center, an affordable-housing advocacy group, is an intervener in the town's litigation.
SADDLE RIVER: Historic estate undergoes renovation
DINING: Saddle River Inn's chef and owner to open Saddle River Cafe
HOME DESIGN: Peek inside the Saddle River home of a hip-hop icon
The Borough Council introduced a $500,000 bond ordinance for the proposed purchase on Monday. Borough Administrator Jerry Giaimis, however, said the town might wind up paying less for the property if it proceeds with an acquisition.
The property, which abuts Route 17, is listed on several real estate websites, including Zillow and Realtor.com, for $450,000.
A public hearing on the ordinance is scheduled for Sept. 18.
Email: nolan@northjersey.com
Read or Share this story: https://njersy.co/2wvYvSO


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text:
Q: UISliders inside different UITableViewCells affect each other when continuous I have made a UITableView with some cells containing UISliders. Every UISlider has a unique tag - the number of a value it represents.
When isContinuous value is set to true for them, the first and the last sliders affect each other - dragging one of them makes the same change in value on the other.
Here is how those cells are made:
class CellWithSliderValues: UITableViewCell{
    @IBOutlet var slider: UISlider! = {
        let ctrl = UISlider()
        ctrl.backgroundColor = Constants.SETTINGS_CELL_COLOR
        return ctrl
    }()
    // some labels
    override init(style: UITableViewCell.CellStyle, reuseIdentifier: String?) {
        super.init(style: style, reuseIdentifier: reuseIdentifier)
        // layout
    }

    override func prepareForReuse() {
        super.prepareForReuse()
        slider.tag = -10
        minLabel.text = nil
        maxLabel.text = nil
    }

    required init?(coder: NSCoder) {
        fatalError("init(coder:) has not been implemented")
    }
}

internal func makeSignalLevelCell(\*some args*\) -> UITableViewCell{
        let tag: Int
        let currValue: Float
        let minValue, maxValue: Float
        switch(kind){
        \\ set all the values above
        }
        if (numInSection == 0){
            // other cells
        } else{
            let cell = mainScreen.table.dequeueReusableCell(withIdentifier: "CellWithSliderValues") as! CellWithSliderValues
            cell.slider.maximumValue = maxValue
            cell.slider.minimumValue = minValue
            cell.slider.value = currValue
            cell.minLabel.text = Int(minValue).description
            cell.maxLabel.text = Int(maxValue).description
            cell.slider.tag = tag
            cell.slider.addTarget(self, action: #selector(sliderChange), for: .valueChanged)
            return cell
        }

@objc func sliderChange(sender: UISlider){
        guard let valueToAdjustNumber = HeatmapSettings.RangedValueOption(rawValue: sender.tag) else {print("Non-understood slider"); return}
        print (valueToAdjustNumber)
        let newValueGiven = sender.value
        switch(valueToAdjustNumber){
        \\check for validity and save changes to a different variable
        }
        sender.resignFirstResponder()
        mainScreen.table.reloadData() // beacuse we need to refresh the number in text box
    }

The first and the last sliders in the table affect each other - when one has its value adjusted, the other changes its value too. With some debug outputs - see the
print (valueToAdjustNumber)

line above - it looks like valueToAdjustNumber alternates between the one expected for the slider and the one affected by the glitch.
It is not the problem of cell reuse - I tried genereting new cells instead of reuse, and also reusing cells but recreating sliders, it did not help.
When .isContinuous is set to false for the sliders, the problem disappears.

A: Bug disappeared after reloading only one section at a time.
mainScreen.table.reloadData()

Is made into
mainScreen.table.reloadSections([sectionNumberToReload(value: valueToAdjustNumber)], with: .none)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Year-in-review: The stories that made headlines on the foreign affairs front in 2016
by Amanda Connelly (feat. Ferry de Kerckhove)
iPolitics
This past year has been one for the history books.
In addition to spawning more legitimate 'what the —-' moments than perhaps any in recent memory, 2016 has also seen the culmination of years of simmering geopolitical and social tensions not only in Canada but around the world.
For foreign policy makers, the difficult questions they faced this year won't magically disappear like New Year's resolutions halfway through January.
Instead, the core challenges of the past year will only deepen and force Canadians to make hard choices about where we see our place in the world.
Without any further ado, here are the top five foreign affairs stories of 2016 and what they will mean for Canadian policy makers over the coming year.
SPOILER: Because the election of Donald Trump will impact just about every possible story that could be included on this list, we have decided to focus on the specific geopolitical issues and how they will evolve rather than his election as a whole. Explaining every possible challenge his inauguration could pose to Canada would mean we are here all day.
Renewed Russian aggression
While Russia's frosty state of relations with the West is nothing new, 2016 saw what can only be described as a deep freeze as President Vladimir Putin continued to defy international sanctions and continued his unabashed push to neuter Western democratic influence spanning from Eastern Europe to the Middle East, and all the way up to the highest office of the United States government.
"For Canada, or from a Canadian perspective, the reassertion of Russian influence in Eastern Europe, in Syria, Middle East, and political interference in western democratic states is probably the most important issue in its near-term implications and effects," said Jeremy Littlewood, assistant professor of international affairs at Carleton University and a specialist in security and intelligence studies.
As iPolitics reported earlier this year, senior military leaders including Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan are bracing for a smear campaign targeting Canadian Forces troops once they deploy to Latvia in early 2017 to lead one of four NATO battalions in the Baltic aimed at deterring Russian aggression.
Charting a new course in Syria
Continuing from the previous point, the deployment of Russian ground troops and bombers in late 2015 and early this year to help formerly beleaguered Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad ultimately turned the tides in that country's six-year-long civil war.
Aleppo and the major cities forming the backbone of Syria are now firmly in the hands of the regime. With the West wiping its hands of the fight, the future of Syria will now depend on how the regime and its backers — Russia and Iran — try to force the pieces back together again.
The other moving target in all of this is ISIS and the veritable Pandora's box of extremist groups including ISIS and al-Qaeda affiliates. While the regime retook Aleppo, ISIS recaptured the ancient Syrian city of Palmyra and still retain control of Raqqa in the northeast. As the Battle for Mosul in Iraq intensifies during early 2017, expect to see a flight of ISIS fighters back across the border to Raqqa as well as to Islamist terrorist groups elsewhere. As a member of the coalition fighting ISIS, Canada will have to navigate how to work with the countries able to exert influence over Syria in order to root out ISIS from Raqqa and also grapple with a changing scope of US contribution to that mission.
"What happens to Syria under the Trump presidency?" said Ferry de Kerckhove, former Canadian ambassador to Egypt, Indonesia and Pakistan and a senior fellow at the University of Ottawa. "There is a strong likelihood of Trump ceeding the full terrain to Russia in exchange for the latter's full cooperation in the fight against terrorism, namely Daesh."
They say hard times make for strange bedfellows, and there's a good chance Canada could find itself uncomfortably close to some unsavoury characters as the coalition evolves to its next stages. The current mission, changed from bombing to training, advising and assisting in February 2016, is up for re-evaluation in March 2017. Sajjan has not yet ruled out some form of contribution to the situation in Syria.
US vs. China
He's only been President-elect for a month and a half but already Trump has managed to stick a thorn in China's side with his tweets about taking a call from the Taiwanese president.
Casting doubts on whether to uphold the US's one-China policy has only added gasoline to that fire, likely prompting China's "unpresidented" seizure of a US underwater drone from international waters.
'The South China Sea will bring about a much more vocal reaction on the part of the US which will go beyond claiming freedom of navigation and may include a far more strident rejection of Chinese claim," said de Kerckhove.
The past year saw China increasingly unwilling to take questions over issues it deems to be none of the West's business, including domestic human rights and territorial disputes in the region. But with a president who, for all intents and purposes, appears tone deaf to the delicate balances involved in Chinese engagement, 2017 could see a sharper sting to the diplomatic slaps China and the US will undoubtedly swap. Where that leaves Canada in the mix isn't yet clear. However, Trudeau has made a point of stressing he views engagement with China as a key component of expanding Canada's role on the world stage.
A poll from the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada and conducted by EKOS Research Associates earlier this year suggests Canadians are currently split over the idea of a free trade deal with China, and only 35 per cent said they felt China's human rights situation was getting better.
North Korea testing the waters
Closely tied to the above is the issue of North Korea.
Over the past two years, China has shown growing frustration with the Hermit Kingdom and even supported international efforts to tighten sanctions aimed at curbing Kim Jong-Un's nuclear testing and missile development. But strained US-Sino relations under Trump could see a bolder North Korea.
"The North Korean leader is taking his time to assess where Donald Trump will go but the more the latter irritates China, the more Kim Jung-Un will return to dangerous bravado," said de Kerckhove.
The potential of a nuclear-armed North Korea within the next three to five years could have direct implications for Canada.
"[North Korea] can deliver its nuclear weapons via missiles," said Littlewood. "That has direct impact on Canada given any US target beyond the Western coast would involve or potentially involve a flight path that crosses over Canada. Such a capability is not inevitable – but the trajectory of developments this year points to it being more likely in the future."
Underlying all of these challenges is the chorus of populism and nativism that moved Oxford English Dictionaries to name 'post-truth' as the word of the year.
"I think there is one very big point, that has specific inputs or causes, and significant outputs, each of which would constitute in themselves huge stories," said Jeremy Kinsman, former Canadian ambassador to Russia, the European Union, the United Kingdom and others.
Kinsman pointed to the veritable laundry list of challenges over 2016 that can be linked to the rising populist wave.
From Brexit and the rise of populist demagogues like Donald Trump and France's Front National leader Marine Le Pen to the growing radical nationalism advocated by leaders in Eastern Europe's right wing movements as well as in Russia, China and the Philippines, Canadian leaders face a global climate he says is increasingly skeptical of pluralism and diversity.
We already know the government advocates for a policy of "responsible conviction," or standing up for certain values when it is convenient. But 2016 has shoved the government up against the rough reality of deciding how and when to stick up for its values, and the challenges they face in 2017 will not be any different.
Whether Trudeau and German Chancellor Angela Merkel, both billed as symbols of liberal leadership, can counter those sentiments will be one of the key questions they face in the coming year.
"It is amplified by the evidence that became clear in 2016 that social media are a force that divides and distorts more than it connects and clarifies," Kinsman said. "The main victim is democracy itself."
Populism has left the station, and it remains to be seen whether the light looming in 2017 is the end of the tunnel or an oncoming train.
Un-honorable mention
Yemen is the international elephant in the room of 2016 but with the Trudeau government's continued determination to sell armoured vehicles to Saudi Arabia, don't expect this issue to go quietly into the night.
"The destruction of Yemen by Saudi Arabia cannot go unmentioned," said Littlewood. "With attention predominantly elsewhere and only partial pressure on governments supplying military equipment to Saudi Arabia, our Western inattention to this fiasco and its impact on citizens in Yemen is shameful."
If history is any indication, the conflicts the West tries to ignore have a way of coming back to bite them where it hurts.
This is one to keep a close eye on in 2017.


UPDATED: Tue., Jan. 22, 2019, 5:46 p.m.
The former owner of one of Spokane County's largest marijuana producers had his bid to take back his company denied by a judge Tuesday.
But Cip Paulsen still has a path to reclaim the business that was stripped by the courts last fall amid concerns from investors about mounting debts and new criminal charges.
He said Tuesday he intended to do just that.
A trio of investors in Paulsen's pot business, Growstate, sued to dissolve the firm in November, arguing Paulsen hadn't provided them with updates on their investments and that new drug charges could result in Washington state taking away his ability to sell the drug. Paulsen, through an attorney, argued in court last week that he'd been punished without a criminal conviction on the new charges and that he was on a path to making the business profitable when the court prematurely stripped him of ownership.
Cooney agreed in part, denying on Tuesday a motion from the investors to freeze Paulsen's access to the assets of his business. However, the company remains in the hands of a court-appointed receiver, who is working to pay off the millions of dollars in debt the business reported.
More than half of that total is money Paulsen said he's put into Growstate himself through the use of personal credit cards, which explained the ledger of business-related expenses submitted in court that included bar tabs and other charges, his attorney argued.
The fate of the company, which Paulsen launched with fanfare in 2014 during the initial round of business licensing through the Washington Liquor and Cannabis Board, is one of the more public examples of complaints being raised by pot producers that there's too much of the drug in the market and too many regulatory costs for businesses to be profitable.
"It's been a very difficult business to be in, and most every producer/processor, very few are making money," Paulsen said.
But the potential trouble for Paulsen goes beyond margins and a flooded market. He pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor charge of driving under the influence in Kootenai County Court in December, and faces two felony drug possession charges from a traffic stop in Spokane County last winter. Convictions or guilty pleas in those cases would put Paulsen over the threshold for state regulators to strip him of his license based on criminal activity, argued Brook Cunningham, the lawyer representing Paulsen's investors.
"Mr. Paulsen, as manager of Growstate, has simply run the company into the ground," Cunningham said.
But Cooney ruled that argument had been made too hastily by the investors. Washington state law says the Liquor and Cannabis Board may revoke a license if the criminal conviction threshold is met, not that it must. Cooney wrote that attorneys for the plaintiff had misstated the law when arguing for the initial freeze on assets.
Paukert said Tuesday he still is reviewing the ruling with Paulsen and would decide next steps after that. He said all options are on the table, including a potential settlement between the investors and Paulsen.
"In any case, the best way to get out of a litigious case is for the parties to get together and figure a way out of it, rather than fighting it out in the courts," Paukert said.
Paulsen said the investors had been friends of his for years before the legal action.
Published: Jan. 22, 2019, 4:58 p.m. Updated: Jan. 22, 2019, 5:46 p.m.


text:
Program New Frontiers (pl. Nowe granice) – amerykański program misji sond kosmicznych zapoczątkowany w 2003 roku przez agencję NASA.

Celem programu jest umożliwienie częstego realizowania misji kosmicznych o wysokiej wartości naukowej przeznaczonych do badania ciał Układu Słonecznego. Wybierane są one na zasadzie konkursu spośród propozycji nadsyłanych przez amerykańskie instytucje naukowe i uniwersyteckie. Za projekt i kierownictwo każdej misji odpowiada główny badacz (Principal Investigator). Całkowity koszt wybranej do realizacji misji, bez kosztu rakiety nośnej, nie może obecnie przekraczać 850 milionów dolarów amerykańskich (według zasad konkursu na misję New Frontiers 4 ogłoszonego w 2016 roku). Koszty te kształtują się pomiędzy mniejszymi misjami sond programu Discovery a dużymi i bardzo kosztownymi misjami programu Flagship.

Wybrane do realizacji misje muszą realizować zadania z określonej wcześniej przez NASA listy. Początkowo były to priorytetowe zadania z przygotowanego w 2002 roku przez National Research Council na zlecenie NASA opracowania New Frontiers in the Solar System: An Integrated Exploration Strategy (pl. Nowe granice w Układzie Słonecznym: zintegrowana strategia eksploracji). Dla konkursu na misję New Frontiers 4 NASA wyznaczyła nową listę możliwych celów.

Dotychczas w ramach programu New Frontiers zrealizowane zostały trzy misje. Konkurs na kolejną, czwartą misję programu, został rozstrzygnięty w czerwcu 2019 roku.

Realizowane misje

New Horizons
Misja New Horizons była przygotowywana jeszcze przed zainicjowaniem programu New Frontiers i jako pierwsza została do niego włączona. Zadania misji polegają na wykonaniu badań Plutona, jego księżyca Charona oraz dodatkowo jednego lub dwu ciał pasa Kuipera. Sonda wykona badania składu chemicznego i charakterystyki fizycznej mijanych ciał.

Przebieg misji:

 data startu – 19 stycznia 2006
 przelot obok Jowisza – 28 lutego 2007
 przelot obok Plutona i Charona – 14 lipca 2015
 przelot obok obiektu pasa Kuipera (486958) Arrokoth – 1 stycznia 2019.

Juno
Misja Juno została wybrana do realizacji w konkursie rozstrzygniętym w czerwcu 2005 roku. Sonda ma wejść na orbitę wokół Jowisza. Zadania misji obejmują zbadanie, czy Jowisz posiada lodowo-kamienne jądro, określenie zawartości wody i amoniaku w atmosferze planety, badanie konwekcji i profili wiatrów głęboko w atmosferze, określenie pochodzenia jowiszowego pola magnetycznego oraz badanie obszarów biegunowych magnetosfery planety.

Przebieg misji:

 data startu – 5 sierpnia 2011
 wejście na orbitę wokół Jowisza – 5 lipca 2016

OSIRIS-REx
W kwietniu 2009 roku został ogłoszony konkurs na trzecią misję programu New Frontiers. W maju 2011 roku do realizacji wybrano misję OSIRIS-REx. Sonda wykona badania planetoidy (101955) Bennu i pobierze próbki gruntu, które dostarczy na Ziemię. Koszt misji, bez kosztu rakiety nośnej, został ograniczony do 800 mln USD.

Przebieg misji:

 data startu – 8 września 2016
 dotarcie w pobliże (101955) Bennu – listopad 2018
 planowany powrót z próbkami gruntu na Ziemię – 24 września 2023

Planowane misje

Dragonfly
Konkurs na czwartą misję programu New Frontiers został ogłoszony w grudniu 2016 roku. Koszt misji, bez kosztu rakiety nośnej, został ograniczony do 850 mln USD. Lista możliwych propozycji została ograniczona do sześciu celów: sprowadzenie próbek gruntu kometarnego, sprowadzenie próbek gruntu z basenu księżycowego Biegun Południowy – Aitken, światy z oceanami (Tytan lub Enceladus), próbnik atmosferyczny Saturna, planetoidy trojańskie oraz lądownik na Wenus. W grudniu 2017 roku do dalszej analizy wybrano dwie propozycje: lądownik o konstrukcji wiropłata badający powierzchnię Tytana (Dragonfly) oraz sprowadzenie próbek gruntu z komety 67P/Czuriumow-Gierasimienko (CAESAR). Wynik konkursu ogłoszono 27 czerwca 2019 roku. Do realizacji wybrano misję Dragonfly.

Planowany przebieg misji:

 data startu – 2027
 lądowanie na powierzchni Tytana – 2034
 czas misji na Tytanie - 2,5 roku, przebyty dystans około 175 km

Zobacz też
 program Discovery
 program Flagship

Przypisy

Bibliografia

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia