text:
Q: how to get/set variables outside of controller/module? Let's say I have a predefined module/controller which sets the apple as green.
var _core = angular.module('_core', []);
_core.controller('mainController', function($scope, $controller, $http) {
    $scope.apple = 'green';
});

Can I get the apple outside of the controller? Something like.
_core.mainController.apple
Is this possible? I also need to set variables with external plugins, sorry I'm a complete angular noob, its a bit daunting.

A: If you want the value to be accessible outside the controller, then you can store it in $rootScope instead of $scope and you can directly use the values stored in $rootScope where it is injectable. So the code becomes:
var _core = angular.module('_core', []);
_core.controller('mainController', function($scope, $controller, $http, $rootScope) {
    $rootScope.apple = 'green';
});

Now in some other place say a factory, you can use it as:
var _core1 = angular.module('_core1', []);
_core1.factory('someFactory', function($scope, $rootScope, $http) {
  var fruit = $rootScope.apple;
//variable fruit now contains green
});

A: You can use factory to get set any module outside the controller.
    var App = angular.module('app', []);

    App.factory('messages', function () {
         var messages = {};

         messages.list = [];

        messages.add = function (someString) {
            messages.list.push(someString);
        };
    messages.get = function() {

};
        messages.clearList = function () {
            messages.list.length = 0;
        }

        return messages;
    });

And you can call this service method into your controller.
App.Controller('myController',['$scope', 'messages', function(scope, messages) {
        messages.add('Hello');
        var myListy = messages.get();
   }]);

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The Observer today published its selection of 500 UK rising stars for 2009.
I'm very happy to have been selected in the Business category, along with 70 other businesspeople including Amanda Zuydervelt of Stylebible, Carl Jewitt of Ernst & Young, Jay Bregman of eCourier, Luke Ashworth of Netbasic, Sokratis Papafloratis of Trusted Places, Tom Critchlow of Distilled, Simon Campbell of ViaPost, Richard Alvin of Clearsight, Duncan Cheatle of the Supper Club, Carol Brown of Thomson Bethune, Elizabeth Harrin of Spire Healthcare/A Girl's Guide to Project Management, Edward Mellett of WikiJob and Darren Fell of Crunch.
Travel and Leisure: Steve Lowy of UMI, Mark Thomas of Intercontinental, Carter Stewart of Trans World Consulting.
We all join last year's members who include Geoff Mulgan of the Young Foundation, Ryan Notz of Buildersite, Anthony Browne of Policy Exchange, Harriet Wallace at the Treasury, Keith Abel of Abel and Cole, Penny Newman of Cafe Direct, Sumon Sadhu of Imperial Entrepreneurs, Emma Baylis of KPMG, Simon Franks of Redbus, Tony Rafferty of printing.com, Rachel Lowe of Destination Dublin Games, Dominic Cooke of the Royal Court Theatre, Karren Brady of Birmingham City, Toby Mundy of Atlantic Books, Joanna Shields of Bebo, Karen Hanton of Toptable, Justin Cooke of Fortune Cookie, Mark Cridge of Glue London, Neil Jones of Carat, Rob Forshaw of Grand Union and Wayne Arnold of Profero.
Congratulations to everyone and particularly to my friend Andy Cockburn of Wigadoo who won the first prize. Wigadoo's a great concept and has interesting economic implications. And thanks to Bonnie Shaw of Snap-Shot-City who first introduced us to the competition.


text:
<?php

// AheGsbBundle:Default:accueilVisiteur.html.twig
return array (
);

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
package org.apache.sis.filter;

import org.junit.Test;
import org.apache.sis.test.TestCase;

import static org.apache.sis.test.Assert.*;

// Branch-dependent imports
import org.apache.sis.feature.AbstractFeature;
import org.apache.sis.internal.geoapi.filter.ComparisonOperatorName;
import org.apache.sis.internal.geoapi.filter.BetweenComparisonOperator;

/**
 * Tests {@link ComparisonFilter} implementations.
 *
 * @author  Johann Sorel (Geomatys)
 * @author  Martin Desruisseaux (Geomatys)
 * @version 1.1
 * @since   1.1
 * @module
 */
public final strictfp class ComparisonFilterTest extends TestCase {
    /**
     * The factory to use for creating the objects to test.
     */
    private final DefaultFilterFactory<AbstractFeature,Object,?> factory;

    /**
     * Expressions used as constant for the tests.
     */
    private final Expression<AbstractFeature,Integer> c05, c10, c20;

    /**
     * Expected name of the filter to be evaluated. The {@code evaluate(…)} methods
     * will compare {@link ComparisonFilter#getFunctionName()} against this value.
     */
    private ComparisonOperatorName expectedName;

    /**
     * The filter tested by last call to {@code evaluate(…)} methods.
     */
    private Filter<AbstractFeature> filter;

    /**
     * Creates a new test case.
     */
    public ComparisonFilterTest() {
        factory = DefaultFilterFactory.forFeatures();
        c05 = factory.literal(5);
        c10 = factory.literal(10);
        c20 = factory.literal(20);
    }

    /**
     * Evaluates the given filter. The {@link #expectedName} field must be set before this method is invoked.
     * This method assumes that the first expression of all filters is {@link #c10}.
     */
    private boolean evaluate(final Filter<AbstractFeature> filter) {
        this.filter = filter;
        assertInstanceOf("Expected SIS implementation.", ComparisonFilter.class, filter);
        assertEquals("operatorType", expectedName, filter.getOperatorType());
        assertSame("expression[0]", c10, filter.getExpressions().get(0));
        return filter.test(null);
    }

    /**
     * Evaluates the given "Property is between" filter.
     */
    private boolean evaluate(final BetweenComparisonOperator<AbstractFeature> filter) {
        this.filter = filter;
        assertInstanceOf("Expected SIS implementation.", ComparisonFilter.Between.class, filter);
        assertEquals("operatorType", expectedName, filter.getOperatorType());
        return filter.test(null);
    }

    /**
     * Tests "LessThan" (construction, evaluation, serialization, equality).
     */
    @Test
    public void testLess() {
        expectedName = ComparisonOperatorName.PROPERTY_IS_LESS_THAN;
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.less(c10, c20)));
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.less(c10, c10)));
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.less(c10, c05)));
        assertSerializedEquals(filter);
    }

    /**
     * Tests "LessThanOrEqualTo" (construction, evaluation, serialization, equality).
     */
    @Test
    public void testLessOrEqual() {
        expectedName = ComparisonOperatorName.PROPERTY_IS_LESS_THAN_OR_EQUAL_TO;
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.lessOrEqual(c10, c20)));
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.lessOrEqual(c10, c10)));
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.lessOrEqual(c10, c05)));
        assertSerializedEquals(filter);
    }

    /**
     * Tests "GreaterThan" (construction, evaluation, serialization, equality).
     */
    @Test
    public void testGreater() {
        expectedName = ComparisonOperatorName.PROPERTY_IS_GREATER_THAN;
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.greater(c10, c20)));
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.greater(c10, c10)));
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.greater(c10, c05)));
        assertSerializedEquals(filter);
    }

    /**
     * Tests "GreaterThanOrEqualTo" (construction, evaluation, serialization, equality).
     */
    @Test
    public void testGreaterOrEqual() {
        expectedName = ComparisonOperatorName.PROPERTY_IS_GREATER_THAN_OR_EQUAL_TO;
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.greaterOrEqual(c10, c20)));
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.greaterOrEqual(c10, c10)));
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.greaterOrEqual(c10, c05)));
        assertSerializedEquals(filter);
    }

    /**
     * Tests "EqualTo" (construction, evaluation, serialization, equality).
     */
    @Test
    public void testEqual() {
        expectedName = ComparisonOperatorName.PROPERTY_IS_EQUAL_TO;
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.equal(c10, c20)));
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.equal(c10, c10)));
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.equal(c10, c05)));
        assertSerializedEquals(filter);
    }

    /**
     * Tests "NotEqualTo" (construction, evaluation, serialization, equality).
     */
    @Test
    public void testNotEqual() {
        expectedName = ComparisonOperatorName.PROPERTY_IS_NOT_EQUAL_TO;
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.notEqual(c10, c20)));
        assertFalse(evaluate(factory.notEqual(c10, c10)));
        assertTrue (evaluate(factory.notEqual(c10, c05)));
        assertSerializedEquals(filter);
    }

    /**
     * Tests "Between" (construction, evaluation, serialization, equality).
     */
    @Test
    public void testBetween() {
        expectedName = ComparisonOperatorName.PROPERTY_IS_BETWEEN;
        assertTrue (evaluate((BetweenComparisonOperator<AbstractFeature>) factory.between(c10, c05, c20)));
        assertFalse(evaluate((BetweenComparisonOperator<AbstractFeature>) factory.between(c20, c05, c10)));
        assertFalse(evaluate((BetweenComparisonOperator<AbstractFeature>) factory.between(c05, c10, c20)));
        assertSerializedEquals(filter);
    }
}


text:
Q: Google Cloud bucket static host, rewrite urls I'm curious about an aspect of Google Cloud static hosting (via a bucket) and wonder if anybody here has knowledge of it.
Before I moved my website over to GCP, I used an .htaccess file to rewrite files such as index.html to display when requested without .html
I found that this looked better and would display my site as www.domain.com/index rather than www.domain.com/index.html
I also used my .htaccess file to forced http requests to https
I know this is impossible with GCP, as htaccess files won't be read in a bucket. I read that app.yaml file will do this same thing, however, it's my understand that app.yaml is used by an App Engine. I host my website in bucket, and use a load balancer to allow https request.
If I create an app.yaml file and place it in my bucket, is it possible to get the same results I had with htaccess? Anybody have any suggestions?
Thanks.

A: app.yaml is used to configure App Engine apps's settings [1]. For hosting a website in a bucket, it is not related. To achieve your goal, you can host your website in App Engine and configure the app.yaml.
As a workaround, you can have a javascript in your bucket to redirect to another URL [2].


text:
FFMag TV
Type of cuisine -AmericanAsianBasqueBrazilianContemporary cuisineFine diningFish and shellfishFrenchFusionHealthyIndianInternationalItalianJapaneseLebaneseMediterraneanMexicanNikkeiPeruvianPortuguesePortuguese cuisine reviewedRice and seafoodSignatureSnacksSteakhouseStreet foodTapasTraditional
A MI MANERA. The garden of delights
Mateo © ffmag
When the diner enters A Mi Manera, they walk through a time warp. This was the first restaurant to offer a zero km menu on the island, but A Mi Manera is much more than that. The 'secret garden of Es Pla' emerges from extensive research into Formentera's gastronomic culture. Dining outdoors, surrounded by the crops that you will later find on your dish is a magical experience, a true journey through the aromas and flavours of the island.
Located just 500 metres from the paradisiacal Cala Saona, the restaurant is surrounded by the harmony of an organic garden from which its zero km products are obtained. "Our vegetable garden is our way of reconciling with nature," explains Matteo Maria Marco Martelli, owner of the restaurant. This space is where the restaurant organically grows their produce, vegetables and herbs; and it is for this reason that seasonality guides the selection of each dishes' ingredients and designs A Mi Manera's menus and culinary offering. A wide variety of gourmet meats and fish, cooked as simply as possible, complement the A Mi Manera menu, creating a Mediterranean cuisine based on respect and love for the highest quality raw materials.
One of their delicious dishes
Matteo was born in Crema, a town near Milan, in 1977. He has been living on the island since 2005, but had worked in Formentera during the summer seasons since 2003. He defines himself as "a madman with a big heart." "Everyone tells me I'm crazy and it's true," he says, "but I believe that, despite my madness, I'm very professional: hospitality is very hard work and sometimes it's not easy to manage a team of 30 people. That is why I always look for support by choosing strong managers, who I can trust and delegate work to," he explains.
Our garden is our way of reconciling with nature
The soul of A Mi Manera grew up in the countryside and it was his origins, the memory of his grandfather and his childhood in the middle of nature, that motivated him to start the A Mi Manera project. Before that, Matteo had run the famous Rigatoni restaurant in Es Pujols for 10 years. When he saw the opportunity to buy the land on which his restaurant would later be located, he immediately realised that he was looking at his dream. "I realized that it was the perfect place to create a vegetable garden. My idea was to fuse such a garden with a gourmet, culinary concept. It was very difficult at first to make people understand that A Mi Manera was not just a restaurant for vegetarians, but a gourmet restaurant with its own orchard, chickens, field…"
It was difficult to make people understand that A Mi Manera was not just a restaurant for vegetarians, but a gourmet restaurant with its own orchard, chickens, field…
"I think 'A Mi Manera' offers a spectacular proposal based on a variety of products. I couldn't choose only one to talk about," says Matteo. "On one hand, the vegetable garden, which is incredible. Also, when you walk in, you have a lovely chill out area surrounded by a small orchard. Afterwards, you can enjoy our grill with Wagyu meat, combined with very simple cuisine, homemade fresh pasta, fish from the island, and tomatoes from the garden. We are a gourmet restaurant with flair. Design also plays a crucial role. The interior design project was carried out by my mother, who is a very good designer. Its flair and design have attracted people who are interested in art from all over the world".
Octopus carpaccio
A Mi Manera diners are never in a hurry to leave. The entrapment of all who enter this particular garden of delights is one of the restaurant's main charms. That is why A Mi Manera also has a cocktail bar that tops off its culinary offering with a careful selection of interpretations of the great classics, using infusions and ingredients from the farm. Rounding off the evening with one of their delicious cocktails under a blanket of stars is the best way to capture an experience that only A Mi Manera can offer.
A Mi Manera travels to Ibiza
Following A Mi Manera's success in Formentera, the restaurant will also launch this year on the neighbouring island of Ibiza. And Matteo will be supported by the help of two his brothers, Gianluca and Chicho. "They live in Ibiza and whenever they visit Formentera, they love dining at A Mi Manera. They were delighted by it. So, one day, they called me, separately, to tell me that they had found a location that could relive the A Mi Manera experience in Ibiza. I asked them the price, and when they told it to me I immediately said no, but after a discussion with my pillow and, after seeing the location, I thought: if we don't do it here, we won't do it anywhere," he says.
So, last October, the three brothers started working on their new project. "I am ecstatic, because I have two partners who are experienced in many different things that I have no idea about: we are very close, and everyone brings something to the company. They are more technical, they control the bureaucratic aspects and oversee the works and the design alongside our mother… The three of us are very happy," says Matteo.
A Mi Manera, Formentera
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FaceFoodMag© 2019.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Alliance Backs Improved Budget Agreement
Alliance Party Finance Spokesperson, Stephen Farry MLA, has set out the basis of his party's support for the Executive's Budget 2011-2015 and highlighted the beginnings of a more strategic approach including addressing the costs of division.
Dr Stephen Farry MLA stated: "This Budget is not an Alliance Budget. We have our own ideas, emphasis and priorities. An Alliance Budget would be more radical in terms of modernising public services and investing in the economy.
"That said, Alliance respects that we are part of a five-party Executive that has to agree a budget and Departmental allocations within a constrained and reduced set of resources. We respect the process that we are in while remaining committed to a programme of reform to make it work better. Failure to agree a budget would leave the Assembly and Executive in default of their legal obligations and see a bad budget imposed.
"It is a shame that other parties have not been similarly constructive and it is not sustainable for both the UUP and SDLP to remain in the Executive and be bound by the collective responsibility of the Ministerial Code if their parties are intent on opposing the Budget on the floor of the Assembly.
"Alliance has been working behind the scenes to make the draft Budget from December better. We acknowledge and concur with many of the very valid points made within the consultation process. Today, we now have some additional resources for Employment and Learning and increased reallocations for capital expenditure both of which give additional assistance to the economy and the construction sector too. Furthermore, we have for the first time an acknowledgement of and encouragement for Departments to begin to address the £1billion annual cost of division. We also welcome the endorsement of early intervention and prevention, and collaboration between Departments which should provide better services and greater efficiencies.
"We now have the potential for a more strategic approach which must be followed through over the next for four years. I welcome that the Budget Review Group will now be a standing sub-committee of the Executive."


Schlegel (I call it window fethers) is the technical term for the little fuzzy stuff around your sliding glass windows on your boat that creates a seal. See pic.
So I have a bunch of this stuff, but I can't figure out how to install it. On the inside of the window frame is a channel on both side that this stuff is installed.
How do you install this stuff?
I placed the bottom of the new seal into the bottom of the track, then tried all kinds of pointy devices to try and pop it into the upper channel. Nothing works.
Mr. ASD. I've got exactly the same on our small boat. The strip has fuzz on one edge and a rigid strip of plastic on the opposite edge. That rigid strip of plastic has fit into the groove in the extrusion. The ONLY way I found was to grind the overhanging lips on the extrusion (top and bottom) for a short distance (1" or so) so the rigid plastic will slide into the groove. There may be a short section overhanging lip already removed...near a drain possibly?
The remaining track must be scrupulously clean to allow the new strip to slide in. I had a fair amount of corrosion (aluminum track) that was the devil to clean out to allow the schlegel to slide readily the whole length of the window.
Indeed, one must replace the Schlegel. Much needed to keep the outside cold air from entering the nice warm interior, especially during those "Warm" summer days in AK!
One issue I am running into is that you can't remove the windows......Nothing is easy on a boat is it???
I tried replacing the felt and I couldn't figure it out. Hopefully you can. We ended replacing the tracks with StanPro Y582 but we had to remove the windows from the inside by removing the frames. The windows were built on a bench with the tracks, glass and frames complete, then installed when the boat was built. Not an easy project. I feel your pain. Good luck.
So the stuff I got is the exact same width as what is currently in there. I found that if I have an open end on one side of the channel, I can start it, then take a sharp pointy tool and put the material down the track.
The problem is when these windows were assembled 30 years ago the weather stripping was installed as they built the window, with no thought if it had to be replaced at a later date. Also without the ability to actually remove the window, some spots will not be replaced.
I also can take a pair of small wire cutters and trim the plastic backing so that it will snap into the track. Doing the top track will hurt my body the most as you are leaning out the window working over your head.
One of the MOST important part of all this is to make sure your window drains are clean and not plugged with mud, leaves etc.
RT has the fix. We changed ours during a window replacement caused by my big ads going through the windows. I think the fuzzy stuff is called Wool Pile. Search the forum for Wool Pile. My tracks had a perpendicular slot to insert the plastic backing. If you don't have the slot you could cut one with a drumel.
Mr. ASD. "... was installed as they built the window," Exactly the reason you have to grind away some of the overhanging lip in order to get the strip, at least, started. As Mr. S notes, it is much easier to do IF you can remove the glass and indeed, you may have to jack the frame apart enough to slip the glass out.
Just saw Mr. f's post. Yes, Dremel tool to cut the aluminum.
I relined my SS window channels. I used vinyl siding cut long strips, then using a heat gun formed a U shape over a 1/4" edge, recut so it was smooth edged and snapped it into the old SS channels. Yeah, it was not easy, but it has never failed, did that 10 yrs ago. The windows hold it in place and it has a little spring back too. The glass slides easily on that plastic. The hardest part was getting rid of all the rotten bits of fluffy stuff left in the old channels.
It seemed my only other option was to buy new channels with the felt fluff already attached.
A couple front windows had a wider original track. I used a softer piece of indoor outdoor blue olefin carpet that had no rubber backing and glued that in place. It seals very well. but crud can build up and somehow locks the glass and it gets stuck if you don't use them for a long time. But if you use the windows it is ok.
As mentioned, the strip was installed THEN the frames were assembled so to gain access to the sort of "C" channel you have to grind off the outsides of the "C" for about 1" to make a "U". How can I make this more confusing????
I've been ignoring because I was sure it was about a door lock. Schlage, Schlegel...close enough.


Randy has worked for 36 years for various aerospace engineering companies as a physicist. He has always worked to maintain his physical fitness through a combination of running, weight training and calisthenics.
Mike worked for 30 years for the U.S. Army at Redstone Arsenal in various technical and leadership positions. He has been an athlete all of his life and has stayed fit through various sports, running, and exercise.


text:
Home city guide services in bhiwani
Bhiwani is an upcoming city in the state of Haryana. It is known for its temples and historical monuments that dot the whole city. It has grown manifold since its evolution as a district in 1972. The industries and textile mills established here offer employment opportunities to the people and thus attract lot of people to this place. As such, Bhiwani has people from diverse backgrounds; professional and personal. It is the third most populated district in Haryana and hence, it has a huge population that inhabits this region.
To manage the civic administration and essential services, the district has a sound administrative set up which is facilitated by other services provided here. At district level, there are government departments and agencies to look after it. Also there are many service providers in all the domains to manage efficient services for the residents of Bhiwani. The tourism in this city is also on a high due to its religious places and heritage edifices located in and around the city. These factors induce the need of better services in the district which include:
Administrative Services in Bhiwani
Administrative system in Bhiwani is well managed to look after the needs and security of its people. The district has 06 tehsils and around 442 villages under its control. For their effective control, there is a city Magistrate office that has many branches under it. This office is entrusted with law and order, public grievances, census work, licensing, transfers, postings, and management of contingent expenses.
There is also an Establishment branch that has the duties related to transfers and postings of staff employed in Deputy Commissioner's office. Also, there is a Municipal Corporation under Directorate of Urban Local Bodies of Haryana state. This corporation performs all the tasks related to urban civic administration including sanitation, fire, engineering, and town planning. For revenue matters, there is a district revenue officer in Bhiwani.
Deputy Commissioner, Bhiwani
Mini Secretariat ,Bhiwani(Hry.)
Phone No.: +91 1664 243535
E-mail:dcbhw(at)hry.nic.in
Website: http://www.bhiwani.gov.in/
SP Bhiwani
spbhiwani@gmail.com
spbhw@hry.nic.in
Phone: 01664-Off-243700 R-243777
Mob: 88140-11400
Website: http://bhiwani.haryanapolice.gov.in/
Banks and ATMs in Bhiwani
Since its development as a district, Bhiwani has shown progression in infrastructure and industries. The education and health care services are far superior in this district and they invite more people towards it. The district has more than 2250 small scale units and several medium to large scale industries. With growth of commerce and industries, cash flow has also increased here. this induxes the demand of better banking services in this district. Hence, almost all the leading nationalized and private banks have their branches located in Bhiwani. These banks regulate the cash flow of businesses in this district and also encourage saving habits of the people.
There are many such bank branches located in all the main localities of Bhiwani to enhance better development of economy and business here. All the major banks of India including SBI, Union Bank, Axis Bank, ICICI Bank, Bank of Baroda, Punjab National Bank, etc. have established their branch network offering comprehensive banking services to the people. They have also established their ATMs in the proper and important locations for the convenience of people to avail adequate services as per their requirements.
Health Care and Emergency Services in Bhiwani
Ensuring proper health care is the priority of administration in any urban settlement. In Bhiwani, population growth has been tremendous in last 2-3 decades. This growing population often counters some health related issues. To address these health problems residing in this district, there are many government and private health care institutes and hospitals in Bhiwani. There is a separate department of Health at district level that looks after the functioning of health institutes here.
Government runs one district hospital in Bhiwani city and several sub divisional general hospitals for better health care services to the people living in the remote rural areas of district. There are many reputed private hospitals also running in Bhiwani. These hospitals possess the advanced treatment techniques and well qualified medical staff to look after the patients. There are leading private hospitals like Fortis hospital, MK Hospital, Pahwa Hospital, Bhisham Hospital, and Bhardwaj Hospital.
The city also has all the emergency services like blood banks, ambulances, and trauma centers to handle any emergency case arising in the city. these services are available round the clock to the people of Bhiwani city and also those residing in the nearby rural areas.
Postal and Courier Services in Bhiwani
Postal services are still significant in the rural pockets and they are once again gaining their foothold in urban areas where they offer diversified services to allure people towards them. In Bhiwani, there are about 25 post offices in various categories located in almost every tehsil and sub division of this district.
These post offices offer varied services including mailing, parcel, money transfer, and even investment services to all those people who lack access to other modes of communication and investment. Postal Head Office is located in the main Bhiwani city while rest is the branch offices functioning under it.
Being a textile based city with many industrial units, Bhiwani also needs efficient courier services to cater to these industries. The city has many established courier service providers like On Dot, Trackon, Blazeflash, Akash Ganga, Safexpress, Professional Courier, etc to help in urgent sending and receiving of parcels and documents.
Transport Services in Bhiwani
Transport services form an integral part in the development of a modern city. Especially, in an industrial district like Bhiwani, there is urgent requirement of well organized transport services both within and around the city. There are all the efficient means of transport available including bus services, railways, and local transportation for the convenience of its people. Bhiwani has a bus depot with capacity of 138 buses and there are also many private operators to move on the local routes.
Railway station is also there in Bhiwani. It comes under Bikaner division and the North western zone of Indian Railways. There are three major lines originating from this junction. One line goes towards north, one to the south, and the third line moves towards Rohtak.
Local transport in Bhiwani thrives on buses, taxis, and auto rickshaws that are easily available in every part of the city. They are accessible and affordable for daily commuting within the city limits while there are buses plying between all the important areas adjacent to it.
Communication Services in Bhiwani
Communication is a tool that connects a city to rest of the world. As such, there are many leading telecom giants to enhance the scope of communication here. These include BSNL, Idea, and Airtel which provide 3G services in the city and long hours of talking. All these companies have their network in Bhiwani for seamless communication. There are many service providers offering internet services as well in Bhiwani. These telecom companies offer a gamut of services to the residents for their convenience and to keep them connected with entire country.
Other Services in Bhiwani
These essential services in Bhiwani are complemented by other services like packers and movers, laundry, gas agencies, salons, beauty parlors, travel agents, car rentals, and many other such services for the residents of Bhiwani and its nearby areas. These services are provided by the efficient companies that are well versed with the needs of this city and thus, they can manage these services properly.
In terms of services, Bhiwani is a place that has service sector that is efficiently managed and equipped to serve the requirements of its denizens. These services determine the scale of growth that this city has displayed in the course of time to make it a better place.
Comments / Discussion Board - Services in Bhiwani


text:
"We made an election promise to put Ireland first in Europe"- Lynn Boylan MEP
1 December, 2014 - by Senator Lynn Boylan
The Sinn Féin team of MEP's in Europe have called into question comments made by Fine Gael's Brian Hayes alluding that Sinn Féin MEPs are not willing to work together with Fine Gael and the other Irish representatives in Europe.
Speaking in Dublin today on the issue, Ms. Boylan said:
"We will not apologise for our position on the issues, if we did we would be going back on the election promise we made, to not become part of a cosy consensus in Europe and to put Ireland first.
It seems for Mr Hayes that unless we take the Fine Gael whip on the issues then we're not pulling on the green jersey! When we asked the Irish people for their vote, they provided us our mandate for Europe. Simply put, if it's a bad deal for Ireland we won't vote for it.
This stance is backed up by our continuing push to highlight the potential problems with The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) including the controversial investor-state dispute settlement mechanism.
We are opposed to this instrument, which allows multinationals to sue member states as a result of potential loss of revenue. However Minister Richard Bruton, has signed a letter to the President of the Commission supporting this undemocratic measure.
As long as the cosy consensus continues to exist both within Ireland and Europe, Sinn Féin will continue to scrutinise and criticise if necessary."


If you're eco-conscious, making green home improvements might be one of your top priorities. In addition to making long-term improvements, you also need to consider the day-to-day maintenance of your home and how you can make the process greener. The methods you use to maintain your home, and the tasks you do can make a big difference to your green living aims. You might be surprised by how some things can have an impact on the environment. If you want to take care of your home in a greener way, think about some of the following tasks for a more eco-friendly home.
If you have decided to make any home improvements to make your property greener, your efforts shouldn't end there. You also need to maintain them to ensure that they work to their full potential and to extend their lifespan. Whether you've chosen to install a wood burner or solar panels, you need to take care of your green home improvements. If you've got an instruction manual, follow the recommendations for regular cleaning and maintenance. If not, you can find plenty of advice for how to maintain various appliances and other home improvements.
Carpets can be one of the toughest things to clean on your own. Even though you vacuum them regularly, they can still end up requiring a thorough clean now and then. But if you hire a cleaning company, they could use all kinds of chemicals to get your carpets clean. However, you can find services that use green methods, so you don't have to worry so much. Chem-Dry Carpet Cleaning of the Unifour uses non-toxic and family-friendly carpet cleaning methods. You can find similar services in most areas so you can get your carpets cleaned without worrying about the health or environmental impact.
It's not just your carpets that need cleaning. But while your carpets don't need to be cleaned that often, there are other things in your home that need to be cleaned at least once a week. If you're not a fan of regular cleaning products, you can look for alternatives that offer a greener experience. You can buy green cleaning products, or if you have the time, you can even make your own. There are lots of natural ingredients, from lemon juice to vinegar, that can make very useful cleaning products.
Doing the right maintenance tasks in your home can help you lead a greener lifestyle by saving energy and water. For example, flushing out your water tank helps to maintain it so you can avoid using too much water and energy. You can keep your air conditioning unit clean so that it doesn't require so much energy to operate properly. You can even do things like installing a timer on your pool pump.
Keeping your home maintained can be a green process. You just need to make the right moves and use the best methods.


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Reece Wilson (* 11. Juni 1996) ist ein schottischer Radrennfahrer, der sich auf die Disziplin MTB Downhill spezialisiert hat.

Sportlicher Werdegang
Erstmals trat Wilson auf internationaler Ebene im Jahr 2014 in Erscheinung, als er im UCI-Mountainbike-Weltcup beim Downhill der Junioren an den Start ging und zweimal den 7. Platz belegte. Im Jahr 2015 wurde er Profi-Radsportler beim Unior Tools Team. Es folgte ein Intermezzo beim Bergamont Factory Team, bevor er zur Saison 2019 zu seinem heutigen Team Trek Factory Racing DH kam.

In den Jahren 2015 bis 2019 startete Wilson im Weltcup und erzielte regelmäßig Top20-Platzierungen. Seine besten Einzelplatzierungen waren jeweils ein 4. Platz in den Jahren 2018 und 2019 bei seinem Heimrennen in Fort William.

Im Jahr 2020 gewann er überraschend bei den UCI-Mountainbike-Weltmeisterschaften in Leogang den Weltmeistertitel im Downhill, als er bei nassem und kaltem Wetter am besten mit den schwierigen Streckenbedingungen zurechtkam. Im Weltcup gewann er im gleichen Jahr das Qualifikationsrennen Maribor, seinen ersten Weltcup-Erfolg erzielte er in der Saison 2021 in Snowshoe. Die Saison 2022 brach er nach der zweiten Weltcup-Station ab, da er sich – nach eigenen Angaben – unwohl gefühlt hatte.

Erfolge
2020
  Weltmeister – MTB Downhill (DHI)
2021
 ein Weltcup-Erfolg – MTB Downhill (DHI)

Weblinks

 MTB-Ergebnislisten der UCI

Einzelnachweise

Mountainbikefahrer
Downhill
Radsportler (Großbritannien)
Weltmeister (Radsport)
Schotte
Brite
Geboren 1996
Mann

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The catch phrase says it all ("There's no point in giving a grade unless you explain how to progress from that point")!
Without these, it is difficult for a student to duplicate great work or to continue the thinking process that led to such high marks. Although it takes more time to grade, students deserve to know what's great and what's not about the work they have done.
I agree with your response about giving feedback with a grade. Personally, I learned that with experience, giving constructive feedback is easier with experience. It was tough for me to provide constructive feedback when I first became a nurse preceptor, but I knew that I had too. The new nurse needed to know what she/he did right and what she/he needed to improve. I could not just say "you did a good job" or "you did not do a good job." Saying these two statements without constructive feedback causes a disservice to the patient, hospital, and community.
This very basic point is so important for the teachers to consider in furthering the growth prospects of the students.


While the snow comes down today, I thought it would be much more pleasant to dwell on the weather on Monica and Amit's wedding day.
Monica and Amit were having a big big wedding in Georgia, but were having their civil ceremony in Boston, and I was so excited to be asked to document their day - it doesn't get more personal than being the only witness!
Boston City Hall may be a brutalist hulk of concrete in a barren plaza, but I kind of love it. Especially from the inside, there are so many angles and lines, it's a black and white photography dream!
We strolled to the Esplanade to take in the views of Cambridge, where Monica and Amit had lived before moving downtown, stopping to take portraits along the way.


The Ancestor's Trail, named after Richard Dawkins' book the 'Ancestor's Tale', combines biodiversity, hill walking, evolution and the arts. It represents, as far as we know, the only biological pilgrimage and involves a group of scientists/ atheists / environmentalists/ artists working together to develop an annual celebration of our shared origins through evolution. This will be the second Ancestor's Trail.
So how does the event work? Simultaneously a number of disparately located walking groups will begin trails that eventually coalesce, depicting the story of evolution in reverse. The number of walkers following the trail will gradually swell as tributary groups, representing the various branches the tree of life, merge with the main body of walkers. Eventually, the ever-increasing band of hikers will arrive together at Kilve beach ~ famous for its fossils. There we will celebrate what has to be the most spectacularly belated birthday anniversary of all time!
Thanks for plugging this. Most appreciated, our Crowdfunder pitch is so nearly there now,under £100 still to go although the deadline is this Sunday 1st May. If you live too far away to make it, don't forget you can invest as a non attender and I'll send you a video of the day.


Click Here to Begin Slideshow Hot rod and pinup photographer Mitzi Valenzuela is known for having her finger on the pulse of both classic and rockabilly car culture. As part of that, Mitzi produces pinup contests for shows all over the world. Here she shares photos of the competitors and some super sweet rides. Some words from the model, Bluegrass Kas, who was second place Trophy Girl at the 2019 Sacramento Autorama: Nothing heightens the senses quite like thousand-horsepower big blocks. My heart races each time the concussive wave of each cylinder firing hits my body. Brutal burnouts transform the landscape into a smoky wonderland, and the sticky asphalt reminds me of the shortfalls of wearing heels at a drag strip. Oh, and I know I shouldn't like the smell of race fuel - but I do! Why do I enjoy racing? I love seeing how people express their personalities though cars. It is interesting to explore what each of us finds attractive; how creativity and art blend together in the form of metal and paint. I enjoy meeting and talking with the owners. It quickly becomes apparent how their cars are truly an extension of themselves. Which cars do I find attractive? Loud engines, bright colors and shiny supercharges glistening as they tower over the hood. I just love how these cars make me feel. I also love being a pinup. I embrace femininity, fashion, beauty, strength and positivity. I hope my efforts serve as an homage to those women who endeavored to bring happiness and hope to our military serving abroad, rallying morale in ways not possible by any other means. A necessary distraction from the cruelty of combat. The evidence is objective – look at the nose art of propeller-driven bombers and fighters. Paintings of pinups were taken into war beside the men who fought and died for our freedom. In this way, I support the flyboys, sailors, marines and soldiers at whose expense we are free. I also wish to offer my sincerest gratitude to Mitzi & Co. It was an honor and privilege to compete (my first time ever!) as a participant, and ultimately as a Trophy Girl finalist, in the 2019 Autorama Pinup Show in Sacramento. Mitzi was wonderful and ran the contest with class and grace. She also has a unique gift for making her models feel beautiful and special during photoshoots; Mitzi is truly an artisan at her craft.
Nothing heightens the senses quite like thousand-horsepower big blocks. My heart races each time the concussive wave of each cylinder firing hits my body. Brutal burnouts transform the landscape into a smoky wonderland, and the sticky asphalt reminds me of the shortfalls of wearing heels at a drag strip. Oh, and I know I shouldn't like the smell of race fuel - but I do!
Why do I enjoy racing? I love seeing how people express their personalities though cars. It is interesting to explore what each of us finds attractive; how creativity and art blend together in the form of metal and paint. I enjoy meeting and talking with the owners. It quickly becomes apparent how their cars are truly an extension of themselves. Which cars do I find attractive? Loud engines, bright colors and shiny supercharges glistening as they tower over the hood. I just love how these cars make me feel.
I also love being a pinup. I embrace femininity, fashion, beauty, strength and positivity. I hope my efforts serve as an homage to those women who endeavored to bring happiness and hope to our military serving abroad, rallying morale in ways not possible by any other means. A necessary distraction from the cruelty of combat. The evidence is objective – look at the nose art of propeller-driven bombers and fighters. Paintings of pinups were taken into war beside the men who fought and died for our freedom.
In this way, I support the flyboys, sailors, marines and soldiers at whose expense we are free. I also wish to offer my sincerest gratitude to Mitzi & Co. It was an honor and privilege to compete (my first time ever!) as a participant, and ultimately as a Trophy Girl finalist, in the 2019 Autorama Pinup Show in Sacramento. Mitzi was wonderful and ran the contest with class and grace. She also has a unique gift for making her models feel beautiful and special during photoshoots; Mitzi is truly an artisan at her craft.


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Why Latinos Moved Toward Trump (and Why Most Are Still Democrats)
Trump shrunk Democrats' advantage with Latino voters this year. Why do Latino voters usually support Democratic candidates by large margins and why did they swing toward Trump in 2020? Gabriel Sanchez finds that Latino voters were highly engaged this year but less focused on immigration, meaning traditional divisions on the economy were more salient. Latinos strongly supported Democrats in the last two elections, so Republicans had room to gain. Giovanni Castro finds that Latino national origin groups that emigrated from countries governed by right-wing leaders often identify with Democrats, whereas those fleeing countries governed by the left are more likely to be Republicans. That might explain why associating Democrats with socialism mattered this year. They both see a lot of diversity in the Latino electorate.
Niskanen Center – The Science of Politics · Why Latinos Moved Toward Trump (and Why Most Are Still Democrats)
Guests: Gabriel Sanchez, University of New Mexico; Giovanni Castro, Pennsylvania State University
Studies: "Latinos and the 2016 Election" and "The Influence of Country of Origin in the Process of Party Identification Acquisition."
Matt Grossmann: This week on the Science of Politics. For the Niskanen Center, I'm Matt Grossmann. Trump lost vote share in 2020 compared to 2016, but he shrunk Democrats advantage with Latino voters, gaining ground in South Florida and South Texas. Why do Latino voters usually vote for Democrats by large margins, and why did they swing toward Trump now?
This week, I talked to Gabriel Sanchez of the University of New Mexico about his work on Latino voters, including co-editing Latinos in the 2016 Election and Latinos in the 2012 Election. He finds that Latino voters were highly engaged this year, but less focused on immigration, meaning traditional divisions on the economy were more salient. But Latinos strongly supported Democrats in the last two elections, so Republicans had room to gain.
I also talked to Giovanni Castro of Penn State University about his new paper, The Influence of Country of Origin in the Process of Party Identification Acquisition. He finds that Latino national origin groups that left countries governed by right-wing leaders, often identify with Democrats. Whereas those fleeing countries governed by the left are more likely to be Republicans that might explain why associating Democrats with socialism mattered this year.
Sanchez says that the 2016 election saw a Latino racialization, but that declined in 2020.
Gabriel Sanchez: I've been fortunately an author of two edited volumes that tracked Latino voting patterns in both the 2012 and 2016 elections. And probably the biggest take home message was how central immigration politics and policy was to Latino voters across both election cycles, being either the number one or number two most salient issue for most Latino voters. And I think that kind of set the context if you will, for how Latinos approach the election. Particularly in 2016, which is really the year in which most of us, myself included as experts on Latino politics mentioned that candidate Trump's campaign racialized Latinos more so than any other candidate in presidential election history. Really starting his campaign had a demonizing Mexican immigrants in particular, and following that really hard line immigration approach through the election cycle. Which was a big mobilizer for Latinos, not only in terms of higher turnout than a lot of people projected, but also the lowest support for any candidate on record, at least for our data and Latino decisions. Candidate Trump only got 18% of the Latino vote in 2016, which was again, a record low for any candidate of either party among Latinos.
That was kind of the backdrop, if you will, if we think about those two election cycles and then into 2020, obviously, what was much different about this election than probably any other in American history was the health pandemic really being the backdrop for all aspects of the election for Latinos, just like everybody else. And I think that led a movement away from immigration policy and politics being the core issue or the wedge issue, if you will, among Latinos. And I think that really changed how a lot of Latino voters looked at the race because you just didn't have that natural mobilizer of President Trump and his hard line messaging and racialized messaging about immigration playing his dominant role in 2020, as it did in the last two election cycle.
Matt Grossmann: Trump did not do well with Latinos, but he did much better this time.
Gabriel Sanchez: And the other thing that obviously a lot of folks have been talking about in the media is the increased support the Latino voters showed President Trump. If we say in 2016, he only got 18% of the Latino vote. Clearly, whether you look at our data or the exit poll data, clearly he increased his vote share among the Latino population. And we have President Trump getting roughly 28%, 27, 28% of the Latino vote in 2020, so most folks want to know what explains that. I think there was an expectation that Latinos would have even lower support than 18% in 2020. And obviously that did not happen. So there's a lot of questions about what led to his increased support among Latino voters. And is that something that the Republican party can bank on moving forward?
Matt Grossmann: There are lots of potential explanations for his gains.
Gabriel Sanchez: That's the multi-million dollar question. I'll say of all the calls I've gotten from reporters, probably 75% have asked this question of what explains that increase in President Trump's support among Latinos. And before I get into some of the nuances, again, just want to remind folks that we're really talking about a nine or 10% increase. It's not huge. It's still overwhelmingly bite and carry the Latino electorate. We have him probably 70% support among Latinos. But it is interesting, especially when a lot of folks thought given that the racialization of Latino voters in 2016 and a lot of policies that might not be friendly to the Latino population to see an increase, I think generates a lot of interest.
When we look at the data, and a lot of this is just me looking at our cross tabs from our big election eve poll in 2016 and comparing them to what we saw now in 2020. One of the things that is pretty obvious when you stare at the data is although Latinos were still more likely to support the democratic candidate in 2020 than they were in 2016, that gender gap was nowhere near as large as it was in 2016. Latinos came down a bit from their record high 86% support for Hillary Clinton in 2016, came down a little bit more to normal ranges of mid to high 70s. And so I think that's one explanation just when you look at the demographics, but probably more important than that is when you look at state by state level differences. Florida, for example, our data suggests increased their support for President Trump from 31% back in 2016 to 38% now in 2020.
Similarly, we saw shifts and Texas jump from a really, really low number of 16% in 20 up to 29% in 2020. And I think you hit the nail on the head. When we look internally at a state like Texas, although Biden did incredibly well and probably increased his vote share relative to Clinton in key cities, Houston, Dallas, San Antonio. Once you get into the Rio Grande Valley, we saw a combination of lower turnout than I think the Democrats were hoping for or expected in the Rio Grande Valley area of the state of Texas, and also a bit higher support for Trump than a lot of models predicted.
I think there's a lot there to dig into. I think one of the things that a lot of people haven't spoken a lot about is the difference in response to the economic challenges associated with the Coronavirus between the two candidates. With a really clear distinction of President Trump, basically arguing we've got to keep businesses open, we can't shut things down. And I think a lot of people forget that Latinos are disproportionately small business owners. In fact, those entrepreneurs have absolutely kept that small business orientation in the United States afloat over the last 10 years with just higher increases in small business owners among Latinos than any other racial and ethnic group.
I think for a lot of those folks, they might not have agreed with President Trump's platform on a number of issues. They probably didn't like him personally, but they were forced with a really difficult proposition. If we can't open up businesses, my business might go under, a lot of Latino businesses already have gone under. I think that might've been one factor that moved a bit more Latinos to candidate Trump in 2020 than we saw in 2016.
Matt Grossmann: The decline in immigration discussion probably helped Trump with Latinos.
Gabriel Sanchez: I think that was one of the biggest factors. I mean, unlike 2016, where all of the discussion by talking heads like myself, the media about the presidential election and Latino voters generally started with and ended with immigration policy. And we saw everything from separation of families to huge border enforcement, building of the wall, all those chants at President Trump's campaign rallies about building the wall, all of that narrative just wasn't there in 2020. I think it really wasn't a strategic decision by the Trump campaign to move off of immigration. I think it was just the Coronavirus sucked all the air out of other issues. And for the Latino population who had been devastated by the virus, disproportionately so across every single state in the US where we have the availability to look at data, Latinos are overrepresented in positive cases, and unfortunately in casualties.
I think all attention was just there. And it allowed a window for President Trump to be able to talk about other issues and move away from immigration, which was clearly something that really impacted his prospects for the Latino vote. So I think that was something that really helped candidate Trump with Latino voters. But again, we're talking about only an increase of 9, 10% at most relative to 2016.
Matt Grossmann: Immigration declined is the most important issue along with attention to Trump's rhetoric.
Gabriel Sanchez: Part of it is, and then you look at the data and every one of our Latino decisions surveys, especially in the context of elections, always asks directly in an open-ended way, what are the most important issue facing the Latino community that you think that the federal government elected leaders should address? When you look at that data, although the Coronavirus was the top issue for Latino voters, think 67% or so, healthcare costs and the economy and jobs were higher than immigration for particular subgroups of Latino electorate, including immigrants themselves. Immigration remained a top two or top three issue.
So I don't want to say that immigration took a major backseat, especially for foreign born Latino voters, but it just wasn't quite as salient, largely because you just didn't have the everyday rhetoric from President Trump hammering on Mexican immigrants, hammering on border enforcement. And without that constant reminder, I think Latinos, like every other population became more concerned with the Coronavirus and what that might mean for them in terms of their health and the health of their families, as well as just the overall economy.
I think that's really the story. It's just a nuance to how important immigration policy was for the Latino population. But one really interesting point there is in the top five for most Latino voters, much more so for young Latino voters, discrimination and social justice issues became mobilizers, particularly for young Latinos. And a huge segment of the Latino population when we asked them directly, if things in terms of racism towards Latinos have gotten worse in the last four years, overwhelmingly 62% of Latinos believed that their community has faced more discrimination than they did four years ago.
Gabriel Sanchez: I think Latinos are conscious of what's going on. They're conscious of police violence and brutality against their community, structural racism, all of these factors definitely help mobilize Latinos. It's just that the coronavirus was such a huge force in 2020, particularly for Latinos. That essentially crowded out or drowned out a lot of these other factors, including immigration.
Matt Grossmann: Now Sanchez says, "Democrats have still made gains among Latinos since George W. Bush."
Gabriel Sanchez: If we take a look at the last several election cycles, and you go back to 2008 and you start to look at the Latino voting patterns over time. Essentially between 70, 75% of Latinos across the last several election cycles have voted democratic. Although right now, when we're talking about probably 70% for Biden, that might not look as high as it did in the Obama years, it still suggests that probably 72% on average of Latinos have voted democratic over the last several election cycles.
I think that's probably the new norm if you will, for Latino voters is being north of 70%, which is a huge number, especially when we think about the Bush years. Some estimates had candidate Bush getting as much as 40% of the Latino vote. Even in a relatively high year, we're still for candidate Trump not talking about anywhere near the 40% range that Bush got. And I think it's just important to remind folks of that relatively recent history, just so we get a sense of what things look like.
So I think if we compare what were those Bush voters and what drove them to the polls and to support Candidate Bush, a lot of it was more "moral issues" back in that era, where really the take-home message for Latino voters is that they might be morally conservative, and there we're talking about primarily abortion. But in terms of other domestic policy issues, much more liberal.
And so that was really the conversation about the Latino vote back in the Bush years. Now, I think it's shifted from that. I think Candidate Trump definitely did win some votes by pushing hard on abortion, particularly in the context of the Supreme Court nomination and all of that discussion. But I think much more so than that, it was really just potentially a lot of Latino Republicans who might've been really turned off by Trump in 2016 and his racialized campaign, essentially coming back home to the Republican party after four years and maybe moving back to more of a normal 70%-30% range of distribution of Latino vote.
I think that's probably going to be the outcome after we get through crunching all the numbers of the 2020 campaign, is just kind of taking a look maybe at 2016, being an outlier where we saw just record lows of support from Latinos to the Republican party. And maybe just getting back to more of a 70-30 split, I think that's probably going to be the take home message.
Matt Grossmann: In 2020, we saw big differences across states and national origin groups. Castro finds that Latino party identification often stems from country of origin politics.
Giovanni Castro: In this paper, I find the importance of the experience occur in the countries of origin for the political behavior of Latin American immigrants in the United States. I find that people who came from countries with governments on the right wing are usually Democrats. And that those migrants who come from countries with government of the left wing, they tend to align themselves with the Republican Party.
Matt Grossmann: He started by noticing some big differences across Latino subgroups.
Giovanni Castro: This research starts because I am a product of Puerto Rican style Latin American and Caribbean country subject to the common power of the United States. My experience in Latin America preceded my arrival to the United States. Before starting my graduate studies in the United States, I have had the opportunity to visit several Latin American countries. And I have realized that Latin Americans are very different from each other. Yes, we have a common language and a similar story, but many times our similarities end up there. Upon arriving to the United States and beginning to become familiar with American political science, I realized that here, both academia and society treat Latinos as the same thing. And it is why I propose that we are not the same, that we have our differences and that this difference makes us to have a different political behavior.
Matt Grossmann: His work generalizes the Cuban case. We know those Latinos are more on the right due to their immigration story.
Giovanni Castro: The Cuban experience is key for my article on to explain of that. In Cuba after the revolution, there is a migratory phenomenon to United States that is very different from the migration from Latin Americans or countries. While immigrants from the rest of Latin America arrive fleeing the poverty of their countries, from Cuba, [inaudible 00:03:41], rich, and dominant class allied with dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista and that lose their economic and political power after the Cuban revolution in 1959. Upon reaching the United States, those Cubans find that the party that most strongly defends the individualism on which the rich class in Cuba before the revolution depended.
And they also find that this party was the Republican party, the one who's strongly opposed to communism in the world. And it was a broken party who has no problem in inviting countries and building international law to repress the self-determination of the Latin American countries. And it's all of this that leads Cuban to ally themselves with the Republican Party. And it is not just a phenomenon of the Cubans in the United States. Just to give an example, many Cubans also came to other Latin American countries. And in Puerto Rico, after the Cuban revolution, many Cubans migrated to Puerto Rico and committed terrorist attacks to assist in a Puerto Rican who defended the independence of Puerto Rico or Puerto Ricans who will be in favor of the Cuban revolution or Puerto Ricans who are against the colonial power of the United States in Puerto Rico.
Matt Grossmann: Puerto Ricans initially escaped the right, but the latest migrants are different.
Giovanni Castro: Puerto Rico as a colony has had right wing or string right wing governors in both an economic and political sense. Puerto Rico, despite having a society that could be classified as conservative, the immigration of Puerto Ricans to the United States is not like the Cuban Republican in immigration in which privileged people who belong to the power circles of their bourgeois in the full hands of a dictatorship. No, Puerto Ricans who immigrate to the United States do so mainly because of poverty and lack of jobs and opportunities in Puerto Rico. And all of it is within a right wing government contest. Once these Puerto Ricans arrive to the United States, they may be conservative people, or at least conservative people in Latin American context, but they often reject conservative policies of the Republican party in their state. And I argue that this is worse even more now with the anti-Latino speeches of Donald Trump.
Matt Grossmann: It's also important when each group came and future Mexican immigrants may be less democratic.
Giovanni Castro: Mexico, as well as, in contrast, Colombia is an interesting case because these are countries which have been ruled exclusively by right wing presidents. And there are ideological differences between those presidents. Some right wing presidents are more conservative than older right wing presidents, but they are still on the right wing. Therefore, I really don't think that people who left Mexico under Fox are under Calderon might have different preferences than those under Pena Nieto. Although it will be interesting to see if in the future, if there is a change in the partisan preferences of Mexicans, who came to United States during the president of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, who is more to the left.
Matt Grossmann: Trump went after specific groups with specific messages, including foreign policy and economics.
Giovanni Castro: I'm going to say something that is not new or a phenomenon of this election, but we see candidates in this last election targeting their audiences. The campaigns targeted to Latinos were very specified to each group in this last election. For example, in Florida, the Donald Trump campaign, ran ads in Spanish with a Puerto Rican accent to Puerto Ricans and in Spanish with a Cuban accent for Cubans, but it was not the only difference. The message within it were different for both populations. For example, the message targeted to the Cubans were talking about policies against Cuba, but messages targeted to Puerto Ricans were talking about how the US administration will help Puerto Rico to the hurricane recovery. With the increasing migration of Puerto Ricans to Florida, the state of Florida has become a challenge for campaigns. Looking at the results in Florida, 59 of all Latino voters were to Joe Biden.
However, this number leaves us more questions than answers. The two because Latino populations in Florida are the Cubans mainly in Miami and the Puerto Ricans mainly in Orlando increasingly. [inaudible 00:20:56] both populations have had electoral and political behaviors very different. While Cubans in Florida have been Republican supporters, this trend has been declining in recent years. Unlike the Cubans who began to immigrate in large numbers after the Cuban revolution, the Puerto Rican immigration is very recent, at least to Florida. And very little is known about them. Puerto Ricans have been studied in states like New York, like Pennsylvania, but I think it is an error to assume that just because Puerto Ricans are strong democratic supporters in New York and the East coast of the United States in general is applicable to Puerto Ricans in Florida. And the reason, because I think we cannot apply political preference from Puerto Ricans in other states to analyze those from Florida, is because the recent immigration of Puerto Ricans to Florida has a contrast very different from the circumstances for Puerto Ricans who migrate several ago to New York.
Matt Grossmann: Castro says Trump improved his standing by changing his message and issues.
Giovanni Castro: Trump's numbers among Latinos are the fruit of a great mobilization effort by the Trump campaign team. After Trump's racist comments towards Mexican Latino immigrants, the fact that there are still Latinos who support Trump is an achievement. I think it may be because two reasons. First, because those Latinos who support Trump are giving an economic vote or I use national vote, not necessarily a Latino vote. So that is when comes the concept of Latino [inaudible 00:22:50] applied to Latinos. One thing is that a person is a Latino again, but [inaudible 00:22:59] is determinant on the sentiment of how you think that you've come to a Latino community. And the second, and it is the one that most applies to my research, is that when Trump attacks Latinos, sometimes are not to Latinos in general, sometimes they affect Central Americans. Sometimes they affect specifically Mexicans. Sometimes they attack Puerto Ricans. But, by example, Trump doesn't attack Cubans, there is a big difference. I think the Trump analysis is not to Latinos in general, but it's a targeted attack.
Matt Grossmann: Sanchez agrees there are a lot of national origin differences across the Latino electorate, with the socialism message mattering more for some than others.
Gabriel Sanchez: One thing that is clearly emerged and has been an important, I think, collective understanding now about the Latino electorate is just how diverse and non monolithic that voting population is. I mean, obviously those of us that study the Latino electorate have been saying this for decades, but I think now the mainstream media has really caught on to that and it's understood when you're talking about the Latino vote, you've got to talk about it within the nuances of national origin and where folks live across the country. So if we're talking about did, I would argue a lot of misinformation campaigns that were trying to paint the Biden team as heavily socialist and particularly the Democratic Party as heavily socialist.
I think where that had the most traction is in the state of Florida where you've got the Cuban-American population and the Venezuelans subgroups being larger in number than in a lot of other states and where that socialism argument or debate, if you will, becomes much more central and much more powerful. And so if you look at, for example, a subgroup analysis within the state of Florida, not too surprisingly, Cuban-Americans and Venezuelans were more likely to support candidate Trump. And I think some of that… How much is hard to say just now, but at least some of that I think is attributed to this underlying notion of socialism and maybe some of the characterization of what that means in the United States being carried over from their countries of origin.
Matt Grossmann: Some may have been attracted and Biden did win over Sanders Latino supporters, young people who didn't move to Trump.
Gabriel Sanchez: That was an important narrative coming off of the primary where you saw Bernie Sanders carry a larger segment of the Latino vote across the country than Biden did. One of the big questions is, could those folks that were pretty hardcore Sanders supporters be moved towards Biden, how many of those folks would just sit out the election, et cetera, would that cost Biden the prospect of a victory? And when you looked at the data from the primary, it was pretty clear that the vast majority of Latino Bernie Sanders supporters were young Latinos.
And so there was a lot of question about what could be done to move them over, et cetera. And at least initially when you look at turnout by young Latinos, it looks as though the Biden campaign was actually able to capture a larger segment of that population than was projected. And that's an important factor, especially when we think about just underlying demographics. This is somewhat surprising to people, over 40% of Latino eligible voters in this cycle were under the age of 35. Nearly 60% under 45, right?
So if you think about that challenge for team Biden, how do we engage a lot of these young voters not only just to vote because we know well turning out young voters is a challenge every single election cycle, but how do you move them from Sanders's camp over to Biden? And I think we wouldn't be able to be talking about a Biden victory, particularly in states like Arizona, if they weren't able to capture some of that enthusiasm that was originally situated with Sanders and moved over to Biden. So I think that is really, if you look at the underlying demographic patterns, it was really about young Latino voters. And I think the Biden team did enough among that subgroup to be able to carry some of these key states.
Matt Grossmann: There were other big changes this year. Sanchez says Latino turnout was way up.
Gabriel Sanchez: Turnout is always the thing that takes us, scholars and analysts, a little bit longer to have firm data on just because you have to confirm so much information across states, but at least the early estimates, and I'm using UCLA's Latino Politics and Policy Initiative's analysis, they suggest that there was probably 14.8 million Latinos who turned out in 2020, which is a big number, right? I think we can firmly say that more Latinos voted in 2020 than any election before that. And especially when we start to look at individual states, even states where you don't typically associate a lot of Latinos like let's say Wisconsin, 135,000 Latino votes were cast is our estimate there, Michigan over 100,000. You look at more traditional states like Arizona and Colorado, 700,000 Latino voters in Arizona, probably 300,000 or so in Colorado.
And so despite heavy, heavy concerns among the Latino electorate about the fear of voting, particularly in person because Latinos have been disproportionately impacted by the coronavirus, despite a bunch of misinformation and voter suppression efforts, despite all of those obstacles, Latinos really turned out in extremely high numbers, especially if we think about somewhere between 1.5 and 2 million Latinos voting early. All of those numbers suggest that it was a really big turnout year for Latinos in 2020.
Matt Grossmann: Latinos were more mobilized this time, but still lag behind other groups in mobilization.
Gabriel Sanchez: On the positive, I would say the amount of outreach and mobilization efforts directed towards Latinos were probably record breaking in 2020 any way you look at it. In terms of our surveys, the amount of likely voters who indicate that they were contacted, and you look at the amount of money spent and invested in the Latino population, all of those things I think are very positive, especially in states like Arizona where you saw a huge increase in Latino turnout. That was folks on the ground working over the last two election cycles really, really trying to figure out how to mobilize Latinos.
So there's a lot of positive stories there, particularly among organizations on the ground that did a lot of tremendous work in 2020. But at the end of the day, if you look at our election-eve survey and you just look at self-reported contact, and that's contact by either party, any of the candidates, Latinos are still disproportionately unmobilized. So I think at the end of the day, absolutely there's some truth to that discussion that Latinos just were not contacted, were not mobilized, were not engaged to the same extent as other racial and ethnic groups, and it continues to be a chicken and egg phenomenon, right? Some folks are going to say, we won't pump in huge money, let's say into Texas and the Rio Grande Valley, until we see that that's going to be worth our investment.
Because those are obviously finite resources and money you pump into Texas means you don't have money let's say for Wisconsin or Michigan, I don't know, Nevada. So I think there's definitely a little bit of a mixed bag. I think we'll look back on 2020 and say, hey, Latinos turned out and in many cases, despite huge fears of risking their life to get infected with the virus, and turned out in really, really high numbers, but there's still a lot of room to really improve on Latino turnout moving forward. And I think we're learning quite a bit better about how to do that effectively, what areas in the country we need to be much more investing earlier in the campaign season. I mean, that's one thing I've heard consistently from a lot of organizations on the ground is they're saying essentially, look, we didn't see team Biden's folks until really close to election day, why don't they start earlier? Why don't they start their ground games earlier? I think that's going to be one thing that hopefully we see improving in the future.
Matt Grossmann: In 2020, Latinos we're focused on the economy and COVID, and that changed how they voted.
Gabriel Sanchez: Well, like for all voters, Latinos were a population driven mostly by the coronavirus and the perception of which candidate was going to be better at attacking the virus both in terms of the economic relief as well as obviously the direct health implications of that. So that was the number one issue for Latino voters and that's what we're spending a lot of our time looking at in terms of how did that shape not only how Latinos thought about the candidates, but also how they participated in the election. Like all voters, there was a record number of Latinos who either voted earlier or voted by mail. And a lot of that our data suggests was because they wanted to avoid standing in long lines and potentially catching the virus by voting on election day.
So I think studying how behavior shifted during the pandemic, how it influenced the Latino electorate and really whether states will continue opening up access to early voting and mail voting moving forward when we're out of the pandemic context, will that influence how Latinos in many states access the ballot box and how they pay attention to politics, et cetera; it's one big thing that I think a lot of us are taking a look at and paying close attention to.
Matt Grossmann: He finds no large differences based on education, despite claims of a working class move, but there were big differences by voting method.
Gabriel Sanchez: I haven't seen huge gaping differences based on educational attainment among Latinos like you see among the overall white population. So at least preliminarily speaking I don't think there's a big story there about underlying differences among Latinos. I mean, if we're thinking about maybe some other differences across the subgroup that maybe we want to pay closer attention to and figure out if these are going to be trends moving into the future, one thing we might take a closer look at is how people intended to vote, right? And in 2020, this was much more powerful than in other election cycles.
But given the huge number of Latinos who voted early and voted by mail, we saw a pattern at least in our pre-election surveys where male-based voters among Latinos were much more likely to indicate that they were going to vote for Biden. And I think that's part of the story of why the late votes that were coming in across the country were trending so heavily towards Biden. I think there was a lot of enthusiasm for him among folks who intended to vote by mail. But unfortunately a large segment, particularly of young Latinos, didn't trust mail ballots. They didn't think that their vote would actually be counted. There was a lot of fear about fraud, obviously a lot of that being pumped out by President Trump himself and his team.
But I think as we think about the future, as all of us start to dig in closer in the data and we start to figure out among Latino subgroups who's most likely to vote early moving forward, who's most likely to potentially vote by mail and who does that benefit, I think you're going to see a lot more targeted, effective mobilization trying to capture people that intend to vote early, much earlier in the campaign season, recognizing if you wait until a week or two before, you might have a large segment of folks that have already cast their ballot and it'll be too late to move them.
Matt Grossmann: Latino decisions has higher democratic numbers for Latinos, but Sanchez says their numbers are converging with others.
Gabriel Sanchez: When we compare our numbers to the exit poll or to other major national polls, they were actually a lot closer now in 2020 than they were back in 2016. For folks who might not follow this closely, after 2016 our team really was pretty aggressive in critiquing the exit poll numbers, particularly for Latinos largely because the exit poll really is not designed to capture nuances across racial and ethnic groups. So if you look at, for example, in 2016, we put out a lot of briefs that really challenged who the exit poll was talking to among Latinos, maybe completely ignoring the whole Rio Grande Valley in the state of Texas, et cetera.
But this time around, if you look closely, the exit polls actually changed their numbers a few times as they got closer to the final estimates that they put out. And every time they did, their numbers looked a lot more like ours in 2020. So I think there's a lot more movement and sophistication across the wider population of pollsters and researchers. And we like to think we played a heavy hand in hopefully improving the way that folks think about the Latino population while trying to track them in polling.
So here's a few things that we do that we think leads to the credibility of our numbers for Latinos. One is we have fully bilingual interviewers. So if we're interviewing folks on the phone, we make sure that if we pick up the phone with you and you want to do the interview in Spanish, you can do it right then and there. No callbacks like a lot of other firms use that they don't have fully a bilingual interviewer staff. And if you take a look at our polls, for the election year for example, we had over 30% of the overall sample take the interview in Spanish. And if you compare that with some other pollsters out there, in many cases they have zero Spanish language interviews. So that always to me is pretty telling of just the underlying difference of who we're talking to. And consistently these days when we take a sample, we're always blending in text message recruitment, doing a lot of interviews online, not relying extensively on the phones.
These days, particularly for Latinos, because so much of our voting-eligible population are young, under the age of 30, you got to catch these people where they are. For us, that means increasing the number of interviews that we do off of, particularly landlines, but even cell phones. That's another thing that I would always tell people, take a look at the data method sections of polls and get a sense of who they're talking to.
Then the other thing that I find that is different for us than a lot of other firms, and this is challenging for pollsters, because we're always trying to talk to the most highly likely voters we can. Typically, what people do is take a look at past voting records, if we can connect what we're looking at in terms of sample of the voting record. We want to catch people that, let's say, voted in 2018, voted in 2016, because they're highly likely voters. But for Latinos, given how young that demographic is, we've got to make sure that we're catching people who are telling us they're enthusiastic, they're engaged, they plan to vote, but simply weren't old enough to vote in those last election cycles.
I tend to find that we let in more of those folks into our samples than a lot of our competition. You put all of that together and I think at the end of the day, we by far have the most trusted estimates for the Latino population when you look at us and our competition.
Matt Grossmann: Castro also finds that language use matters, along with linked fate across Latino groups.
Giovanni Castro: Linked fate is important for Latinos, I think. One thing is that a person is a Latino. A person cannot change that. If you are a Latino, you will continue to be a Latino. But a person can have a sentiment of linked fate to other Latinos. It is something that I find in my paper to be important, that a sentiment of linked fate to other Latinos is a strong determinant of democratic self-identification.
About language, the reason because I think it is important is because it's a good indicator of assimilation. A low level of assimilation shows that a person is more aligned with the Democratic party. It's not just the language. Spanish doesn't have anything that moves you to the Democratic party, what means the Spanish language is the level of assimilation. That's important.
Matt Grossmann: He says many Latinos may stay in the Democratic party due to social constraints, even if they lean toward conservatism.
Giovanni Castro: I think the polarizing effect is more important than the electoral effect in this case. Latinos in our state have historically been Democrats, with the exception of Cubans. Therefore, how much does the opinion of a group that historically have not supported you at the electoral level matter to the Republican party? I think not really much. Regardless of whether a Latino vote Democratic because he considers it a better option, or if he decides to vote for the Democratic party because he hates Donald Trump, both votes has the same value, it's still a single vote.
Recently, Ismail White and Chryl Laird published a book named Steadfast Democrats. They argue that there is a black racialized social constraint that push blacks to engage in political action to support Democratic party. We conclude that blacks are generally constrained by the presence of other blacks who will report their loyalty to the Democratic party by over reporting [inaudible 00:39:39] to the Democratic party and to a Democratic candidate and several other electoral participation activities.
I think that something similarly happened with Latinos. I think Latinos are socially constrained not to show any support to Donald Trump because there is a social cost to Latinos to recognize they support Donald Trump. But one thing is what they politically recognize, and other thing is how they vote.
Matt Grossmann: But there are openings for Republicans. Each Latino nationality group has different issue interests to be targeted.
Giovanni Castro: The first thing to be, to not treat first generation Latinos as if they were equal. I think they are starting to that campaigns should be targeted, not to Latinos, but to Mexican specifically, to Cubans, to Puerto Ricans, to Venezuelans. And why? That is because those have different matters. For example, the immigration policies might be of interest for Mexicans and Central Americans, but not for Puerto Ricans because the United States imposed the American citizenship to Puerto Ricans more than one century ago. Puerto Ricans doesn't have any problem of illegal immigration here. Other example, both Mexicans and Puerto Ricans are not interested in the Cuban blockade and the economic implications. It is not a problem that matters for them. Mexicans are not interested in when the US will invade Venezuela. That not matter with Mexico. I think in this scenario, the campaign strategies needs to be targeted to a specific subpopulations of Latinos.
Matt Grossmann: The US parties are usually considered on the right in Latin American politics, but those perceptions might be shaped by policies and socialists messages.
Giovanni Castro: It is important first to emphasize that the left-right spectrum is not the same state as in the rest of Latin America. While in the US, some people might even consider the Democratic party as liberal or even as central left party, in Latin America, the whole American politics, including Democrat party, is perceived as conservative.
Now that doesn't mean that the discourse of fear of socialism does not continue to be significant. Even though in recent years, the percentage of people, including Latinos, who are not afraid of socialism has decreased. Regardless of whether they support it, we cannot forget that the Cold War was not just a conflict between the US and the Soviet Union, but had plenty other implications. It's important to keep in mind that the United States has ever considered Latin America as its back yard and has always felt with the [inaudible 00:42:48] to impose and to implement policies in racial groups, precedents in Latin America. The Cold War period, as a historical period, was not the exception.
During the Cold War, the United States was in charge of eradicating socialism or anything that seemed to socialize by all possible means, including by invasions, imposing precedent. In Latin America, a good example is that Condor plan it with the United States imposed right-wing dictatorship in South American countries, as Chile, Argentina. Paraguay, Uruguay. The reason because it is important to understanding of how Latinos have a possible fear of socialism in United States is that Latin America, the fear of becoming Cuba or Venezuela has been cultivated. This is reflected in fear to any progressive idea that will be perceived as left wing and aim to turning your country into Cuba or Venezuela, which are commonly used us examples of bad and undesirable countries to live. All this is reflected in both in Latin Americans, in their respective countries, and Latin Americans who are currently in the United States.
Matt Grossmann: Where do we go from here? Castro will be looking at urban rural differences that might be due to socialization in democratic cities.
Giovanni Castro: I think that it is important to recognize that many Latino populations in the United States are in historically Democratic cities in historically Democratic states. By example, there is a big population of Latinos mainly from Mexican origin in California. There is a big population of Puerto Ricans in New York. The [inaudible 00:44:56] that Mexicans in California have and the [inaudible 00:44:59] that Puerto Ricans have is [inaudible 00:45:04] that leans to the Democratic party. Under these circumstances, it's understandable that they are usually Democrats. That's why I argue, by example, that we cannot apply this knowledge to the understanding of Puerto Ricans in Florida. We need to study the Puerto Ricans in Florida as a new phenomenon that we need to recognize that we to know that we need to research on that.
Matt Grossmann: Sanchez says police brutality was also a major issue this year. He sees some potential for a cross racial minority coalition for reform.
Gabriel Sanchez: One thing that wasn't really discussed much this campaign season is how much police brutality, police reform, police violence, all of that conversation about structural racism that we saw really ignite major protests across the country. How much did that translate to the Latino population? Did it have any effect on actual mobilization of Latinos to turn out on the poll?
One thing, I think I put a piece out on Brookings about this, particularly for the young Latino electorate. We actually saw that be a pretty dominant issue and a mobilizing factor for a lot of Latinos. Our data suggests a lot of that is because Latinos, at the end of the day, face a lot of the same pressures with police violence and excessive force that the African-American community does. I think once Latinos started to see that widespread movement, I think that's something we're going to pay close attention to moving forward.
Will that energy and enthusiasm, particularly among Latinos under 30, translate into a longer movement, a longer push at the state level to really accomplish police reform? How much pressure will there be on the Biden team and administration as they take over to do something about some of these issues that Latinos and African-Americans in particular, two key subgroups that were vital to the Biden victory, how much will they be able to deliver on some of these policy issues that clearly mobilized at least a large segment of young Latinos?
Matt Grossmann: There's a lot more to learn. The Science of Politics is available biweekly from the Niskanen Center. I'm your host, Matt Grossman. Thanks to Gabriel Sanchez and Giovanni Castro for joining me. Please check out Latinos and the 2016 election and the Influence of Country of Origin and the Process of Party Identification Acquisition. Then listen in next time.
Photo Credit: © Luigi Novi / Wikimedia Commons under CC 3.0 Unported
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I did not know it at first.
You close your eyes and you float.
I'm unfamiliar with the shaking.
Did you see the first moment?
I want to tell you I remember you.
Look at you from a distance without words.
I do not know if I'm here.
I know your heart without any words.
I'll wait. Come on slowly.
Just come back as soon as you met.
You were in my heart.
We have so many days to love.
I have eyes when I see you.