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Small Nerve Fibers Defy Neuropathy Conventions
Study suggests even prediabetes may cause nerve damage
8-Apr-2016 3:20 PM EDT
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Credit: Michael Polydefkis, M.D.
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JAMA Neurology
TYPE OF ARTICLE
Diabetes, Neuro, Local - Maryland, All Journal News, Featured: MedWire, Staff Picks
Michael Polydefkis, Neuropathy, Nerve, Fibers, Prediabetes, pain, Hands, feet, Mohammad Khoshnoodi, Damage
Newswise — Results of a small study of people with tingling pain in their hands and feet have added to evidence that so-called prediabetes is more damaging to motor nerves than once believed, in a report on the study published online in JAMA Neurology on April 11.
Johns Hopkins neurologists say the study of patients with small fiber neuropathy showed unexpected deterioration over the entire length of sensory nerve fibers, rather than just at the longest ends first, which the investigators say defies the conventional wisdom of how nerves were thought to deteriorate.
Over the three-year course of the study of the 62 participants, 13 of them with prediabetes, the investigators found that generalized damage occurs in those with prediabetes, and that the precursor condition may be less benign than most clinicians appreciate.
"I liken small fiber neuropathy to the canary in the coal mine," says senior author Michael Polydefkis, M.D., professor of neurology at the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine and director of the Cutaneous Nerve Lab. "It signals the beginning of nerve deterioration that with time involves other types of nerve fibers and becomes more apparent and dramatically affects people's quality of life. The results of this new study add urgency to the need for more screening of those with the condition and faster intervention."
Small diameter nerve fibers reach out to the surface of the skin, and their damage is often marked by development of burning pain in the feet. But routine nerve tests, like nerve conduction, and routine examinations often fail to identify nerve damage because those measurements mostly assess injury to large diameter nerve fibers. The most common cause of small fiber neuropathy is diabetes, Polydefkis notes, but it can also be caused by lupus, HIV, Lyme disease, celiac disease or alcoholism.
In an effort to measure damage more accurately in small nerve fibers in people with small fiber neuropathy symptoms, Polydefkis and his team took small samples of skin — the size of a large freckle — from 52 patients diagnosed with small fiber neuropathy and from 10 healthy controls. Of the 52 patients enrolled in the study with small fiber neuropathy, 13 were considered to have prediabetes, 14 had type 2 diabetes, and 25 had normal blood sugar and an unknown cause of neuropathy. The participants ranged in age from their mid-40s to late 60s, and just less than half were female. Skin samples were taken from the ankle, the lower thigh near the knee and the upper thigh. Three years later, samples from the same area in the same group were taken for comparison.
Microscopic analysis of the skin samples was done to determine the density of small nerve fibers over time. According to the lead author of the study, Mohammad Khoshnoodi, M.D., assistant professor of neurology at Johns Hopkins, a lower density of fibers indicates more nerve damage.
Initially, he says, all patients with small fiber neuropathy had fewer nerve fibers at the test site on the ankle compared to the upper thigh, demonstrating more nerve damage the further down the leg measured. After three years, all three groups of those with small fiber neuropathy lost nerve fibers at the site tested in the ankle. But what surprised the researchers was that nerve fibers were lost at similar rates from the lower and upper thigh sites as well, a phenomenon that would not have been expected if the longest nerve fibers were the most vulnerable.
"We are all taught in medical school that the longest nerves degrade first, and we show that this isn't always the case," says Khoshnoodi.
Patients with prediabetes or diabetes had at least 50 percent fewer small nerve fibers in their ankles initially than those participants with an unknown cause for their small fiber neuropathy, indicating these patients started the study with more damage to their small nerve fibers.
The patients with prediabetes continued to have worsening damage to their small nerve fibers over the course of the study; they lost about 10 percent of their nerve fiber density each year at all sites tested along the leg. Patients with diabetes also lost similar rates of nerve fibers along the three sites of the leg.
"I expected that people with diabetes would do worse, but I didn't really expect people with prediabetes to experience a similar rate of degradation of their small nerve fibers," says Polydefkis.
Khoshnoodi cautions that the study was small, and that other factors in addition to high blood sugar, such as smoking, high blood pressure and high cholesterol, may also have contributed to the decline. Future studies that address these risk factors will need to be performed to determine if prediabetes is as debilitating to nerves as full-blown diabetes.
According to the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, an estimated 20 million people in the U.S. have some form of peripheral neuropathy. About 50 percent of people with diabetes have neuropathy.
Other authors contributing to the study are Shaun Truelove, Ahmet Hoke and Andrew Mammen of The Johns Hopkins University and Ahmet Burakgazi from Virginia Tech.
The study was funded by a philanthropic gift from Mark Rubenstein.
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This Saturday, at the Easter Vigil, will be sung the hymn known as the Exsultet -- or what the Roman Missal titles the Praeconium. The authorship of this great hymn in praise of the paschal candle is suggested by the Liber Pontificalis to possibly be the fifth century pope, Zosimus.
As a hymn, it forms one of the richest texts of the Roman Missal and one of its most celebrated features is what the Catholic Encyclopedia calls "the remarkable praise of the bee"; a text it comments that is "possibly a Vergilian reminiscence" -- coming with reference to the great Roman poet, Publius Vergilius Maro, or who we more simply know today as Virgil, author of the Aeneid.
The illustrations above lead us to an interesting artistic tradition surrounding the Exsultet: the Exsultet rolls.
The basic construction of these scrolls then are sections of the chant and texts of the Exsultet broken up by these various related illuminated images. The texts and images were typically transposed for the purpose mentioned above as you can see in the illustrates example here.
To see some more detailed images of an Exultet Roll, please visit the Medieval Manuscripts blog of the British Library.


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Millwall collect two Family awards
Zampa's Family Club voted 'Best Family Area in Stadia' 2014/15
Zampa's Family Club here at The Den has been voted 'Best Family Area in Stadia' at the Football League Family Excellence Awards 2014/15.
Millwall overcame 71 other Football League sides to pick up the prestigious award, which is given to the club who have offered the most outstanding area for families inside their ground on matchdays during the 2014/15 season.
Zampa's Family Club underwent a relocation and redesign ahead the 2013/14 campaign and those who visit the area on matchdays will have become familiar with the various extras on offer, including games consoles, sweets stalls, a replica dugout and visits from mascots Zampa and Bolina as well as first team players. This award also comes just 12 months after the club collected the 'Most Improved Family Experience' trophy at last season's Football League Family Excellence Awards.
In addition to the 'Best Family Area in Stadia' accolade, for the second season running Millwall have also collected the Football League's Family Excellence Award, which is given to clubs following two separate genuine family visits to the stadium as home supporters. Created in 2007, the award recognises the outstanding experience provided by clubs for young fans and families as part of a scheme that won the Gold Award at the European Professional Football Leagues' Best Practice awards.
In receiving the Football League Family Excellence Award, Millwall has been recognised as offering superb entertainment for families at The Den throughout the 2014/15 season.
Football League chief executive Shaun Harvey said: "The Football League Family Excellence Award gives clubs a standard to aspire to when planning their efforts to attract more families and young fans to their matches.
"It is hugely encouraging to see so many clubs receiving the accolade, demonstrating the Football League's ongoing commitment to securing the next generation of fans."
Season tickets in Zampa's Family Club for the 2015/16 campaign are on sale now. Click here for more information.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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With plenty of talented team from around the nation involved in the Grassroots Showcase, there were plenty of players taking their game to the next level. Here is part one from the 16U level.
Noah Adamczyk – 2023 – G – Michigan Playmakers
In the one game we caught Adamczyk, he was on fire from deep. The sophomore has great range on his jumper and can shoot it well off the catch or dribble. Adamczyk is most effective with his jumper but also added some baskets going to the hoop. He's a smart player that doesn't force his shots and is always working to get good looks.
Dawson Barr – 2023 – G – TNBA South
Barr is a guard with some size at 6'4" with a good all-around game. He is a high IQ guard that plays well under control. He's at his best attacking the basket and is a crafty finisher but can also hit the three with a smooth jumper. He also contributed with his very good passing ability, rebounds well from the guard position, and is a quality active defender.
Anthony Benard – 2023 – G – C2K Elite
Benard has fantastic form on his jumper to be a very good three-point shooter. He is a knockdown shooter that moves very well without the ball and can quickly get off his shot. In addition to his threes, he contributed with attacking the basket to create for his teammates. He is a smart guard that knows how to play.
Braylen Blue – 2023 – PG – Madison Spartans
Blue is a 6'3" point guard with some length that is a good decision maker with the ball in his hands. He does a good job seeing the floor plus has a very good passing ability to connect though some tight windows. While he showed a great ability to create for his teammates, he also showed a smooth jumper knocking down some shots from three.
Jacob Dunham – 2023 – G – JH1 Elite
The 6'3" two guard impressed over the weekend with his shooting. He has a great looking jumper spotting up from three that he was hitting at a very high percentage. Any time he was given any space out on the perimeter, Dunham was knocking down shots.
Fazion Farr – 2023 – G – Wisconsin Dynasty
Farr is a quality slashing guard with good quickness that scored well throughout the tournament. The playmaker showed a good ability to both score it going to the basket, but to also distribute the ball. He made some great passes on the move to setup his teammates.
Gavin Farrell – 2023 – G – Wisconsin Dynasty
Farrell is a skilled two guard that can really score the basketball with good all-around offensive ability, putting up 28 points in a single game. He is a quality shot maker that can knock down jumpers from all over the floor and shoots it well off the dribble. Farrell is a high IQ guard that is a good efficient scorer.
Dominic Jankowski – 2023 – G – All In Athletics
Jankowski is a tough and skilled guard that plays with good energy from the opening tip to the final buzzer. He proved to be very difficult to defend off the dribble as he could beat his man by maneuvering around them with some good moves or just going right through them with his strength to put up some good scoring totals.
Brock Marino – 2023 – F – All In Athletics
The sophomore is a lengthy and active wing forward with good upside. He rebounded the ball very well on both ends with his length, 6'6" height, and aggressiveness. He scored the ball well around the basket, can shoot it from the mid-range, and can put it on the floor.
Tristan Marshall – 2023 – C – Hoop City Ohio
The sophomore is a 6'5" post that plays big in the paint. He is a tough interior defender that really works to contests every shot plus shut down his man. He's the not the biggest of post but is a good shot blocker as he has some length and gets up quickly.


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The Interim Government of Venezuela Was Dissolved by Its Own Promoters
Photo: FEDERICO PARRA/AFP/Getty Images
Commentary by Ryan C. Berg and Alexandra Winkler
Venezuela begins 2023 suddenly devoid of an interim president, and the regime of Nicolás Maduro did not even lift a finger. After much anticipation, three of the four major parties in Venezuela's National Assembly voted to dissolve the interim government structure that saw Juan Guaidó assume the position of the nation's interim president in January 2019. In its stead, the National Assembly will form several special committees to oversee aspects of governance previously handled by the interim government, led by three exiled figures in Spain and the United States.
While this move had been rumored for several months, it still comes as a blow to the opposition's chances of seeing democracy restored in the country anytime soon—to say nothing of its potential to provide further legitimacy to Maduro's dictatorship. Erected in the wake of Maduro's fraudulent 2018 presidential election, the interim government was a sovereign Venezuelan, constitutional decision to fill the vacuum of power in a country considered to have no legitimately elected president. That the decision was constitutional according to Hugo Chávez's own constitution (Article 233) gave the decision even more gravitas.
In 2019, the interim government appeared to be riding high. The majority of Venezuelans supported it. At its peak, Guaidó commanded over 60 percent support. The United States moved to recognize Guaidó as interim president, a move that was quickly followed by nearly 60 countries, including many in Latin America, earning him accredited ambassadors throughout the world and in critical international organizations. The Maduro regime was left in splendid isolation as a torrent of sanctions and indictments came down against high-level officials involved in drug trafficking and crimes against humanity. Further, the interim government maintained a deep reservoir of resources, stemming from sanctioned and frozen assets and central bank funds abroad, such as the billions in gold bullion stored in the Central Bank of England.
The bottom line: it was a golden era for the Venezuelan opposition. Guaidó—a refreshing voice in a political opposition generally considered too stodgy to consider new voices—appeared to offer a genuine bridge from Venezuela's authoritarian repression to some kind of democratic restoration. Coupled with a multilateral, international sanctions campaign, the interim government appeared poised to make serious demands for electoral concessions that could change Chavismo's trajectory and reduce its chances of ruling Venezuela indefinitely by force. At its height, Guaidó commanded a vast opposition movement, with protests in Caracas and other cities attracting hundreds of thousands of people.
The invigorating days of 2019 eventually gave way to 2020, which saw the start of the Covid-19 pandemic and a rapidly changing panorama for the opposition. Under the guise of public health measures, the Maduro regime clamped down on Venezuelan society. The regime strengthened its grip on power and Venezuela's protest movements entered an enervating phase. In short, the possibility of democratic transition became less auspicious. 2021 saw the extension of Guaidó's mandate, while 2022 saw another extension but under an amended arrangement. Limited mobilization took place in both years due to the pandemic, but Guaidó also found himself unable to replicate the 2019 protest movements as Venezuela's humanitarian outlook worsened and people continued to flee the country. From 2015 to 2022, an eye-popping 7.1 million Venezuelans left the country.
Hindsight is always 20/20. Many are now declaring the interim government a failure because it could not initiate a democratic transition, conveniently eliding the constitutionality of Guaidó's position. Some have extended that criticism to the Trump administration's policy and its "maximum pressure" campaign against the Maduro regime that coincided with Guaidó's interim presidency. Others have suggested that the Biden administration should have been firmer in its backing of Guaidó as regional and global developments weakened his position. But now is not the time to politicize the moment. After all, a transition to democracy in Venezuela has befuddled Republican and Democrat administrations alike. An even and balanced account of the interim government, its failures and its successes, is in dire order.
Opposition Mistakes and Failures
After 24 years of Chavismo, opposition leaders have not been able to set aside egos and personal interests to unify under a strategy to return to democracy. The fact that opposition leaders themselves dissolved the interim government demonstrates that personal interests are still more important than the collective. This dynamic could be on display again when 2024 elections present the opposition a chance to unify behind a single candidate or run multiple candidates.
Too many opposition members have been co-opted by the Maduro regime, creating what we know today as the "false opposition." Average Venezuelans have trouble distinguishing between those who are on the side of democracy and those who might be playing both sides. Perhaps the best example of this occurred when some members of the opposition began calling for the dissolution of the interim government more than a year before it transpired, including its commissioner of foreign affairs.
The past two years of opposition participation in negotiations have imposed significant costs. To coax Maduro to the table, the opposition signed a memorandum of understanding that saw Maduro impose conditions on the talks. The most salient of these was the formal recognition of Maduro and the institutions of his government, including the regime-controlled National Assembly elected in December 2020 after an opposition boycott of elections. After multiple years of denying Maduro's legitimacy, the opposition granted recognition—the most coveted of concessions—to get Maduro to the table, undermining Guaidó's claim to the interim presidency. When the Venezuelan opposition signed the memorandum of understanding in August 2021, it prompted questions about the figure of the interim president himself, who did not even appear in the document. In short, the opposition (once again) laid the seeds of Guaidó's dismissal with its desperation to get Maduro back to the table. Thus far, no major results or concessions have come from those negotiations, other than buying Maduro more time in power.
A preponderance of the interim government's efforts went into managing its considerable assets abroad, as it fended off claims from international creditors of the regime and protected opposition politicians from the machinery of repression at home. To be sure, gaining control of international assets was a major accomplishment for the interim government; however, the way some of these assets were handled began to blur the moral distinction between the Maduro regime's depths of corruption and the opposition's lack of governance. A dearth of transparency and accountability lie at the heart of the scandals involving several of these assets, such as Monómeros, a fertilizer company based in Colombia.
The U.S. Government's Role
The U.S. government is also to blame for the dissolution of the interim government. U.S. policy shifted from a frontal, high-pressure campaign by the Trump administration to a more diplomatic, sometimes fuzzy strategy under the Biden administration that focused on bringing Maduro to the negotiating table.
Objectively, the indictments and sanctions architecture constructed by the Trump administration around the Maduro regime did not manage to peel off enough high-ranking military officers. The armed forces have remained loyal to Maduro, including in April 2019, when Guaidó appeared outside a military base calling for an uprising. Further, the heavy reliance on sanctions reaffirmed for some that the Trump administration's policy was "regime change," eliding the fact that it released a comprehensive "Democratic Transition Framework" to guide democratization efforts.
On the other hand, the Biden administration's secret trip to establish contact with Maduro in March 2022 in order to discuss the release of Americans detained in Venezuela and respond to the energy crisis created by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, caught everyone off guard (including the interim government). The net result was to reestablish direct contact between the regime and the U.S. government; but it was also a signal to some in the opposition that the U.S. government's support was not as unwavering as previously imagined, creating an opening to accelerate the end of the interim government.
While that wedge took several months to drive the opposition apart, by September 2022, strong rumors began circulating that several factions would no longer support Guaidó and the interim government vehicle during an expected vote on its renewal in early 2023. Indeed, by October, it appeared as though Guaidó's days were numbered.
Serious Consequences
For the Maduro regime, dissolving the interim government could not come at a better time. Two consecutive years of regional elections have swept to power left-wing governments in Latin America. This has been paired with a Biden administration willing to deconstruct the formidable sanctions architecture it inherited in exchange for dialogue for dialogue's sake, as well as "successful" diplomatic travel by Maduro, in which he bombarded political leaders at the UN Conference of the Parties (COP27) and leveraged the highly spontaneous moments to argue the world is recognizing his legitimacy and increasingly normalizing relations. Meanwhile, three of the four major opposition parties have proven themselves unwilling to maintain a constitutional structure that stood against the Maduro regime. Instead, they chose cohabitation over the Venezuelan people's desire for freedom.
Thus, 2023 has commenced like so many years in Venezuela's history under Chavismo, with political divisions threatening to derail the opposition. Maduro has stepped into the void, positioning himself to normalize relations and reestablish full diplomatic ties with the United States, as he has done with Colombia already and will do with Brazil shortly.
Now that the interim government structure has been dissolved, it begs the question of the legitimacy of what will take its place—will the proposed committee structure, devoid of an identifiable figurehead, be able to effectively oversee select functions previously performed by the interim government? Members of the National Assembly who voted to dissolve the interim government accused it of corruption and financial impropriety. If that is the case, who will handle the funds under the new committee mechanism? Will there be different, allegedly more scrupulous individuals overseeing the considerable assets maintained abroad? Who can the Venezuelan people trust if not Guaidó?
The future brings more questions than answers for U.S. policy toward Venezuela, too. Most important is the question of recognition. Will the U.S. government recognize Maduro as president? Thus far, the Biden administration has said that it will not involve itself in internal matters of the Venezuelan opposition, but neither is it likely to move policy to recognize Maduro. Biden administration officials insist on the option of "snapback" sanctions, but this will be hard to initiate as Venezuelan crude is back on international markets.
Thus, the Biden administration will be entering a gray zone. There is likely no precedent for recognizing an amorphous tripartite committee structure as an opposition head of government. A spokesperson from the State Department recently said that the Biden administration "continues to recognize the democratically elected 2015 National Assembly," but that does little to clarify questions about who the Biden administration considers to be in charge. All mentions of Guaidó, even in the past tense, were dropped from the State Department's statement.
The challenge of defining an approach that does not recognize Maduro is immediate. Last year, the U.S. government warned that the loss of a clear opposition leader could jeopardize the executive order preventing shares of Citgo Petroleum from being auctioned to pay claims by Venezuela's creditors. Nowhere is this truer than in the United Kingdom, where a fiercely litigated court case has reached the Supreme Court for control over Venezuela's gold bullion in the Bank of England. At multiple phases, the high court in the United Kingdom has ruled in the opposition's favor—always on the basis that the country recognizes Guaidó's interim presidency. Dissolving the interim government has made the legal defense of Venezuela's assets abroad a more onerous task by virtue of no longer counting an identifiable leader as head of government.
While the opposition's ambassador will no longer retain his post, it is critical to maintain visas for interim government officials currently in the United States and inquire whether it is possible to keep its representatives at institutions such as the Inter-American Development Bank. Depending on the future of the Maduro regime and its level of repression, the opposition may have to reconstitute itself outside of the country. At the very least, opposition officials outside of Venezuela run a severe risk if forced to return to the country. The United States should also decide what happens to Venezuelan property in the United States beyond the frozen assets, such as the embassy and consulate buildings in Washington, D.C. and across the country, where former ambassador Carlos Vecchio said some administrative and diplomatic work will shutter.
There is also a serious question as to what happens to Guaidó himself. Will the Biden administration find a way to send a message to the Maduro regime that the United States is serious about ensuring his safety? Does the Maduro regime interpret the lack of constitutional status for Guaidó as a green light to arrest and potentially torture him? Previously, Trump administration policy insisted on Guaidó's safety, threatening severe consequences if the Maduro regime arrested him. Of course, these consequences were unclear, but there was just enough "strategic ambiguity" in U.S. policy to keep Maduro from wanting to find out. Without those U.S. demands, Maduro has already ordered the arrest of the new national assembly leaders in exile.
For the opposition to be successfully moving toward elections, it will have to coalesce around a single candidate without succumbing to Maduro's incessant attempts to divide and co-opt it. Elections in 2024—or earlier, if Maduro amends the electoral timetable to his advantage as he did in 2018—will require levels of mobilization unseen since the heady days of 2019.
All of this could be at risk if, somehow, the votes of certain parties to dissolve the interim government were made in exchange for vague (and secret) promises by the Maduro regime to permit them to compete in the 2024 elections. The Maduro regime's incessant attempts to co-opt the opposition mean this scenario cannot be ruled out. There is also the need for the opposition to balance the desire for a seasoned candidate and to find a new face who can regenerate its aging leadership. New leadership can only be legitimate if the 7.1 million people outside of the country are given the opportunity to participate in the process by voting.
Lastly, the U.S. government may find itself back in a situation where there is little incentive for the Maduro regime to return to recently restarted negotiations with the opposition's representatives in Mexico City. Regional conditions have shifted, the opposition is fractured, and Chevron has resumed operations in Venezuela's oil fields—all powerful incentives for Maduro to delay any return to dialogue.
In many ways, the United States is back to square one on Venezuela policy. It is difficult to envisage long-term rather than tactical strategy at the moment, and there is no longer a viable Venezuelan opposition leader to pave the way forward. In short, a mix of international developments, shifts in U.S. policy, and the opposition's own failures has provided Maduro the ingredients for his own success: more time in power and a dejected electorate that has little faith politicians can deliver change for the Venezuelan people.
Ryan C. Berg is director of the Americas Program and head of the Future of Venezuela Initiative at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Alexandra Winkler is a senior associate (non-resident) with the CSIS Americas Program.
Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).
© 2023 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
Americas , Human Rights , and Civil Society
Ryan C. Berg
Director, Americas Program
Alexandra Winkler
Senior Associate (Non-resident), Americas Program


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NCC celebrate 75 years
North Country Cheviot society are 75 years in the breed
By Julie Wight Business Reporter
The hardy breed showing off their talent
The 75th celebrations of the North Country Cheviot Sheep Society are on hold due to Covid-19, but achievements of the breed and the society have not been forgotten.
The society was formed in 1945, with Volume 1 of the flock book recording 59 members. Now, however, that figure has risen to 550 members from as far north as John o' Groats to Lands End in the south as well as Orkney, Mull, Lewis and Harris and Ireland.
Society president in 1945 was the late George Clyne, of Noss, who had also been involved in the original formation of the North Country Cheviot Breeders Association in 1912. He continued to support the breed throughout his life, being president of the society three times, before being made honorary president.
Renowned for their maternal abilities, the breed is able to produce an impressive return crop 'straight from the field', a fact, which has no doubt been a huge factor in the Northie's increased popularity in recent times.
Some strong North Country Cheviot lambs proving their worth
Today's market also demands finished lambs which hit the desired weights without becoming too fat and preferably with as little additional expense of high input feeds as possible – another factor where the breed stands out.
Looking ahead, the society is due to launch a new website later this year to promote the breed. With growing popularity for ewes which can be crossed or bred pure on all types of land including hill, marginal and lowland, there is no doubt a bright future lies ahead ...


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Posted inSpecial Reports
Principal pay in North Carolina slated for possible overhaul
by EducationNC November 1, 2016 July 7, 2020
Sen. Jerry Tillman, R-Randolph, speaking at the Joint Legislative Study Committee on School-Based Administrator Pay on Oct. 24. (Alex Granados/EducationNC)
Editor's Note: This is story is shared with permission. Go here for the original story.
By Alex Granados, EducationNC
A joint legislative study committee on school-based administrator pay unveiled last week a preliminary proposal to reform the way North Carolina pays its principals.
The committee, co-chaired by Sen. Jerry Tillman, R-Randolph, and Rep. Hugh Blackwell, R-Burke, presented a plan that would eliminate the principal salary schedule and replace it with an allotment that superintendents can use as they see fit to hire principals. Currently, North Carolina is 50th in the nation (including Washington, D.C) for principal pay.
"If we're 50th in the nation, what we're doing isn't the best way to go about getting the best principal in the best location," Tillman said.
See introductory remarks from Tillman and Blackwell below:
The allotment for principals would be based on statewide average principal pay. The salary schedule for assistant principals would also be scrapped and replaced with a new salary schedule.
In addition, the plan would increase average pay for principals and assistant principals, and provide funds for performance bonuses and to reduce the pay gap between high-wealth and low-wealth school districts.
Tillman said the total amount of money available from the state for principal and assistant principal pay would need to go up about three to five percent "at a minimum." But he also said between $8 and $10 million would be needed above and beyond that to use for performance bonuses.
Go here and here to see details about the proposed plan.
We documented in detail the problems with the principal salary schedule in January of 2015. These include principals who have to wait years for raises from the state, teachers who are paid more than their principals, and principals jumping between districts to get a better local salary supplement. Alexis Schauss, director of the Division of School Business at the State Department of Public Instruction, presented Monday about the salary schedule issues. See her presentation document here or watch the video of her presentation below. Go here for a history of the school-based administrator salary schedule in North Carolina.
The committee brought together a group of superintendents and others to review and comment on the proposed plan. In attendance were:
Dr. Stephen Gainey, Superintendent, Randolph County Schools
Dr. Beverly Emery, Superintendent, Winston-Salem/Forsyth County Schools
Dr. Frank Till Jr., Superintendent, Cumberland County Schools
Dr. Pascal Mubenga, Superintendent, Franklin County Schools
Katherine Joyce, Executive Director, NC Association of School Administrators
Leanne Winner, Legislative Director, NC School Boards Association
Overall, the panelists said they liked some aspects of the plan but would prefer not to scrap a principal salary schedule altogether.
Till said, particularly in a large school district, that it would be difficult to negotiate with every single principal, and that he worried the system could get out of hand.
"I'm worried about the inequities," he said. "People come and suddenly want to get more. And it's not hard before you can get that off track real easy."
Shirley Prince, executive director of the North Carolina Principals and Assistant Principals' Association, was in the audience at the Oct. 24 meeting and said in an interview that she agreed with the panelists.
"Without a solid base salary, you would have all sorts of disparities amongst principals from county to county," she said. "That could really create some difficulties trying to recruit strong teachers into school leadership positions."
Tillman said the goal of the committee was to develop a budget provision that could be introduced in the upcoming long session of the General Assembly. He told the panelists the committee would take their ideas into consideration and incorporate them in some way for discussion at the next committee meeting. He predicted there would likely be at least three meetings of the committee.
For a chart showing statistics on pay and local supplements for principals and assistant principals around the state, go here.
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