text:
United Nations Security Council Explained
Type: Principal organ
Abbreviation: UNSC
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the six principal organs of the United Nations (UN),[1] charged with ensuring international peace and security,[2] recommending that the General Assembly accept new members to the United Nations,[3] and approving any changes to its charter.[4] Its powers include the establishment of peacekeeping operations and international sanctions as well as the authorization of military actions through resolutions – it is the only body of the United Nations with the authority to issue binding resolutions to member states. The council held its first session on 17 January 1946.
Like the UN as a whole, the Security Council was created following World War II to address the failings of a previous international organization, the League of Nations, in maintaining world peace. In its early decades, the Security Council was largely paralyzed by the Cold War division between the US and USSR and their respective allies, though it authorized interventions in the Korean War and the Congo Crisis and peacekeeping missions in the Suez Crisis, Cyprus, and West New Guinea. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, UN peacekeeping efforts increased dramatically in scale, and the Security Council authorized major military and peacekeeping missions in Kuwait, Namibia, Cambodia, Bosnia, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The Security Council consists of fifteen members.[5] The great powers that were the victors of World War II – the Soviet Union (now represented by Russia), the United Kingdom, France, the former Republic of China (now represented by the People's Republic of China), and the United States – serve as the body's five permanent members. These can veto any substantive resolution, including those on the admission of new member states or nominees for the office of Secretary-General. In addition, the council has 10 non-permanent members, elected on a regional basis to serve a term of two years. The body's presidency rotates monthly among its members.
Resolutions of the Security Council are typically enforced by UN peacekeepers, military forces voluntarily provided by member states and funded independently of the main UN budget., 103,510 peacekeepers and 16,471 civilians were deployed on sixteen peacekeeping operations and one special political mission.
Background and creation
In the century prior to the UN's creation, several international treaty organizations and conferences had been formed to regulate conflicts between nations, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907. Following the catastrophic loss of life in World War I, the Paris Peace Conference established the League of Nations to maintain harmony between the nations. This organization successfully resolved some territorial disputes and created international structures for areas such as postal mail, aviation, and opium control, some of which would later be absorbed into the UN. However, the League lacked representation for colonial peoples (then half the world's population) and significant participation from several major powers, including the US, USSR, Germany, and Japan; it failed to act against the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, the Second Italo-Ethiopian War in 1935, the 1937 Japanese occupation of China, and Nazi expansions under Adolf Hitler that escalated into World War II.
The earliest concrete plan for a new world organization began under the aegis of the US State Department in 1939. US President Roosevelt first coined the term United Nations to describe the Allied countries. "On New Year's Day 1942, President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, Maxim Litvinov, of the USSR, and T. V. Soong, of China, signed a short document which later came to be known as the United Nations Declaration and the next day the representatives of twenty-two other nations added their signatures."[6] The term United Nations was first officially used when 26 governments signed this Declaration. By 1 March 1945, 21 additional states had signed. "Four Policemen" was coined to refer to the four major Allied countries: the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and China.[7] and became the foundation of an executive branch of the United Nations, the Security Council.
In mid-1944, the delegations from the Allied "Big Four", the Soviet Union, the UK, the US and China, met for the Dumbarton Oaks Conference in Washington, D.C. to negotiate the UN's structure,[8] and the composition of the UN Security Council quickly became the dominant issue. France, the Republic of China, the Soviet Union, the UK, and US were selected as permanent members of the Security Council; the US attempted to add Brazil as a sixth member, but was opposed by the heads of the Soviet and British delegations. The most contentious issue at Dumbarton and in successive talks proved to be the veto rights of permanent members. The Soviet delegation argued that each nation should have an absolute veto that could block matters from even being discussed, while the British argued that nations should not be able to veto resolutions on disputes to which they were a party. At the Yalta Conference of February 1945, the American, British, and Russian delegations agreed that each of the "Big Five" could veto any action by the council, but not procedural resolutions, meaning that the permanent members could not prevent debate on a resolution.
On 25 April 1945, the UN Conference on International Organization began in San Francisco, attended by 50 governments and a number of non-governmental organizations involved in drafting the United Nations Charter.[9] At the conference, H. V. Evatt of the Australian delegation pushed to further restrict the veto power of Security Council permanent members. Due to the fear that rejecting the strong veto would cause the conference's failure, his proposal was defeated twenty votes to ten.
The UN officially came into existence on 24 October 1945 upon ratification of the Charter by the five then-permanent members of the Security Council and by a majority of the other 46 signatories. On 17 January 1946, the Security Council met for the first time at Church House, Westminster, in London, United Kingdom.[10]
The Security Council was largely paralysed in its early decades by the Cold War between the US and USSR and their allies, and the Council generally was only able to intervene in unrelated conflicts. (A notable exception was the 1950 Security Council resolution authorizing a US-led coalition to repel the North Korean invasion of South Korea, passed in the absence of the USSR.) In 1956, the first UN peacekeeping force was established to end the Suez Crisis; however, the UN was unable to intervene against the USSR's simultaneous invasion of Hungary following that country's revolution. Cold War divisions also paralysed the Security Council's Military Staff Committee, which had been formed by Articles 45–47 of the UN Charter to oversee UN forces and create UN military bases. The committee continued to exist on paper but largely abandoned its work in the mid-1950s.[11]
In 1960, the UN deployed the United Nations Operation in the Congo (UNOC), the largest military force of its early decades, to restore order to the breakaway State of Katanga, restoring it to the control of the Democratic Republic of the Congo by 1964. However, the Security Council found itself bypassed in favour of direct negotiations between the superpowers in some of the decade's larger conflicts, such as the Cuban missile crisis or the Vietnam War. Focusing instead on smaller conflicts without an immediate Cold War connection, the Security Council deployed the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority in West New Guinea in 1962 and the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus in 1964, the latter of which would become one of the UN's longest-running peacekeeping missions.
On 25 October 1971, over US opposition, but with the support of many Third World nations, along with the Socialist People's Republic of Albania, the mainland, communist People's Republic of China was given the Chinese seat on the Security Council in place of Taiwan; the vote was widely seen as a sign of waning US influence in the organization. With an increasing Third World presence and the failure of UN mediation in conflicts in the Middle East, Vietnam, and Kashmir, the UN increasingly shifted its attention to its ostensibly secondary goals of economic development and cultural exchange. By the 1970s, the UN budget for social and economic development was far greater than its budget for peacekeeping.
Post-Cold War
After the Cold War, the UN saw a radical expansion in its peacekeeping duties, taking on more missions in ten years' time than it had in its previous four decades. Between 1988 and 2000, the number of adopted Security Council resolutions more than doubled, and the peacekeeping budget increased more than tenfold.[12] The UN negotiated an end to the Salvadoran Civil War, launched a successful peacekeeping mission in Namibia, and oversaw democratic elections in post-apartheid South Africa and post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia. In 1991, the Security Council demonstrated its renewed vigor by condemning the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on the same day of the attack, and later authorizing a US-led coalition that successfully repulsed the Iraqis. Undersecretary-General Brian Urquhart later described the hopes raised by these successes as a "false renaissance" for the organization, given the more troubled missions that followed.
Though the UN Charter had been written primarily to prevent aggression by one nation against another, in the early 1990s, the UN faced a number of simultaneous, serious crises within nations such as Haiti, Mozambique and the former Yugoslavia. The UN mission to Bosnia faced "worldwide ridicule" for its indecisive and confused mission in the face of ethnic cleansing.[13] In 1994, the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda failed to intervene in the Rwandan genocide in the face of Security Council indecision.
In the late 1990s, UN-authorised international interventions took a wider variety of forms. The UN mission in the 1991–2002 Sierra Leone Civil War was supplemented by British Royal Marines, and the UN-authorised 2001 invasion of Afghanistan was overseen by NATO. In 2003, the US invaded Iraq despite failing to pass a UN Security Council resolution for authorization, prompting a new round of questioning of the organization's effectiveness. In the same decade, the Security Council intervened with peacekeepers in crises including the War in Darfur in Sudan and the Kivu conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2013, an internal review of UN actions in the final battles of the Sri Lankan Civil War in 2009 concluded that the organization had suffered "systemic failure".[14] In November/December 2014, Egypt presented a motion proposing an expansion of the NPT (non-Proliferation Treaty), to include Israel and Iran; this proposal was due to increasing hostilities and destruction in the Middle-East connected to the Syrian Conflict as well as others. All members of the Security Council are signatory to the NPT, and all permanent members are nuclear weapons states.[15]
The UN's role in international collective security is defined by the UN Charter, which authorizes the Security Council to investigate any situation threatening international peace; recommend procedures for peaceful resolution of a dispute; call upon other member nations to completely or partially interrupt economic relations as well as sea, air, postal, and radio communications, or to sever diplomatic relations; and enforce its decisions militarily, or by any means necessary. The Security Council also recommends the new Secretary-General to the General Assembly and recommends new states for admission as member states of the United Nations.[16] [17] The Security Council has traditionally interpreted its mandate as covering only military security, though US Ambassador Richard Holbrooke controversially persuaded the body to pass a resolution on HIV/AIDS in Africa in 2000.
Under Chapter VI of the Charter, "Pacific Settlement of Disputes", the Security Council "may investigate any dispute, or any situation which might lead to international friction or give rise to a dispute". The Council may "recommend appropriate procedures or methods of adjustment" if it determines that the situation might endanger international peace and security.[18] These recommendations are generally considered to not be binding, as they lack an enforcement mechanism.[19] A minority of scholars, such as Stephen Zunes, have argued that resolutions made under Chapter VI are "still directives by the Security Council and differ only in that they do not have the same stringent enforcement options, such as the use of military force".
Under Chapter VII, the Council has broader power to decide what measures are to be taken in situations involving "threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, or acts of aggression".[11] In such situations, the Council is not limited to recommendations but may take action, including the use of armed force "to maintain or restore international peace and security".[11] This was the legal basis for UN armed action in Korea in 1950 during the Korean War and the use of coalition forces in Iraq and Kuwait in 1991 and Libya in 2011.[20] Decisions taken under Chapter VII, such as economic sanctions, are binding on UN members; the Security Council is the only UN body with the authority to issue binding resolutions.
The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court recognizes that the Security Council has authority to refer cases to the Court in which the Court could not otherwise exercise jurisdiction.[21] The Council exercised this power for the first time in March 2005, when it referred to the Court "the situation prevailing in Darfur since 1 July 2002"; since Sudan is not a party to the Rome Statute, the Court could not otherwise have exercised jurisdiction.[22] [23] The Security Council made its second such referral in February 2011 when it asked the ICC to investigate the Libyan government's violent response to the Libyan Civil War.[24]
Security Council Resolution 1674, adopted on 28 April 2006, "reaffirms the provisions of paragraphs 138 and 139 of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document regarding the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity".[25] The Security Council reaffirmed this responsibility to protect in Resolution 1706 on 31 August of that year. These resolutions commit the Security Council to take action to protect civilians in an armed conflict, including taking action against genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.
See main article: Permanent members of the United Nations Security Council.
See also: China and the United Nations, France and the United Nations, Russia and the United Nations, Soviet Union and the United Nations, United Kingdom and the United Nations and United States and the United Nations.
The Security Council's five permanent members, below, have the power to veto any substantive resolution; this allows a permanent member to block adoption of a resolution, but not to prevent or end debate.
Regional group
Current state representation
Former state representation
China Asia-Pacific People's Republic of China (from 1971) Republic of China (1945–1971)
France Western Europe and Others French Fifth Republic (from 1958) Provisional Government of the French Republic (1945–1946)
French Fourth Republic (1946–1958)
Russia Eastern Europe Russian Federation (from 1991) Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1945–1991)
United Kingdom Western Europe and Others United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (from 1945) —
United States Western Europe and Others United States of America (from 1945) —
At the UN's founding in 1945, the five permanent members of the Security Council were the Republic of China, the Provisional Government of the French Republic, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States. There have been two major seat changes since then. China's seat was originally held by Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Government, the Republic of China. However, the Nationalists were forced to retreat to the island of Taiwan in 1949, during the Chinese Civil War. The Chinese Communist Party assumed control of mainland China, thenceforth known as the People's Republic of China. In 1971, General Assembly Resolution 2758 recognized the People's Republic as the rightful representative of China in the UN and gave it the seat on the Security Council that had been held by the Republic of China, which was expelled from the UN altogether with no opportunity for membership as a separate nation. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian Federation was recognized as the legal successor state of the Soviet Union and maintained the latter's position on the Security Council. Additionally, France eventually reformed its government into the French Fifth Republic in 1958, under the leadership of Charles de Gaulle. France maintained its seat as there was no change in its international status or recognition, although many of its overseas possessions eventually became independent.[26]
The five permanent members of the Security Council were the victorious powers in World War II and have maintained the world's most powerful military forces ever since. They annually topped the list of countries with the highest military expenditures.[27] In 2013, they spent over US$1 trillion combined on defence, accounting for over 55% of global military expenditures (the US alone accounting for over 35%). They are also among the world's largest arms exporters[28] and are the only nations officially recognized as "nuclear-weapon states" under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), though there are other states known or believed to be in possession of nuclear weapons.[29]
Veto power
See main article: United Nations Security Council veto power.
See also: List of vetoed United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Under Article 27 of the UN Charter, Security Council decisions on all substantive matters require the affirmative votes of nine members. A negative vote or "veto" by a permanent member prevents adoption of a proposal, even if it has received the required votes. Abstention is not regarded as a veto in most cases, though all five permanent members must actively concur to amend the UN Charter or to recommend the admission of a new UN member state. Procedural matters are not subject to a veto, so the veto cannot be used to avoid discussion of an issue. The same holds for certain decisions that directly regard permanent members. A majority of vetoes are used not in critical international security situations, but for purposes such as blocking a candidate for Secretary-General or the admission of a member state.
In the negotiations building up to the creation of the UN, the veto power was resented by many small countries, and in fact was forced on them by the veto nations – US, UK, China, France and the Soviet Union – through a threat that without the veto there will be no UN. Here is a description by Francis O. Wilcox, an adviser to US delegation to the 1945 conference: "At San Francisco, the issue was made crystal clear by the leaders of the Big Five: it was either the Charter with the veto or no Charter at all. Senator Connally [from the US delegation] dramatically tore up a copy of the Charter during one of his speeches and reminded the small states that they would be guilty of that same act if they opposed the unanimity principle. 'You may, if you wish,' he said, 'go home from this Conference and say that you have defeated the veto. But what will be your answer when you are asked: "Where is the Charter"?
As of 2012, 269 vetoes had been cast since the Security Council's inception. In this period, China (ROC/PRC) used the veto 9 times, France 18, USSR/Russia 128, the UK 32, and the US 89. Roughly two-thirds of Soviet/Russian vetoes were in the first ten years of the Security Council's existence. Between 1996 and 2012, China vetoed 5 resolutions, Russia 7, and the US 13, while France and the UK did not use the veto.[30]
An early veto by Soviet Commissar Andrei Vishinsky blocked a resolution on the withdrawal of French forces from the then-colonies of Syria and Lebanon in February 1946; this veto established the precedent that permanent members could use the veto on matters outside of immediate concerns of war and peace. The USSR went on to veto matters including the admission of Austria, Cambodia, Ceylon, Finland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Laos, Libya, Portugal, South Vietnam, and Transjordan as UN member states, delaying their joining by several years. Britain and France used the veto to avoid Security Council condemnation of their actions in the 1956 Suez Crisis. The first veto by the US came in 1970, blocking General Assembly action in Southern Rhodesia. From 1985 to 1990, the US vetoed 27 resolutions, primarily to block resolutions it perceived as anti-Israel but also to protect its interests in Panama and Korea. The USSR, US, and China have all vetoed candidates for Secretary-General, with the US using the veto to block the re-election of Boutros Boutros-Ghali in 1996.
Non-permanent members
See also: List of members of the United Nations Security Council, 2019 United Nations Security Council election and 2020 United Nations Security Council election.
Along with the five permanent members, the Security Council of the United Nations has temporary members that hold their seats on a rotating basis by geographic region. Non-permanent members may be involved in global security briefings.[31] In its first two decades, the Security Council had six non-permanent members, the first of which were Australia, Brazil, Egypt, Mexico, the Netherlands, and Poland. In 1965, the number of non-permanent members was expanded to ten.[32]
These ten non-permanent members are elected by the United Nations General Assembly for two-year terms starting on 1 January, with five replaced each year.[33] To be approved, a candidate must receive at least two-thirds of all votes cast for that seat, which can result in deadlock if there are two roughly evenly matched candidates. In 1979, a standoff between Cuba and Colombia only ended after three months and a record 154 rounds of voting; both eventually withdrew in favour of Mexico as a compromise candidate.[34] A retiring member is not eligible for immediate re-election.[35]
The African Group is represented by three members; the Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia-Pacific, and Western European and Others groups by two apiece; and the Eastern European Group by one. Traditionally, one of the seats assigned to either the Asia-Pacific Group or the African Group is filled by a nation from the Arab world.[36] Currently, elections for terms beginning in even-numbered years select two African members, and one each within Eastern Europe, Asia-Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. Terms beginning in odd-numbered years consist of two Western European and Other members, and one each from Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America and the Caribbean.
During the 2016 United Nations Security Council election, neither Italy nor the Netherlands met the required two-thirds majority for election. They subsequently agreed to split the term of the Western European and Others Group. It was the first time in over five decades that two members agreed to do so.[37] Usually, intractable deadlocks are resolved by the candidate countries withdrawing in favour of a third member state.
The current elected members, with the regions they were elected to represent, are as follows:[38] [39]
and Caribbean
and Other<
-- THE REGIONS ARE THE UN REGIONS - PLEASE DO_NOT CHANGE "WESTERN EUROPE AND OTHER" TO "EUROPE" ETC. -->
See main article: President of the United Nations Security Council.
The role of president of the Security Council involves setting the agenda, presiding at its meetings and overseeing any crisis. The president is authorized to issue both Presidential Statements (subject to consensus among Council members) and notes,[40] [41] which are used to make declarations of intent that the full Security Council can then pursue.[41] The presidency of the Council is held by each of the members in turn for one month, following the English alphabetical order of the Member States names.[42]
The list of nations that will hold the Presidency in 2020 is as follows:[43]
Security Council Presidency in 2020
Vietnam January
Belgium February
China March
Dominican Republic April
Estonia May
France June
Germany July
Indonesia August
Niger September
Russia October
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines November
South Africa December
Unlike the General Assembly, the Security Council meets year-round. Each Security Council member must have a representative available at UN Headquarters at all times in case an emergency meeting becomes necessary.
The Security Council generally meets in a designated chamber in the United Nations Conference Building in New York City. The chamber was designed by the Norwegian architect Arnstein Arneberg and was a gift from Norway. The United Nations Security Council mural by Norwegian artist Per Krohg (1952) depicts a phoenix rising from its ashes, symbolic of the world's rebirth after World War II.[44]
The Security Council has also held meetings in cities including Nairobi, Kenya; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Panama City, Panama; and Geneva, Switzerland.[45] In March 2010, the Security Council moved into a temporary facility in the General Assembly Building as its chamber underwent renovations as part of the UN Capital Master Plan.[46] The renovations were funded by Norway, the chamber's original donor, for a total cost of 5 million.[47] The chamber reopened on 16 April 2013.[48]
Consultation room
Because meetings in the Security Council Chamber are covered by the international press, proceedings are highly theatrical in nature. Delegates deliver speeches to justify their positions and attack their opponents, playing to the cameras and the audience at home. Delegations also stage walkouts to express their disagreement with actions of the Security Council.[49] Due to the public scrutiny of the Security Council Chamber,[50] all of the real work of the Security Council is conducted behind closed doors in "informal consultations".[51] [52]
In 1978, West Germany funded the construction of a conference room next to the Security Council Chamber. The room was used for "informal consultations", which soon became the primary meeting format for the Security Council. In 1994, the French ambassador complained to the Secretary-General that "informal consultations have become the Council's characteristic working method, while public meetings, originally the norm, are increasingly rare and increasingly devoid of content: everyone knows that when the Council goes into public meeting everything has been decided in advance".[53] When Russia funded the renovation of the consultation room in 2013, the Russian ambassador called it "quite simply, the most fascinating place in the entire diplomatic universe".[54]
Only members of the Security Council are permitted in the conference room for consultations. The press is not admitted, and other members of the United Nations cannot be invited into the consultations.[55] No formal record is kept of the informal consultations.[56] [57] As a result, the delegations can negotiate with each other in secret, striking deals and compromises without having their every word transcribed into the permanent record. The privacy of the conference room also makes it possible for the delegates to deal with each other in a friendly manner. In one early consultation, a new delegate from a Communist nation began a propaganda attack on the United States, only to be told by the Soviet delegate, "We don't talk that way in here."[52]
A permanent member can cast a "pocket veto" during the informal consultation by declaring its opposition to a measure. Since a veto would prevent the resolution from being passed, the sponsor will usually refrain from putting the resolution to a vote. Resolutions are vetoed only if the sponsor feels so strongly about a measure that it wishes to force the permanent member to cast a formal veto.[51] [58] By the time a resolution reaches the Security Council Chamber, it has already been discussed, debated, and amended in the consultations. The open meeting of the Security Council is merely a public ratification of a decision that has already been reached in private.[59] [51] For example, Resolution 1373 was adopted without public debate in a meeting that lasted just five minutes.[51] [60]
The Security Council holds far more consultations than public meetings. In 2012, the Security Council held 160 consultations, 16 private meetings, and 9 public meetings. In times of crisis, the Security Council still meets primarily in consultations, but it also holds more public meetings. After the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in 2013, the Security Council returned to the patterns of the Cold War, as Russia and the Western countries engaged in verbal duels in front of the television cameras. In 2016, the Security Council held 150 consultations, 19 private meetings, and 68 public meetings.[61]
Subsidiary organs/bodies
Article 29 of the Charter provides that the Security Council can establish subsidiary bodies in order to perform its functions. This authority is also reflected in Rule 28 of the Provisional Rules of Procedure. The subsidiary bodies established by the Security Council are extremely heterogenous. On the one hand, they include bodies such as the Security Council Committee on Admission of New Members. On the other hand, both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda were also created as subsidiary bodies of the Security Council. The by now numerous Sanctions Committees established in order to oversee implementation of the various sanctions regimes are also subsidiary bodies of the Council.
United Nations peacekeepers
See main article: United Nations peacekeeping and List of United Nations peacekeeping missions. After approval by the Security Council, the UN may send peacekeepers to regions where armed conflict has recently ceased or paused to enforce the terms of peace agreements and to discourage combatants from resuming hostilities. Since the UN does not maintain its own military, peacekeeping forces are voluntarily provided by member states. These soldiers are sometimes nicknamed "Blue Helmets" for their distinctive gear. The peacekeeping force as a whole received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1988.[62]
In September 2013, the UN had 116,837 peacekeeping soldiers and other personnel deployed on 15 missions. The largest was the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), which included 20,688 uniformed personnel. The smallest, United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), included 42 uniformed personnel responsible for monitoring the ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir. Peacekeepers with the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) have been stationed in the Middle East since 1948, the longest-running active peacekeeping mission.
UN peacekeepers have also drawn criticism in several postings. Peacekeepers have been accused of child rape, soliciting prostitutes, or sexual abuse during various peacekeeping missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,[63] Haiti,[64] Liberia,[65] Sudan and what is now South Sudan,[66] Burundi and Ivory Coast.[67] Scientists cited UN peacekeepers from Nepal as the likely source of the 2010–2013 Haiti cholera outbreak, which killed more than 8,000 Haitians following the 2010 Haiti earthquake.[68]
The budget for peacekeeping is assessed separately from the main UN organisational budget; in the 2013–2014 fiscal year, peacekeeping expenditures totalled $7.54 billion.[69] UN peace operations are funded by assessments, using a formula derived from the regular funding scale, but including a weighted surcharge for the five permanent Security Council members. This surcharge serves to offset discounted peacekeeping assessment rates for less developed countries. In 2013, the top 10 providers of assessed financial contributions to United Nations peacekeeping operations were the US (28.38%), Japan (10.83%), France (7.22%), Germany (7.14%), the United Kingdom (6.68%), China (6.64%), Italy (4.45%), Russian Federation (3.15%), Canada (2.98%), and Spain (2.97%).[70]
Criticism and evaluations
See main article: Criticism of the United Nations. In examining the first sixty years of the Security Council's existence, British historian Paul Kennedy concludes that "glaring failures had not only accompanied the UN's many achievements, they overshadowed them", identifying the lack of will to prevent ethnic massacres in Bosnia and Rwanda as particular failures. Kennedy attributes the failures to the UN's lack of reliable military resources, writing that "above all, one can conclude that the practice of announcing (through a Security Council resolution) a new peacekeeping mission without ensuring that sufficient armed forces will be available has usually proven to be a recipe for humiliation and disaster".
A 2005 RAND Corporation study found the UN to be successful in two out of three peacekeeping efforts. It compared UN nation-building efforts to those of the United States, and found that seven out of eight UN cases are at peace.[71] Also in 2005, the Human Security Report documented a decline in the number of wars, genocides and human rights abuses since the end of the Cold War, and presented evidence, albeit circumstantial, that international activism – mostly spearheaded by the UN – has been the main cause of the decline in armed conflict since the end of the Cold War.[72]
Scholar Sudhir Chella Rajan argued in 2006 that the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, who are all nuclear powers, have created an exclusive nuclear club that predominately addresses the strategic interests and political motives of the permanent members – for example, protecting the oil-rich Kuwaitis in 1991 but poorly protecting resource-poor Rwandans in 1994.[73] Since three of the five permanent members are also European, and four are predominantly white Western nations, the Security Council has been described as a pillar of global apartheid by Titus Alexander, former Chair of Westminster United Nations Association.
The Security Council's effectiveness and relevance is questioned by some because, in most high-profile cases, there are essentially no consequences for violating a Security Council resolution. During the Darfur crisis, Janjaweed militias, allowed by elements of the Sudanese government, committed violence against an indigenous population, killing thousands of civilians. In the Srebrenica massacre, Serbian troops committed genocide against Bosniaks, although Srebrenica had been declared a UN safe area, protected by 400 armed Dutch peacekeepers.
In his 2009 speech, Muammar Gaddafi criticized the Security Council's veto powers and the wars permanent members of the Security Council engaged in.
The UN Charter gives all three powers of the legislative, executive, and judiciary branches to the Security Council.[74]
In his inaugural speech at the 16th Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in August 2012, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei criticized the United Nations Security Council as having an "illogical, unjust and completely undemocratic structure and mechanism" and called for a complete reform of the body.[75]
The Security Council has been criticized for failure in resolving many conflicts, including Cyprus, Sri Lanka, Syria, Kosovo and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, reflecting the wider short-comings of the UN. For example; At the 68th Session of the UN General Assembly, New Zealand Prime Minister John Key heavily criticized the UN's inaction on Syria, more than two years after the Syrian civil war began.[76]
Membership reform
See main article: Reform of the United Nations Security Council.
Proposals to reform the Security Council began with the conference that wrote the UN Charter and have continued to the present day. As British historian Paul Kennedy writes, "Everyone agrees that the present structure is flawed. But consensus on how to fix it remains out of reach."
There has been discussion of increasing the number of permanent members. The countries who have made the strongest demands for permanent seats are Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan. Japan and Germany, the main defeated powers in WWII, are now the UN's second- and third-largest funders respectively, while Brazil and India are two of the largest contributors of troops to UN-mandated peace-keeping missions.
Italy, another main defeated power in WWII and now the UN's sixth-largest funder, leads a movement known as the Uniting for Consensus in opposition to the possible expansion of permanent seats. Core members of the group include Canada, South Korea, Spain, Indonesia, Mexico, Pakistan, Turkey, Argentina and Colombia. Their proposal is to create a new category of seats, still non-permanent, but elected for an extended duration (semi-permanent seats). As far as traditional categories of seats are concerned, the UfC proposal does not imply any change, but only the introduction of small and medium size states among groups eligible for regular seats. This proposal includes even the question of veto, giving a range of options that goes from abolition to limitation of the application of the veto only to Chapter VII matters.
Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan asked a team of advisers to come up with recommendations for reforming the United Nations by the end of 2004. One proposed measure is to increase the number of permanent members by five, which, in most proposals, would include Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan (known as the G4 nations), one seat from Africa (most likely between Egypt, Nigeria or South Africa), and/or one seat from the Arab League.[77] On 21 September 2004, the G4 nations issued a joint statement mutually backing each other's claim to permanent status, together with two African countries. Currently the proposal has to be accepted by two-thirds of the General Assembly (128 votes).
The permanent members, each holding the right of veto, announced their positions on Security Council reform reluctantly. The United States has unequivocally supported the permanent membership of Japan and lent its support to India and a small number of additional non-permanent members. The United Kingdom and France essentially supported the G4 position, with the expansion of permanent and non-permanent members and the accession of Germany, Brazil, India and Japan to permanent member status, as well as an increase in the presence by African countries on the Council. China has supported the stronger representation of developing countries and firmly opposed Japan's membership.[78]
In 2017, it was reported that the G4 nations were willing temporarily to forgo veto power if granted permanent UNSC seats.[79] In September 2017, U.S. Representatives Ami Bera and Frank Pallone introduced a resolution (H.Res.535) in the US House of Representatives (115th United States Congress), seeking support for India for a permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council.[80]
Kazakhstan's membership in the United Nations Security Council
Reform of the United Nations
United Nations Department of Political Affairs, provides secretarial support to the Security Council
United Nations Security Council Counter-Terrorism Committee, a standing committee of the Security Council
Small Five Group, a group formed to improve the working methods of the Security Council
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. New York. Random House. 978-0-375-50165-4. harv.
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Book: 2008. Lowe. Vaughan. Vaughan Lowe. Roberts. Adam. Adam Roberts (scholar). Welsh. Jennifer. Jennifer Welsh. Zaum. Dominik. The United Nations Security Council and War: The Evolution of Thought and Practice since 1945. Oxford University Press. 978-0-19-953343-5.
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UN Security Council Research Guide
Global Policy Forum – UN Security Council
Security Council Report – information and analysis on the Council's activities
What's In Blue – a series of insights on evolving Security Council actions
Center for UN Reform Education – information on current reform issues at the United Nations
UN Democracy: hyperlinked transcripts of the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council
Web site: Article 7 (1) of Charter of the United Nations.
Web site: Article 24 (1) of Charter of the United Nations.
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For quotation "worldwide ridicule", see ; for description of UN missions in Bosnia, see .
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See ; ; ; ; . For lack of enforcement mechanism, see .
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http://legal.un.org/icc/statute/99_corr/cstatute.htm Article 13
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[Permanent members of the United Nations Security Council]
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Web site: United Nations Security Council Meeting records. 10 February 2017. The preparatory work for formal meetings is conducted in informal consultations for which no public record exists..
Web site: Frequently Asked Questions. United Nations Security Council. Both open and closed meetings are formal meetings of the Security Council. Closed meetings are not open to the public and no verbatim record of statements is kept, instead the Security Council issues a Communiqué in line with Rule 55 of its Provisional Rules of Procedure. Consultations are informal meetings of the Security Council members and are not covered in the Repertoire..
The Veto. Security Council Report. 19 October 2015. 2015. 3.
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https://web.archive.org/web/20120831155453/http://www.namna.ir/en/homeen/28-english-latest-news/1128-supreme-leader-s-inaugural-speech-at-16th-nam-summit.html "Supreme Leader's Inaugural Speech at 16th NAM Summit"
http://www.3news.co.nz/Key-compromises-on-UN-Syria-deal/tabid/1607/articleID/315021/Default.aspx Key compromises on UN Syria deal
News: UN Security Council Reform May Shadow Annan's Legacy . 1 November 2006 . . 11 December 2011.
News: US embassy cables: China reiterates 'red lines' . The Guardian . 29 November 2010 . 11 December 2011 . [I]t would be difficult for the Chinese public to accept Japan as a permanent member of the UNSC..
Web site: India Offers To Temporarily Forgo Veto Power If Granted Permanent UNSC Seat. HuffPost. 9 March 2017.
Web site: US congressmen move resolution in support of India's UN security council claim. Hindustan Times. 30 September 2017.
This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "United Nations Security Council".


She married Louis GARIEPY 30 January 1741 in L'Ange-Gardien, Montmorency, Canada, New France . The couple had (at least) 3 children. Louis GARIEPY was born 12 February 1714 in Château-Richer, Québec, Canada (La Visitation-de-Notre-Dame de Chateau-Richer). He died 6 May 1785 in L'Ange-Gardien, Montmorency, Québec, Canada. He was the son of Louis GARIEPY and Catherine AUBERT.
Anne HUOT died 14 February 1801 in L'Ange-Gardien, Montmorency, Lower Canada.
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Nicole graduated with honors from Bishop O'Dowd High School in Oakland, California. It's not always clear how she did so well considering how much fun she had "hanging out" with friends, most especially her cousin Melvina, and besties Tina, Ann and Alison. Partying not withstanding, she was accepted into several colleges and ultimately chose to attend University of California at Berkeley. While at Cal, Nicole was accepted into the Haas School of Business where she graduated with honors while working a full-time job at The Daily Californian newspaper, first as Classified Ad Clerk through to her promotion to Classified Ad Department Manager. She has a Bachelor of Science degree in Business Administration with a specialization in Accounting and Finance.
Nicole received job offers from a majority of the Big 6 Accounting firms (at the time) and she ultimately accepted a position with Price Waterhouse primarily because of their extensive roster of entertainment clients. While at Price Waterhouse, Nicole passed all parts of the CPA examination and completed all of the requisite audit hours in the state of California. Throughout her career, Nicole has had extensive training in a wide variety of business areas and topics, most especially leadership training.
Nicole spent several years working for Price Waterhouse and PricewaterhouseCoopers where she planned, supervised and performed all aspects of audit and attest, consulting and business advisory engagements as well as special projects for Fortune 500 companies, medium-sized, multi-national public and private companies in a variety of industries including film, music, television, cable and radio broadcasting, high technology, retail, manufacturing and telecommunications.
Nicole had many business achievements while at PW (see detailed Corporate Profile attached) and she also has some little known fun facts. Nicole was selected by the San Francisco office Managing Partner, James Coriston, to model in the photo at left for an official Price Waterhouse brochure. In the year Nicole transferred from PW's San Francisco office to Century City, California, she had a dream come true attending the Academy Awards. Pause video at 2:36 and see if you can find Nicole (hint: look behind Jack Nicholson). She is thankful to one of her many mentors PwC Partner, Lisa Pierozzi, for giving her the opportunity to be a seat filler at the show.
After her promotion to Audit Manager, Nicole simultaneously oversaw the three year audit of Windswept Pacific Entertainment in preparation of the company's potential asset sale, while also working with Sony Pictures Entertainment on the accounting for their acquisition of Telemundo, Universal's merger with Polygram and the annual audit of Westwood One.
After weighing several job offers, Nicole finally decided to accept a position in Universal Pictures' Finance Division which was then headed by Frederick Huntsberry who succeeded William Sutman as Executive Vice President and CFO of the group. Universal's parent company was Seagram. In her role as Director of Planning & Ultimates, Nicole was not in her office sippin' on Gin and Juice (lol) as she enjoys good clean fun. She was directly responsible for preparing film pre-release reports for executive management, "what-if" analyses, "risks and opportunities" analyses, and film profitability forecasts (ultimates). She participated in various special projects including the post-acquisition integration of Polygram Filmed Entertainment's film slate and financial forecasts into Universal Pictures' financial forecast and reporting system. In support of that endeavor, she traveled to London with then-SVP, Dan Martinez and Frederick Huntsberry to meet with Polygram staff regarding the integration. Nicole will never forget the long days and nights in her office on the studio lot responding to that often repeated phrase: "Edgar (Bronfman Jr.) needs to know what the EBITDA impact will be before he makes a decision."
While Nicole worked very hard at Universal, she also got to have some fun. She was blessed to attend several movie premieres and pre-release screenings; Erin Brockovich, For Love of the Game and The Best Man, to name a few. In addition, immediately prior to release, her group would head up to Universal CityWalk and watch a free screening of the company's latest film and on the way back occasionally go to the front of the line and hop on a ride at Universal Studios. Only occasionally!
After a short time at Universal, Nicole was contacted by former client, Evan Medow, CEO of Windswept Pacific Entertainment when their then-current CFO, John Rudolph, announced he was leaving to form his own company subsequent to the sale of a portion of Windswept to EMI. A new successor company was formed post-sale, Windswept Holdings LLC, and as a result of Evan's phone call, Nicole spent several years serving as the company's Senior Vice President and Chief Financial Officer in Beverly Hills, California. She could not have done so well without the support of her staff, most especially, Shirley Ashe and Steffanie Wieker, as well as her very good friend Ray Gibson. She learned a tremendous amount from the Company's brilliant attorney, Moshe Kupietzky at Sidley Austin and in times of stress, she also had plenty of laughs as well as phenomenal support from Windswept London's Financial Controller, Paul Flynn.
During her tenure, Windswept consistently ranked as a top 10 Billboard music publisher, and was on the charts with blockbuster artists and music icons such as Gwen Stefani, Destiny's Child, Beyonce, Craig David, Keith Urban, Brandy, Corinne Bailey Rae, Eminem, Vince Gill, Joss Stone, Michael W. Smith, Snow Patrol, Gretchen Wilson, Outkast, Rascal Flatts, Eve, Montgomery Gentry, Britney Spears, Kings of Leon, Mary J. Blige, Fergie, Usher, Enrique Iglesias, Il Divo, Ginuwine, Josh Groban and many others. The company was also bolstered by an eight figure acquisition of the Trio/Quartet catalog from Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller.
Nicole had very heavy financial responsibilities reporting to Japanese parent companies, Fuji Television Network, Itochu Corporation and Fujipacific Music as well as overseeing the finances of Hitco Music Publishing, a joint venture partnership with Antonio "LA" Reid.
As she continued her rise in corporate America, Nicole embarked on a spiritual journey. She began attending services at Agape International Spiritual Center as well as various Centers for Spiritual Living in Las Vegas. She also met in private group meetings with extraordinary vocalist, metaphysician, and friend Dr. Mortonette Stephens, Ph.D. In her spiritual awakening and evolution, Nicole sought to make some profound changes in her life. She eventually discovered a book called "The Artist's Way" that changed her life for good.
After being blessed to be a part of numerous projects, performances, events and drum and dance troupes, Nicole decided to take her performing career into her own hands by combining her business, music and theatrical experience together. In 2016 she and professional drummer and percussionist, Angelo L. Stokes along with Master Drummer, Papa Diarra Zumana, formed an African and world culture performance group named Triba! (pronounced "treeba") with the intention of celebrating African and other world cultures through the sharing of song, drumming, music, dance, acrobatics, and other specialty entertainment. Please check out Triba!'s videos/pictures and like Triba World Percussion Music Entertainment or Triba! on Facebook and explore Triba's website. In 2017, she joined forces with Atito Gohi, Master Dancer and Choreographer and Eric Bli Bi Gore, Master Drummer to become a percussionist and part of the management team of Vozolo Dance Company. For more about Vozolo Dance Company visit the Vozolo website at www.vozolo.weebly.com. In 2018 Nicole became a volunteer with Africa Love Store in Town Square as a cultural ambassador and production and operations manager for A Touch of Africa Las Vegas. She looks forward to expanding her network and venturing into new horizons as she continues the pursuits of her passions and desires of her heart and soul.
As a child, Nicole studied jazz, Broadway-style tap, musical theatre, ballet, and gymnastics and performed in various local Bay Area productions. She trained most extensively with Yvonne School of Dancing, Alameda School of Dance (now Alameda Ballet Academy) and West Coast Dance Theatre. (As a side note, Nicole also did some modelling for I. Magnin & Company and H.C. Capwell Company). Nicole always has to give her mom credit for all the years she spent taking her to all of her lessons and hours and hours of rehearsals. She thanks her entire family for always showing up at her performances and whooping and hollering their support.
As a young adult, Nicole discovered Rhythm Tap or Jazz Tap, at a small studio in Berkeley, California called Studio J. Even though Nicole always loved tap, there was a big difference between the Broadway-style tap she grew up with and the Rhythmic Tap she came to fall madly in love with.
When Nicole looks back on it, sometimes she is not sure how she managed to graduate from Cal with honors and work as many hours as she worked in her career. Once she discovered Rhythm Tap, her second home became dance studios or dance floors throughout the Bay Area. She and her friend Babs would burn the midnight oil in the studio soaking up as much as possible from their mentor Mark Mendonca.
Nicole spent several years attending tap camps, festivals, workshops, and master classes studying with as many teachers, hoofers and legends as her schedule would allow: Eddie Brown, Buster Brown, Sam Weber, Gregory Hines, Ted Levy, Jimmy Slyde, Brenda Buffalino, Dianne Walker, Chance Taylor, Steve Zee, Fred Strickler, Ayodele Casel, Max Pollack, Bunny Briggs, Harold Nicholas of the Nicholas Brothers and many more!
If her discovery of Jazz Tap wasn't enough, Nicole took a trip to New York with some friends to see several Broadway shows and celebrate New Year's Eve in Time Square. They took her to see Bring in Da Noise, Bring in Da Funk, at the Public Theater, and it was a WRAP. Over the next several years, Nicole would find any opportunity to jump on a plane to New York so she could see the show. Nicole actually doesn't like New York, but every chance she got, even business trips to Florida, Philadelphia, Chicago, Ohio....it did not matter...Nicole would make a stop in New York to see her favorite show.
Nicole estimates that she saw that show in New York over 20 times, not to mention seeing it on tour in Los Angeles and in Washington D.C. As a fanatic, of course Nicole made sure she took classes with as many cast members as she could find becoming a regular at places such as Broadway Dance Center and Steps on Broadway. She was lucky to be able to take classes with some of funk's finest tappers: Savion Glover, Omar Edwards, Dule Hill, Baakari Wilder, Dormeshia Sumbry-Edwards, Derek Grant, and Jason Samuels-Smith to name a few.
Since moving to Las Vegas, Nicole's percussion expression has migrated from her feet to her hands. She has not tap danced nearly as much as she would like; however she keeps her tap shoes in the trunk and is ready to rekindle that flame anytime. In the meantime, she has enjoyed classes in Afro-Cuban dance, Salsa, African Dance, hip hop, body music, and stepping.
Nicole studied violin and piano throughout her childhood. She played 2nd violin in her elementary school orchestra as well as the orchestra at Bishop O'Dowd High School. In addition to playing at a variety of events and recitals, Nicole had the pleasure of performing annually with her school orchestra at Souverain Winery in Napa Valley, California. The orchestra also performed at Sea World and Magic Mountain in Southern California. Nicole ultimately progressed to become first chair of the 2nd violin section and she was selected to be part of the band in Bishop O'Dowd's production of The Wiz. She and first violinist virtuosa extraordinaire, Alison Bailey, were forever up to straight shenanigans post-rehearsal but always held it down at showtime.
As an adult, Nicole has played 2nd violin with various groups including the CSN Orchestra, Desert Springs Arts Chamber Orchestra, Bloomingdale House Chamber Ensemble, More Cowbell Ensemble, Dendera Ensemble, and the Montaggio Chamber Ensemble. She has been a solo violinist for Farasha Desert Siren and Kumuda Tribal at Baobab Stage presents: Tribal Night as well as the Las Vegas Bellydance Intensive's A Night in the City of Riches Pro Show.
Nicole LOVES to sing even though she does not have extensive formal training in singing. At the age of 2, she would belt out the Star Spangled Banner, which she learned attending sporting events with her parents. Throughout her dance/musical performances and recitals as a youth, Nicole sang in a variety of productions. Nicole joined Bishop O'Dowd's Gospel Choir during High School and sang as an Alto and Tenor at various performances and church services.
As Nicole started on her adult musical journey, she finally decided to stop just singing in the shower and in her car. In 2008, she joined the Spirit of Joy Choir at the Center for Spiritual Living Greater Las Vegas. Life then spiraled into Nicole being invited to sing with several groups such as Vocal Intervention, LNJ Trio, New Song Chorus, Gospel Music Workshop of America, Facebook Chorale, etc.
Nicole's percussion gifts are generally spotted first due to the rarity of a female playing at her level and her singing talents are oftten discovered when it's time for the percussionists to sing a call and response tune. As a result, Nicole has also sung with most of the drum and dance groups for which she has played.
Nicole is very comfortable and adept at singing beautiful harmonies in choirs, ensembles and on background vocals.


text:
The Pompeo visit and the importance of being earnest
Updated: 1 November 2020
By Malinda Seneviratne
Rohan Samarajiva, during a television discussion recently, opined that most of the work pertaining to bilateral agreements is done by officials of the two particular countries ahead of meetings between heads of states or those between high ranking individuals. The discussion was about Sri Lanka as a battleground for global powers, as indicated by the impending visit of US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo following one by top members of the Chinese Communist Party.
Now this could be true. In fact there were loud noises emanating, interestingly and amusingly, by political parties, groups and activists who either cheered or remained silent when the yahapalana government 'did business' with the USA.
Pompeo is here to force Gotabaya Rajapaksa to ink the MCC Compact, some screamed. Those in the government who opposed the MCC Compact such as Wimal Weeranwansa, Sita Arambepola and Udaya Gammanpila were ridiculed. The government was mocked for saying there was no visit planned and then for extending an invite. Not serious stuff in diplomatic affairs but mountains were and will always be made out of molehills.
It was a hurriedly arranged trip, clearly. Pompeo, in an interview with Derana TV said as much: 'I'm in this region a lot. I had planned to come here earlier. The world got away and I had to delay it a bit, so managed to get here now. I'm thrilled to be here.'
Hurried or not, it was arranged and he did visit. The haste may have prompted a lot of speculation, especially since the Government is yet to act on the recommendations of the Gunaruwan Committee with respect to the MCC.
However, if indeed it was a hastily arranged trip, then Samarajiva's general observation does not have credence. On the other hand, it doesn't take much to twist arms and let us not forget that we are talking of a country that has made arm-twisting a cardinal principle of engagement with countries such as Sri Lanka. Failing that, they do have other means such as threats, sanctions and of course bombs.
We didn't see anything being signed. We didn't hear or read either the Government or the US Embassy or Pompeo himself talking of any concrete agreement being signed.
Pompeo's sum-up following talks with the President, Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs is available in the Embassy's official statements. Pompeo himself ventured to nutshell it in a Rupavahini interview where he was queried on the MCC:
'Look, the MCC is one strand of an offer that we made. If the Sri Lankan people want that, great. If they choose to go another path, that's certainly fine. There are so many important things that we can work on together to make this partnership important, and for each of our two countries, to be an important part of this region which delivers on these democratic visions that we share so closely.'
It doesn't mean the MCC is off, clearly. However, Pompeo has essentially stated that there was nothing more, nothing less, than the exchange of greetings, mutual reaffirmation of friendship, un-detailed pledges of cooperation etc. Chit-chat, essentially.
Now contrast this with what Pompeo 'achieved' in India just before visiting Sri Lanka. He got the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) off the ground. Now BECA is about geospatial intelligence, and sharing information on maps and satellite images for defense. A foothold, if ever there was one. Of course, it's about China and as such, considering India's overwhelming economic and military presence in the region, it is not surprising that Pompeo's visit was seen as a quick stopover to orchestrate an 'easy' add-on to a list of accomplishments in the line of enhancing strategic footprint.
Didn't happen. Could have happened and probably would have happened if the yahapalanists were in power, considering the unenviable track record of servility to the USA that sticks like a sore thumb from the curriculum vitae of several leaders such as Mangala Samaraweera and Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Didn't happen. Does it mean that the USA will leave this government alone? Not necessarily. Does it mean that the USA will not make another push for the MCC, SOFA etc., or try some other means (perhaps under another name or as part-projects that add up to deliver the desirable)? Not necessarily. Does it mean that the government will continue to state the position it took? Not necessarily. Time passes, circumstances change, people adopt different positions.
That said, one thing is clear. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa said it as it is. He didn't beat around the bush. He didn't promise the undeliverable. He didn't say things he didn't mean. He articulated clearly and concisely.
He acknowledged difficulties and sought assistance. He stated what kind of assistance is needed and in what form. He stated Sri Lanka's stance vis-a-vis India's concerns: do nothing to jeopardize India's security. With respect to the much-hyped 'looming war between the USA and China' (a way, by the way, is not new, US troops having helped Chiang Kai-shek's men loot the Forbidden Palace and flee to Taiwan), President Rajapaksa clearly said that Sri Lanka chooses neutrality and that relations with one country is absolutely independent of ties with another. China, he clearly mentioned, was a longtime friend.
While it is true that Pompeo later badmouthed China is what is a case study on how not to be a diplomat and how not to do diplomacy, he did not take umbrage to Sri Lanka's position.
Maybe Pompeo (and Washington) feels that getting India aboard (or boarding India, as the case may be) is the big catch and that Sri Lanka is a prize which is trivial in contrast or a catch that will come its way sooner or later. Maybe Pompeo was just venting for the benefit of any on-the-fence voters whose Sino-phobia just might buy Donald Trump some votes. He would know.
President Rajapaksa said it as it is. He was earnest. He could have acted the way he did when Bernard Kouchner and David Miliband turned up at the time he was Secretary, Ministry of Defence. He could have submitted the way the yahapalanists (happily) did or trip himself the way Mahinda Rajapaksa did with his infamous '13+ pledge' to an India that has no moral authority to demand anything related to the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 (having failed to keep her end of the bargain and indeed, having Sri Lanka deliver that as well — putting an end to terrorism).
No. Gotabaya Rajapaksa stuck to the basics. We don't know what the implications are, but we do know that he could have done much worse and we do know that playing vassal to the USA has not got anyone or any country very far.

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Caroline Robinson '08 found creative freedom in Star Wars animation
Rebel Prequel: Before joining Star Wars Rebels and bringing characters like Sabine Wren to the screen, Caroline Robinson '08 worked at DreamWorks for seven years. Copyright Lucasfilm LTD.
Striding into her San Francisco office every day, Caroline Robinson '08 sees a sign featuring the iconic Star Wars opening crawl, A long time ago in a galaxy far, far away. "Every time I pass that sign, I get chills," she says. Two years ago, Robinson joined Star Wars Rebels, an animated television series on Disney XD. Star Wars Rebels lives in the gap between Revenge of the Sith and A New Hope. The Star Wars universe is filled with epic stories, and as associate producer, Robinson has a mission to ensure those stories are told true to the Star Wars vision—while employing the Force to meet production schedule and budget. There, the devil is in the details. Take Season 4, she says. "We have wolves. Wolves are incredibly complex for animation. The way they walk, the way they run, it's all very complicated." So teams need to be assigned—which means less time and money for other aspects of the episode. Robinson helps the creative team prioritize and keep things in balance. Working creatively in an iconic universe like Star Wars is a big responsibility, but Robinson says the animated series gets a lot of creative freedom. What about her favorite character? A tough call, Robinson says. But she loves Sabine Wren, a strong female role model. "When I see our show, first of all I watch it as a fan," Robinson says. "I'm so proud of what we make."


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