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Home Uncategorized Ireland's Disappeared
Ireland's Disappeared
Michael Cronin May 2015
The billboard says it all. Or does it? In an advertising campaign mounted by an Irish newspaper over the slogan "We are defined by the choices we make", there are two contrasting pictures. On the left-hand side, there is the photograph of a rioting crowd in Athens, with a member of the Greek riot police prominent in the foreground. On the right, there is a photograph of O'Connell Street in Dublin, with the General Post Office and the Spire but, significantly, no people. The broadsheet was too quick off the mark in terms of what subsequently happened, given the protests over the water charges, but the image has stuck. The streets of Madrid and Athens may be filled with angry, frequently violent demonstrations against the cuts to income and living standards but Ireland's poster boys and girls of austerity, by and large, shun the publicity of the crossroads for the penitent stoicism of keeping calm and carrying on. As Brendan Walsh put it in the conclusion to a working paper on "Well-being and Economic Conditions in Ireland", "[t]he population appears to be resilient in the face of economic hardship" (Walsh 2011: 15).
It can be argued, however, that the years since the onset of the recession in Ireland in 2008 have been characterised not by passivity and quietism but by extreme violence. This violence is endemic and routinely misrepresented. More importantly, the nature of the violence itself illustrates the changing nature of political opposition and the role of suicide and self-harm in restructuring the conflict between the victims of recession and between the haves and the have nots in situations of worsening inequality.
In a study of mortality rates in twenty-six European (EU) countries between 1970 and 2007, David Stuckler, Sanjay Basu, Marc Suhrcke, Adam Coutts and Martin McKee noted that for every 1 per cent increase in unemployment, there was a 0.79 per cent rise in suicides at ages younger than sixty-five years (Stuckler 2009: 320). Using multivariate regression, correcting for population ageing, past mortality and employment trends and country-specific differences in healthcare infrastructure, the authors of the study singled out suicide as significantly associated with the effects of economic crises as "[r]ising unemployment had no effect on other causes of death assessed". In a follow-up article, the authors looked at the effects of the 2008 recession on public health. Official unemployment in both pre- and post-2004 EU member states did not increase until 2009, after the banking crisis, and then job losses increased dramatically, rising to thirty-seven per cent above the 2007 level in both parts of Europe. The downward trend in suicides seen in both groups of countries was reversed almost at once. The 2008 increase was less than one per cent in the new member states but it had increased by almost seven per cent in the old and in 2009 it increased in both (Stuckler et al 2011: 124). As Stuckler et al noted, "the countries facing the most severe financial reversals of fortune, such as Greece and Ireland, had greater rises in suicides (seventeen per cent and thirteen per cent respectively) than did the other countries, and in Latvia suicides increased by more than seventeen per cent between 2007 and 2008" (125).
In a further study on recession and suicide in fifty US states for the period 1999-2010, it was found that a one percentage point rise in unemployment was associated with a rise of 0.99 percentage in the suicide rate (Reeves et al 2012: 1813-1814). In an article published in the British Journal of Psychiatry in 2014, Aaron Reeves, Martin McKee and David Stuckler concluded that suicide rates either increased (for most countries in Europe, where suicide rates had been falling, and Canada, where rates had been stable) or accelerated (for the United States and Poland, where suicide rates had already been rising) after the onset of the latest economic crisis. Their conclusion was that "there have been at least 10,000 more economic suicides than would have been expected in the European Union, Canada and the USA since the Great Recession began in 2007" (Reeves et al 2014: 307). Brendan Walsh and Dermot Walsh in a study that took in the initial period of the recession in Ireland claimed: that "[t]he Irish time series data for the period 1968-2009 support the hypothesis that rising unemployment and higher levels of alcohol consumption have led to increased suicide mortality among younger males" (Walsh and Walsh 2011: 44).
As the Report on the All-Ireland Young Men and Suicide Project pointed out, suicide has been a major cause of death among younger males (aged fifteen to twenty-four years) on the island of Ireland in recent years. In the period 2002-2012, the rate of male deaths in this group was five times higher than the female rate. The suicide rate among young Irish men was among the highest in the EU (Richardson, Clarke and Fowler 2013: 25).
The tendency to focus on age and stress aggregate GDP data can, however, obscure an even more alarming relationship between suicide and socio-economic disadvantage that was highlighted in the Simon Community report Men, Suicide and Society (2012). The authors argue that "there is a gradient in suicide risk by occupational social class (and other markers of socio-economic position): those in lowest socio-economic group and living in the most deprived areas are 10 times more at risk of suicide than those in the most affluent group living in the most affluent areas" (Wylie et al 2012: 4). In a summation of a comprehensive survey of the economic literature on suicide, Brendan Kennelly and Sheelah Connolly state that "[w]hile exceptions can be found, the balance of evidence suggests that, controlling for other risk factors, including the presence of psychiatric illnesses, being unemployed, having a low income or living in a socio-economically deprived area increase one's risk of dying by suicide" (Kennelly and Connolly 2012: 73).
If the empirical findings of these various studies repeatedly bear out the link between economic crisis and disadvantage and the incidence of suicide and extreme forms of self-harm, the question that might be asked is why should the response to recession and disadvantage take this form. In other words, why across the world from Foxconn employees in China to Greek pensioners in Athens, should suicide be the preferred response to the intolerable conditions of lives lived in the shadow of dispossession and exploitation? A way to answer this question is to consider briefly two significant changes in the nature of economic organisation in recent decades, the first relating to the nature of devolved or transferred cost and the second to new regimes of entrepreneurialism.
The historian and cultural commentator Tony Judt, in a work published shortly before his death, claimed that there was something profoundly wrong about the way people lived their lives in the contemporary world:
For thirty years we have made a virtue out of the pursuit of material self-interest: indeed, this very pursuit now constitutes whatever remains of our sense of collective purpose. We know what things cost but we have no idea what they are worth. (Judt 2010: 1)
Even if the "we" in Judt's claim needs to be qualified and refers to particular parts of the world where material self-interest can be distinguished from physical survival, he diagnoses a recurrent and habitual concern with cost as the ultimate arbiter of what is of value in many contemporary societies subject to the dictates and constraints of the market economy. To take one contemporary example, it is often the costs associated with the provision of translation and interpreting services for migrants which becomes a core argument in attempts to remove translation altogether from societies and impose a lingua franca. One commentator, for example, on the translation situation in the United Kingdom had the following to say:
It's a shocking figure: more than £100m was spent in the past year on translating and interpreting for British residents who don't speak English. In the name of multiculturalism, one Home Office-funded centre alone provides these services in 76 languages […]The financial cost is bad enough, but there is a wider problem about the confused signals we are sending to immigrant communities. We are telling them they don't have to learn English, let alone integrate. (Rahman 2006)
What is noteworthy is the way the idea of cost itself is constructed. Costs are always a cost to someone and it is that someone who goes on to define what a cost is but strictly, of course, in their own terms. Implicit in Rahman's argument is the contention that if everyone learned English the unnecessary costs associated with translation would disappear. It is a variation on an argument that is articulated in critiques of the foundational multilingualism of supra-national bodies such as the European Union. Large sums of money, it is argued, currently being spent on translation and interpreting services would be saved if the sole working language of the EU was a vehicular language like English (van Parijs 2004: 13-32).
What these arguments centred on cost fail to make apparent is the equally onerous costs of having to resort to a lingua franca. If one takes the example of English, vast sums of money are spent by governments around the world to teach the language to its citizens (Grin 2004: 189-202). This is a cost that is not borne by English speakers themselves but is incurred by those who do not speak the language and feel the necessity to learn it. In addition, the circulation of cultural goods such as music, cinema, literature in English does not automatically have to bear the translation costs that are almost axiomatic for non-Anglophone cultures which seek global circulation of their own cultural goods. In a sense, what is at play here is a practice of what might be termed transferred or devolved cost which is characteristic of the redefinition of consumption in digital contexts.
In a practice that originated with low-cost airline operators, intending passengers are invited or, in the case of some airlines, obliged to print out their boarding passes in advance (Cronin 2013).This entails the passenger having access to the equipment (computer and printer) and internet connection which allows him or her to enter the necessary details and print out the pass. Both the equipment and the connection are a cost to the passenger or to the entity that has made these available to the passenger. There is the further opportunity cost of the time spent accessing the site, filling in the details and printing out the pass. This is time that the passenger could have spent doing something else. In short, what were formerly production costs for the airline, paying someone to prepare and print out your boarding pass, now become consumption costs for the passenger.
The prevalence of the paradigm of prosumption and the constant drive to transfer or devolve costs from the producer to the consumer so as to enhance profit margins has arguably worked its way into the social body itself. In 2013, when events were held to commemorate the centenary of the Dublin Lockout ‑ the major industrial dispute between the employers and workers in Ireland in the early part of the twentieth century ‑ the role of police brutality was all too apparent. Whether it was the deaths and hundreds of injuries that resulted from the baton charge by the Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP) on Sackville Street (O'Connell Street) on August 30th, 1913 or the death of the ITGWU official Michael Byrne after torture in a police cell, the choreography of violence was all too familiar (Yeates 2001). On one side, there were assembled the state, employers, police and an assortment of hired heavies (Alice Begley, a worker, was shot dead by one of these on her way back from a union office carrying a food parcel) and on the other, there were the workers who eventually resorted to forming their own militia, the Irish Citizens' Army, to protect demonstrations. Here, in a sense, the private sector and its state allies "produced" the violence against the workers who "consumed" the brutality directed against them. In other words, the private sector and state devoted substantial resources to producing violence directed against workers. The workers did not pay for or produce the violence to which they were subject.
The notion of the costs involved in the production of state coercion has a more contemporary resonance in the continual references to the monies involved in the policing of the Corrib Gas protest where seventy-five per cent of the complaints about police misconduct made to the Garda Ombudsman's Commission were deemed to be admissible for investigation. In an article on the retirement of Chief Supt Tony McNamara, who was responsible for policing the protest from the outset, Lorna Siggins reminded readers that the "Department of Justice's latest figure for the Garda overtime cost for Corrib since 2006 is €12.6 million to the middle of December 2009" (Siggins 2010). What is explicit here is the cost to the producer (in this case, the state) of the force directed against protesters. The protesters, in other words, do not bear the direct costs of the baton charges and other forms of physical violence directed against them.
In the case of suicide during times of economic crisis, however, as the figures above show, a radically different pattern emerges. What we observe is the lethal conflation of protest and prosumption. The cost of dealing with opposition to economic hardship and the decimation of public goods and services is transferred from the state and private security contractors to the victims of recession. It is the victims who become both the producers and the consumers of violence that will lead to their certain demise. In this way, the cost of repressing dissent is transferred from the state and private sector to those who are impoverished by job losses and drastic benefits cuts. In a study undertaken by the National Suicide Research Foundation which looked at 190 cases of suicide in Cork city and county between September 2008 and March 2011, almost forty-two per cent of those who took their own lives were unemployed and thirty-two per cent worked or had worked in construction (Buckley 2012). In the macabre accountancy of the market economy, self-inflicted harm becomes the ultimate expression of transferred cost as the dispossessed and the disadvantaged become their own judge, jury and executioner.
Management science literature has made much in recent years of the notion of entrepreneurialism to describe behaviour whereby workers incorporate functions that were previously the sole reserve of management under Fordist regimes of the mass production of goods and mass provision of services (Neilson and Rossiter 2008: 51-72). In the words of Scott Kushner, "the responsibilities of strategy development, accounting, invoicing, benefits administration, space management, procurement, and accounts management are assumed by enterprising freelancers, or workers who have been labelled 'precarious'" (Kushner 2013: 12). The dual logic of entrepreneurialism involves both the outsourcing of functions that were formerly carried out by head office, mentioned by Kushner and the devolution of a multiplicity of functions to workers themselves who, through the mediation of new technology, multitask. They become, among other things, their own timekeepers (automated flexi-time systems), secretaries (word processing tools), accountants (automated payroll systems, online banking, revenue online services (ROS)) and travel agents (online ticketing). Central to the notion of entrepreneurialism as transferred function is the notion of the individual taking on responsibility for, and becoming a curator of, their own lives. The multi-functionality of IT software ‑ Microsoft Office performing a multiplicity of functions from indexer to accountant ‑ provides an objective correlative for the relentless focus on the individual as the potential agent or administrator of any number of functions.
It is in this context that Michel Foucault's distinction between the prisoner and the debtor as symbols of their respective ages takes on a troubling resonance. Foucault argued that the prisoner was the emblematic figure of nascent modernity in that the mass organisation and regimentation of schools, hospitals and factories for much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was inspired by rational utopias of discipline and control that were best exemplified in model prisons throughout the western world. In this regimen, the emphasis was on specified agents watching others. The lives of others were only interesting insofar as they could be observed and controlled. In late modernity, however, the figure of the prisoner has ceded to that of the debtor. What was already implicit in modernity, namely, the internalisation and the incorporation of external disciplines (the model pupil, the model prisoner, the model patient), is now pushed to its logical extreme where prisoners become their own jailers (Foucault 1990: Lazzarato 2011). The logic of debt, which involves mortgaging the present to some future good, means that the individual under the regimen of the entrepreneurial is subject to a form of relentless self-harrying where as putatively sovereign subject they become the wardens of their own financial conscience. The flattered subject of individual omnipotence becomes the bounded captive of economic reversal.
The tragic aporia of the debtor turned jailer was highlighted at a coroner's inquest in Clonmel, Co Tipperary in May 2013. The coroner, Paul Morris, commenting on the role of financial institutions in the suicide of a man in his sixties, claimed: "They treat you as a celebrity while you're building up money and then, when things go wrong, they're so aggressive that they can push a person over the edge" (Kane 2013). Being pushed over the edge is the flipside of entrepreneurial "celebrity", but the deadly irony is that it is the indebted not the creditors who administer the final blow. As the authors of the study published in The Lancet on the public health effect of economic crises note, "although the financial sector of an economy may be principally responsible for risk-taking related to the present economic crisis, the true costs of this risk-taking behaviour are to society as a whole" (Stuckler et al 2009: 322). A signal consequence, therefore, of a regime of transferred cost and the transferred functionality of entrepreneurialism is that the risks are indeed assumed by society as a whole as citizens increasingly assume the costs and policing of their own financial subjection.
Despite the considerable evidence of systematic inequalities in suicide risk associated with different indicators of social position (these include labour market status, occupational social class, education, income, housing tenure and labour market position at the level of the individual and socio-economic deprivation at aggregate level), Stephen Platt has noted that there has been a "near universal failure to consider equality issues in both academic reviews of approaches to suicide prevention and the formulation of national suicide prevention strategies" (Platt 2011: 211). David Adams, an Irish Times columnist, claimed that "while suicide remains a taboo subject we will continue avoiding a much-needed open and honest public discussion on the subject" (Adams 2013: 16). What is even more striking, however, is the taboo around particular causes from those whose alleged brief is to prevent or contain suicide.
The Young Men and Suicide Project was an initiative undertaken by the Men's Health Forum in Ireland and supported by the Institute of Public Health in Ireland. The aim of the initiative was to investigate and identify effective mental health promotion and suicide prevention work and recommend and pilot appropriate policy initiatives for the island of Ireland. In their ministerial foreword to the report on the project, Dr James Reilly, then minister for health in the Republic of Ireland and Edwin Poots, minister for health in Northern Ireland, pledged their support: "We will make use of this work in our continued efforts to make a difference and save lives" (Richardson et al 2013: np). In the executive summary to the report the authors acknowledge that "the recent spike in suicide rates among young males in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland coincides with the economic downturn and increasing levels of unemployment" (8). Leaving aside the coyness of the verb "coincides", it is clear that there is an initial awareness of a socio-economic context to the incidence of suicide among young men in both jurisdictions.
"Income inequality" features as one of the risk factors for suicide in young men as well as the "socio-economic impact of the recession" and "living and working conditions, unemployment and socio-economic status". Referring implicitly to the research of Brendan Walsh and Dermot Walsh cited earlier, the authors concede "a causal link between rising unemployment and higher levels of alcohol consumption and increased suicide mortality among younger males" (9). However, when it comes to listing the two key factors that are "known to be effective in reducing suicide rates", the reader is told that they are, "physician education in depression recognition and treatment" and "restricting access to lethal means of suicide" (10).
The socio-economic context is wholly absent despite the fact that one of the articles listed in the bibliography of the Young Men and Suicide Project is the study by David Stuckler et al which demonstrated that "for every US$10 [per capita] higher investment in active labour market programmes there was 0.038% lower effect of a 1% rise in unemployment on suicide rates in people younger than 65 years" (Stuckler 2009: 321). In other words, more money spent on social protection and job creation projects means a noticeable reduction in the number of suicides. The authors of the Young Men and Suicide report are in no doubt about the gravity of the situation: "There can be no room for inertia or ambivalence – there is both a public health and a moral requirement to act" (Richardson et al 2013: 13). However, not one of the twelve key recommendations for action references the socio-economic context to suicide.
The striking failure to engage with political economy is not shown by the subjects of the study itself, young men. The first issue that emerges from the Focus Group discussions is the "fears and struggles" of young men, particularly "in relation to the economy, unemployment, recession" (87). Their anger is directed specifically at "what they saw as the betrayal on the part of government in relation to key decisions about the country's future, and about not having any input into decision-making at any level" (87). Thus the subjects of the report show a lucidity that is absent from the recommendations by its authors. In Northern Ireland, the target area for the pilot intervention was the geographical catchment known as "Colin", situated between Lisburn and West Belfast. Colin is made up of the housing developments of Poleglass, Twinbrook, Lagmore and Kilwee and has a population of approximately thirty thousand people. The principal reasons for selecting the target area were the "high levels of male suicide within it, the level of health inequalities, and its disadvantaged status" (92). However, no element of the pilot intervention, a programme encouraging young men to seek help in times of difficulty, addressed the question of socio-economic disadvantage.
The relentless individualisation and psychologisation of responses to the suicide crisis in Ireland offers a disturbing parallel to the entrepreneurialist ideology mentioned earlier. For example, in the pilot intervention proposed for the Republic of Ireland, the development of an online mental fitness programme for young men called "Work Out", is explicitly based on the principles of "Cognitive Behavioural Therapy" (102), the preferred psychological paradigm for corporate management training (Harvey 2010). The very identification of the areas for the Work Out programme reflect the psycho-social imprint of the new managerialism:
• Being practical
• Taking Control
(Richardson et al 2013: 102)
The individualised mode of delivery through an online site further exacerbates the dilemmas of those caught in the cusp of a new individualism where all the means to determine the macroeconomic futures of their lives have been removed by abstract and remote forms of techno-economic governance. The flattered subject of the therapy talk of new media (Zengotita 2007) becomes the helpless object of high finance and low subvention. Thus, the specific ideology of entrepreneurialism which underpins the recourse to suicide and self-harm in straitened circumstances becomes the animating principle of policies that allegedly seek to alleviate the problem. Whatever the taboos about reporting or discussing suicide, the taboos around its political and economic causes are the most powerful of all.
One telling example was provided in the article authored by Brendan Walsh and Dermot Walsh which described unemployment as an important contributory factor to suicide in Ireland alongside alcohol. The conclusion, however, downplayed the socio-economic dimension to their findings and dwelled primarily on the problem of the availability of alcohol (Walsh and Walsh 2011: 44-45). The focus on alcohol, of course, tends to sidestep the connection between economic distress and alcohol abuse. In September 2013, the minister with responsibility for mental health, Kathleen Lynch, spoke of the "enormous bearing" of alcohol on suicide and self-harm rates in the Republic of Ireland but predictably failed to signal either the "enormous bearing" of austerity on self-harm or of alcohol abuse as a self-destructive survival strategy (Burke-Kennedy 2013).
As social protection diminishes in Ireland, Britain and elsewhere and as collective structures of belonging such church, trade unions and political parties experience their own crises of identity and adherence, a sense of individual vulnerability increases apace. In these circumstances, the only form of protection left to the individual is a version of civil protection afforded by what David Garland has called the "garrison state" (Garland 2001: 110). More CCTV, more police, more micro-managerialism, more mandatory prison sentences, more audits – in the garrison state the only antidote to fear is the endless extension of control.
The retreat from social protection and larger collective structures of belonging is arguably part of a fundamental shift in contemporary societies from fear as an event to fear as an environment (Virilio 2010). Whereas previously fear was localised in a specific time and place ‑ a war that broke out, a famine that occurred, a natural catastrophe that was unleashed – fear now becomes generalised into a permanent condition. It is continuous rather than discrete.
What are the consequences of the emergence of a fear-environment, of the cultivation of anxiety and dread as the principal forms of communication and governance? In answering this question, we will examine different areas of contemporary Irish experience and explore the fallout from the instrumentalisation of fear.
A conclusion reached by the Nyberg Commission of Investigation into the Irish banking crisis was the prevalence of "group think" and a "herd instinct" in the Irish banking system (Nyberg 2011). The result was the unquestioning tendency to follow the example set by Anglo-Irish Bank in pursuit of grossly inflated speculative profits. Of course one of the most powerful causes of "group think" is fear of what the group or particular members of the group might think. In Stanley Milgram's famous experiments on student subjects, they were prepared to inflict great pain on their victims once they felt that they had the approval of key authority figures (Zimbardo 2007: 260-75). The worry of displeasing those in power overcame any residual scruples they had as to the morality of what they were doing. Christopher R Browning in Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland details the appalling crimes committed by ordinary young German men against Jewish men, women and children (Browning 1993; see also Neitzel and Welzer 2013). What emerges from the study is that the most powerful motive accounting for the men committing acts of unspeakable cruelty was a fear of censure, of being judged weak or cowardly by their peers.
A striking feature in the run-up to the banking collapse and bailout in Ireland was the pervasiveness of a rhetoric of intimidation. In the 2007 election the Irish electorate was told that if they did not vote for the governing party the party would indeed come to an end. Voting against the ruling doxa would be throwing away the benefits of unprecedented growth. The Opposition, for its part, was too afraid to challenge the economic and fiscal orthodoxy so that regime change was never likely (see Leahy 2009). When the Irish state guarantee of deposits held in Irish banks was announced and subsequently passed by the Irish parliament in 2008 the recurrent tenor of the arguments was that in the absence of such a guarantee the ATMs would cease to function, social services would collapse and there would be food riots in the streets. As the scale of the banking crisis became evident and it was necessary to have recourse to an EU/IMF bailout, criticism of the bailout was deemed unpatriotic, a sure way to endanger Ireland's position on the international money markets and the rejection of which would invite unmentionable economic and social disaster.
A typical headline was provided by The Irish Times on June 10th, 2011, "Government warned not to backslide on bailout reforms". Citing unnamed officials, Arthur Beesley, the European correspondent for the paper, claimed they "said anything which raised a doubt about the Government's determination to proceed with the rescue plan was very unhelpful". When the head of the European Central Bank, Jean-Claude Trichet, was asked whether Irish ministers were wise to speculate publicly about a second bailout or longer loan maturities, Mr Trichet's response was to call for "verbal discipline" (Beesley 2011). The fact that the "flexibility" and "structural reforms" that Mr Trichet and the unnamed officials so enthusiastically supported would involve dramatic pay cuts for countless workers in the society was a move that should not give rise to any public expression of doubt as to its political or ethical wisdom. All that mattered was that "verbal discipline" was observed. Putting up and shutting up are, to paraphrase the title of one of Graham Greene's wartime novels, part of the new Ministration of Fear in Ireland.
A repeated feature, therefore, of recent Irish history is the recurrent instrumentalisation of fear. The paralysis of critical faculties through fear of dissent which brought about an unprecedented economic and fiscal crisis is further strengthened by the politics of anxiety mobilised to mute criticism of the highly questionable means used to the resolve the crisis. Rather than fearing fear, every means is used to make its presence more insidious and more threatening in political debate.
What might be a typical feature of a society which is hostage to a culture of fear, anxiety and dread? One answer can be found in remarks made by an ex-President of the United States, Bill Clinton, in a speech he made to the New York Yacht Club on March 15th, 2011. He claimed: "The thing that has troubled me most, believe it or not, about this whole economic crisis in Ireland has been the rise in the suicide rate, not just among the young, where it was already too high, but among those in their prime working years who feel somehow that their whole lives have been robbed" (Regan 2011). Each suicide is, of course, an individual tragedy, occasioned by a particular set of circumstances but complexity of causes does not mean absence of causes. Nor do all causes, as we saw at the outset of this chapter, have the same weighting. As social theorists from Émile Durkheim to Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling have been swift to point out, there is a real sense in which suicide cannot be considered in isolation from the society and economy in which it emerges, especially when the sheer number of cases of suicide and self-harm is so great that even a former US president is forced to sit up and take notice (Durkheim 2006; Keohane and Kuhling 2004). The omnipresence of a culture of fear coupled with persistent economic disadvantage and an unrelenting assault on all forms of social protection provides an especially toxic framework for a society where Josephine Rigney, a suicide prevention officer for the Health Service Executive speaking to an Irish Rural Link event noted that '"It's two [suicides] a day in Ireland"' (Anonymous: 2013). In 2011, the Republic of Ireland recorded the number of suicides was the highest on record at 554, fifty-nine more than in 2010 (Cullen 2014: 10).
When dread and anxiety become the permanent horizon of media commentary and an instrument of public policy, it is hardly surprising that the socialisation of fear results in the extreme forms of self-harm and suicide. The only way out is down.
So where are the missing figures from the Irish newspaper advertisement showing an empty O'Connell Street? One answer is that they are buried in Ireland's suicide statistics. Los Desaparecidos, the Irish Disappeared, are not the victims of predatory military juntas or paramilitary nutting squads but the inevitable victims of the relentless violence of a culture of fear centred around debt and dispossession. One of the more telling moves by the Irish Central Bank in June 2013 was to reduce the protection to homeowners from excessive contact from banks: "While existing rules stipulate lenders can only contact borrowers three times a month, this has been dropped in favour of 'proportionate' contact and lenders will be allowed to pay an unsolicited visit to a borrower's home for the first time" (Garland 2013: 1).
The corporate, individualising, "mental health" strategies proposed as part of the means to combat suicide too often partake of the same structural violence that puts an end to so many lives on the island of Ireland with its unyielding emphasis on the entrepreneurial management of self. The highly publicised link between personal depression and suicide in the case of a Robin Williams conceals an infinitely more insidious link between debt and self-destruction in contemporary societies. The haves in Irish society are engaged in a prolonged dirty war against the most vulnerable and the truth is not the only thing to disappear. We are, indeed, defined by the lethal choices that many are forced to make.
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Reeves, A., M. McKee and D. Stuckler (2014) 'Economic suicides in the Great Recession in Europe and North America', British Journal of Psychiatry, p.307. Available online:http://bjp.rcpsych.org/content/early/2014/05/23/bjp.bp.114.144766.full.pdf+html (accessed 13 July 2014).
Richardson, N., N. Clarke and C. Fowler (2013) Young Men and Suicide Project (Dublin: Men's Health Forum in Ireland).
Siggins, L. (2010), 'Retired garda defends force's handling of Corrib protests', The Irish Times, 5 January 2010.
Stuckler, S. Basu, M. Suhrcke, A. Coutts and M. McKee, Martin (2009), 'The public health effect of economic crises and alternative policy responses in Europe: an empirical analysis', The Lancet, 374, July 25 2009.
Stuckler , S. Basu, M. Suhrcke, A. Coutts, and M. McKee, Martin (2011) 'Effects of the 2008 recession on health: a first look at European data', The Lancet, 378, July 9 2011
van Parijs, P. (2004) 'L'anglais lingua franca de l'union européenne: imperative de solidarité, source d'injustice, facteur de déclin?', Économie Politique, 15, pp.13-32
Virilio, P. (2010) L'administration de la peur (Paris : Textuel)
Walsh, B. (2011) Well-being and Economic Conditions in Ireland (Dublin: UCD Centre for Economic Research).
Walsh, B. and D. Walsh (2011) 'Suicide in Ireland: The Influence of Alcohol and Unemployment', The Economic and Social Review, 42, 1.
Wylie, C., S. Platt, J. Brownlie, A. Chandler, S. Connolly, R. Evans, B. Kennelly, O. Kirtley, G. Moore, R. O'Connor and J. Scourfield (2012) Men, Suicide and Society (Ewell (Surrey): Samaritans).
Yeates, P. (2001) Lockout: Dublin 1913 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan).
Zengotita, T (2007), Mediated: How the Media Shapes Our World and the Way We Live In It (London: Bloomsbury)
Zimbardo, P. (2007) The Lucifer Effect: How Good People Turn Evil, London: Rider).
Michael Cronin teaches in Dublin City University. This essay is a version of a chapter that will appear in Colin Coulter and Angela Nagel (eds), Ireland Under Austerity: Neoliberal Crisis, Neoliberal Solutions, Manchester University Press, 2015.
Previous article The King's Man
Next article Echoes from the Cistern


To apply for a work permit, you must have either a non immigrant visa or a residence permit. Ideally, you must also have a non-immigrant visa must be obtained before entering Thailand. A residence permit is usually granted only after you have lived in Thailand for at least 3 consecutive years under a non-immigrant visa. Your employer or potential employer may file an application for advance permission for permission to work before you arrive in Thailand. However, the work permit itself will not be issued until you arrive in Thailand on a valid non-immigrant visa.
How long are Work Permits granted?
Thai work permits are valid only as long as your visa allows you to remain in Thailand. That Also, a work permit is good only for the particular job for which it was issued and within the geographic limitations specified in the work permit. Working in a position or at a location other than that specifically approved is grounds for termination of your permit. You may hold more than one position with one or more employers but you must obtain permission for each position and for each employer. Generally, the permission for each position is entered in the original work permit record.
Exceptions to the Alien Employment Act permit foreigners to perform work without a permit if they are deemed necessary and urgent which can be completed within 15 days. However, the Department of Employment must be informed before such work begins.
Working without a valid work permit is a criminal offense. Penalties include imprisonment of not exceeding 5 years or a fine from Baht 2,000 to Baht 100,000, or both. In the case you agree to travel out of Thailand within the period of time prescribed by the interrogating officer, which must not be later than 30 days, the interrogating officer may impose a fine and make arrangements for you to travel out of Thailand. Foreigners who do work reserved solely for Thais will be fined of up to Baht 20,000. A company or employer that hires a foreigner without a valid work permit is subject to a fine from Baht 10,000 to Baht 100,000 for each foreign worker/employee.
Therefore, you must always have a photocopy of his/her work permit available when traveling, and be prepared to show it upon arrival in Thailand.
An executive or expert who has been granted privileges under the Investment Promotion Act, the Petroleum Act, or the Industrial Estate Authority of Thailand.
An individual investor who brings in money from abroad of not less than Baht 2 million for the purchase of shares in a private company.
An executive or expert working with a company whose fully paid?up registered capital or whose operational fund is not less than Baht 30 million.
Aliens who work for the foreign press.
Alien researchers and developers in science and technology.
Alien officers of branch offices of overseas banks, foreign banking offices of overseas banks in Bangkok, provincial foreign banking offices of overseas banks, and representative offices of foreign banks.
Aliens who come to work for branch, representative, or regional offices of overseas enterprises.


text:
Home > News > The Wu-Tang Clan Saga to be Told in New TV Series
The Wu-Tang Clan Saga to be Told in New TV Series
Prepare to enter The Wu.
The Wu-Tang Clan is truly so unique–a genuine example of something or someone being one-of-one. We all know the musical cachet that they wield; we all know that they are a collection of some of hip-hop's most entertaining characters. And we know that this group of talented figures cannot, and refuse to be, limited to one entertainment venture.
Most of the members have experimented in film: RZA consistently is operating either in-front or behind the camera; Method Man has developed into a respected actor, earning a leading part in HBO's hit series, The Deuce; Ghostface Killah and GZA have a new web series, Wu-Tang In Space Eating Impossible Sliders. But for as much as these individuals have ventured into tangential entertainment careers, they haven't collectively released a project–or been portrayed in one.
Variety recently reported that Hulu has ordered 10-episodes of a new show: Wu-Tang: An American Sage. The captivating idea materializes as a series telling the tale of the formation of one of hip-hop's most iconic groups, including delving into the backgrounds of foundational members: RZA, GZA, Raekwon, Ghostface Killah, Method Man, U-God, Masta Killa, Inspectah Deck, and the late Ol' Dirty Bastard. It is thought to be based on RZA's The Wu-Tang Manual and The Tao Of The Wu.
While the series has officially been ordered, a release date still eludes us. Hopefully this show will hit screens sooner rather than later, as it's poised to be a fascinating expository tale behind some of the genre's most impactful molders.
Shyheim feat. Ghostface Killah - Smoking Blood Drinking Fire
Mathematics feat. Ghostface Killah, Inspectah Deck, Method Man & Raekwon - 4 Horsemen
RZA is Resurrecting His Iconic Clothing Line
U-God Releases the Imaginative Video for "Epicenter"
Vanderslice Releases New Album, 'The Best Album Money Can Buy'
November 30th "New Music Friday"
More in Ghostface Killah, Gza, Hulu, Method Man, ODB, Ol' Dirty Bastard, Raekwon, RZA, TV Series, Variety
Wu-Tang Clan Star in New Series, 'Wu-Tang In Space Eating Impossible Sliders'
Only The Wu could create something like this. The almighty Wu-Tang clan is of course known for their catalytic music,...

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Tappan Collective's Chelsea N. Nassib On: Top Six Artists to Watch in 2017
Chelsea N. Nassib, wearing Tory's Rainford jacket and Kimberly sweater
Photographed by Ungano+Agriodimas
Chelsea N. Nassib, founder of online gallery Tappan Collective, clues us in on the emerging artists gaining buzz in 2017.
Jonni Cheatwood
Jonni Cheatwood's mixed media works push our understanding of "painting" as a medium, emphasizing his process through and through. Cheatwood's work is vibrant, filled with voluptuous, static forms contrasted by energetic bursts of gestural mark-making. These forms seemingly sit three-dimensionally on top of canvas that has been stitched together by the artist. Drop cloth, canvas, burlap, and textile pieces with previous lives are imbedded into the base of his work.
Cheatwood is certainly an artist to keep your eye on in 2017. He wants the viewer to be as involved with the painting as he is; he wants you to feel it palpitate. That's what makes these new paintings to special — they really are alive.
Kelsey Shultis
Detroit-based artist Kelsey Shultis revisits highly textured oil painting in an entirely unique manner. Incorporating objects and environments familiar to us, Shultis abstracts these, simplifying colors and exaggerating with thick impasto. Her work straddles between both a nostalgia for places and objects, and a study of appreciating oil painting today. Her works are both humorous and heavy, melancholic and playful. Shultis is definitely one to watch in the upcoming year.
Jameson Magrogan
Baltimore-based artist Jameson Magrogan evaluates moments through an observational approach to painting. Each piece is vibrant with color, and repositions classical ideas of "perspective," "still life," and "composition." What I love so much about Jameson's paintings is the mind state they require of the viewer: they ask us to consider all of the parts and to observe the work as a whole without searching for an underpinned theory or concept. Magrogan says that defining the meaning of each picture he paints isn't his task, because meaning changes person to person, moment to moment. He paints to explore something, whether it precipitates from memory, feeling, or an objective. We're excited to see what he does in 2017, he's going to do big things.
Brian Merriam
Brian Merriam has an eye for introspection and nostalgia. Shooting primarily desolate landscapes, Merriam travels year-long, traversing desolate lands such as Iceland, Alaska and Death Valley, to name a few. His eye captures magical moments, bringing a sense of calmness, reflection and longing to natural landscapes. Keep an eye on Merriam's forthcoming series in 2017, as he'll be debut a series of dream-like images that he has been developing over the past few years.
Struan Teague
Working between Dusseldorf and Copenhagen, Struan Teague's abstract paintings and screen prints expose the role of intuition in the creation process. Teague's use of instantaneous processes and materials, like screen print, spray paint, even dirt and spillage — force quicker and more irrevocable decisions to be made, resulting in intuition taking a crucial role in his process.
With Teague's paintings, less is more, and you find yourself studying every mark and gesture. Ultimately, Teague's paintings ask us to slow down and really consider the entirety of "composition." This approach is refreshing in this age, asking us to reconsider the entire work of art, as something made up of many parts.
Caroline Denervaud
Caroline Denervaud's work is developed around an exploration of the body through painting, drawing, collage and video performance. When you watch her interact with form, she explores the physical limits of the body through gesture and form building, only allowing mark-making where her body reaches on the paper. Denervaud is definitely someone to watch in the new year. She's particularly unique because of her close relationship to her work, literally pressing her body to her paintings, keeping viewers from associating one without the other. Her body is absolutely intrinsic to her two-dimensional work, and that's really special.
Follow Tappan Collective on Instagram.
Labels: #ToryStories, Art, Chelsea N. Nassib, Culture, Tory Burch, Tory Burch Resort 2017


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text:
Q: Create overlap floating action bottom How can I create overlap floating action bottom like this image

A: You can use BottomAppBar in CoordinatorLayout & set the anchor to your FAB.
In your layout:
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<androidx.coordinatorlayout.widget.CoordinatorLayout xmlns:android="http://schemas.android.com/apk/res/android"
    xmlns:app="http://schemas.android.com/apk/res-auto"
    xmlns:tools="http://schemas.android.com/tools"
    android:layout_width="match_parent"
    android:layout_height="match_parent"
    tools:context=".MainActivity">

    <com.google.android.material.bottomappbar.BottomAppBar
        android:id="@+id/bottomAppBar"
        android:layout_width="match_parent"
        android:layout_height="wrap_content"
        android:layout_gravity="bottom">

        <com.google.android.material.bottomnavigation.BottomNavigationView
            android:id="@+id/bottomNavigationView"
            android:layout_width="match_parent"
            android:layout_height="match_parent"
            android:layout_marginEnd="0dp"
            android:background="@android:color/transparent"
            app:menu="@menu/bottom_nav_menu" />

    </com.google.android.material.bottomappbar.BottomAppBar>

    <com.google.android.material.floatingactionbutton.FloatingActionButton
        android:id="@+id/fab"
        android:layout_width="wrap_content"
        android:layout_height="wrap_content"
        android:src="@drawable/ic_add"
        app:layout_anchor="@id/bottomAppBar" />

</androidx.coordinatorlayout.widget.CoordinatorLayout>

In your menu.xml
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<menu xmlns:android="http://schemas.android.com/apk/res/android">

    <item
        android:id="@+id/miHome"
        android:icon="@drawable/ic_home"
        android:title="Home" />

    <item
        android:id="@+id/miSearch"
        android:icon="@drawable/ic_search"
        android:title="Search" />

    <item
        android:id="@+id/placeholder"
        android:title="" />

    <item
        android:id="@+id/miProfile"
        android:icon="@drawable/ic_person"
        android:title="Profile" />

    <item
        android:id="@+id/miSettings"
        android:icon="@drawable/ic_settings"
        android:title="Settings" />
</menu>

It is important to have that placeholder because that's where we'll overlap our FAB.
In you activity disable the placeholder item & let FAB take focus:
class MainActivity : AppCompatActivity() {

    override fun onCreate(savedInstanceState: Bundle?) {
        super.onCreate(savedInstanceState)
        setContentView(R.layout.activity_main)
        val bottomNavigationView = findViewById<BottomNavigationView>(R.id.bottomNavigationView)
        bottomNavigationView.background = null
        bottomNavigationView.menu.getItem(2).isEnabled = false
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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text:
Q: How can I get the React-Router to load the same page when the request comes from outside the component? I have a navigation component at the top of the page, and the individual "pages" of my app load below this navbar. There is a search component that can open the view "page" when an item is selected, but if the view page is already open, the navigation caused by the search isn't performed.  Because this navbar (with the search component) is always on the screen (and works from every other page) I am not looking for a solution to "reload the page", since that would be meaningless on any other page.  I want to know how to tell the router that it needs to load this page, regardless of whether it is currently loaded.

A: Here is my proposed solution.
So, whenever you navigate to a page(which i presume is a component) the path in the broswer would change so that you can render your component, Something like this
export function App() {
  return (
      <Router>
        <div>
          <Navbar />
          <Route exact path="/home" component={Home} />

          <Route exact path="/orders" component={Orders} />
          <Route exact path="/products/:id" component={View} />
          <Footer />
        </div>
      </Router>
    </Provider>
  );

So in the View component I would suggest you to check for the path name (basically something like a state change) whenever you are searching for the product.
So assume you navigate to a new page(so your path will change),so you can have this as a state in your view component and initiaize your View component as new search.
Here is some pseudo code
export function View(props){
const[Initial,setInitial]=useState();
setInitial(props.pathName)
//do some logic if the state changes;
}

This is what I would try to do.
Now,how do i pass the pathname to the View component ??
For that create a route which should take pathname as a parameter and then that parameter can be a prop to view component.something like this (not an exact code)
<ViewRoute path={this.state.path}  component={View} />


text:
FAQ #11: Does the NIST WTC 7 computer animation of the collapse prove that the skyscraper came down by fire?
Written by Chris Sarns, Richard Gage, AIA, and Gregg Roberts
No. The NIST WTC 7 computer animation of the collapse does not even remotely resemble the observations and actual video footage of the destruction in three main ways. A scientifically valid explanation of any phenomenon must account for the key observations. Moreover, a computer simulation does not constitute an explanation. It is merely a tool for determining and visualizing what might have happened if various assumptions are true.
NIST has refused to disclose the computer inputs of its mathematical models. This makes it impossible for anyone to check their work.
1. While NIST admits publicly that the building descended at "free-fall" acceleration, its computer simulation is not consistent with a building that is coming down in free fall.
NIST's Final Report on the collapse of WTC 7 (NCSTAR 1A, p. 45) states that gravitational acceleration (free-fall) of the main roofline occurred. It began when the point NIST was using [1] as its marker on the video had descended about 7 feet*. In Figure 12-62 (NCSTAR 1-9 Vol.2 p. 588) the roofline has descended about 10m /33 feet (NCSTAR 1-9A, p. 77) and the columns are still buckling in an irregular manner. Buckling columns provide resistance and would obviously prevent the building from collapsing at free-fall acceleration. The NIST computer model is clearly not simulating free-fall acceleration.
This is consistent with Shyam Sunder's statement at the WTC7 technical briefing on August 26, 2008 (which was his initial public attempt to deny free-fall along with his justification for that denial):
"… a free fall time would be an object that has no structural components below it … there was structural resistance that was provided in this particular case. And you had a sequence of structural failures that had to take place. Everything was not instantaneous."
Given the mismatch between the NIST computer animations and the video record of the actual destruction, it is clear that NIST's assumptions (computer inputs) were substantially in error. It was NIST's job to explain the destruction that actually occurred, not to posit some possible way in which the destruction could have occurred. Their model, which does not reflect the observed 2.25 seconds (about 100 feet) of free fall, should be judged a complete failure, or a cover-up.
The above computer animation is the one "with debris damage" (caused by framing sections from WTC 1). Note that the other NIST computer simulation (not shown here), which was performed "without debris damage" is irrelevant since NIST documented that debris damage did occur.)
* NIST's analysis ignores the fact that what appears to be a downward kink in the top of the north face of the building, in some videos, is actually an inward movement of the north-facing wall, in which the top of the wall moves away from the camera[2]. The illusion of a downward kink[3] has been incorrectly cited by many 9/11 Truth activists as another feature of WTC 7's destruction that resembles features seen in conventional controlled demolitions. With NIST's resources and the importance of its mandate, it had no excuse for making this "mistake". NIST knew very well, by the method that they were using, that an inward movement of the top of the north wall would be interpreted as a downward movement – because they used a point "near the middle" of the top of the wall[1] where they knew that the wall had moved inward the greatest amount – instead of using the northwest corner. This enabled NIST to show an earlier "start time" of the descent of the north face and a larger downward movement before the onset of free-fall.
[1] North Face (Camera 3 – after collapse of the east penthouse): The NIST "point" at which they measure the descent of the building. NCSTAR 1-9 Vol.2 p. 600
[2] NIST's LS-DYNA model reveals the "inward" folding north wall – prior to the downward descent of the building.
[3] The photos above are from the videos and show the north face. They are synchronized to show the conditions at the same time. The left photo is a "straight-on" shot (from about eye level at the roof line from camera 2). The photo on the right is taken from a ground-level camera 3 which shows the top of the north-facing wall folding inward (as illustrated in the NIST LS-DYNA model). Clearly the eye level view indicates that the north face has not started to descend.
2. The NIST computer simulation does not look like the actual implosion.
The NIST computer simulation stops about one second after the building started its descent. This is completely unjustified. There is no excuse for stopping the computer animation prior to the building's descent to the point where it drops out of sight in the video. The external frame is folding up at this point in the computer simulation, but that did not happen in the actual collapse. The only reason that NIST would have to stop the descent at this point would be to hide the obvious "folding up" and "falling over" that is beginning to occur.
Also, the "cascading" failure of the structural framing system at the three interior columns at the left side of the building, if it actually occurred, would result in a very noticeable deformation of the exterior wall, which is clearly not occurring. NIST's hypothesis that the core columns at the east end (left) of the building failed is an unscientific fabrication.
The live video footage of the "collapse" of WTC 7 (left) undermines the credibility of NIST and their black-box computer simulation (right).
3. NIST admits that their simulation does not match the actual collapse.
"The results of this scenario were consistent with observations except that the screening wall on the roof fell downward before the west penthouse." NCSTAR 1-9 Vol.2 p. 612
In the NIST computer simulation, the interior columns under the screenwall and west penthouse collapse east to west in about three seconds. (These sections of the building are shown in the top-down diagram below.) However, the actual collapse progression of these columns in the video takes only about 1/2 second. While NIST acknowledged the "almost simultaneous" collapse of the screenwall and west penthouse in the 2004 Progress Report (Appendix L, p. 34 and 44), in their computer simulation, this collapse took nearly three seconds.
This is yet another example of the NIST simulation being completely inconsistent with the actual features of the destruction of this building.
You can read the entire NIST Final Report on the Collapse of WTC 7 at:
http://www.nist.gov/el/disasterstudies/wtc/wtc_finalreports.cfm
(Scroll to the bottom of the page to find the links to the WTC 7 Final Report)


text:
/* TEMPLATE GENERATED TESTCASE FILE
Filename: CWE126_Buffer_Overread__CWE170_wchar_t_strncpy_08.c
Label Definition File: CWE126_Buffer_Overread__CWE170.label.xml
Template File: point-flaw-08.tmpl.c
*/
/*
 * @description
 * CWE: 126 Buffer Overread
 * Sinks: strncpy
 *    GoodSink: Copy a string using wcsncpy() with explicit null termination
 *    BadSink : Copy a string using wcsncpy() without explicit null termination
 * Flow Variant: 08 Control flow: if(staticReturnsTrue()) and if(staticReturnsFalse())
 *
 * */

#include "std_testcase.h"

#include <wchar.h>

/* The two function below always return the same value, so a tool
   should be able to identify that calls to the functions will always
   return a fixed value. */
static int staticReturnsTrue()
{
    return 1;
}

static int staticReturnsFalse()
{
    return 0;
}

#ifndef OMITBAD

void CWE126_Buffer_Overread__CWE170_wchar_t_strncpy_08_bad()
{
    if(staticReturnsTrue())
    {
        {
            wchar_t data[150], dest[100];
            /* Initialize data */
            wmemset(data, L'A', 149);
            data[149] = L'\0';
            /* wcsncpy() does not null terminate if the string in the src buffer is larger than
             * the number of characters being copied to the dest buffer */
            wcsncpy(dest, data, 99);
            /* FLAW: do not explicitly null terminate dest after the use of wcsncpy() */
            printWLine(dest);
        }
    }
}

#endif /* OMITBAD */

#ifndef OMITGOOD

/* good1() uses if(staticReturnsFalse()) instead of if(staticReturnsTrue()) */
static void good1()
{
    if(staticReturnsFalse())
    {
        /* INCIDENTAL: CWE 561 Dead Code, the code below will never run */
        printLine("Benign, fixed string");
    }
    else
    {
        {
            wchar_t data[150], dest[100];
            /* Initialize data */
            wmemset(data, L'A', 149);
            data[149] = L'\0';
            /* wcsncpy() does not null terminate if the string in the src buffer is larger than
             * the number of characters being copied to the dest buffer */
            wcsncpy(dest, data, 99);
            dest[99] = L'\0'; /* FIX: Explicitly null terminate dest after the use of wcsncpy() */
            printWLine(dest);
        }
    }
}

/* good2() reverses the bodies in the if statement */
static void good2()
{
    if(staticReturnsTrue())
    {
        {
            wchar_t data[150], dest[100];
            /* Initialize data */
            wmemset(data, L'A', 149);
            data[149] = L'\0';
            /* wcsncpy() does not null terminate if the string in the src buffer is larger than
             * the number of characters being copied to the dest buffer */
            wcsncpy(dest, data, 99);
            dest[99] = L'\0'; /* FIX: Explicitly null terminate dest after the use of wcsncpy() */
            printWLine(dest);
        }
    }
}

void CWE126_Buffer_Overread__CWE170_wchar_t_strncpy_08_good()
{
    good1();
    good2();
}

#endif /* OMITGOOD */

/* Below is the main(). It is only used when building this testcase on
   its own for testing or for building a binary to use in testing binary
   analysis tools. It is not used when compiling all the testcases as one
   application, which is how source code analysis tools are tested. */

#ifdef INCLUDEMAIN

int main(int argc, char * argv[])
{
    /* seed randomness */
    srand( (unsigned)time(NULL) );
#ifndef OMITGOOD
    printLine("Calling good()...");
    CWE126_Buffer_Overread__CWE170_wchar_t_strncpy_08_good();
    printLine("Finished good()");
#endif /* OMITGOOD */
#ifndef OMITBAD
    printLine("Calling bad()...");
    CWE126_Buffer_Overread__CWE170_wchar_t_strncpy_08_bad();
    printLine("Finished bad()");
#endif /* OMITBAD */
    return 0;
}

#endif

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Q: Java mail - Couldn't connect to host I am trying to send an email Java application, following guide on http://www.tutorialspoint.com/java/java_sending_email.htm
When I try to run it, copypasted first code from link above, I get an error that it could not connect to host, which is a localhost. Here is a result when I ping localhost:
Pinging Home-PC [::1] with 32 bytes of data:
Reply from ::1: time<1ms
Reply from ::1: time<1ms
Reply from ::1: time<1ms
Reply from ::1: time<1ms

Since I am greatly inexperienced in communications, I do not know what went wrong, and yet again, I need help. So, is the issue in my localhost not being properly configured, or is something wrong with my code? What could I do?
I am using Tomcat v8.0 server.
I am also adding console output:
com.sun.mail.util.MailConnectException: Couldn't connect to host, port: localhost, 25; timeout -1;
nested exception is:
at com.sun.mail.smtp.SMTPTransport.openServer(SMTPTransport.java:2054)
at com.sun.mail.smtp.SMTPTransport.protocolConnect(SMTPTransport.java:697)
at javax.mail.Service.connect(Service.java:364)
at javax.mail.Service.connect(Service.java:245)
at javax.mail.Service.connect(Service.java:194)
at javax.mail.Transport.send0(Transport.java:253)
at javax.mail.Transport.send(Transport.java:124)
at test.Test.main(Test.java:51)
Caused by: java.net.ConnectException: Connection refused: connect
at java.net.DualStackPlainSocketImpl.connect0(Native Method)
at java.net.DualStackPlainSocketImpl.socketConnect(DualStackPlainSocketImpl.java:79)
at java.net.AbstractPlainSocketImpl.doConnect(AbstractPlainSocketImpl.java:345)
at java.net.AbstractPlainSocketImpl.connectToAddress(AbstractPlainSocketImpl.java:206)
at java.net.AbstractPlainSocketImpl.connect(AbstractPlainSocketImpl.java:188)
at java.net.PlainSocketImpl.connect(PlainSocketImpl.java:172)
at java.net.SocksSocketImpl.connect(SocksSocketImpl.java:392)
at java.net.Socket.connect(Socket.java:589)
at java.net.Socket.connect(Socket.java:538)
at com.sun.mail.util.SocketFetcher.createSocket(SocketFetcher.java:329)
at com.sun.mail.util.SocketFetcher.getSocket(SocketFetcher.java:236)
at com.sun.mail.smtp.SMTPTransport.openServer(SMTPTransport.java:2020)
... 7 more

A: I assume, that you do not have an SMTP-Server installed on your local machine. For testing purposes, start an instace of FakeSMTP. If it is up and running, programs are able to connect and to drop their mail.
If you want to experiment a little (assuming you have a Windows box), there is Hamstermail (Site is in german - be warned ;-))

Here is a result when I ping localhost

That only shows that a server responds to an Echo Request. This does neither mean, that the server has a SMTP-service running, nor does it mean, if the server does not answer, that the server is down - sometimes, admins block ICMP-Echo-Requests.
Sometimes a telnet $server 25 allows connecting to the mail-server.

Caused by: java.net.ConnectException: Connection refused: connect

This shows, that the Service is not active aka the port is closed.


Although you can Discover ways that are free to do this Marketing aspect is easier said than done. Think about the expenses of locating a community of individuals to buy from you, building a ecommerce site and guest posting on sites to expand your reach. It all takes money and time, and you're bound to burn yourself out in the event that you don't have the ideal tools to begin doing all of this.
Imagine if you had a tool that is simple for quickly turning Your standard site or social media channel into an online shop, while at the exact same time sharing your electronic products looking for articles such as yours with a large network of users?
That tool could be Sellfy, and upon first Glance, it's somewhat of a Kickstarter sense to its interface (without the crowdfunding,) in which you can generate your own storefront on the Sellfy platform, peddle your goods to the tens in the community, while also having the chance to post Sell buttons on your own site.
Although this service does cut out the Time or money you will spend on making your website, it can make the ecommerce process a bit easier. That is pretty enticing to us, so join us as we take a deeper look into what Sellfy has to offer.
The area Sellfy website is the FAQ section. It helps out for presale questions, but that is about it.
This really is a instrument the Sellfy documentation Only is made up of approximately 30 or so things. It's easy to search, and you don't have to worry about getting overwhelmed.
The way to contact the support team directly Is via an email form. So, no telephone service, but you can get pushed into the front of the line with a plan that is paid.
For this review, we figured it'd be wise to test Out selling an electronic product that we are familiar with. So, we gave the Sellfy comes with a look by submitting and uploading Ecommerce Platform's Guide to Creating a Successful Online Shop.
Here's another reason Sellfy is Far Better than simply Placing a PayPal button on your website. Rather than managing a MailChimp account that is different, Sellfy gives you custom purchase emails that send out automatically.
You'll also find that advertising is much easier with The built-in SEO and product discovery settings.
Okay, some of the other features come into play if You are contemplating a PayPal button on your site. Basically, you can generate discount codes for all of your products right in the Sellfy dashboard.
I see the benefit of going with Sellfy since the Fact which you can find a tiny storefront up and running within minutes. You do not need to worry about designing your own website, and you are able to upload 2GB per file and use unlimited bandwidth. In short, it is possible to forget about hosting.
All the storefronts are optimized for the mobile World, and it lets you take execute them and Buy widgets and buttons.
And being a huge proponent of automating many As possible processes, I've always loved Zapier. Sellfy streamlines the process and includes a Zapier integration which allows you to connect with over 750 apps in the Zapier database.
PayPal and Stripe are the choices you have when selling on Sellfy. These are usually the two most common payment processors, but they cut out some people who aren't allowed to use these options. The integration works seamlessly, but we'd love to see offerings.
Aside from that, Sellfy allows for Instant payouts, multiple currenciestaxes and monies, EU VAT accounts and customer invoices. They offer.
Basic — Pay $9 per month for all attributes. You can utilize PayPal/Stripe using a 5 percent transaction fee.
There possess a free 14-day day trial. I Newbies can begin with the fundamental plan for cheap, although personally prefer to not need to cover transaction fees. I wonder if the majority of people may be better off with a solution.
Sellfy appears to work best for sellers with large Libraries who need the tools for discounting, PDF stamping and analytics. In addition, you boost the Number of users who see your product Through the Sellfy network.


text:
package config

import (
	"github.com/spf13/cobra"
	"k8s.io/kubernetes/pkg/kubectl/genericclioptions"

	kclientcmd "k8s.io/client-go/tools/clientcmd"
	kcmdutil "k8s.io/kubernetes/pkg/kubectl/cmd/util"
)

func NewPathOptions(cmd *cobra.Command) *kclientcmd.PathOptions {
	return NewPathOptionsWithConfig(kcmdutil.GetFlagString(cmd, genericclioptions.OpenShiftKubeConfigFlagName))
}

func NewPathOptionsWithConfig(configPath string) *kclientcmd.PathOptions {
	return &kclientcmd.PathOptions{
		GlobalFile: kclientcmd.RecommendedHomeFile,

		EnvVar:           kclientcmd.RecommendedConfigPathEnvVar,
		ExplicitFileFlag: genericclioptions.OpenShiftKubeConfigFlagName,

		LoadingRules: &kclientcmd.ClientConfigLoadingRules{
			ExplicitPath: configPath,
		},
	}
}


text:
'Roseanne' is ugly, uncomfortable and distressing. Good.
The "Roseanne" reboot ...
Updated: May 29, 2018 11:09 PM
The "Roseanne" reboot has reached 25 million viewers, surpassing even the audience for the iconic original run's finale in 1997. It was the strongest debut for any network television show this season - or any season for the past six years. But not everyone was ready to return to the blue-collar squalor of Lanford, Illinois.
Overnight, a cottage industry of criticism and vows to boycott popped up. People who usually pride themselves in the mantra that love trumps hate were calling Roseanne Barr a "garbage person" over her support for Donald Trump. Some of them were flaunting their prejudice, prejudging the show without watching any of it. Many of these repudiators, nearly entirely liberals, were bragging about a willful blind spot.
Here's a fun fact about social progress: It is painful and difficult. It is not a flipbook of our likes, comforts, and feel-good instaquotes. It is not achieved with galas. People are entitled to tune out whatever they want - and the entitled ones very much do - but what good is someone who doesn't listen to Chris Brown because of his abusive history with Rihanna if they don't listen to any music? What good is a supporter of Colin Kaepernick if they still tune in to root for their team to win every Sunday even with him out of the league?
Lots of liberals didn't want to watch "Roseanne." No matter what. Fine. That's their right. But ask those people: What *do* they watch? Maybe they would flock to the opposite of "Roseanne," if only such a show existed. As it turns out, it does.
Norman Lear's Netflix update of "One Day At a Time" features Penelope -lvarez, a gun-toting Cuban-American single mother and Army veteran, struggling to raise her son and lesbian daughter in the grit of Los Angeles on a shoestring budget with the help of her immigrant mom, played with the incomparable EGOT talent of Rita Moreno. "One Day At A Time" runs like state television from the Democratic National Convention. One episode centers on Penelope being stranded on hold with Veterans Affairs. Another portrays her struggle with depression and stigma in her community. The audience sees a school friend of her daughter's get deported and her daughter herself attend her quincea-era in a suit instead of a dress. The show highlights the hardships of the bilingual son whose skin tone registers as Latino while the daughter, whose Spanish is shaky, grapples with passing as white. Viewers need to be bilingual themselves to get all the jokes.
It is all absolutely riveting. And virtually unwatched.
Sure, it got renewed for a third season but only after an explicit campaign -- a plea, really -- by the show's creators to "PLEASE watch & tell friends & family to watch at least FOUR episodes in the next few days ... PLEASE WATCH!" Similarly, Randall Park, the star of "Fresh Off The Boat," the only all-Asian sitcom on television (now that "Dr. Ken" has been canceled), begged for his job -- literally, "I'm begging you, ABC." In a video, he got on his knees and clasped his hands in prayer, the way you've never seen Tim Allen or Matthew Perry or Sarah Jessica Parker or even anyone on "Will & Grace" do.
For comparison, "Fresh Off The Boat" pulls in 3 million to 4 million viewers per episode. "Black-ish" pulls in a similar audience, although sometimes pops up to 5 million or 8 million viewers. The only network show to pull in "Roseanne"-level numbers was a recent episode of NBC's "This Is Us" viewed by 33 million people, but with a hefty assist of a post-Super Bowl time slot. Roseanne scores ratings touchdowns on her own.
On the third episode of the "Roseanne" reboot, the star falls asleep watching ABC, missing "Black-ish" and "Fresh Off The Boat." "They're just like us. There, now you're all caught up," she reassures her television husband, Dan. The glib joke gave fresh fodder to the self-righteous boycotters. How dare she insult those diversity stalwarts?! But, really, how dare people take umbrage at her insult of a show many of them can't be bothered to watch?
What is happening here, exactly? Are liberals so busy lapping up every second of Donald Glover's groundbreaking "Atlanta" that they're too busy to watch any other show remotely like it? Its debut season last year averaged 5.2 million viewers, the best ratings of any comedy on cable in the past year. Is "Atlanta" their token diversity viewing and they don't have room for any more? The Nielsen version of "I would've voted for a third term of Obama"?
When he won an award for "Master of None," co-creator Alan Yang cheered: "Thank you to all the straight white guys who dominated movies and TV so hard and for so long that stories about anyone else seem kind of fresh and original now." Straight white people took that criticism to heart.
And now we have "Roseanne," whose blockbuster debut two-part episode focuses on a grandson who wants to wear traditionally feminine clothes to school and gets in trouble at school when he brandishes a pocket knife his grandfather gives him for protection, a grandfather whose daughter reminds him he had no qualms with her gender-norm-defying, tomboy youth. Where is that nuanced look at the other side of the political fence anywhere in the popular liberal television landscape, which is broadly comprised of prestige-cable period dramas and fantasy escapism? "Game of Thrones"' seventh season last year pulled in roughly 30 million viewers per episode. But what good does that crowd do? What does the show accomplish other than vacation booms in Croatia and Spain?
The exploration of the transgender and working class experience on Roseanne are nowhere on other shows. Ru Paul doesn't want transgender contestants on "Drag Race." And the transgender experience is utterly invisible to the fab five of the "Queer Eye" reboot. The "Will & Grace" reboot ignores New York's tortured class warfare of gentrification because the entire cast *is* the gentry. And how long can liberal viewers coast on the piercing, viral wokeness of Tom Hanks' Trump-supporting role on "Saturday Night Live's" "Black Jeopardy"?
"Roseanne" is ugly, uncomfortable, and distressing. Good. That prickly embrace is how democracy and diversity and cosmopolitanism work. You are not going to like everything on the menu at that new Vietnamese or Indian or Oaxacan restaurant in your neighborhood. If liberals want escapist television, that's their right. But who are they to scold Trump voters for not being glued to every earnest, civic-minded episode they themselves can't be bothered to watch? That's the pot calling the kettle black-ish. In this renaissance of the finely crafted politics of hate - surely there's a word for that, no? partisanal? - we need to engage the fullness of otherness and its place in our society, not a filter of it. "Roseanne" is many things to many people. Who she is to you says more about you than it does about her.
McConnell 'distressed' over Mattis' resignation
Police search for 'distressed' mystery woman
Senator: Race talks with Trump 'uncomfortable'
The uncomfortable question powerful women should answer
The Ryder Cup: The good, the bad and the ugly
La caída de Roseanne
Natalie Portman cancels Israel trip for award, citing 'distressing' events
Coast Guard rescues sick, distressed boater on Saginaw Bay
Professor's resignation after death threats highlights uncomfortable truth
Swimming advisory lifted on Rochester Beach


text:
Thread: S.D. Governor Signs Abortion Ban Into Law
What is really interesting here is that under South Dakota law, a rapist would have full parental rights if he impregnated his victim and the baby did get carried to term - which means that after he got out of prison he would be entitled to at least visitation rights, if not joint custody of the child!
And if abortion is "murder," then why didn't the law subject both the abortionist and the woman to a sentence of life in prison without the possibility of parole (instead of up to five years in prison for the former and absolutely no penalty upon the latter)?
That proves that all this is really about is that a bunch of moralist busybodies want to feel good about themselves.
Visit Anthony's homepage!


The Devon County FA is here to ensure everyone who participates has a great experience – regardless of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, ability or disability, faith or age.
In addition to courses, we provide free coach mentors, YouTube videos, a coaches facebook group to exchange ideas and find out about upcoming events, and free workshops. See our guide to coaching support, or the links below. The FA Licensed Coaches Club, Boot Room coaching magazine, and Hive Learning community are also great extra free resources.
Important links for all football coaches and their clubs.
Find details of forthcoming safeguarding training courses and workshops, how to obtain a Criminal Record Check (CRC) if you need one – and lots of other relevant information.
The FA Licensed Coaches Club is a programme set up by The FA to help develop coaching in English Football with the concept of Coach Licensing.
Its aim is to increase the quality of coaching to players within football in England. It will ensure that coaches are fully qualified, give them access to additional coaching tools, increase their coaching ability and provide them with opportunities to develop and progress in their coaching journey.


Pint Perfection is a service supplied by us to thousands of pub trade employees across the UK. The service allows trained members of staff to submit reports on the quality of any pub and drink in the UK*. This flow of realtime data gives global brand owners and operators of large pub estates real time access to the information they need to help ensure that they are meeting the very highest standards expected of them.
Draught beer & cider dispense is measured across key categories including as taste, temperature & glassware. By doing this, as soon as something isn't right, action can be taken to ensure that any problem is solved as quickly as possible.
So, wherever you see the "via Pint Perfection" link, you can be sure that the person doing the review really knows their stuff.
Of course, our site is also available for any member of the public to add a review of a pub or a drink. It's a great way of bringing everyone together to help make pubs even better places for everyone.
Here's to great pubs serving great drinks!
Next Post → We are on the hunt for the biggest turkey…….


text:
Ephrem B. Woldeyesus
Ethiopia (Host: Making Cents International)
Ephrem has over eight years of experience in the nonprofit and social enterprise sectors. He earned a Bachelor's degree in Psychology from Dire Dawa University. While working as founding Executive Director of SunEko Art for Social Development, he designed and executed a social circus for peace and development programs where children and youth can acquire the therapeutic benefits of art. Since 2013, he reached more than ten million radio listeners through a bi-weekly radio program on areas of mental health, peace, child protection, education, reconciliation, employability, and youth empowerment. He helped improve the mental and psycho-social health of more than two thousand women and youth every year, using a community-based social enterprise project. Previously, he worked as a remote Regional Content Manager for Zeno Radio, a technology-based media company. Ephrem also worked with Save the Children International, Handicap International, Population Services International, David and Lucile Packard Foundation, Pact, Reach for Change, Growth Africa, and Total S.A. on human resource capacity building programs and social entrepreneurship business models. He organized a youth networking and empowerment event which reached more than five thousand youth. WHO Africa awarded Ephrem the "Top 30 WHO Health Innovator Challenge" honor in 2019. Through these diverse experiences, he developed skills in project designing and coordination, volunteer management, media, and capacity building. Ephrem is passionate about innovative projects on mental health, social entrepreneurship, and youth empowerment.
Host Organization: Making Cents International
Role at Making Cents International: At Making Cents International, Ephrem will serve as the Youth Engagement Fellow: supporting multiple youth engagement activities for YouthPower2: Learning & Evaluation (YP2LE), a USAID-funded project implemented by Making Cents International that is designed to build, expand, and disseminate Positive Youth Development (PYD) evidence and learning.
Gashaye Melaku Tefera
Ethiopia (Host: United Way Worldwide)
Gashaye has five years of experience in the nonprofit sector and earned a bachelor's degree in sociology from the University of Gondar and a master's degree in social work from Addis Ababa University. While serving as the executive director of Guraghe People´s Self-help Development Organization (GPSDO), he developed and effectively implemented various projects focusing on women's empowerment, education, social accountability, reproductive health, and population and health issues. As the executive director of GPSDO, he takes the lead role in transforming the lives of women, children and marginalized people in the rural areas of Ethiopia. Prior to GPSDO, Gashaye worked for different nonprofit organizations on child education and protection, HIV/AIDS and youth empowerment projects funded by USAID, UNICEF, DFID and other donors. He also worked as a lecturer in two public universities in Ethiopia where he developed strong research and training skills. Besides his professional career, Gashaye is a songwriter and enjoys writing poems on socio-spiritual issues.
Host Organization: United Way Worldwide
Role at Host Organization: Gashaye will represent the Africa & Caribbean Team as part of International Network (IN) Operations & Engagement. He will support Caribbean Expansion, identify funding opportunities for Network partners and drive data collection processes for the regions to inform strategic planning and recommendations.
Yemisrach Seifu
Ethiopia (Host: PAI)
Yemisrach has nine years of experience in the nonprofit sector, and earned a Bachelor's degree in Sociology from University of Gondar. She finished her postgraduate studies in the field of Sociology from Indra Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU). While working as a Program Manager with Talent Youth Association, she led and coordinated sexual and reproductive health programs, and helped improve the health of youth. Since December 2006, she worked in different nonprofit organizations as a Monitoring and Evaluation officer, Capacity Building Officer, Evaluator, Program Coordinator, Project Officer, and also as a Social Worker. Yemisrach has extensive and contextual knowledge on youth development, sexual and reproductive health, gender equality, women's empowerment, economic and social justice, emergency response, social accountability and good governance. Through these experiences, she developed strong program coordination and implementation, leadership, communication, and strategic planning skills. Yemisrach is interested in youth leadership, good governance, human rights, and conflict resolution. She enjoys reading, walking, and communicating with people.
Host Organization: Population Action International (PAI)
Role at Host Organization: Yemisrach will oversee the Monitoring and Evaluation of PAI's advocacy and research work to improve reproductive health and rights. She will work with program staff to collect M&E data. She will also be responsible for synthesizing and condensing the collected data into monthly and quarterly reports.


text:
Java Will Eliminate Serialization Feature
Thursday May 24th 2018 by Developer.com Staff
The change could dramatically improve security in the programming language.
Oracle has announced that it plans to eliminate the serialization feature in Java that was introduced in 1997. Mark Reinhold, chief architect of the Java platform group at Oracle, said that serialization was a "horrible mistake," and he estimated that one third to one half of Java security vulnerabilities since then have been related to serialization.
The company has a new initiative called Project Amber that will tackle the removal of serialization, as well as other productivity-related features in Java.


text:
News / Politics
County councilwoman Wilson to challenge Hatch for US Senate
SALT LAKE CITY (AP) — Salt Lake County councilwoman Jenny Wilson is running to challenge U.S. Orrin Hatch for his Senate seat next year.
The Democrat serving her second six-year term on the council said Monday that it's time for a change after Hatch's 40 years in office.
Wilson, the daughter of former Salt Lake City mayor Ted Wilson, has served on a number of nonprofit boards and produced and directed a documentary film about a rescue on Grand Teton.
Hatch says he intends to run for re-election in 2018 but the Republican senator has not made a final decision on whether he'll actually seek another term.
Hatch's spokesman Matt Whitlock said in a statement that the senator's role as chair of the Senate Finance committee puts him at the center of critical debates and he'll win if he runs for re-election.
Utah Senate gives preliminary OK to overturning county mask mandates


text:
"use strict";
/* tslint:disable */
var load_themed_styles_1 = require("@microsoft/load-themed-styles");
var styles = {
    imageContainer: 'imageContainer_9be9747e',
};
load_themed_styles_1.loadStyles([{ "rawString": ".imageContainer_9be9747e{overflow:hidden}" }]);
module.exports = styles;
/* tslint:enable */

//# sourceMappingURL=Icon.scss.js.map


text:
Cybersecurity Awareness Training
IT Support for Law Firms
Read our IT Blogs for Insights
New Amazon Order Confirmation Emails Could Be Phishing Attempts
Posted by amaxx On January 11, 2019
According to Alexa, Amazon is the 4th most visited website in the United States and ranks 8th worldwide. To say that it gets a lot of traffic every day would be an understatement, which is why a newly discovered phishing campaign pretending to come from Amazon is so disturbing.
Although Amazon sees heavy traffic every day of the year, things get especially frenzied during the holidays as shoppers flock to the company's website to buy Christmas presents for friends and family. Scammers know this and seek to take advantage of unwary shoppers, thus the genesis of their latest campaign. The security firm EdgeWave has been monitoring the development of the campaign.
Scammers are sending out well-crafted, sophisticated emails that appear to come from Amazon, featuring subject lines designed to draw the attention of online shoppers, such as "Your Amazon.com Order" Or "Your Amazon Order (order number) has shipped."
Naturally, if you've purchased something from Amazon, you'll be inclined to open the email to get more information. You'll then be presented with something that appears to be a legitimate order confirmation, although lacking in any specific details about the product.
In lieu of that, the scammers have placed an 'Order Details' button in the email, inviting users to click for additional information. Unfortunately, clicking the link downloads a word document onto the user's device. If the user tries to open it, they'll get a message that says they need to enable content in order for the message to be properly displayed.
What this does in actuality though, is enable macros, which hackers and scammers have been using for years to inject malicious code onto PCs around the world, and sure enough, that's exactly what happens in this case.
EdgeWave researchers have tested the poisoned document and discovered that as the download begins, what is apparently being downloaded is a file called 'keyandsymbol.exe'. However, embedded in the code, they found references to mergedboost.exe.
By now, most people know better than to click links or open files, even when they seem to come from a trusted source. This latest campaign underscores the importance of ongoing education and friendly, periodic reminders.
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