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Theophile S. Krawiec (transcript only)
This is an interview with Theophile S. Krawiec, a retired Skidmore College Professor of Psychology.
This interview was conducted on April 15, 1981 at Mr. Krawiec's home in Saratoga Springs, New York.
The interviewer is Ellen V. Sprouls representing the Skidmore Oral History Project.Theophile S. Krawiec began his teaching career at Skidmore College in the fall of 1945. Mr. Krawiec taught in the Department of Psychology for thirty three years.
Theophile S. Krawiec was born on May 14, 1913 in Central Falls, Rhode Island. He attended Saint Joseph's Grammar School and Central Falls High School. In the fall of 19 26 he entered Rhode Island State College, however after six weeks time he discovered it was not the place for him and dropped out. Mr. Krawiec then went to work for the Eastern Wholesale Grocery. In the fall of 19 31 he applied to Brown University but after a week of orientation was rejected. Having been rejected at Brown, Mr. Krawiec enrolled at Providence College that fall. In February 1932 he transferred to Colby College in Waterville, Maine, from which he received his B. S. in Psychology in February 19 35. Mr. Krawiec continued his education receiving his M. A. in Psychology in 1937 from Brown University.
In 1937 he married his wife Stephanie. During the year 1937-38 Mr. Krawiec sold life insurance. In 19 38 he began work towards his Ph. D. in Psychology at New York University, but in 1940 with his research only half complete on his dissertation he left New York Univerity to teach at Oregon State University in Corvallis, Oregon. While at Oregon State Mr. Krawiec completed his dissertation and received his Ph.D. from New York University.
In January 1944 Mr. Krawiec took a leave of absence from Oregon State and went to work for Bendix Radio in Baltimore, Maryland as Director of Safety. While at Bendix he began seeking a teaching position at an Eastern college. On May 10, 19 45 Mr. Krawiec came to Skidmore College for an interview with President Moore and was hired to teach Psychology the following fall semester.
In 1953-54 Mr. Krawiec was a Fulbright Lecturer in Egypt. In 1964 while on a sabbatical leave from Skidmore College he taught at Louisiana State at Baton Rouge, Louisiana. From 1957-1971 he taught summer school at the University of Vermont. Mr. Krawiec has authored, co-authored, and edited seven books. In 1971 he was awarded the Distinguished Teaching Award by the American Psychological Foundation. The money from this award Mr. Krawiec has used to endow two awards given by the Department of Psychology annually at Skidmore.
In 1978 after thirty three years at Skidmore, Professor Krawiec retired. Presently he and his wife reside in Saratoga Springs in a home adjacent to the Skidmore Campus.
Mr. Krawiec was chosen to be interviewed on the Glens Falls Division and the World War II Veterans Era at Skidmore because it was known that he had taught several semesters at the Glens Falls Division while still teaching a full load at the Saratoga Springs Campus.The topic of the first interview with Mr. Krawiec is the "Glens Falls Division of Skidmore College 1946-1951" and the "Post World War II Veterans Era" at Skidmore College."Ellen
Sprouls:
Mr. Krawiec, when did you begin teaching at Skidmore?
Theophile
Krawiec:
I came in September 1945. I was on leave of absence from Oregon State College at that particular time. I happened to be working as Director of Safety at Bendix Radio in Baltimore, Maryland during the War. I met a Harriet Creasy who was also at Bendix, she was on leave from Skidmore College, department of English. And, so, instead of going back to Oregon my wife suggested that I write a letter or two, I did, I think about thirteen letters all toll. And in May, 1945, I got a telephone call from Henry T. Moore, President of Skidmore College at that time, to come down for an interview about a possible position at Skidmore College.
E: Then you started here in 1945?
T: That's correct.
E: Then you were here when Skidmore established a school in
Glens Falls?
T: That's true.
E: Did you teach at that school?
T: In 1946 Governor Dewey and President Moore got together to
help the veterans coming back and offer them opportunities of getting an education. And so in September of 1946 was the first meeting of classes in the old academy that was there in Glens Falls. A man by the name of Guernsey Boorst was the Dean up there. In 1946 I think there was something like five courses offered. Basically Liberal Arts. Some of the teachers as I recall were Bolton in English for whom the hall is named, (Bolton Hall on the Skidmore College campus) Stonequist Sociology, man by the name of Hobbie I think was teaching a course in mathematics. It may have been Youstler in Economics and Mohler in the field of what used to be called Political Science, I think,at that particular time.
The total number of students probably was under 100. And in the catalogue for the year 1947-48 was the first paragraph about the Glens Falls Division. So if you go back to that particular catalogue of Skidmore College you'll see that the last paragraph introducing Skidmore College there will be a statement about the Glens Falls Division. And the last entry, I think, was probably in 1952 catalogue because when I checked the 1953-54 catalogue no longer had that particular paragraph. So my impression is that theextension at Glens Falls lasted approximately six years.
Now the object was to have the first two years in Glens Falls and those students who wanted to major would have to come to the Skidmore Campus in order to get their degree.
And, I believe, I taught several semesters a course in psychology, Introductory Psychology and also a course in, for want of another word, the word of personality adjustment.
One of the books I used was by a man called Symonds I don't remember the specific title, it could be carved out of the bibliography somewhere in the library. I'm quite sure we had the book and maybe still have it in the library.
One of the events that occurred was in the early spring, a bunch of the guys and they were all guys at Glens Falls, went swimming in Bolton Landing, I believe it was. In Bolton Landing there was a suspended rope from a tree they would swing out and dive into the lake. Unfortunately one guy swung as the rope was coming back and broke his neck and was in the hospital for several weeks in a coma and he was reciting various mechanisms of adjustment so the students told me that he picked up the course that he was taking. Tragically he died because once you break your neck, the chances are that all the breathing apparatus and physiological aspects are all going to be deteriorated and you can't survive.
I also recall that there was a Junior Prom and Seph and I (his wife) along, I think, with Harriet Creasy, were chaperons in May, 1949. The yearbook for 1950 was a single issue, you probably have picked this up along the way, that was the only publication of that first class of students who graduated from Skidmore college (from Glens Falls). If you want to know some of the faculty members you could obviously look at that and get the pictures of the individuals that are involved in that particular project.
E: Do you know why the decision was made to support two distinctively
different student bodies, one seventeen to twenty two years old and primarily female and the other was mostly veterans and male?
T: To give the people coming back from the service the opportunity
to get a college education and, as I said, this was again the idea I believe, from Governor Dewey and also the classes ran from four-thirty in the afternoon until ten o'clock. Actually there were three classes that could be sponsored, obviously with different teachers. Four-thirty to ;ten minutes of six,
I believe, seven to eight-twenty, and eight-thirty to ten of ten. And we, some of us, were transported by a college car back and forth. Some of the professors drove their own cars.I never drove a car, I just went with either college transportation system, A1 Woodcock, who used to be in the postal office at Skidmore College, was the driver; and Alice Eaton used to be in the business department, one of the individuals who would drive along with me.
I found it very tiresome to leave the Skidmore Campus definitely by three-thirty, get to teach a course at four- thirty, pick up some kind of a meal and then teach another course at seven o'clock. So I would say I taught for about three semesters. I finally went to Doctor Moore and I said, look, even though the pay is better there per course, then what I'm getting here, I find myself neglecting my duties at Skidmore College, so I'll give up the so-called lucrative moonlighting, if you want to call it that. That was not my idea of sacrificing the female population of Skidmore College in Saratoga Springs for teaching for the earning of extra funds.
E: Did you perceive then the two student bodies would have
noticeably different interests, aptitudes and attitudes in their approach to learning and social activity?
T: It's very difficult for me to answer that question for this
simple reason: the fact that the female population of Skidmore College was selected, basically on presumed talent, we didn't have any of the SAT tests or features of that sort at that particular time. The Glens Falls people were obviously working so I don't know how much time they could devote to their studies. I think the men students, the veterans, were zealous, obviously had high motivation to able to work on the outside, come in at night to take their courses. I don't know specifically how to answer that question.
E: Did your approach to teaching at Glens Falls differ from that
you used in Saratoga Springs?
T: Absolutely not!
E: Was there any difference in the level of preparation for
class in the students overall academic performance?
T: Again, it is very difficult for me to be able to recall and
be able to answer that question. I'm not trying to bypass you, it's just,what the heck, its thirty-five years ago.
E: Did the veterans possess any identifiable edge over their
Skidmore counterparts? Or was there any special catching up that they may have had to do?T: I recall that we had two students majoring in psychology in
that 1950 class. They were not the strong students in comparison to the female students at Skidmore.
E: Do you know why the men's division was established in Glens
Falls and not in Saratoga Springs?
T: Because it could draw from a larger population of veterans,
Fort Edward and going north, they came in, this is I can't recall what the next town beyond Lake George would be, that students would be coming in from.
E: The school in Glens Falls, we have established then, was a
night-time division. The facilities then in Saratoga Springs were not used because of the advantages of Glens Falls having more veterans. Perhaps do you think, that the Board of Trustees might have also thought that too many men invaded the Saratoga Springs campus that this would somehow have an adverse effect upon the college, or its reputation?
T: You would have to ask the members of the Board of Trustees to
answer that question. I have no illusions on being able to speak on their behalf.
E: How were the parents of the Skidmore students, the students
themselves and the faculty informed of the decision of the Glens Falls Division's opening?
T: I believe only in the appearance of that last paragraph in
the 1947-48 catalogue.
E: What discussion and planning preceded the decision, who was
involved in making the decision to establish Glens Falls.
T: I imagine it was between Governor Dewey and Henry T. Moore.
Decisions were very easy on the part of Henry T. Moore. He said it, that was it.
E: Then, there wasn't any faculty or student input into the
decision?
T: Heck, student input didn't come in until the ravages of the
sixties and seventies. Maybe ravages is the wrong word.
E: In an interview for the Skidmore News in the Fall of 1948,
Dean Borst, who was head of the Glens Falls Division stated that the men of Glens Falls were hoping that during the 1948- 49 academic year that they would become a more integral part of the Saratoga Springs or Skidmore Campus. What do you think his statement implied about the level of association between the Glens Falls students and the Saratoga Springs students?T: I think what he meant was at that stage those who came in forty-
six were going to be juniors and the availability of say, laboratory work and so on was not available at Glens Falls, so this would be my impression of the closer integration whatever, affiliation, whatever word you want to use in that particular question.
E: What was the administrations attitude then on the issue? Did
they want the campuses to be more integrated or did they encourage the idea of "separate but equal?"
T: I never thought of it being a separate and equal or unequal,
if that's a way of putting it. I think education was quite different in the late forties and fifties, basically my attitude was and I imagine the administration's attitude was quite similar - students are here to learn, teachers are here to teach, and administration is here to administer, a triumvirate of sort of the coalesced unity.
E: In actuality, then, was there any relationship between the
two student bodies?
T: No, just as students.
E: Do you think that the young women at Skidmore in Saratoga
Springs thought of the Glens Falls students as their peers or didn't think of them at all?
T: Skidmore females at that particular time had affiliations with
some of the colleges within a radius of two hundred miles.
And many of them came because they already had friends and I
like to say, affiliates; Dartmouth, sometimes R.P.I. (Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute), Cornell, Yale, you name it, Hamilton
and so on, so I don't think that they particularly looked up
to them different, just another student who happens to be
male, period.
E: Do you think that the student body at Glens Falls perceived
the Saratoga students as their peers?
T: There was an age differential. Remember these guys were in
the service. They were in their twenties, as the students here were sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, nineteen, twenty, twenty-one, and the age discrepancy makes a lot of difference.
When you hit the twenties, probably you're working and going to school, you don't think of any kind of peer relationship at all, I don't believe.
E: How were you selected or why did you decide to teach at Glens
Falls?T: Mr. Moore asked me, that was it. That's the way the College
was run.
E: In anyway, did you feel it was your patriotic duty to help
educate the young men who had served our country in World War II?
T: I didn't think of it as a patriotism. I thought more of the
availability of the Glens Falls division for students who wanted to get an education and if I could participate in that function, great. As I told you earlier, I found it very very tiring, and my allegiance was fundamentally to Saratoga Springs.
E: Were you in any way compensated for teaching at Glens Falls?
T: Better than at Skidmore.
E: What type of teaching experience besides being very tiring,
did it prove to be for you or for your colleagues?
T: It was interesting to have male students to teach, but I've
had that experience obviously teaching at Oregon State College as it was, not a novelty at all to me.
E: The Glens Falls Chamber of Commerce and Board of Education
were an integral part of establishing the Glens Falls Division of Skidmore because of this, did the Glens Falls Division have a special community spirit about it?
T: Not that I'm aware of.
E: Were the people of Glens Falls and surrounding communities
supportive of and to the college?
T: I imagine they were. You probably have in reference to the
question that you have you must have gone through the files in the library on the Glens Falls Division.
E: Socially, what was Glens Falls like? Was there a cohesive
student body?
T: In relationship to that story about the boy who broke his
neck, there was a unity, a coherence, obviously among some of the students.
E: Did the Student Activities Committee try to promote school
spirit, or sponsor social activities?
T: I told you I was at the Junior Prom so they did have some
kind of a school spirit of getting together for social activities.E: Could it be said, then, that the student body did respond to
events and activities much as the girls would have in Saratoga Springs?
T: I don't think so. As I said earlier, the affiliation our
female population had with. . .
E: I don't exactly mean together, more so as the girls at Skidmore
had an active social life, the college planned lectures and social dances and things and in this instance, I was referring to the same thing happening up at Glens Falls, that the Student Activities held an event.
T: I wouldn't know how to answer that. Remember this is basically
an evening session.
E: Was there alot of student support that you were aware of for
Student Government Association or for a student organization?
T: You mean at Glens Falls?
E: Yes, sir.
T: I'm not aware of any.
E: That you are aware of, did there seem to be an identifiable
group of leaders among the men at Glens Falls?
T: Oh yes, amongst, in their own groups.
E: In May of 1951 Skidmore announced the closing of the Glens
Falls Division of Skidmore. Was this closing a predetermined date?
T: Probably, I don't know how to answer, except that my speculation
that by then all of the so-called veterans in the area have been exposed to the opportunity of having a college education and the available reservoir of students probably became negligible.
m f rY
E: At Glens Falls, were the academic standards once the young
men were admitted to the Division less than those of the Saratoga Springs Campus?
T: Well, I suppose in part, one could say yes. But remember,
I said earlier that our students at Skidmore were selected on a basis of potential talent. Whatever way we could evaluate that. We could select a class sitting around a desk, I'm talking about Skidmore College in Saratoga Springs with Henry T. Moore, Dean MacRury or Dean Bridgeman whichever one was there, two faculty members and in threeafternoons, of two, two and a half hours, we could select a class to be admitted in the fall (laughter). It can't be done now.
E: No. I would just like to ask a few questions now about the
veterans that were at the Saratoga Springs campus at that same time.
E: I read an article in the Skidmore newspaper of October 1946
which stated that when the College first announced its plan to admit veterans at the Saratoga Springs Campus that the student body was against it. Is this true?
T: Probably, I would accept that.
E: Do you know what or perceive what may have caused this apprehension
on the part of the students?
T: When you have others coming in it probably will take away
the various kinds of opportunities like being President of the class, running the newspaper, and so there might be some kind of a tinge of resentment.
E: Did having men at Skidmore change anything to a great extent?
T: There weren't enough to make any kind of a change at that
particular time.
E: How did the young women react or didn't they react to having
gentlemen in the classroom with them, on the occasions that it did occur?
T: No different than any other kind of a student body, one body
being there in the classroom.
E: I had read in a newspaper clipping where the gentlemen were
having problems, like being able to use the gym and other facilities that would understandably be a problem. Did having as few men here as possible then create any special kind of problems that the women may have felt that the men were going to receive special treatment because of this?
T: I don't remember.
E: Thank you, thank you very much.
T: Is that it?
E: Unless you can think of anything I should absolutely know.T: (laughter) That I will not comment on, because it would
involve the input of my direction as to what I think the Oral History of Skidmore College should be like and so I better say no.
E: I would like to ask a question. You taught here until
just a couple of years ago, didn't you?
T: Until 78 (1978), yes.
E: So you were here for forty plus years.
T: No, not quite. I was an active teacher from 45 (1945 ) to
78 (1978), thirty-three years.
E: What did you notice changed the most about the student
body?
T: Not hungry for knowledge.
E: They're not as hungry for knowledge?
ES/ams
Title Theophile S. Krawiec (transcript only)
Interviewee Krawiec, Theophile S.
Interviewer Sprouls, Ellen V.
Date of interview 1981-04-15
Location Mr. Krawiec's home in Saratoga Springs, New York
Biographical information Theophile Krawiec taught psychology at Skidmore for 33 years between 1945 and 1978. He taught several semesters at Skidmore's Glens Falls Division, which was set up to accommodate World War II veterans coming to college on the GI Bill. The Glens Falls division was open from 1946-1952.
Identifier OH015
Rights © Skidmore College
File type pdf
Transcript This is an interview with Theophile S. Krawiec, a retired Skidmore College Professor of Psychology. This interview was conducted on April 15, 1981 at Mr. Krawiec's home in Saratoga Springs, New York. The interviewer is Ellen V. Sprouls representing the Skidmore Oral History Project.Theophile S. Krawiec began his teaching career at Skidmore College in the fall of 1945. Mr. Krawiec taught in the Department of Psychology for thirty three years. Theophile S. Krawiec was born on May 14, 1913 in Central Falls, Rhode Island. He attended Saint Joseph's Grammar School and Central Falls High School. In the fall of 19 26 he entered Rhode Island State College, however after six weeks time he discovered it was not the place for him and dropped out. Mr. Krawiec then went to work for the Eastern Wholesale Grocery. In the fall of 19 31 he applied to Brown University but after a week of orientation was rejected. Having been rejected at Brown, Mr. Krawiec enrolled at Providence College that fall. In February 1932 he transferred to Colby College in Waterville, Maine, from which he received his B. S. in Psychology in February 19 35. Mr. Krawiec continued his education receiving his M. A. in Psychology in 1937 from Brown University. In 1937 he married his wife Stephanie. During the year 1937-38 Mr. Krawiec sold life insurance. In 19 38 he began work towards his Ph. D. in Psychology at New York University, but in 1940 with his research only half complete on his dissertation he left New York Univerity to teach at Oregon State University in Corvallis, Oregon. While at Oregon State Mr. Krawiec completed his dissertation and received his Ph.D. from New York University. In January 1944 Mr. Krawiec took a leave of absence from Oregon State and went to work for Bendix Radio in Baltimore, Maryland as Director of Safety. While at Bendix he began seeking a teaching position at an Eastern college. On May 10, 19 45 Mr. Krawiec came to Skidmore College for an interview with President Moore and was hired to teach Psychology the following fall semester. In 1953-54 Mr. Krawiec was a Fulbright Lecturer in Egypt. In 1964 while on a sabbatical leave from Skidmore College he taught at Louisiana State at Baton Rouge, Louisiana. From 1957-1971 he taught summer school at the University of Vermont. Mr. Krawiec has authored, co-authored, and edited seven books. In 1971 he was awarded the Distinguished Teaching Award by the American Psychological Foundation. The money from this award Mr. Krawiec has used to endow two awards given by the Department of Psychology annually at Skidmore. In 1978 after thirty three years at Skidmore, Professor Krawiec retired. Presently he and his wife reside in Saratoga Springs in a home adjacent to the Skidmore Campus. Mr. Krawiec was chosen to be interviewed on the Glens Falls Division and the World War II Veterans Era at Skidmore because it was known that he had taught several semesters at the Glens Falls Division while still teaching a full load at the Saratoga Springs Campus.The topic of the first interview with Mr. Krawiec is the "Glens Falls Division of Skidmore College 1946-1951" and the "Post World War II Veterans Era" at Skidmore College."Ellen Sprouls: Mr. Krawiec, when did you begin teaching at Skidmore? Theophile Krawiec: I came in September 1945. I was on leave of absence from Oregon State College at that particular time. I happened to be working as Director of Safety at Bendix Radio in Baltimore, Maryland during the War. I met a Harriet Creasy who was also at Bendix, she was on leave from Skidmore College, department of English. And, so, instead of going back to Oregon my wife suggested that I write a letter or two, I did, I think about thirteen letters all toll. And in May, 1945, I got a telephone call from Henry T. Moore, President of Skidmore College at that time, to come down for an interview about a possible position at Skidmore College. E: Then you started here in 1945? T: That's correct. E: Then you were here when Skidmore established a school in Glens Falls? T: That's true. E: Did you teach at that school? T: In 1946 Governor Dewey and President Moore got together to help the veterans coming back and offer them opportunities of getting an education. And so in September of 1946 was the first meeting of classes in the old academy that was there in Glens Falls. A man by the name of Guernsey Boorst was the Dean up there. In 1946 I think there was something like five courses offered. Basically Liberal Arts. Some of the teachers as I recall were Bolton in English for whom the hall is named, (Bolton Hall on the Skidmore College campus) Stonequist Sociology, man by the name of Hobbie I think was teaching a course in mathematics. It may have been Youstler in Economics and Mohler in the field of what used to be called Political Science, I think,at that particular time. The total number of students probably was under 100. And in the catalogue for the year 1947-48 was the first paragraph about the Glens Falls Division. So if you go back to that particular catalogue of Skidmore College you'll see that the last paragraph introducing Skidmore College there will be a statement about the Glens Falls Division. And the last entry, I think, was probably in 1952 catalogue because when I checked the 1953-54 catalogue no longer had that particular paragraph. So my impression is that theextension at Glens Falls lasted approximately six years. Now the object was to have the first two years in Glens Falls and those students who wanted to major would have to come to the Skidmore Campus in order to get their degree. And, I believe, I taught several semesters a course in psychology, Introductory Psychology and also a course in, for want of another word, the word of personality adjustment. One of the books I used was by a man called Symonds I don't remember the specific title, it could be carved out of the bibliography somewhere in the library. I'm quite sure we had the book and maybe still have it in the library. One of the events that occurred was in the early spring, a bunch of the guys and they were all guys at Glens Falls, went swimming in Bolton Landing, I believe it was. In Bolton Landing there was a suspended rope from a tree they would swing out and dive into the lake. Unfortunately one guy swung as the rope was coming back and broke his neck and was in the hospital for several weeks in a coma and he was reciting various mechanisms of adjustment so the students told me that he picked up the course that he was taking. Tragically he died because once you break your neck, the chances are that all the breathing apparatus and physiological aspects are all going to be deteriorated and you can't survive. I also recall that there was a Junior Prom and Seph and I (his wife) along, I think, with Harriet Creasy, were chaperons in May, 1949. The yearbook for 1950 was a single issue, you probably have picked this up along the way, that was the only publication of that first class of students who graduated from Skidmore college (from Glens Falls). If you want to know some of the faculty members you could obviously look at that and get the pictures of the individuals that are involved in that particular project. E: Do you know why the decision was made to support two distinctively different student bodies, one seventeen to twenty two years old and primarily female and the other was mostly veterans and male? T: To give the people coming back from the service the opportunity to get a college education and, as I said, this was again the idea I believe, from Governor Dewey and also the classes ran from four-thirty in the afternoon until ten o'clock. Actually there were three classes that could be sponsored, obviously with different teachers. Four-thirty to ;ten minutes of six, I believe, seven to eight-twenty, and eight-thirty to ten of ten. And we, some of us, were transported by a college car back and forth. Some of the professors drove their own cars.I never drove a car, I just went with either college transportation system, A1 Woodcock, who used to be in the postal office at Skidmore College, was the driver; and Alice Eaton used to be in the business department, one of the individuals who would drive along with me. I found it very tiresome to leave the Skidmore Campus definitely by three-thirty, get to teach a course at four- thirty, pick up some kind of a meal and then teach another course at seven o'clock. So I would say I taught for about three semesters. I finally went to Doctor Moore and I said, look, even though the pay is better there per course, then what I'm getting here, I find myself neglecting my duties at Skidmore College, so I'll give up the so-called lucrative moonlighting, if you want to call it that. That was not my idea of sacrificing the female population of Skidmore College in Saratoga Springs for teaching for the earning of extra funds. E: Did you perceive then the two student bodies would have noticeably different interests, aptitudes and attitudes in their approach to learning and social activity? T: It's very difficult for me to answer that question for this simple reason: the fact that the female population of Skidmore College was selected, basically on presumed talent, we didn't have any of the SAT tests or features of that sort at that particular time. The Glens Falls people were obviously working so I don't know how much time they could devote to their studies. I think the men students, the veterans, were zealous, obviously had high motivation to able to work on the outside, come in at night to take their courses. I don't know specifically how to answer that question. E: Did your approach to teaching at Glens Falls differ from that you used in Saratoga Springs? T: Absolutely not! E: Was there any difference in the level of preparation for class in the students overall academic performance? T: Again, it is very difficult for me to be able to recall and be able to answer that question. I'm not trying to bypass you, it's just,what the heck, its thirty-five years ago. E: Did the veterans possess any identifiable edge over their Skidmore counterparts? Or was there any special catching up that they may have had to do?T: I recall that we had two students majoring in psychology in that 1950 class. They were not the strong students in comparison to the female students at Skidmore. E: Do you know why the men's division was established in Glens Falls and not in Saratoga Springs? T: Because it could draw from a larger population of veterans, Fort Edward and going north, they came in, this is I can't recall what the next town beyond Lake George would be, that students would be coming in from. E: The school in Glens Falls, we have established then, was a night-time division. The facilities then in Saratoga Springs were not used because of the advantages of Glens Falls having more veterans. Perhaps do you think, that the Board of Trustees might have also thought that too many men invaded the Saratoga Springs campus that this would somehow have an adverse effect upon the college, or its reputation? T: You would have to ask the members of the Board of Trustees to answer that question. I have no illusions on being able to speak on their behalf. E: How were the parents of the Skidmore students, the students themselves and the faculty informed of the decision of the Glens Falls Division's opening? T: I believe only in the appearance of that last paragraph in the 1947-48 catalogue. E: What discussion and planning preceded the decision, who was involved in making the decision to establish Glens Falls. T: I imagine it was between Governor Dewey and Henry T. Moore. Decisions were very easy on the part of Henry T. Moore. He said it, that was it. E: Then, there wasn't any faculty or student input into the decision? T: Heck, student input didn't come in until the ravages of the sixties and seventies. Maybe ravages is the wrong word. E: In an interview for the Skidmore News in the Fall of 1948, Dean Borst, who was head of the Glens Falls Division stated that the men of Glens Falls were hoping that during the 1948- 49 academic year that they would become a more integral part of the Saratoga Springs or Skidmore Campus. What do you think his statement implied about the level of association between the Glens Falls students and the Saratoga Springs students?T: I think what he meant was at that stage those who came in forty- six were going to be juniors and the availability of say, laboratory work and so on was not available at Glens Falls, so this would be my impression of the closer integration whatever, affiliation, whatever word you want to use in that particular question. E: What was the administrations attitude then on the issue? Did they want the campuses to be more integrated or did they encourage the idea of "separate but equal?" T: I never thought of it being a separate and equal or unequal, if that's a way of putting it. I think education was quite different in the late forties and fifties, basically my attitude was and I imagine the administration's attitude was quite similar - students are here to learn, teachers are here to teach, and administration is here to administer, a triumvirate of sort of the coalesced unity. E: In actuality, then, was there any relationship between the two student bodies? T: No, just as students. E: Do you think that the young women at Skidmore in Saratoga Springs thought of the Glens Falls students as their peers or didn't think of them at all? T: Skidmore females at that particular time had affiliations with some of the colleges within a radius of two hundred miles. And many of them came because they already had friends and I like to say, affiliates; Dartmouth, sometimes R.P.I. (Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute), Cornell, Yale, you name it, Hamilton and so on, so I don't think that they particularly looked up to them different, just another student who happens to be male, period. E: Do you think that the student body at Glens Falls perceived the Saratoga students as their peers? T: There was an age differential. Remember these guys were in the service. They were in their twenties, as the students here were sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, nineteen, twenty, twenty-one, and the age discrepancy makes a lot of difference. When you hit the twenties, probably you're working and going to school, you don't think of any kind of peer relationship at all, I don't believe. E: How were you selected or why did you decide to teach at Glens Falls?T: Mr. Moore asked me, that was it. That's the way the College was run. E: In anyway, did you feel it was your patriotic duty to help educate the young men who had served our country in World War II? T: I didn't think of it as a patriotism. I thought more of the availability of the Glens Falls division for students who wanted to get an education and if I could participate in that function, great. As I told you earlier, I found it very very tiring, and my allegiance was fundamentally to Saratoga Springs. E: Were you in any way compensated for teaching at Glens Falls? T: Better than at Skidmore. E: What type of teaching experience besides being very tiring, did it prove to be for you or for your colleagues? T: It was interesting to have male students to teach, but I've had that experience obviously teaching at Oregon State College as it was, not a novelty at all to me. E: The Glens Falls Chamber of Commerce and Board of Education were an integral part of establishing the Glens Falls Division of Skidmore because of this, did the Glens Falls Division have a special community spirit about it? T: Not that I'm aware of. E: Were the people of Glens Falls and surrounding communities supportive of and to the college? T: I imagine they were. You probably have in reference to the question that you have you must have gone through the files in the library on the Glens Falls Division. E: Socially, what was Glens Falls like? Was there a cohesive student body? T: In relationship to that story about the boy who broke his neck, there was a unity, a coherence, obviously among some of the students. E: Did the Student Activities Committee try to promote school spirit, or sponsor social activities? T: I told you I was at the Junior Prom so they did have some kind of a school spirit of getting together for social activities.E: Could it be said, then, that the student body did respond to events and activities much as the girls would have in Saratoga Springs? T: I don't think so. As I said earlier, the affiliation our female population had with. . . E: I don't exactly mean together, more so as the girls at Skidmore had an active social life, the college planned lectures and social dances and things and in this instance, I was referring to the same thing happening up at Glens Falls, that the Student Activities held an event. T: I wouldn't know how to answer that. Remember this is basically an evening session. E: Was there alot of student support that you were aware of for Student Government Association or for a student organization? T: You mean at Glens Falls? E: Yes, sir. T: I'm not aware of any. E: That you are aware of, did there seem to be an identifiable group of leaders among the men at Glens Falls? T: Oh yes, amongst, in their own groups. E: In May of 1951 Skidmore announced the closing of the Glens Falls Division of Skidmore. Was this closing a predetermined date? T: Probably, I don't know how to answer, except that my speculation that by then all of the so-called veterans in the area have been exposed to the opportunity of having a college education and the available reservoir of students probably became negligible. m f rY E: At Glens Falls, were the academic standards once the young men were admitted to the Division less than those of the Saratoga Springs Campus? T: Well, I suppose in part, one could say yes. But remember, I said earlier that our students at Skidmore were selected on a basis of potential talent. Whatever way we could evaluate that. We could select a class sitting around a desk, I'm talking about Skidmore College in Saratoga Springs with Henry T. Moore, Dean MacRury or Dean Bridgeman whichever one was there, two faculty members and in threeafternoons, of two, two and a half hours, we could select a class to be admitted in the fall (laughter). It can't be done now. E: No. I would just like to ask a few questions now about the veterans that were at the Saratoga Springs campus at that same time. E: I read an article in the Skidmore newspaper of October 1946 which stated that when the College first announced its plan to admit veterans at the Saratoga Springs Campus that the student body was against it. Is this true? T: Probably, I would accept that. E: Do you know what or perceive what may have caused this apprehension on the part of the students? T: When you have others coming in it probably will take away the various kinds of opportunities like being President of the class, running the newspaper, and so there might be some kind of a tinge of resentment. E: Did having men at Skidmore change anything to a great extent? T: There weren't enough to make any kind of a change at that particular time. E: How did the young women react or didn't they react to having gentlemen in the classroom with them, on the occasions that it did occur? T: No different than any other kind of a student body, one body being there in the classroom. E: I had read in a newspaper clipping where the gentlemen were having problems, like being able to use the gym and other facilities that would understandably be a problem. Did having as few men here as possible then create any special kind of problems that the women may have felt that the men were going to receive special treatment because of this? T: I don't remember. E: Thank you, thank you very much. T: Is that it? E: Unless you can think of anything I should absolutely know.T: (laughter) That I will not comment on, because it would involve the input of my direction as to what I think the Oral History of Skidmore College should be like and so I better say no. E: I would like to ask a question. You taught here until just a couple of years ago, didn't you? T: Until 78 (1978), yes. E: So you were here for forty plus years. T: No, not quite. I was an active teacher from 45 (1945 ) to 78 (1978), thirty-three years. E: What did you notice changed the most about the student body? T: Not hungry for knowledge. E: They're not as hungry for knowledge? ES/ams


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Category Archives: Historical Facts
If you're in the Mechanicsburg area on August 20 please stop by my book signing on the second floor Art Gallery at Sunbury Press from 6:00-9:00!
As many of you know, I spent hours painstakingly researching every aspect of my novel From Blue Ground. As a former historian, I wanted to be as accurate as I could with the period that I portrayed. I researched everything from architectural design to the weather during the days portrayed in the novel. (They were experiencing an unusual heat wave, with multiple days over 100 degrees!)
One of the things that inspired the depiction of some of the images in From Blue Ground was the early photography from the mid to late-nineteenth century. I had a professor in college who had quite a collection of period civil war photos, many of them glass plate negatives and stereo photographs. I recall that they were both revealing and haunting because of the clarity and depth of the photographic process of the time. Although it's a relatively easy Google search, below you'll find some of the research I used and the photographs that inspired some of the depictions in the book.
—Thanks, J.H.
Many individuals typically think of "photographs" as plastic-based negatives and slides; but these photographic techniques are relatively recent inventions. Prior to the invention of cellulose nitrate film in 1903, photographic emulsions were made on glass supports. These glass supports are typically referred to as glass plate negatives. The term "glass plate negative" refers to two separate formats: the collodion wet plate negative and the gelatin dry plate. Both of these formats consist of a light-sensitive emulsion that is fixed to the glass plate base with a binder (Greta Bahnemann, 21 March 2012) (read more here).
Collodion Wet Plate Negatives were in use from 1851 until the 1880s. They were invented by Frederick Scoff Archer, an English sculptor, who using a viscous solution of collodion, coated glass with light-sensitive silver salts. Because it was glass and not paper, wet glass plates created a sharper, more stable and detailed negative. Furthermore, a photographer could produce several prints from one negative. A Collodion wet plate negative can usually be identified by an unevenly coated emulsion, thick glass, rough edges, and sometimes a photographer's thumb print on the edge.
Silver Gelatine Dry Plate Negatives were invented by Dr. Richard L. Maddox and first became available in 1873. They were the first economically successful durable photographic medium. Unlike the wet plate variety gelatine dry plates were more easily transported, usable when dry, and needed less exposure to light than the wet plates. Other distinguishing features between the wet and dry variety were the thinner glass and a more evenly coated emulsion in the dry plate negative form. Dry plate glass negatives were in common use between the 1880s and the late 1920s (From Somerset Photography, 2009) (read more here).
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Trying out new technology…
…to engage the audience! The students were great!
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Thanks Saucon!
Yesterday I spoke to over 300 students in four sessions at Saucon Valley High School about my book From Blue Ground! They were a great audience, and I had a great time. I want to thank them, their teachers, and the Saucon Valley Foundation for Educational Innovation for having me! Go Panthers!
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Frank Leslie's Popular Monthly
Gallery | Posted in From Blue Ground, Historical Facts, Nonfiction
The Main Exhibtion Building
This is the Main Exhibition Building from Philadelphia's 1876 Centennial Exhibition depicted in Chapter 19 of From Blue Ground.
The Main Building measured 1880 by 464 feet, covering twenty acres. It was vividly painted inside and out in shades of buff, architectural details picked out in green bronze and gold, crimson, pearl, and several shades of green.
Inside, the center had a high ceiling with four towers connected by stairs, bridges, and one technological advance: an elevator. Fountains, which were not only aesthetic, but performed the function of cooling the air, separated the corridors.
Source: The Encyclopedia of Philadelphia
The 1876 Centennial Exhibition
From the University of Delaware Website…
The 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exposition, the first exposition of its kind in the United States, was held to mark the 100th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. It celebrated not only a hundred years of American independence, but also the country's recovery from Reconstruction and its emergence as an internationally important industrial power.
Ten years in the planning, the Centennial Exposition cost more than eleven million dollars and covered more than 450 acres of Philadelphia's Fairmount Park. More than ten million visitors visited the works of 30,000 exhibitors during its six month run. The focal point of the exposition was Machinery Hall, where visitors could marvel at the engineering wonders of the age: electric lights and elevators powered by the 1,400-horsepower Corliss steam engine, locomotives, fire trucks, printing presses, mining equipment, and magic lanterns. Introduced to the public for the first time were typewriters, a mechanical calculator, Bell's telephone, and Edison's telegraph. These and thousands of other artifacts became the basic collection of the new Arts and Industry Building of the Smithsonian Institution.
The other major attractions were the Main Building, devoted to manufactures of the U.S. and other countries; Memorial Hall, dedicated to the fine arts; and Horticulture Hall, a conservatory for the display of native and exotic plants. Everything at the Centennial was classified by department (Mining and Metallurgy, Manufactures, Education and Science, Art, Machinery, Agriculture, and Horticulture), and further in a logical scheme that later became a model for the Dewey Decimal System.
The greatest impact of the Centennial Exposition was on the image of the United States. Before 1876 Europe had generally considered the U.S. an upstart country, not yet quite eligible to join the ranks of first-class nations. In this country, Americans had come through a difficult period; the post Civil War years were marked by political scandal and lack of leadership. Visitors and businessmen from abroad were astonished at America's industrial productivity, its creativity, and its progressiveness. The country was hailed as the land of progress and increasing economic power. The Centennial gave Americans pride in the present and confidence in an even greater future.
The Centennial was an opportunity for the United States to highlight its industrial and agricultural products. The Country was just beginning to look towards a global economic presence. Representatives from other nations who came to display their own products also had an opportunity to see what they might purchase from American firms. Various states also were represented at the fair. Delaware, for example, emphasized its potential for economic development by describing its towns, transportation, and educational facilities.
Reprinted From the University of Delaware Website…
http://www.lib.udel.edu/ud/spec/exhibits/fairs/cent.htm
For more information about the Exhibition, click here.
Massacre at Wiggans Patch
The opening scene in From Blue Ground was inspired by this historical event…
Dark shadows continue to follow murder of 134 years ago
By DONALD R. SERFASS dserfass@tnonline.com
People say there is no rest at Wiggans Patch, where time hasn't healed.
The wild story of what happened there and the injustice that followed might be shrugged off by some as simply unbelievable, except for the fact that it's true.
Said to be Schuylkill County's most haunted site, Wiggans Patch continues to feel reverberations even after 134 years. Time hasn't erased images of the horrific bloodshed in the middle of the winter night.
It was the evening of Dec. 9, 1875.
Ellen O'Donnell McAllister lived at 140 Main Street in Wiggans Patch, now called Boston Run, about 14 miles northeast of Tamaqua. She was 20 and pregnant.
Ellen and husband Charles stayed with Ellen's mother in the large wood-frame duplex situated atop the knoll just beyond Mahanoy City. Also living there were Ellen's two brothers, one named Charles, the same as Ellen's husband.
Life was tough for the hardworking family. Money was scarce.
Worse yet, it was a time of labor unrest and turmoil in northeastern Pennsylvania, a situation that impacted the O'Donnell family. The O'Donnells were suspected of being members of the reputed Molly Maguires, a band of Irish immigrant coal miners accused in a string of murders and assaults throughout the southern coalfields.
To be exact, Ellen's brothers had been implicated in the September 1 killings of mine boss Thomas Sanger and miner William Uren at Raven Run. If that weren't enough, some said Ellen's brother-in-law, James McAllister, was an accomplice.
There was an obvious connection linking the O'Donnells to the Mollies. Ellen's sister, Mary Ann, was married to Black Jack" Kehoe, a Girardville innkeeper known as King of the Mollies.
It was guilt by association. Nothing had been proven. But Ellen lived during a complicated period in American history. There had been countless murders in a reign of terror throughout eastern Pennsylvania's coalfields. The public was worried and frenzied. Whether right or wrong, the strong links to the Mollies were enough to cast suspicion over the O'Donnell crew.
To be a Molly was to be bad, according to what folks said and wrote back then.
But there are two sides to every story. Today, some see things differently.
Many say the Mollies, themselves, were wrongly accused. In many ways, they may have been victims of circumstance, targets of anti-Catholic prejudice. They might have been framed. Some say they might even be hailed as heroes today for advocating workers' rights.
These repressed laborers had fled Ireland's potato famine to come to the land of opportunity. But instead of bettering their lot, they found themselves toiling deep in the bowels of dark, dank coal tunnels. Long hours of sweat produced little pay. There was no such thing as upward mobility except for each day's vertical climb out of the dangerous black hole.
Perhaps the Mollies rebelled, as many say. But if they did, maybe their antagonistic push for better working conditions was well intended. Perhaps their cause sparked the rise of America's organized labor movement.
But on this day, the only labor that concerned Ellen was the physical stress of her upcoming childbirth.
Historical accounts clearly describe what happened on the cold December night.
Ellen's mother, Margaret, a widow, was the last to go upstairs to bed. Grannie," as they called her, had just finished putting coal on the stove to keep the house warm. She knew that Ellen's pregnancy was coming along fine. But naturally, Grannie didn't want her daughter to catch a chill.
All was peaceful for a few hours as the stroke of midnight changed December 9 into December 10.
Then, about 1 a.m., Ellen was awakened by a strange noise, a very intense rustling and crunching. It sounded as if hordes of people were stomping on top layer of fallen leaves. Ellen nudged hubby Charles, asking him to investigate.
Before anybody could react, a small army of about 20 armed, camouflaged men kicked in the door, roared into the house and began firing. Ellen's brother Charles was dragged out of the house by the invaders. His body was riddled with 18 bullets.
Her other brother escaped. James McAllister was found in the house, too. The vigilantes grabbed him and put a noose around his neck. But when they dragged him outside, James somehow managed to wiggle free and flee into the dark woods.
Seeing what was happening at the front of the house, Ellen's husband jumped out a back window and disappeared into the night, chased by a few of the gunmen. Grannie was pistol-whipped but still alive.
By this time Ellen had put on her robe, made her way down the dark stairway to see what the ruckus was all about. She appeared at the front door to catch a glimpse of the goings-on. Several assailants turned, looked at her, and fired point blank.
Ellen's eyes rolled as she reached for her stomach with her right hand. With her left arm she tried in vain to deflect the siege of bullets.
My baby," she screamed. Oh dear God, my baby!" Ellen cried out, blood trickling from the corner of her mouth.
She gasped, faltered, and clung to the doorframe for a few seconds. But her strength quickly faded and she crumpled to the floor.
Seeing what they had done, the gunmen ran, scattering in all directions.
The bitter air grew silent. Sweet Ellen McAllister, her precious unborn child and her brother had become three more victims of man's inhumanity toward man.
The news spread fast when, a few days later, Ellen's body and that of her brother were taken to Tamaqua by train. Upon arrival, the corpses were packed in ice and stored overnight in the train station to await burial at old St. Jerome's Cemetery.
The massacre rocked the region. Police searched for the perpetrators.
Theories abounded as to what really had happened. Some believed the ambush had been orchestrated by the Coal and Iron Police or even the Pinkerton Detective Agency. Some suggested a militia unit from Mahanoy City had done it. No arrests were made. Nobody ever was charged.
For Ellen McAllister, her baby and her brother, there was no justice. And no eternal rest.
In fact, many believe Ellen's spirit roams Wiggans Patch. Energized by her strong will to live and give birth, she supposedly drifts through the site in her nightclothes. They say she waits for morning, for the eternal nightmare to end, so that she can give birth to her child in peace. Ellen's due date was the day after she was murdered.
The haunting can be felt at night. The pleas from the house are like a low moaning sensation as if she's saying 'help me, help my baby,'" said Deborah Randall, a Washington, D.C., playwright who investigated the murders several years ago while doing research on the Mollies.
But the unrest doesn't end there.
On Nov. 17, 2006, the house long a spectacle and a destination for the curious was quietly torn down. Officials say the walls had begun to bulge. The house, which had been situated on land owned by the Reading Anthracite Company, had became lopsided, they said. It began to lean dangerously, threatening to topple onto the adjacent roadway and power lines.
There was a drive mounted to preserve the structure but the building was torn down before the effort picked up steam.
Then came another odd development. Last year, the site was nominated but then officially turned down to receive a state historical marker. It seems the state is having difficulty in identifying the relevance of the Massacre site and how it plays into the story of the Mollies.
It seems there are forces that want to forget about what took place at Wiggans Patch.
Some may try to discredit it, or wish it would go away. But the Wiggans Patch Massacre will remain a reality in the history of Pennsylvania, in the rise of organized labor, and in the saga of the Molly Maguires.
But above all, it sadly remains a story without an ending. There was no justice. There were no trials. Nobody was ever caught and convicted.
Today, it is still possible to see the cellar area and remnants of foundation walls at the site along Route 54. But nature is quickly reclaiming the land.
Earlier this year, members of the Pennsylvania Paranormal Research Team, Schuylkill Haven, investigated the foundation area and declared it haunted. While researching, members say they were approached by the spirit of a little boy who asked to go along home with them.
Who was the little boy? Was he the spirit of Ellen's unborn child? Or was the voice actually that of Ellen herself?
Some believe the shock of the murderous raid, an unbelievable horror, has trapped Ellen's spirit at Wiggans Patch. She was an innocent housewife who didn't deserve her fate. For her, time is standing still.
They say she cries out each night for the bullets to stop.
Ellen McAllister cries out for peace.
Source: Massacre at Wiggans Patch
From Blue Ground is available for purchase at the retailers below!
A Law Unto Himself—'Pinkerton's Great Detective,' by Beau Riffenburgh
James McParland was the real-life inspiration for Patrick and Sissy's pursuer: James McKenna
From Ben MacIntyre of the New York Times DEC. 20, 2013
The lobby of the Idanha Hotel in Boise, Idaho, was the scene of great excitement in the spring and summer of 1907. There, most mornings, sat a large man with a luxurious, curled mustache, smoking cigars and loudly holding forth, surrounded by newspaper reporters and gawping onlookers. Behind him, guarding against the threat of assassination, stood a former cowboy, armed with a Colt .45 and a 20-inch blade hidden inside a walking stick. "Most pass by with awed looks," a witness wrote, "while some few are proud to be seen sitting alongside and basking in the great man's halo." One of those who stopped to stare was the actress Ethel Barrymore, in town with a touring company. The object of curiosity introduced himself: "I'm a Pinkerton man."
James McParland was not just a Pinkerton man. He was the living embodiment of Pinkerton's National Detective Agency, the most famous sleuth in America's first detective organization, the lawman who had smashed the Molly Maguires in the eastern coal fields and brought the Wild Bunch to justice in the West, a figure who inspired adulation and loathing in roughly equal measure.
McParland was in Boise for the trial of the leaders of the Western Federation of Miners, accused of the murder of Frank Steunenberg, who, as governor of Idaho, had crushed a miners' rebellion in the Coeur d'Alene district. McParland, the scourge of organized labor, had tracked down the suspects, extracted several confessions and planted a spy on the defense team. The case was seen as a major battle in America's ferocious labor wars. Tension was high, and McParland was thoroughly enjoying the attention. He took Miss Barrymore upstairs and lifted a mattress to reveal an arsenal of Winchesters, remarking that "there were rifles under every mattress in the hotel."
McParland was a showman and a braggart, a bully prepared to bend and break the law in pursuit of his quarry, but he was also a man of high intelligence and remarkable courage, a supremely successful law enforcer and an intensely polarizing force in the confrontation between workers and bosses during the growth of America's labor unions. To mine and railway owners, government officials and bank tellers in fear of armed robbery, he was a bulwark against lawlessness and union extremism. To mine workers, union members and labor leaders, he was a symbol of ruthless oppression, the hated hireling of the rich, an agent provocateur, a perjurer and a sneak. Hyperbole followed McParland everywhere. The Appeal to Reason, a pro-union newspaper, described him thus: "Were the world's supply of emetic poured down the hot throat of hell, the ultimate imp of the last vile vomit would be an archangel in good standing compared with this feculent fiend." Now that is balanced reporting.
Locating the real James McParland amid the invective, acclaim and invention (including his own) is no easy task, and Beau Riffenburgh, author of "Shackleton's Forgotten Expedition," has made good use of the recently released Pinkerton archives to produce the fullest and fairest biography to date. Yet McParland continues to be an oddly mysterious character, obscured by his very notoriety.
He was born in, or around, 1844, in County Armagh, in the northern Irish province of Ulster, and joined the great Irish Catholic exodus to America in his 20s. After working as a laborer, policeman and liquor store owner, he was taken on by Allan Pinkerton, the hard-nosed Scot whose name would become synonymous with private crime detection. (From the Pinkerton's trademark, a single, unblinking eye, comes the term "private eye.")
McParland's big break came when Franklin B. Gowen, a railroad magnate who aimed to gain control of the coal industry, hired Pinkerton's agency to investigate (by which he meant destroy) the Molly Maguires, the shadowy Irish brotherhood of miners and tavern owners accused of a string of violent crimes in the Pennsylvania coalfields. The Molly Maguires, like McParland, have been subject to widely divergent interpretations. Some have depicted them as class warriors, standing up for miners in an era of appallingly low wages, crushing poverty and dire working conditions. In the eyes of Pinkerton, McParland and most of America, they were thugs and terrorists, responsible for sabotage, beatings and at least 16 murders. A hard-drinking, bare-knuckle bruiser himself, McParland successfully infiltrated the Molly Maguires, using the name McKenna, a mission of such stress and danger that all his hair fell out. His testimony helped send 20 men to the gallows, including 10 on a single day in 1877, remembered as "the day of the rope."
Riffenburgh deftly undermines the more extravagant claims made on behalf of the Molly Maguires, noting that many of their misdeeds were carried out as "responses to personal grievances" and "not as part of the larger class struggle." McParland's role in the prosecutions is deeply contentious. He was prepared to lie on the witness stand, and some of the confessions he claimed to have heard were too good to be true. Is it likely, Riffenburgh wonders, that "so many men involved in heinous crimes would have so lightly confessed to someone they had not known long" and "in such a way that no one else could hear the conversation"? The defense insisted that McParland actively encouraged crimes he then failed to prevent.
McParland's motivation was also obscure. Riffenburgh wanders into the realm of speculation in search of a moral impulse behind McParland's campaign against the Molly Maguires, suggesting he "might even have seen it as an opportunity to altruistically help the Irish Catholic mining community." There is little evidence to support this, and a great deal to suggest that he was guided by a sense of his own rectitude, as well as personal ambition, a taste for subterfuge and a determination to get a conviction, whatever that required. He believed, Riffenburgh reminds us, that "the end justifies the means" — the traditional rationale of brutal, driven men.
The Molly Maguire trials made McParland famous, and infamous, and won him literary immortality. During a trans-Atlantic crossing, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle fell into conversation with Allan Pinkerton's son William, who told him about the case. In the Sherlock Holmes story "The Valley of Fear," Conan Doyle duly created Birdy Edwards, alias John McMurdo, the detective who infiltrates the violent "Scowrers" of the Pennsylvania coalfields.
McParland rose to become manager of Pinkerton's operations west of the Mississippi, working in concert with the cowboy detective Charlie Siringo, later his Idaho bodyguard and author of one of the best-titled works in the literature of the Wild West: "A Texas Cowboy; Or, Fifteen Years on the Hurricane Deck of a Spanish Pony."
Over the next 30 years, McParland investigated (or, more accurately, supervised others in investigating, and then took credit for) a string of high-level cases involving train robbery, swindling and the notorious Wild Bunch led by Butch Cassidy. His efforts to convict union leaders for the Steunenberg murder failed, in part because of the dubious way he had assembled the evidence, but the case only increased his celebrity.
The "Great Detective" was created by a feverish press and McParland's self-mythologizing. He kept his feelings to himself. "We will never know for certain what he believed, what he felt, why he acted as he did," Riffenburgh writes. It's a candid admission, but one that inevitably leaves the reader unsatisfied. McParland was the prototype of a character that has become an adored part of America's cultural landscape, the hard-boiled gumshoe, the lone sleuth in search of justice. He was the first private eye in the public eye, and yet he remains strangely private.
PINKERTON'S GREAT DETECTIVE
The Amazing Life and Times of James McParland
By Beau Riffenburgh
Illustrated. 384 pp. Viking. $32.95.
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"Love So Soft": Kelly Clarkson Finally Gets the Production Value She Deserves
|In MuuMuse Approved
Kelly Clarkson has a new lease on life. (She also apparently knows the Meaning of Life – anxious to finally hear the answer to the question that's plagued us since the beginning of humankind in October!)
The One, True Reigning American Idol-But-She's-Judging-The Voice returns to us at last today (September 7) with "Love So Soft" (and an instant grat called "Move You"), and one thing is clear: momma is feeling herself, and she's feeling free.
The lead single from her Atlantic Records debut is a mighty, energetic blast of horns, harmonies and soulful belting from the powerhouse who hasn't sounded this confidently in her element in years. (Come through, Thankful vocals.)
Between the En Vogue-esque opening and the blaring live instruments (similar to Kesha's musical rebirth), it's clear that things are about to be very different this time around for The Artist Formerly Known as Miss Independent. For the better.
What's more is that, finally, the accompanying Dave Meyers-directed visual is actually comparable to Kelly's larger-than-life vocal ability.
Special effects! Dancers! Budget! Outfits! Destruction! What's happening, exactly? The plot's unclear — but at least it's not an extended tight shot on her face for the duration of the video, for once.
Even better, arguably, is the slow-building "Move You" from Meaning of Life, which allows Kelly's voice to shine even more as she conjures up memories of all the best feelings in the world. That goosebump-inducing bridge ("I wanna move you like that…") especially makes good on her intention.
"When a lyric really gets ya, and it breaks you down inside…"
Moved, guilty as charged.
The soul-pop record we always wanted to hear from Kelly — and, truly, the record she needed to make for herself — is coming at last.
"Love So Soft" was released on September 7. (iTunes / Spotify)


A ''hooey'' is the last wrap used to secure legs in tie down roping. The HOOey brand is changing the face of modern ropers everywhere. Whether you're in the pin or on the town HOOey caps will have your back. How do you get your HOOey. This HOOey hat has a burgundy colored front and visor black Brands Supply Patch on the front black mesh back and a black snap back.


Download ^^nosTEAM^^ Metal Gear Rising Revengeance games Torrent for FREE Crack + nosTEAM patch download get any game for free. Apr 10, 2013 Metal Gear Rising: Revengeance sees the cybernetically enhanced Raiden severing his ties to the stealthy gameplay of old, charging. 13 янв 2014 Metal Gear Rising: Revengeance выполнен в жанре слэшер, акцент сделан на управлении холодным оружием, в игре эта катана.
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They had many different facets to their personality - funny, sweet, loving, adventurous. Shannon Urns feature blended wood combinations that are not only stunning but a perfect showcase for the many different sides of a loved one.
Brilliant combinations of hardwoods combined with a satiny shiny finish create a warm and cherished resting place for the ashes of your loved one. Crafted by woodturner Steve Shannon, the urns are contemporary and innovative and available in a wide assortment of color combinations and sizes.
We all have that someone in our life - they were your everything. A smile when you needed it, a shoulder to lean on, a best friend and companion. Shannon Urns take all the pieces that they of their life, their person and creates beautiful cremation urns that are harmonious and one of a kind. Available in both keepsake and individual sizes, the urns add warmth and vibrancy to any room in your home.
A vast majority of urns are individual sized urns and hold anywhere from 200 cubic inches up to 250 cubic inches. One pound of body weight is equivalent to approximately one cubic inch of ash and this is ideal for families that want a separate resting place for their loved one. Individual urns are available in a wide variety of different materials and can range anywhere from $100 to over $1000.
Keepsake urns are a great option for families that are spread out across the country or for those families that was to share the ashes of the deceased. Available in wood, metal and other materials, the urns typically hold anywhere from 10 to 20 cubic inches of ashes.
Companion cremation urns are an option for those that want to keep the ashes of family members or loved ones together. The urns will generally hold anywhere from 400 to 500 cubic inches of ashes and are available as a single compartment urn or with two separate compartments.
Capturing all the different nuances of our loved one after they've passed, remembering all there quirks and traits can by symbolized with one of our Shannon Urns. These stunning urns take ordinary woods and join them together to create a masterpiece that displays not only the beauty of the hardwoods but also the warmth of your memories..
We love our pets and know you do too! Check out our selection of Pet Cremation Urns to learn more.


The bathroom is one of the most sensible places in home. For most people, the washroom has become a personal sanctuary. It is not just a place to wash. It is your personal spa, where you relieve the stress of the day and relax. So, when you are renovating your washroom, you are not just creating a practical bathing space; you are creating a place when you can get away and be yourself. Every aspect and component has to come together towards this goal while also meeting the practical needs of bathing.
Let's be honest, no one likes shower curtains. They stick to you when you're showering and they are a pain to clean. Shower curtains also close off one-third of your room visually. To prevent this, swap out your shower curtain with a frameless glass panel instead. This will open up your bathroom. significantly and allow more light into your shower or tub.
One of our favorite small washroom design ideas is curb less showers. By eliminating the curb around your shower, your flooring can continue right into the shower. This works great with concrete, stone slab and tile floors. You can even incorporate a concealed or infinity-edge drain for a really seamless look. Plus curb less showers are easier to clean.


Wesley Korir and Sharon Cherop won the 116th running of the B.A.A. Boston Marathon today (16) in 2:12:40 and 2:31:50, respectively. Times were slowed by unseasonably warm temperatures which led organizers to urge many entrants not to race, and cautioned those who persisted.
The B.A.A. Boston Marathon is an IAAF Gold Label Road Race.
The men's race broke apart in the Newton hills, as it so often does, after a large pack of fifteen trundled through a pedestrian 1:06:11 first half. Matthew Kisorio split the pack up in Newton, but cresting the last of the three climbs around 21 miles, it looked like Levy Matebo was going to be the last survivor of a race of attrition in the heat. Matebo, however, found himself overtaken at the 25th mile by Wesley Korir, who had run the hills more conservatively. Despite slowing significantly in the closing miles, Korir slowed less than the others, and when he passed Matebo the former leader had no response.
"At mile 20, they told me I was sixth," said Korir, "and I saw the runners in front of me. I thought fifth in Boston would be good, so I passed him. Then I thought, fourth would be nice. I was not thinking of winning. [...] It just happened, one by one. It reminded me of the Chicago marathon." In last autumn's Chicago marathon, Korir finished second to Moses Mosop's course record, also on a relatively warm day.
Korir's winning time was the slowest men's finishing time since 2007 (when strong rains and headwinds buffeted the runners).
Matebo held on to second place, coming in at 2:13:06, with Bernard Kipyego third in 2:13:13. American Jason Hartmann was fourth in 2:14:31, rolling up from seventh in the closing miles despite his towering height.
Defending champion Geoffrey Mutai claimed all along that winning was more important than a finishing time for his Boston result as he campaigns for Olympic selection, but the heat felled him as well; Mutai dropped out of the race at the 30km mark, citing stomach cramps, and received medical attention. "You cannot plan everything," said Mutai. "I am still happy with my effort." Mutai refused to speculate on how this performance would affect his chances of selection for the Kenyan Olympic team.
Gebre Gebremariam, the 2011 third-place finisher, also struggled, finishing 14th in 2:22:56.
Sharon Cherop had been with the lead pack within half a kilometre of the finish in 2011, but was unable to hang on to the closing sprint of Caroline Kilel. This year, Cherop waited until the same place before kicking hard to dispatch Jemima Sumgong. Sumgong's finish time of 2:31:52 made the fifth straight year in which the winning margin was three seconds or less.
Cherop clearly benefitted from her 2011 experience and left nothing to doubt when she finally committed to her sprint, leaving Sumgong well in her wake in the final half-mile.
The women's field was weakened by the pre-race exits of Buzunesh Deba (citing a foot injury) and Galina Bogomolova. Cherop had her hands full, however, as Sumgong refused to be easily shaken, even once Cherop had delivered her decisive move.
Cherop did her share of the pacemaking from the beginning, often visible at the front of the large lead pack. Unlike the men, the women ran the second half of the race faster than the first, passing the halfway mark in 1:17:11.
Third went to Georgina Rono in 2:33:09; 2011 ING NYC Marathon champion Firehiwot Dado was fourth in 2:34:56; 2006 Boston winner Rita Jeptoo was sixth in 2:35:53.
Defending champion Caroline Kilel struggled as well, after leading into the hills, and was seen walking at the 40km mark. Kilel did not finish among the top 100 women.
The Boston Athletic Association, organizers of the race, contacted entrants several times in the days before the race, urging the under-prepared to consider leaving their race for 2013 and offering to defer entry spots to those willing to try again next year. Official numbers on those taking the deferred entries will not be known for months, but as many as two thousand runners may have opted to wait.


text:
Q: EXC_BAD_ACCESS again I'm building(trying ... )  an iPhone application.
My first user story is a login View who send the credential of the user to a webservice (WCF).
The communication process with the web service is working fine without any problem.
But I have to deserialize the message coming form it. For that I used the NSXMLParser to create the message Object who contain the response of the service. This when the problem begin :
This is the Message parser :
.h
@interface MessageParser : NSObject  <NSXMLParserDelegate> {
    NSMutableString* currentProperty;
    Message* message;
}

@property (nonatomic, retain) NSMutableString* currentProperty;
@property (nonatomic, retain) Message* message;

- (void)parseMessageData:(NSData *)data parseError:(NSError **)err;

@end

.m
@implementation MessageParser

@synthesize message, currentProperty;

- (void)parseMessageData:(NSData *)data parseError:(NSError **)err
{
    NSXMLParser *parser = [[NSXMLParser alloc] initWithData:data];

    [parser setDelegate:self];
    [parser setShouldProcessNamespaces:NO];
    [parser setShouldReportNamespacePrefixes:NO];
    [parser setShouldResolveExternalEntities:NO];

    [parser parse];

    if (err && [parser parserError]) {
        *err = [parser parserError];
    }

    [parser release];
}

-(void) parser:(NSXMLParser *)parser didStartElement:(NSString *)elementName namespaceURI:(NSString *)namespaceURI qualifiedName:(NSString *)qName attributes:(NSDictionary *)attributeDict
{
    if(qName){
        elementName = qName;
    }

    if([elementName isEqualToString:@"Message"]){
        self.message = [[Message alloc] init];
    }
    else if( [elementName isEqualToString:@"body"] || [elementName isEqualToString:@"code"] || [elementName isEqualToString:@"error"]){
        currentProperty = [NSMutableString string];
    }
}

-(void) parser:(NSXMLParser *)parser didEndElement:(NSString *)elementName namespaceURI:(NSString *)namespaceURI qualifiedName:(NSString *)qName
{
    if(qName){
        elementName = qName;
    }
    if(message){
        if([elementName isEqualToString:@"body"]){
            self.message.messageBody = currentProperty;
        }
        else if([elementName isEqualToString:@"error"]){
            self.message.error = currentProperty;
        }
        else if([elementName isEqualToString:@"code"]){

            NSNumberFormatter * f = [[NSNumberFormatter alloc] init];
            [f setNumberStyle:NSNumberFormatterDecimalStyle];

            self.message.messageCode = [f numberFromString:currentProperty];
            [f release];
        }
    }

    self.currentProperty = nil;
}

- (void)parser:(NSXMLParser *)parser foundCharacters:(NSString *)foundedCharacters
{
    if (self.currentProperty) {
        [currentProperty appendFormat:@"%@", foundedCharacters];
    }
}

this is the Login action :
- (IBAction)didLogin:(id)sender
{
    NSData* receivedData;
    NSError* parserError;
    NSError* error;

    receivedData = [[ServiceClient PerformLogin:txtLogin.text withPassword:txtPassword.text error:error] retain];
    MessageParser* messageParser = [[MessageParser alloc] init];

    Message* msg;
    [messageParser parseMessageData:receivedData parseError:&parserError];

    msg = [messageParser.message retain];

    if(msg && !msg.error){

        UIAlertView* alert = [[UIAlertView alloc] initWithTitle:@"Login Service Response" message:msg.messageBody delegate:nil cancelButtonTitle:@"Ok" otherButtonTitles:nil];
        [alert show];
        [alert release];
    }
    else if(msg.error){
        UIAlertView* alert = [[UIAlertView alloc] initWithTitle:@"Error" message:msg.error delegate:nil cancelButtonTitle:@"Ok" otherButtonTitles:nil];
        [alert show];
        [alert release];
    }
    else if(!msg){
        UIAlertView* alert = [[UIAlertView alloc] initWithTitle:@"Error" message:@"Enable to contact the Athentication service." delegate:nil cancelButtonTitle:@"Ok" otherButtonTitles:nil];
        [alert show];
        [alert release];
    }
}

the Message Object :
@interface Message : NSObject{
    NSString* messageBody;
    NSNumber* messageCode;
    NSString* error;
}

@property (retain, nonatomic) NSString* messageBody;
@property (retain, nonatomic) NSNumber* messageCode;
@property (retain, nonatomic) NSString* error;

@end

@implementation Message
@synthesize error, messageBody, messageCode;

@end

So what is happened ?
Some time when is clik login it show me the alert then xcode throw me EXC_BAD_ACCESS error in the main.m in this code :
@autoreleasepool {
    return UIApplicationMain(argc, argv, nil, NSStringFromClass([AppDelegate class]));
}

And some time when I click login it throw me the same error directly.
What's wrong with my code ? Do I have some memory management problems ? where ?
Thank you.

A: put NSZombieEnabled : YES in your project's "Edit Active Executable" section. I hope it could help to get a trace on the issue.

A: You are using a convenience method without retaining the result....
currentProperty = [NSMutableString string];

either do...
currentProperty = [[NSMutableString string] retain];

or seeing as you declare the property with a retain attribute use...
self.currentProperty = [NSMutableString string];

Also note that the following line is leaking memory....
self.message = [[Message alloc] init];

as the property also has a retain attribute you need to release the version you create...
Message *aMessage = [[Message alloc] init];
self.message = aMessage;
[aMessage release];

...or...
message = [[Message alloc] init];

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


K-Pop is having a moment — a big one. Billboard has announced that Korean pop music boy band BTS will have the No. 1 album in the U.S. this week, a first for any K-pop artist or group.
Chester Bennington, one of the lead singers for the band Linkin Park and a former singer for Stone Temple Pilots, has died. His death was confirmed to NPR Thursday afternoon by the Los Angeles County Coroner's office, which said that his body was discovered at a house in the 2800 block of Palos Verdes Estates in Los Angeles and that investigators are currently on the scene. The death is "being looked at as a possible suicide at this time," according to Brian Elias of the coroner's office. Bennington was 41 years old.


DOVER – Delaware's Advisory Council on Wildlife and Freshwater Fish will meet at 7 p.m. Tuesday, Sept. 25 in the DNREC Auditorium, 89 Kings Highway, Dover, DE 19901.
The Council will discuss American shad restoration in the Nanticoke River as well as current and proposed upgrades to the Ommelanden Hunter Education Training and Shooting Range facilities. For more information, including the meeting agenda, visit the Delaware Public Meeting Calendar at https://publicmeetings.delaware.gov/Meeting/56966.
For more information on Delaware wildlife, please call the DNREC Division of Fish & Wildlife's Wildlife Section at 302-739-9912. For more information on Delaware fisheries, please call DNREC Division of Fish & Wildlife's Fisheries Section at 302-739-9914.


text:
48 Hours in Sydney: The Ultimate Itinerary
Your Trip to Sydney: The Complete Guide
Day Trips From Sydney
Museums to Visit
Parks in Sydney
Must-Try Food
Sydney Airport Guide
Australia & New Zealand Australia Sydney
ymgerman / Getty Images
Australia's largest city, Sydney, has so much more to offer than beaches and the Harbour Bridge. This sunny state capital will probably be your first stop in the country, making it the perfect place to immerse yourself in Australia's innovative food culture, world-class museums, and boutique shopping scene. And yes, the beaches are gorgeous too.
To make sure you don't miss a thing, we've put together a guide to the city's hotspots. From the coolest bars and restaurants to the sparkling ocean views, here's how to have a perfect 48 hours in Sydney:
Day 1: Morning
Katharina13 / Getty Images
9 a.m.: As you land at Sydney Airport, you'll be able to marvel at the deep-blue harbor and surrounding bushland from above. The Central Business District (or CBD) is a twenty-minute drive or short train ride from the airport but beware of the AU$15 airport train station access fee and the AU$35 minimum Opal transport card top-up.
Once you check into your hotel, grab breakfast at the Insta-famous Black Star Pastry inside the Kinokuniya book store in the CBD. The Strawberry Watermelon cake is the most popular, but they also serve quiches, sandwiches, and savory pies.
For something more hearty, try Pablo & Rusty's, where the coffee beans are both sustainably sourced and freshly roasted, and the food menu is satisfying. Many of the CBD's cafes do not open on weekends, but Regiment and Hills Bros are reliable options for a typically Aussie flat white coffee on weekdays.
10 a.m.: Then, stroll over to the Royal Botanic Garden and walk down to the Harbour. From Mrs. Macquarie's Chair (a large bench cut into the sandstone by convicts in 1810), you'll have a rare view of the Opera House and the Harbour Bridge together. On Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, you can join the Aboriginal Heritage Tour through the Garden to learn about the traditions and history of the Cadigal people, the traditional owners of the Sydney city area.
Day 1: Afternoon
12 p.m.: Just south of the gardens, you'll find the Art Gallery of NSW. As the city's most prestigious visual arts institution, it houses works by Australian artists like Arthur Streeton and Tom Roberts, as well as a significant collection of Asian and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander art. Admission to the gallery is free.
1 p.m.: Take a taxi or Uber over to the Sydney Fish Market, the largest of its kind in the Southern Hemisphere, and survey the selection of barramundi and swordfish. There is plenty of sashimi-style raw fish available for purchase from the fish vendors, as well as oysters, scallops, and shrimp at the cafes and restaurants. Try to find a table inside, or the seagulls may make off with your lunch!
3 p.m.: Spend the afternoon exploring Circular Quay, the city's waterfront entertainment precinct, and stop in for a celebratory drink at Opera Bar. In the shadow of the Opera House and facing the Bridge, this beer garden has some of the best seats in the house.
The Museum of Contemporary Art can be found nearby, as well as the city's main ferry terminal. The ferry across to Manly (one of Syndey's northern beaches) is a popular way to see the harbor. The commuter ferry is a 30-minute ride one way and costs around AU$8 with an Opal transport card. There is also a fast ferry, but the commuter ferry is a more traditional experience.
Day 1: Evening
Courtesy of Maybe Sammy
7 p.m.: A little further around the harbor, you'll find yourself in the Rocks, the city's oldest neighborhood. Its historic laneways are brimming with cafes, museums, and galleries. On Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays, the streets come to life with a local craft and food market.
For dinner, make a booking at Quay for the six-or 10-course tasting menu highlighting the best of Australia's seafood, red meats, and native fruits and vegetables. If you're looking for something more low-key, try Sydney's Chinatown (also known as Haymarket). Known for both its Cantonese-style seafood and late-night opening hours, Golden Century is a Sydney institution.
9 p.m.: Thanks to the Rocks' working-class history, the neighborhood is home to the city's two oldest pubs. The Fortune of War dates from 1828, while the Lord Nelson Hotel has been continually licensed since 1831. If views are your priority, check out the Glenmore Hotel rooftop for a sweeping panorama of the harbor.
The '50s-inspired cocktail bar Maybe Sammy in the Rocks is currently Sydney's hottest watering hole. This year, it was the only Australian venue to snag a spot in the World's 50 Best Bars list, thanks to its inventive cocktail list and luxury hotel vibe. Order a martini or a glass of local wine.
Derek Duncan / Getty Images
8 a.m.: On your second day in the harbor city, make your way over to the coast to hike the Bondi to Coogee Coastal Walk along some of the city's most beautiful beaches. The earlier you start the walk, the better, both in terms of crowds and avoiding the heat. If you're a morning person, you can even try to catch the sunrise over the ocean.
The 3.7-mile walk is not strenuous, although there are a fair amount of stairs, and will take one to two hours at a relaxed pace. From late October to early November, you can catch the impressive Sculpture by the Sea exhibition along the walking track.
If going by public transport, the bus will be your best bet as the train line ends at the Bondi Junction shopping precinct rather than Bondi Beach. Parking is extremely limited around Sydney's coastline.
10 a.m.: Once you've worked up an appetite, swing by Barzura for a brunch that is as multicultural as Sydney itself. The nasi goreng, smashed avocado on toast, and Shakshuka baked eggs are all worth a taste. The Coogee Pavillon is another iconic local eatery, with a family-friendly restaurant servings egg and bacon rolls and smoothies downstairs and a rooftop bar upstairs.
Afterward, kick back on the beach for some well-deserved downtime. Coogee's ocean pools and wide sandy beach are just as lovely, although much less crowded than Bondi. Make sure to swim between the red and yellow flags that signify a lifeguard is on duty, as Sydney's waters can be rougher than they appear.
Courtesy of Thai Pothong Restaurant
1 p.m.: For lunch, head towards the city again and explore the neighborhood of Newtown. As the heart of the Inner West, Newtown is creative, eclectic, and diverse, popular with students at the nearby University of Sydney and artists who appreciate the thrift stores, live music venues, and craft beer.
Settle in for lunch and a beer at the Newtown Hotel, a classic Aussie pub updated for the trendy local clientele. Alternatively, diner-style restaurant Mary's is renowned as the home of the city's best greasy cheeseburgers, or, if you'd prefer a more refined vibe, Sydney's best Thai restaurant, Thai Pothong, is just down the street.
3 p.m.: Take some time to browse the thrift and vintage stores on King Street, like Cream and Swop Clothing Exchange, or perfect your beach-chic aesthetic at Milk & Thistle boutique. Better Read Than Dead independent bookstore is a must for bibliophiles.
If you're looking for a slightly more sophisticated shopping experience, swap Newtown for Oxford Street in Paddington or Gould Street in Bondi. In Paddington, Fred's farm-to-table restaurant and the sustainable seafood-focused Saint Peter's exemplify the neighborhood's hip yet conscious attitude.
For a taste of quintessentially Aussie cuisine, Bills in Bondi delivers. Self-taught chef Bill Granger's international restaurant empire began in Darlinghurst in 1993 and now includes outposts at Bondi Beach and in Surry Hills. The Bondi outpost features warm, airy design touches and a fresh, wholesome lunch menu.
Courtesy of Love Tilly Devine
7 p.m.: For dinner in Darlinghurst, just east of the CBD, you can dine on fiery curries and hoppers (Sri Lankan rice flour pancakes) at Lankan Filling Station. The small restaurant doesn't accept reservations for groups of fewer than six people, so be prepared to wait.
Sydney is also well known for its Italian cuisine, and Beppi's is the stately grandfather of the city's many excellent trattorias. Since 1956, this family-owned restaurant (complete with its own cellar) has served up classic dishes with care and passion.
9 p.m.: Darlinghurst's Oxford Street is transformed by the annual Gay & Lesbian Mardi Gras pride parade in February, but it is a hub for the city's queer community and vibrant nightlife culture all year round.
If clubbing is not your style, there are also plenty of small bars. Love, Tilley Divine will make you feel at home, even though it is named after notorious brothel madam and organized crime boss Matilda Devine who rose to power in Sydney in the 1920s. This cozy bar is inspired by her rebellious attitude, serving biodynamic wines from around Australia and European-style small plates.
Where to Go Shopping in Sydney
Getting Around Sydney: Guide to Public Transportation
The 15 Best Beaches in Sydney
The Top 10 Neighborhoods to Explore in Sydney
The Top 20 Things to Do in Sydney
Nightlife in Sydney: Best Bars, Clubs, & More
10 Reasons to Visit Sydney, Australia
A guide to gay-friendly hotels in Sydney, Australia
48 Hours in Busan: The Ultimate Itinerary
The 15 Best Restaurants in Sydney
The 9 Best Sydney Hotels of 2021
48 Hours in Melbourne: The Ultimate Itinerary


text:
package org.rabix.transport.mechanism.impl.rabbitmq;

import org.apache.commons.configuration.Configuration;

public class TransportConfigRabbitMQ {

  public static boolean isDev(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getBoolean("rabbitmq.dev", true);
  }

  public static String getHost(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.host");
  }

  public static int getPort(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getInt("rabbitmq.port");
  }

  public static boolean isSSL(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getBoolean("rabbitmq.ssl");
  }

  public static String getUsername(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.username");
  }

  public static String getPassword(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.password");
  }

  public static String getVirtualhost(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.virtualhost");
  }

  public static String getEngineExchange(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.engine.exchange");
  }

  public static String getEngineExchangeType(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.engine.exchangeType");
  }

  public static String getEngineHeartbeatRoutingKey(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.engine.heartbeatRoutingKey");
  }

  public static String getEngineReceiveRoutingKey(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.engine.receiveRoutingKey");
  }

  public static String getBackendExchange(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.backend.exchange");
  }

  public static String getBackendExchangeType(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.backend.exchangeType");
  }

  public static String getBackendReceiveRoutingKey(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.backend.receiveRoutingKey");
  }

  public static String getBackendReceiveControlRoutingKey(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getString("rabbitmq.backend.receiveControlRoutingKey");
  }

  public static Long getBackendHeartbeatTimeMills(Configuration configuration) {
    return configuration.getLong("rabbitmq.backend.heartbeatTimeMills");
  }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub