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You are here: Home Articles Norway in WWI
When war broke out, Norway had been an independent country for only nine years. With fewer than 2.5 million inhabitants in 1914, more than half of Norway's population depended on farming or fishing for their livelihoods. Industrialization was still ongoing. The Liberal Party had been in government since the election in 1913. Universal male suffrage had been established in 1898, and universal female suffrage in 1913. Of the Scandinavian countries, only Finland was ahead of Norway in this respect,
Peaceful dissolution of the union with Sweden in 1905 had an obvious consequence: Norway had to establish a foreign service, as the foreign policy of the united kingdoms of Norway and Sweden had been run from Stockholm. Norwegian diplomats and bureaucrats stepped down from the "old" service and joined the "new". However, it was still necessary to establish a Norwegian foreign policy and to decide what role the Foreign Service and the diplomats were to play. The Foreign Minister Jorgen Løvland outlined the two main directions to be pursued in the country's foreign policy in a major talk to the Norwegian parliament on 26 October 1905: 'Neutrality in combination with an active trade policy'.
Løvland outlined a foreign policy rooted in a perception of Norway's geographical remoteness from the areas of conflict on the European continent, and a wish to be left alone in order to get on with building a new nation. The policy focused on active international trade relations. Neutrality became the cornerstone of this policy, with an emphasis on no political alliances that might drag the country into other peoples' wars. However, at heart the Norwegians believed that Britain would protect the country and its economic assets in the case of a European war between the great powers. Thus, in 1914, Norwegian foreign policy was understood to be essentially trade policy, and the Norwegians were well aware that they were within the British sphere of influence.
The Norwegian foreign trade policy was based upon a belief in international law. As an early promoter of arbitration, Norway had been at the forefront of promoting international cooperation and arbitration as a means to settle conflicts peacefully. The First World War represented a huge blow to this belief. Still, Norway believed that the rights and duties of neutral countries, as they were drawn up in The Hague Peace Conference in 1907 and in the London Declaration of 1909, would be respected. It took only a couple of months of war to prove them wrong.
The summer of 1914 was very hot. In Kristiania (Oslo). There had been a great exhibition celebrating the centenary of the Norwegian constitution. Everything seemed normal. The crisis in late July 1914 took the Scandinavian countries by surprise. On that fateful day in July, Prime Minister Gunnar Knudsen was out sailing when news of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia broke. As a result, the Norwegian Prime Minister cut his holiday short.
When Germany declared war on Russia on 1 August, Norway, along with Sweden and Denmark, issued a declaration of neutrality. On 4 August the Norwegian government issued an additional, separate statement again emphasizing its neutrality. Two days earlier, the Norwegian navy had been mobilized and soldiers were sent to man the coastal fortresses; the neutrality guard was thus established. Norway was ready to defend its neutrality, despite being both politically and militarily unprepared for war. The armed forces had not fired a shot since 1814, and the political authorities had no experience of international crises.
The first priority of the government was to keep Norway out of the war; the second was to provide supplies in order to feed the population and maintain economic stability. The catastrophic effect of the British blockade during the Napoleonic Wars was still a part of the collective memory. Keeping the country out of war and providing the country with necessary supplies was a fine balancing act between two interwoven objectives. Thus, the policies of neutrality and the nation's economic policies were inseparable.
The awareness that war was coming created a short-lived panic. There was a huge increase in the demand for certain foodstuffs; prices rose dramatically for flour during the last days of July. By 1 August, several of the large importers in Christiania were sold out. In response, the Bank of Norway raised the rate on discount from 5% to 6%. On 3 August the panic hit the banking sector. Due to the limits imposed two days earlier, the Bank of Norway was able to meet the demands for currency and could continue to pay out gold. That same day the interest rate was raised again, this time to 6.5 percent.
In August 1914 the first Norwegian declarations concerning export prohibitions and price regulations had been published. Further declarations were to follow. These declarations made it possible for the state to control much of the economy. The government issued an export ban making it impossible to sell Norwegian ships to other countries. The government was able to regulate the merchant navy and keep it sailing.
Due to the economic precautions taken during the autumn of 1914, the government shifted towards new policies, intervening in the market in a way previously unknown. The primary goal was to secure the necessary chain of supplies. Neutrality soon became essential. Most other countries adopted similar policies, but in Norway, the merchant fleet's crucial role was unique. Heavily dependent on the income generated by the merchant fleet and needing to import supplies, the war at sea had a large impact on Norwegian daily life. When Britain issued the first Order in Council on 29 October, the grip on the neutrals tightened. The North Sea Declaration on 2 November completed this step. Through militarizing the North Sea, the neutrals were forced to follow British instructions and thus come under British control. Those who did not follow British instructions ran the risk of sailing into minefields.
The British policy of commerce towards Norway was established as early as 15 October 1914. On that day the Norwegian Foreign Ministry received a letter from the British stating that the Norwegians had to stop the re-export of goods that, according to the British definition, were contraband. The intent was to make the blockade of Germany more effective. The Norwegian government was put in a difficult position. On the one hand, the Norwegian government had already established its own export prohibitions. These were based solely on domestic needs. To include a set of new prohibitions based on British demands put Norway's neutrality at stake. On the other hand, the Norwegians could not afford to ignore the British demands as Norway was heavily dependent on Britain to keep the economy stable.
At first the British measures towards neutral shipping and trade were tolerable, although they conflicted with international law. When Norwegian ocean liners were given safe sailing routes north of Scotland, allowing them to bypass British harbours, the British granted an exemption from the Orders in Council. However, the basic problem still remained: British interference and attempts to regulate neutral shipping provoked German reactions.
When the Scandinavian governments met in Gothenburg in the middle of December 1914, the problems caused by the belligerents were at the top of the agenda. Shortly after this meeting, the Norwegian foreign minister, Nils Claus Ihlen met the German minister to Norway, Alfred von Oberndorff. Ihlen dismissed the idea that Britain was a threat to Norwegian neutrality, but he expressed concerns about the consequences of British pressure on Norway. Given its dependency on Britain, Ihlen indicated that Norway could be forced to stop exporting certain Norwegian products to Germany.
When war broke out, the Norwegian government, like most European governments, believed that it would be short. As the war dragged on the lack of planning for a longer war became problematic. (Photo right: Nils Claus Ihlen)
From an economic point of view, the history of Norway during the First World War can be divided in two periods: before and after autumn 1916. Through the autumn of 1916 business had remained relatively normal, given that most of Europe was at war. Ihlen had been able to deal with Norway's difficulties, but his somewhat ad hoc policy was based on his belief that the war would be short. A successful businessman fluent in French and German, he firmly believed that peace was near and that his main object, therefore, was to avoid acute conflicts. It would be foolish to push any difficult situation to the extreme if the war came to an end at any moment. This was a pragmatic approach, but as the war continued, the room to manoeuvre decreased, making his ad hoc approach untenable.
Economically, Norway's position as a neutral country was favourable, but politically it was vulnerable. Unable to feed itself and heavily dependent upon overseas imports which were completely under British control, Norway was in an exposed position. IIhlen told the Storting (Parliament) that Norway was the weakest of the three countries because it was not under threat of German invasion or likely to join the Central Powers, and was hence wholly exposed to British pressure. While Germany was interested in keeping Norway neutral and thus continuing to receive supplies from it, Britain wanted Norway to become a part of the economic blockade of Germany and thus deny Germany the supplies it needed. The "weapons" used against what the British wartime naval attaché in Scandinavia called "our best friend, and from whom there were no political consequences to be feared," gave Norway the "worst treatment of the three Scandinavian States at the hands of the British Government". Norwegian neutrality was thus at risk from the outset.
Believing that it would be possible to continue to trade with the belligerents according to the Declaration of London of 1909, Norway and the other neutrals faced a number of challenges as early as 20 August 1914. On that day the British government issued an Order in Council stating that conditional contraband would be subject to capture if the goods were consigned to an agent of any enemy state, or to any person in territory belonging to or occupied by the enemy. It also made conditional contraband en route to enemy countries subject to capture, even when it was to be discharged in an intervening neutral port. Conditional contraband was liable to capture to whatever port the vessel was bound and at whatever port the cargo was to be discharged. In practice, therefore, all transport of goods to the Central Powers that had to pass the British Navy came to an end.
Norway had fewer problems with this than other neutral powers did. The Norwegian fleet was able to sail from Norwegian through Swedish territorial water into the Baltic Sea, where the German Navy was in command. But it soon became more difficult. A new Order in Council, issued on 29 October, increased British pressure on the neutrals; most of the raw materials Germany needed were transferred from the conditional to the absolute contraband list. A few days later, on 2 November, the British Admiralty declared the whole of the North Sea a military area. Coming into effect on 5 November, all ships passing a line drawn from the northern point of the Hebrides through the Faroe Island to Iceland did so at their own peril. Ships wishing to trade to and from Norway, the Baltic, Denmark, and Holland, were advised to come, if inward bound, by the English Channel and the Straits of Dover, where they would receive sailing directions which would pass them safely, as far as Great Britain was concerned, up the coast of England to Farne Island.
The Norwegian government protested, but even though negotiations resulted in some adjustments – such as the course north of Scotland given to Norwegian liners – the end result was an ever-increasing British control over Norwegian shipping and foreign commerce.
Through the economic policy initiated by the Norwegian government in early August 1914, the government intervened in economic life in a new and more active way. The most pressing problem was to secure the necessary supplies of food and fuel. A provisional statute from 4 August imposed a prohibition on the export of necessities. Price control was imposed and a "food commission" was established which had the power to requisite supplies. Large-scale imports of grain were undertaken. However, the Norwegian government was reluctant to set up a central import agency controlled by the government, as Britain wanted to reduce friction with the neutral states and to achieve more systematic control over German trade. The government shied away from any direct involvement which might make it a party to anti-German and hence non neutral trade restrictions. Instead, the government left the issue of handling the different arrangements with the British to shipping companies and import/export firms.
If the war had been short, this ad hoc response might have been a viable solution. Unfortunately for Norway, as Germany turned to submarine warfare after Britain tightened the blockade, the impact on the Norwegian economy made this solution inadequate. It soon became necessary to reach an understanding with the British government that would ensure Norway's ability to receive supplies.
The British blockade was based on denial – denial of resources that the other party needed. As Britain tightened its blockade, the Germans grew increasingly worried about their access to fish, copper, pyrites, and similar items from Norway. Since Germany, unlike Britain, was unable to exert direct pressure, they were left with diplomatic protests – and their submarines.
In the long run it was too burdensome for Britain, especially for their representatives in Norway, to keep track of the firms that had signed guarantee agreements. Thus, a system of "branch agreements" developed, whereby the different branch associations of Norwegian producers or importers acted as middlemen between the British authorities and the individual Norwegian firms. These arrangements covered most of the Anglo-Norwegian trade and were later supplemented by direct government export bans.
In the spring and summer of 1915 Germany started to purchase large quantities of fish, essentially buying everything they could get hold of, thereby driving up the prices. For the Norwegians, the result was two-fold. First, fish became so expensive that fish products suddenly became a luxury. Secondly, because of the German demand for fish, it became difficult for Norwegians to get hold of fish at all. The Fishermen no longer brought their catch to land, but sold it to German boats whilst still at sea. The British wanted this trade with the Germans to stop. Since they controlled the necessary supplies for the Norwegian fisheries – coal and oil – they were able to influence the Norwegians.
However, fish and fish products were of vital importance for the Norwegian economy, constituting approximately one-quarter of Norway's export earnings. Sensing that its fish industry was threatened, Norway managed to persuade Britain to agree to buy Norwegian fish through secret agents and thus create a "buying blockade". The purchases started in February 1916 and went on for about two months. However, this plan had its own difficulties, as the presence of a buyer with seemingly unlimited financial resources had an explosive effect on prices. It soon became clear that this could not continue. Having spent £11 million on fish they neither needed nor wanted (The only purpose being to keep the fish from reaching Germany),the economic cost was too high for the British. In August 1916 the "Fish Agreement" between Norway and Britain was signed. As had been true with the branch agreements, Norway received the supplies it needed, and – despite the prohibition on exporting fish, fish oil and other fish products – the right by treaty to export 15 percent of its fish to Germany. Britain was obliged to buy all fish that was not required for home consumption in Norway at fixed prices.
The conflict over Norway's export of fish coincided with the conflict over the Norwegian export of pyrites to Germany. Norway both exported and imported copper; it exported cupreous pyrites and imported electrolytic copper. After Britain gained control of American copper exports around Christmas 1915, the pressure on Norway increased. In April 1916 Foreign Minister Ihlen received a lengthy note from Mansfeldt Findlay, the British envoy to Norway. The letter was written in an unusual diplomatic tone:
I wish to point out that, as far as my Government is aware, no other neutral State is exporting to the enemies of Great Britain material for the manufacture of munitions of war, and is at the same time expecting Great Britain to facilitate the importation of the same material. It is practically certain that the copper exported from Norway is used for the manufacture of the shells which day after day are causing the death and disablement of the soldiers of Great Britain and her Allies. It is even probable that copper dug in Norwegian mines is part of the material used in the construction of submarines by which so many Norwegian ships have been destroyed 'with due considerations for the rights of neutrals', and not a few Norwegian sailors killed or wounded. The inflated price of Norwegian copper is, in fact, the price of blood, – the blood of the friendly people to whom Norway would necessarily look for assistance in time of need, and on whom she depends, not only for the continuance of her present prosperity and independence, but for her existence as one of the foremost sea-faring nations of the world.
Ihlen replied a few days later, claiming the right of neutral states to trade with both sides in wartime. Nevertheless, the summer meetings between Britain and Norway, which resulted in the "Copper Agreement" on 30 August 1916, cut off Norway's export of copper pyrites to Germany. Its terms became the subject of misapprehension which proved nearly catastrophic for Norway's relations with both belligerents.
The agreements on fish and pyrites represented a turning point in Norway's relations with the belligerents. Through these agreements Britain gained control over two of Norway's main domestic products in direct cooperation with the Norwegian government. But it can also be argued that this was just one of many small steps during the war. Norway moved in the same direction throughout the war, always towards Britain.
One of the first measures taken by the Norwegian government in August 1914 was to appoint a committee of experts to decide how to keep the Norwegian merchant navy sailing as the risks increased from floating mines and submarines. The war offered many opportunities to transport goods, but the old insurance policies did not cover war risks, and it proved impossible to buy proper insurance with reasonable premiums. (Photo above right; Fridtjof Nansen in later years)
The Norwegian merchant navy was quite large; in relation to its population it was the largest in the world, with 1,031 tons per inhabitant (and the fourth largest in absolute terms with 2,559,000 gross tons). Moreover, the Norwegian ship owners were known for their inclination to charter their ships for dangerous voyages when high profits were tempting. With a large fleet and ship owners eager to take on the risk, the Norwegian government could not let the Ministry of Finance take over a substantial share of the risk, as had occurred in Denmark and Sweden. The solution presented by the expert committee was a mutual but compulsory insurance. A new institution – Krigsforsikringen for Norske Skib (the Bureau of War Insurance) – was established to cover the ships; a limited company – Varekrig ("War of Commerce") – was later formed to take over the insurance on commodities against war risks. The risk was split between Varekrig (20 percent) and the Norwegian state (40 percent), while private interests reinsured the rest.
Thus the Norwegian merchant navy was able to keep on sailing. Indeed, for the first eighteen months of the war the amount of cargo continued to increase. One of the "specialties" was to carry coal from Great Britain to France. At the outbreak of the war much of the Norwegian merchant navy was engaged in tramp traffic. While this brought in a lot of money as the amount of cargo increased, the risk was also large. Norway lost 889 ships during the war (1,296,226 tons), almost half of them, 423 in 1917 alone. Additionally, some 2,000 sailors were drowned.
However, in May 1916 the British and French authorities announced that they had reached an agreement imposing maximum rates on the coal trade. Furthermore, the neutrals had to accept these terms if they wanted to bunker coal. After threatening to stop sailing, the Norwegian ship owners negotiated somewhat better conditions. This was in many ways the turning point, the period when the prosperous era for Norwegian shipping ended. The pressure began to increase; dependent upon the British and subject to German submarines, the Norwegian merchant navy faced a stormy sea.
In the autumn of 1916 German submarines made their way to the Arctic Sea. They caused an uproar in Norway when at the end of September they started to sink ships engaged in traffic with Russia through Archangelsk. The Norwegian newspapers ran headlines such as, "De døde kalder" ("The dead are calling"). Publishing details from the Marine Enquiries, the press pressured the Norwegian government to act. On 13 October the government issued a Royal Decree, stating that "Submarines, equipped for warfare and belonging to a belligerent Power, must not navigate or stay in Norwegian maritime territory. If they violate this prohibition, they risk being attacked by armed forces without warning". The only exceptions were for bad weather or shipwreck to help save sailors, but even then the submarine was to stay on the surface flying its national flag and have a signal showing the cause of its presence.
It was no surprise that the reactions in Germany were harsh, of which the Norwegians were scared. Internationally this was also perceived as a crisis. Germany used this perception as leverage to push for better conditions in trade negotiations that had been opened before the Submarine Decree was issued. Germany also wanted the decree to be withdrawn, as it was pushing for the use of submarines to be recognized as a legitimate means of economic warfare – that is, as a tactic equivalent to the British blockade.
For Norwegian shipping, the autumn of 1916 was a disaster. Krigsforsikringen insurance took heavy losses as merchant ships were sunk, and in October the Bureau refused to insure voyages to the Arctic Sea. At the same time, there were rumours that the insurance premiums were going to increase and that the Anglo-French coal trade was in jeopardy. That worried the British government, which thought that Norway might give in to German demands. The crisis with Germany calmed down as negotiations proceeded in November and December 1916. Formally, however, it was not settled until the end of January 1917 when a trade agreement was signed and changes to wording of the Submarine Decree were made.
For Norway, the situation went from bad to worse as Britain imposed a ban on the export of coal to Norway at the beginning of January 1917. The British claimed that Norway had not fulfilled its obligations towards Britain based on the agreements on fish and pyrite exports to Germany. Four days after Norway failed to reply to the British memorandum of 18 December, the British government ordered an embargo on coal exports to Norway. For Norway this was a catastrophe; the winter of 1916/17 was quite cold. Thus, it was not only a question of economic survival but would also severely strain the civilian population if it continued.
The Anglo-Norwegian conflict did not end before mid-February 1917, when Norway informed the British government that they were willing to cease all pyrite exports to Germany. The German declaration of unrestricted submarine warfare made this choice easier, while the German arguments for doing so seemed less valid. But the Norwegian Prime Minister still questioned the British motive behind the coal embargo. Nevertheless, the Norwegian Merchant Fleet had been brought into play.
Britain had long been afraid that all neutral shipping could be brought to a standstill. In February, Britain made gestures towards several neutral countries regarding a possible purchase of neutral ships by the British government. The British initiative was discussed and rejected, but the problem remained unsolved: Was it possible to reduce the merchant navy's huge losses?
The alternative to buying (and thereby arming) a merchant fleet was simply to charter and switch the unarmed Norwegian ships with armed allied ships on the most exposed routes where losses occurred. The Norwegian government suggested this. Towards the end of April 1917 the Norwegian parliament accepted the transfer of ships by chartering or requisitioning. The deal between Norway and Britain was signed by representatives from the Norwegian Ship Owners Association (Rederforbundet) shortly thereafter, and thus camouflaged the Norwegian Government's role which indicated::
As a return for and conditional on the concessions embodied in the agreement as regards the supply and transport of coal to Norway, the Rederforbundet has declared itself willing to enter into this understanding, with a view to increase the Norwegian tonnage employed in allied trade, while at the same time safeguarding as far as humanly possible Norwegian seamen's lives and Norwegian shipping property by the substitution of British ships for Norwegian in the Anglo-Norwegian trade.
Norway had become the neutral ally. As it turned out, it was the (re-)introduction of convoys that reduced the losses from the peak in March 1917, when sixty-six ships – more than 100,000 tons – had been sunk or damaged. From the end of April 1917, all trade between Britain and the Scandinavian ports sailed in organized convoys escorted by the Royal Navy. By July the losses had been reduced by more than 50 percent.
Keeping Norway out of the war and simultaneously providing the supplies needed to feed the population and keep the economy running was a complicated task. Norway did not wish to be dragged into the war, but at the end of the day it was up to the belligerent parties. The crucial question was if any of the belligerents wanted to involve Norway in the war. In that sense, Norway and the other Scandinavian countries were more fortunate than most other European countries. Both the Entente and the Central Powers were persuaded that they had more to gain from Scandinavian neutrality than from drawing the Scandinavian states into the war. Scandinavia proved marginal to the military and naval strategies of the belligerents to an extent unforeseen by pre-war planners.
But although the conflict between Norway and Germany from the Norwegian submarine decree in October 1916 had calmed down, Germany wondered how it would cope if Norway joined the Entente. In 1916 Germany had no answer to this question. In December 1916 the German Admiral Staff started to think through how Germany would respond.
During the first few months of 1917, the German Naval Staff completed "Kriegsfall Norwegen," a plan for war with Norway. The plan was based on a situation in which Norway had joined the Entente – whereby Britain gained access to the Norwegian coast. "Kriegsfall Norwegen" concerned Norwegian territory only indirectly, with the possible exception of the bombing by Zeppelins of towns and factories in southern Norway. The operational orders included the laying of minefields and occasional advances of the High Seas Fleet. The German army was not to participate in this plan. Because of the German naval strategy during World War I, the naval staff did not regard the opening to the Atlantic in the same light as it did in 1940. All it saw in 1917 was the entrance to the North Sea. Because the south coast of Norway is geographically closer to Germany than Britain, British naval bases here could be used not only to control the North Sea, but also as a base for an invasion of Denmark. Danish territory could then be used as a base from which an attack on Schleswig-Holstein could be launched. The Norwegian coast was also important for controlling the exits from the Baltic. The combination of the German naval strategy and the British influence on Norwegian foreign policy created a situation in which the Norwegian position was never as threatened as when Norway requested or was offered British support – the picture of safety in the politicians' minds. That was the only scenario that could trigger "Kriegsfall Norwegen." (Photo above right: Gunnar Knudsen).
The Tonnage Agreement could have triggered harsh German reactions if it had become known, but even that would probably not have led to a situation for which "Kriegsfall Norwegen" would have been activated. As negotiations between Great Britain and Norway were taking place in the spring of 1917, rumours were flying in Berlin about a British interest in establishing bases in Norway. Erich Ludendorff expressed concern, but the situation calmed down after about a month. In Christiania, the Norwegian Foreign Minister claimed that "there is not a single word of truth in these rumours" ("an den Gerüchten kein Wahres Wort sei").
One could argue that the Tonnage Agreement established Norway as the "Neutral Ally". However, Norway had been drifting towards Britain from the beginning of the war, a process that continued as the war lasted for another year. Even though US President Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924) had viewed Norway as a special case – he drew a distinction between Norway and other neutral countries – the negotiation of a trade agreement between the USA and Norway became difficult. The Norwegian delegation, led by Fridtjof Nansen arrived in Washington in July 1917, but an agreement was not signed before the end of April 1918. In the autumn of 1918, Norway gave in to Anglo-American pressure and completed the Northern Barrage, closing "the gap" by laying mines in Norwegian territorial waters.
As was true in neutral Denmark, the war created favourable conditions for Norwegian business. After the short panic in August and a period of uncertainty in the autumn of 1914, unemployment decreased in 1915 and was remained quite low for the rest of the war. But government intervention in the market, including the establishment of maximum prices for certain vital commodities and the prohibition against using grain or potatoes to produce alcohol (a temporary prohibition on the selling and retailing of liquor was introduced in 1914 and made into law in 1918), could not prevent shortages of certain foodstuffs and fuel. Black markets flourished and basic foodstuffs became both expensive and scarce. Nevertheless, rationing was not introduced until January 1918, and then only due to demands by the USA.
Government regulation could not stop the war from creating an economic boom that led to changes within Norwegian society as wealth became more unevenly distributed. Thus, while a few became very rich (the stock market boomed and shipping trade went through the roof) and farmers and fishermen earned good wages due to the blockade, the lower level civil servants and the labour class suffered as their wages struggled to keep pace with the increasing prices. From the outbreak of war in August 1914 until the summer of 1918, the cost of living rose by about 250 % (and a new boom in 1919 and 1920 worsened the situation) Society was divided between those who were able to pay for goods, whatever the price, and those who could not.
As a consequence of this divide, the year 1917 saw the greatest demonstrations in Norwegian history. Over 300,000 people took to the streets in June to demonstrate against a lack of food and money to pay for necessities (dyrtid). In Christiania (Oslo), more than 40,000 demonstrators participated. The Labour Party – which had its breakthrough in the parliamentary elections in 1912 – was radicalized during the war. From 1918 on, the Labour Party considered revolution to be a possible answer to the challenges the country faced.
What is the legacy of the First World War within Norwegian society? The answer to that question remains unclear, In comparison to its Scandinavian neighbours, it is striking how few long lasting effects the war had on Norwegian culture. Print media and public opinion were pro-British; few voices supported Germany.
Norway's history during the First World War is a history of change, both externally and internally. Within the history of foreign policy, it is the history of how Norwegian politics and neutrality adapted to the war; how Norway became an important contributor to the allied blockade of Germany, given that Norway's aim was to preserve its neutrality. This occurred out of necessity – there was simply no other way to secure the economic welfare of the country. But as the German submarines continued their missions, it became much easier for the Norwegian government to follow a policy that favoured the Entente. From 1917 onwards the nation's sympathies were firmly aligned with its policies.
The war forced the Norwegian government to take measures to secure production and commerce. The government intervened and regulated the economy more than ever before in order to secure the import of food and other essential commodities. This intervention could not prevent Norwegian society from being split between those who were able to adapt to the situation because they had the means available, and those who suffered from the hardship created by the increased cost of living. Growing support for – and a radicalization of – the Labour Party followed. One consequence of this radicalization was that the electorate system was reformed in 1919 to meet the claims on representation from the working class. The old system of single constituencies had strongly favoured the governing parties, while the new electoral system, based on the principles of direct election and proportional representation in multi-member electoral divisions, paved the way for the first Labour government in 1928.
The war drained the Norwegian government financially. Financing the neutrality guard was costly, as thousands of men were mobilized for more than four years. However, the real cost of government regulations (the purchase of supplies, etc.), was hidden in the irrational bookkeeping of the Ministry of Finance. Deprived of knowledge of the latent losses, the National Assembly believed that the finances were in a flourishing state. It was not until two years after the war that the real situation – that Norway had accumulated a massive debt during the war – became known. In the 1920s, shifting Norwegian governments were left with a troublesome economic situation. This became even more difficult because of the decision to re-establish the gold standard of 1914.
In addition to the economic consequences, the main legacy of the First World War was that it confirmed Norway's perception of its security. It was possible to stay neutral in a war between the great powers. Situated at the European periphery, with both Germany and Russia (the Soviet Union) reduced from their former glory there was no threat to Norway's independence. This became the foundation for Norwegian defence policy in the interwar period, a perception that was to be proven wrong in 1940.
Editor's footnote: one of the more obscure results of the Paris negotiations in 1919-1920 was the awarding to Norway of the island of Spitsbergen, now known as Svalbard, in the Spitsbergen Treaty of 9th February 1920.


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New powers needed to resolve Mary Valley bungle
Deputy Premier, Minister for State Development, Infrastructure and Planning
The Honourable Jeff Seeney
Special powers may be needed to clean up the mess left behind by the Bligh Labor Government in the Mary Valley.
Deputy Premier and Minister for State Development, Infrastructure and Planning, Jeff Seeney, is preparing a submission for Cabinet as he works to resolve the bungled finances and land buy-up by the Beattie and Bligh Governments in their failed bid to build the Traveston Dam.
Mr Seeney said the web of incompetence left by Labor had proven to be more complicated than first thought.
"It's hard to believe just how incapable of running the State the Beattie and Bligh Governments were to have left the Mary Valley in the state it's in today," Mr Seeney said.
"The LNP Government may have to introduce legislation to bypass planning land sales policies, just to unravel the problems.
"There are complex leases on land with some parts of properties covered by leases of up to 30 years and other parts of the sa me property covered by only short-term arrangements.
"Land parcels that rely on irrigation entitlements to make them economically viable have been separated from those water rights.
"We may have to amalgamate some holdings and de-amalgamate others.
"It's certainly not a simple process and Cabinet will consider the matter in coming weeks."
The Deputy Premier said the Newman Government's aim was to find a solution as fast as possible to re-establish the Valley economy and communities.

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Troy Regional Medical Center has served the residents of a six county area since 1969. The Medical Center continues to upgrade the services and facilities in addition to recruiting physicians to meet the growing needs of these expanding communities.
Troy Regional Medical Center is a 97-bed licensed facility operated under the direction of the Troy Hospital Health Care Authority Board. Troy Regional Medical Center is fully accredited by the Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations.
In addition to emergency and acute care, Troy Regional Medical Center offers orthopedics/sports medicine, pain management, surgical services, pathology, diagnostic imaging, medical detox unit, senior behavioral care unit, cancer infusion center, diabetes management center, sleep disorder studies center and an in-hospital rehabilitation service as well as an extensive range of out-patient services, both diagnostic and for treatment.


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Mustafa Dzhemilev: Ukraine to move towards European Union
Mustafa Dzhemilev: Ukraine to move towards European Union sitemize 05 Ağustos 2013 tarihinde eklenmiş ve 910 kişi tarafından ziyaret edilmiş.
Many countries-members of the EU genuinely want to see Ukraine in the Union while Ukraine needs EU for its further development, said head of Mejlis of Crimean Tatar people Mustafa Dzhemilev in an interview to 'Den', informs Mejlis press service.
Head of Mejlis discussed which prospects expect Ukraine in the European Union and which-in the Customs Union.
"During my meetings with officials in Germany, Poland, Czech Republic, Lithuania and the European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighborhood Policy Štefan Füle, I had an opportunity to see that they genuinely want to see Ukraine in the EU. But one good will of the EU countries is not enough, a lot depends on Ukraine", said Dzhemilev.
Despite of economic and intellectual potential of Ukraine, we have something to aspire to, he believes. "The EU has certain principles and standards to be followed by all its members. We have not reached those standards yet. We are to settle issues of curruption and violation of human rights. May the Lord help us to sign the Association Agreement in Vilnius", said Dzhemilev.
Talking about the Customs Union, Dzhemilev noted those who support Ukraine to enter Customs Union explain it that our products will not withstand the competition with Western countries. Still, this is the reason why we should improve the competitiveness of our products at European markets. According to Dzhemilev, there is also fear Russia will raise the price for its natural gas and may try to prevent Ukrainian products from being sold in Custom Union's countries, turnover with which at present makes 40% of total turnover of Ukraine.
Dzhemilev expressed hope that Ukraine will make the right decision defying the blackmail.
UKRAYNA TÜRK İHA'LARINI ÖVDÜ
İlgili Terimler : Mustafa Dzhemilev: Ukraine to move towards European Union


Online brand reputation management is becoming of increasing importance as more and more companies move to the web and realise that monitoring the way their brand is viewed online hugely impacts customer engagement, conversions and can even – if not handled correctly – have the power to reduce or stop sales altogether.
Much of online reputation management comes down to social media reputation management, such as responding to customer comments on your posts which, even if the comments are positive, should be done in a timely fashion. This will help to promote you or your brand as attentive and caring, build up trust between brand and customer and promote a positive online reputation to other customers.
In the same way your social media reputation management revolves around responding to comments, your business reputation management (also known as corporate reputation management) should revolve around business reviews such as those on Google My Business. Having reviews will improve your SEO (Search Engine Optimisation) and help you get found for your services, so having reviews is imperative – but of course, having good reviews is even more so. Even having bad reviews does not necessarily have to negatively impact your online reputation, provided that you respond in an apologetic and constructive manner, seeking to find a resolution where the complainant is happy. Other users will see that you have responded amicably to a problem and these sorts of responses can often work in favour of your brand reputation.
Providing reputation management services on a local level in Northampton and around the Midlands, as well as across the UK, Bright Design would work closely with you to optimise your online presence and improve your brand image, protecting and future proofing you against reputation attacks, and help you with repairing your online reputation if damaged by previous web activities.
There are some things however that you can begin to think about straight away, so if you are concerned about your online reputation, here is a great place to start.
Below we have listed eleven of the most important steps in the online reputation management process, so you can learn more about our process and the factors that come into brand reputation monitoring – and take some action to improve on some of these aspects today!
1) Be consistent in your tone, style and the information you provide across all channels.
This includes imagery, brand colours, as well as company information such as telephone numbers and addresses on other websites and business listings.
2) Make sure all online profiles are fully completed.
Fill in the bio, any images, and most importantly, a link back to your website on any profiles you have, from listings to social media profiles.
Don't get caught out by silly errors. Not only will this damage your online reputation, being careless in the content you publish on the web gives the impression that you have not put much thought into what you post, and that you literally don't care.
If you don't care about your content, customers or readers might wonder why they should care and lose interest – which could lose you business. They also may begin to question the quality of your products or services if the quality of your online brand is poor, which may also cost you custom.
4) Publish regular, productive content.
This means publish content that provides value, and brings something good to the table, and inspires good feelings. Whether you spark inspiration, entertainment, interest or just promote others, you have a responsibility to the information you share online, so try to avoid negative or unproductive posting. This includes posting upsetting, hurtful, degrading or defamatory content, or embarrassing content.
Just as you need to publish regular content on your website, publishing regular, valuable content on your social media is really important to gaining traction as a brand and building up an online presence. Engaging with others online in a positive way, such as responding to their posts as well as posting your own content will help build up your reputation as active and responsive. You do this by commenting on, sharing or retweeting what others have shared, getting involved in projects or engaging in current hot topics or trends – do this in a meaningful way and you will start to gain trust, respect and traction!
Whilst you may already have the domain yourbrandurl.co.uk, buying up yourbrandurl.com as well as yourpersonalname.com is invaluable as it not only protects your from others buying it and using it against you in the future, you can use it to help your other sites rank. By building it out with useful information, creating blog content, videos, hosting webinars, and promoting good press, awards and competitions you can build out authority that you can direct back to your main brand site.
You can also buy other relevant domains to do the same thing. For instance, if you sold plants and gardening equipment, you might buy themostawesomegardeningtips.com or a similar domain and create a useful gardening blog or information site for your users and associate this website with your main website.
Even if you don't want to manage these channels yet, just as you should buy up the domain real estate so that others can't use it – do the same for social media. It may not make sense to have a Facebook account yet for your business, but as you expand your online profile in the future, you may want to move onto the platform. If another user has already claimed your brand or personal name, this can prove frustrating, and confusing for customers who may expect your username to be consistent across platforms.
Exactly what it says on the tin. Having a Google My Business account is vital for taking up real estate in the search results as this enables you to come up in the map pack, which depending on the search, can take up an incredible amount of the space available above the fold. For instance, the search "gardening supplies" brings up this result.
The reviews also help Google rank and rate the businesses and give consumers a snap shot of your company, so go after reviews to improve the reputation the search results give you.
Google's featured snippets also take up a large portion of the search results, so by answering questions in your niche that people are searching for – you can use the tool Storybase to find these questions – you not only provide useful topical information that will drive good traffic to your website and build up your brand as an authority within your industry, you'll take up more space on the first page of Google – which tends to mean more clicks and more customers!
Always think before you submit a post or a comment in response to another user. Never post when you are angry or frustrated. Instead, wait until you have time to reflect and gather your thoughts to offer the most coherent and balanced response. Once you've posted something online, it cannot be taken back.
Also, remember that many eyes may see you post, so ask yourself: "How would I feel if my boss, parents, grandmother, or spouse saw this piece? How would they react?" It's good to check that your post is suitable for all audiences.
Finally, remember that the customer (or the other user) is always right, so even if you disagree with them, respect their views and seek a peaceful resolution.
Are you a business without any reviews? If the answers is yes, then you are in trouble. Since over 4/5 people trust online company reviews as much as they would trust personal recommendations show how powerful online reviews can be, and how many people use them as part of their decision making when searching for a service or product. So, pursue reviews! Call in favours, offer incentives, and put calls to action in your emails and on your website. If you don't ask, you don't get.
For some businesses, getting reviews is the easy part, but opening yourself up to comments from customers can open yourself up to public components. However, these are only an issue if not dealt with correctly. If you are positive and timely in your responses, show customers that you care and resolve the situation amicably, the way you deal with negative reviews can actually serve as a promotion of your excellent customer service.
Hopefully, some of these actionable tips have given you some insight into the process of online reputation management, and if you are interested in finding out how our reputation management services can help you achieve all of the above and more, get in touch with our friendly team today!


text:
«Estoy soltera» es una canción de la cantante peruana Leslie Shaw, la mexicana Thalía y la colombiana Farina. Fue publicado por Sony Music Latin el 19 de junio de 2020, como el tercer sencillo del EP de Shaw, Yo soy Leslie Shaw.

Recepción y lanzamiento
Poco después del lanzamiento, la canción fue nombrada el #1 del Hot Song General, en las listas generales de Monitor Latino en Perú y México.

Shaw inició una gira promocional de la canción a través de México y Perú, con el objetivo de expandirse a Colombia y los Estados Unidos.

Shaw terminó su contrato con Sony Music unos meses más tarde, convirtiéndose «Estoy soltera» en el último sencillo que grabó con dicha discográfica antes de mudarse a Miami, donde firmaría con el sello independiente Vla Music Entertainment.

Video musical
El video musical fue filmado en Manhattan y dirigido por la cineasta Katherine Díaz.

El video alcanzó más de dos millones de visitas en su primer día. Se posicionó como #1 en tendencias de YouTube en Perú, y alcanzó el top 10 en países como Colombia y Ecuador, así como el top 20 en México y Argentina.

En Perú, se volvió el video con más tiempo siendo #1 en tendencias, durante 3 días consecutivos; y convirtió a Shaw en la única artista peruana en superar el millón de visitas en menos de 24 horas con un solo video.

Posicionamiento en listas

Semanales

Anuales

Premios y nominaciones

Referencias

Canciones de 2020
Sencillos de 2020
Sencillos de Sony Music Latin
Sencillos de Thalía
Canciones de Perú
Canciones de Colombia
Ganadores del premio Luces

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The 2018 Starboard 11'2″ Blend Zen inflatable stand up paddle board is improved and upgraded for this year. With thicker drop stitch, Dual Stringers on top and bottom decks, supported standing area, rail stiffening strips and improved bag, the Zen model boards inch ever closer to the Deluxe model construction and features but maintain their lower price.
The 11'2″ Blend Zen is the ultimate transportable flatwater-to-wave crossover. The 2018 model is now 5.5″ thick, up from 4.75″ of last year. In combination with higher than average inflation pressures (up to 18 PSI) for inflatable SUPs at this price point, this vastly increases overall stiffness and improves performance and carrying capacity.
The Blend has a moderately wide nose for increased stability, a straighter outline and slightly pulled in tail area for a smooth and efficient glide. The 32″ width offers a stable and forgiving ride, while maintaining a good top speed. This article is a review of the 2018 11'2″ Blend Zen and not necessarily an instructional or how to article. For that we suggest you view the Starboard Inflatable SUP Manual (1MB) or this article.
TL;DR: The increased thickness of the 2018 inflatable Blend, combined with the new and stiffer Starboard Zen technology, has given this board a significant improvement. The 11'2″ length provides excellent glide, while the 32″ width provides excellent stability. The Blend Zen is a great flat water to all round to wave cross over board, it is the ultimate travel companion at an exceptionally good price, especially when you consider other brands at this price can't match the quality or performance.
Well the biggest change in the Starboard Inflatable Zen range for 2018 is the increased thickness of drop stitch on some models. Previously they were 4'75" thick, and now are 5.5″ thick, the 2018 Blend included.
Our lightest board construction, ZEN, is now stiffer and comes with reinforcement plates in the standing area. The fixed fins make the board tool-less and easy to prepare for on water action.
By carefully nesting the reinforcements Starboard offer the lightest board they have ever produced. The large soft thruster-fin set up is a proven and durable tracking solution.
A very light board: Re-engineered Zen technology: more fibres, less coating and optimized glue usage. On the water you will sense the acceleration and fun feel of a light hull.
A great sensation while paddling: The triple-sandwich rail laminate acts as dual stringer stiffeners and also make the rails incredibly strong. We replace double PVC layers with twin 2000 denier deck and bottom stringers, providing the board that rigid, crisp and stiff feel.
Visually very similar the the 2017 Magic Suit Case, the Re-Cover Zen bag is now much lighter, with improved zipper access and lighter duty but better rolling wheels. While the bag is overall noticeably lighter, they have not skimped on any of the important details. You still have the roller wheels, internal pocket, compression straps and name tag window.
The V8 Double Action Pump carries over from 2017. A running change throughout the year will mean the pump will arrive in black instead of blue. This is a change made by Starboard who are now doing everything they can to minimise their impact on the environment while still producing market leading products. The black color is a result of recycled plastics going into the pump.
The V8 Double Action Pump is top quality and makes inflating any board a breeze. Start pumping in the double action mode, as controlled by the little red lever, and you'll inflate on both up and down strokes. As the pressure mounts, pulling up requires more effort than is comfortable so you switch to single action mode. Flip the red lever over and continue pumping to 15-18 PSI.
Inflating the 2018 Starboard 11'2″ Blend Zen to 18 PSI took me about 3 minutes and 40 seconds. Add another few seconds to make sure you leash is secure, and you're good to go! I always like to inflate the boards to their maximum. Higher pressure means a better performing board. See more on the Starboard Inflatable SUP Manual (PDF).
Dimensions: Almost the same as previous years, the 2018 Blend Zen is 11'2″ long, 32″ wide, but now 5.5″ thick. The change from 4.75″ to 5.5″ thick is the most notable physical change, and one that has a noticeable effect on the performance, versatility and usability of this board. This new, thicker, Zen construction also uses more fibres and optimizes glue usage for a stiffer, yet lighter board. Below you can see the double Denier stringer strips, up from the single PVC stringer strip. You can also see the ever so slight rounding of the nose.
The board again features a front cargo area with included bungees, indestructible glued on rear fins, the same padded center handle, the same rear handle that doubles as a paddle holder, and the same nose mounted (underside) and rear mounted d-rings (for your leash). The large thruster-fin Flex-Fin set up is a proven and durable tracking solution. Not apparent in the above comparisons, but visible in the gallery images are the standing area plates which are extra layers of PVC underfoot which help spread the load of the paddler. Also not visible are the new triple sandwich rails with stiffening strips.
Also carried over from 2017 is the exclusive and innovative lightweight Starboard SUP leash. It will be your best paddling partner in flat water and touring conditions. Leash is NOT suited to waves or white water. Compact in design and at only 70g, it is strong, comfortable and effortless to wear.
The package includes a repair kit with glue and patches, and a general guide book with inflation instructions, pump tips and care tips inside the mesh pocket. Finally, a cinch strap to keep the board rolled up.
This board comes with Starboard's Re-Cover Zen SUP board bag, V8 Double Action High Pressure Pump, lightweight Starboard leash and a small repair kit.
The board blends abilities to perform in most conditions. A great all round size at 11'2″ x 32″, it offers great glide and stability, and carries good speed. Not too long, it is easy to manoeuvre and handle, and still quite light at just 22 lbs. The step up from 4.75″ to 5.5″ thick, along with 18 PSI of pressure, the stiffening strips and standing area plates, they all combine for greatly improved stiffness and performance. Where on last years model I was up near the weight limit of 190 lbs, this year's board can handle 220 lbs. What does being able to carry more weight mean? It proves that the board is stronger, stiffer and more capable than in previous years. So at any given weight, the board will be more rigid and perform better on the water.
The wide-ish nose area provided great stability in my usual choppy conditions, while the tapered tail area still offered good glide and speed. Many all round style boards have really wide tails which creates a lot of drag, great for stability, but slow as heck to paddle. I like the mix on the Blend of forward stability and tapered tail with ability for faster paddling.
The fins are bomb proof and will handle all kinds of abuse, however, I would prefer a little more tracking from a larger fin system with a board of this size.
The deck pad is very comfortable. Lightly textured in the main area with a diamond cut tail area (green), it provides lots of grip with rail to rail coverage. Tail mounted handle is a great feature for dragging the board in and out through small breakers. The underside nose mounted d-ring offers a great place to anchor the board, tie it off to a dock or do gentle towing from.
Improved for 2018 with updates to the Zen construction and board thickness, the 2018 Starboard 11'2″ x 32″ x 5.5″ Blend Zen is an excellent quality, versatile and durable all round to wave rider to cruising board. The 11'2″ Blend has good glide, is very stable and has all the required features. Starboard offers extremely good value for money with their Zen boards and when you factor in the known quality of the Starboard brand, the $999 price for this Blend Zen is really a steal for this level of quality and performance.
Find all the details here: Starboard 2018 Blend Zen 11'2″. If you can't decide between the 11'2″ x 32″ Blend, the 10′ x 35″ Whopper Zen, the 10'5″ x 30″ Drive Zen or the 10'5″ x 32″ Wide Point Zen, give us a call: 1-888-252-4983.
Posted on July 29, 2018 by Julian Kidd.
I'm very impressed with the board's quality and the fast shipping time.
Thanks Julian! I'm impressed with your service! You'll be getting more orders from me, my family and friends. Thankful to Starboard as well! It generally pays to stick with trusted brands!


Some people forget to eat until the night's almost over, and on weekends that can mean going to bed both hungry and tipsy. To the hard partier despairing of the lack of after-hours options and ready to call a ride-share: Stay your hand. We've made a list of late-night eateries just for you.
This gastropub stays open until 2 a.m. and the kitchen serves a happy hour menu past midnight. Late-night snacks include a gravy-topped poutine with braised pork curds and fries, salmon croquettes, pork street tacos and more. Sweet-toothed snackers can try the butterscotch-drizzled beignets.
Limited menu after midnight, 208-429-6340, bcrfl.com.
This modern American take on Thai cuisine and sushi stays open very late, giving downtowers an Asian option. Dharma boasts gluten-free and vegan dishes, and offerings range from sushi rolls and curry to sandwiches. Plus, its location above Spacebar Arcade makes it a convenient refuelling station in between Ms. Pacman rounds.
Open until 3 a.m. on weekends, 208-918-1274, eatdharma.com.
A recent addition to Eighth Street, Donut Daze provides crunchy and colorful options for the after-hours crowd in search of all things fried. The sinful comfort food includes fried chicken, waffles, fries and donuts of various styles. Order a Devil's Food donut to pile guilt onto your hangover.
Open until 3 a.m., 208-576-1876, donutdazeboise.com.
For a pick-me-up appetizer of osso buco riblets or lollipop corn dogs, head to Eureka! The menu features a mix of classic American dishes with unexpected twists like the bone marrow burger or the halibut served in turmeric wine sauce. Enjoy modern American cuisine and crafted cocktails.
Open until 1 a.m., 208-286-4410, eurekarestaurantgroup.com.
Have a quesadilla, some nachos or street tacos made with fresh ingredients to satisfy cravings for spicy, lime-zested Mexican food. Pair your bites with salty-sweet margaritas or sippers of top-shelf tequila.
Open until 1 a.m. 208-342-9988, matadorrestaurants.com.
Open later than any other restaurant in downtown Boise, Piehole offers binge-worthy pizza by the slice at two locations for less than $3, featuring specialty combinations like the potato and bacon and Thai chicken. There might be a line of revelers past 2 a.m., but don't worry about losing your buzz during the wait: Piehole also sells cans of PBR for $1.18.
Open until 4 a.m., 208-344-7783, pieholeusa.com.
Hungrig? Even when the cooks leave, the bartenders at this little German bar can whip up a "wurst sampler mit sauerkraut" or cheesy pretzel roll to pair with a tall stein of the latest rotating pilsner or dunkel on tap. Be forewarned: These German eats might satisfy pangs of hunger, but replace them with a spontaneous desire to backpack through Europe.
Open until 2 a.m., 208-336-9395, prostboise.com.
Solid's menu runs the gamut, sprinkling unusual offerings like kimchi fries and risotto bites into a changing roster of classic bar and grill items. Its location makes it a convenient place to rest after a movie at Edwards Downtown cinema or a comedy show at its sister bar, Liquid Lounge. The drink menu emphasizes local wineries and breweries, pouring glasses that pair nicely with mile-high platters.
Open until 2 a.m. weekends, 208-345-6620, solidboise.com.
It's about more than pepperoni at this downtown pizza parlor. Combinations include the Sad Guy, which features bacon and meatballs; and the White Trash Guy, a slice topped with kettle potato chips and ranch dressing. There are plenty more guy-style slices too, alongside other options like calzones, cheesesteaks and hoagies.
Open until 3 a.m., 208-336-7777, wiseguypizzapie.com.


text:
The 2018–19 Principality Premiership was the third season of the new format of the Principality Premiership, the top tier of club rugby in Wales run by the Welsh Rugby Union. It was contested by sixteen Welsh clubs following an expansion from twelve teams at the start of the 2016–17 season. The 2018–19 season saw the end of "ring-fencing" and relegation returned for this season with four teams being automatically relegated to the 2019–20 WRU Championship and a fifth team avoiding relegation by winning a play-off. The competition was won by Merthyr for the third consecutive year.

Structure
The structure this year has reverted to a traditional league. Each team will play each other team on a home and away basis for a total of 30 games. League points are awarded as such – 4 points for a win, 2 for a draw and 0 for a loss. Teams can also earn an additional bonus point by scoring four or more tries in a match and/or losing by less than seven points. This season sees the return of relegation from the Premiership after two seasons of ring fencing. The bottom four sides will automatically be relegated to the Championship for the 2019–20 season. The 12th placed side will play-off against the winners of the 2018–19 WRU Championship at a neutral venue to determine the 12th team in next season's Premiership. If the winners of the Championship do not have an 'A License' necessary to compete in the Premiership, then the 12th placed team will remain in the Premiership for next season.

Teams
The same 16 teams that competed the previous season competed again this season. Merthyr are the reigning champions and are aiming to win the league for the third year in succession.

Standings

Promotion/relegation play-off
The 12th placed team of the Premiership (Llanelli) faced the winner of the Championship (Pontypool) to determine who will be in next season's Premiership. The play-off was a one-off game played at a neutral venue. The venue was announced as Aberavon's home ground the Tablbot Athletic Ground on 7 May 2019. Llanelli won the game and would therefore remain in the Premiership for the 2019–20 season. Pontypool would contest the Championship for the 2019–20 season

References

External links

Welsh Premier Division seasons
2018–19 in Welsh rugby union
Wales


text:
Brief Encounters with Ben Fountain
by Shin Yu Pai
Ben Fountain's first collection of short stories, Brief Encounters with Che Guevara, was published by Ecco in August 2006. The book was tapped by the Barnes & Noble Discover New Writers Program, the Borders Original Voices Program, and was the Number One Book Sense Pick for August 2006. His fiction has appeared in Harper's Magazine, The Paris Review, and Zoetrope: All-Story. He has been the recipient of an O. Henry Prize, two Pushcart Prizes, and other honors. He is the former fiction editor of The Southwest Review and lives with his wife and their two children in Dallas, Texas.
Shin Yu Pai: Tell me about your background. You've gone from a profession in law to literature. How did you make that transition? Are you still a practicing lawyer?
Ben Fountain: I practiced law for five years at a large corporate firm in Dallas. My specialty was banking and real estate finance—some of it was mildly interesting, most of it was dull as hell, though it got me entrée into a world that not many writers experience. From about the age of 15 or 16 I'd had the notion that I wanted to write fiction, and I'd done enough in college to satisfy myself that I had a knack for it—I wouldn't call it "talent"—though I wondered if I'd ever have the guts to actually commit to it. But I realized I was never going to have any peace with myself unless I made an honest stab at trying to write, so I made the break.
SYP: What was the process of putting together the book and the path to publication?
BF: I quit law in 1988 to start writing, and it took me 17 years from that point to get a book contract. I guess you can say I was on the slow train. I thought when I started writing that I'd have a book out in four or five years, and as it became apparent that that wasn't going to happen, I became increasingly frustrated and unsure of myself. I started publishing stories in small magazines early on, but after seven or eight or nine years you feel like you need a little more than that to show for your efforts.
After a couple of years, an agent in New York picked me up, but I wasn't developing fast enough for him, and after a couple of years he dropped me by the classic method—didn't return calls, didn't respond to letters or manuscripts, just froze me out. Another agent took on my first novel—set in Haiti, it took me the better part of five years to write—and sent that around; we got respectful, interested responses from a number of editors, but no one would bite, so after a while we pulled that in. By the end of that first decade of writing, I considered myself a confirmed failure in the eyes of the world.
At that point, I really had to decide why I was writing. I had no interest in going back to law; I very briefly—for about six hours—considered going to get my MBA, but in the end, I realized that the only work I really wanted to do was write. And my wife was fine with me continuing, so I figured, why not keep on? If you want to write, then write; if you don't want to write, then don't write. I fell into the former category, and I just made the decision that I'd keep on because I liked it and might someday do something decent.
The funny thing is, about the time I let go of any aspiration toward worldly success, that's about the time I started writing decent work. It took me 10 years to write a story that pleased me—that I could look at after it was published and not cringe. After a couple more years, my current agent picked me up after she read a story of mine in Harper's. I told her up front that it would probably be a while longer before I had enough material to make a good book, and could she hang in with me for the long term? She said she could, and she's been true to her word.
SYP: Can you tell me a bit about your long-standing relationship with Haiti, which is the setting for several stories in the book?
BF: I've made at least 30 trips to Haiti since 1991. I'd been following the situation for a couple of years, with no real project in mind, but it gradually dawned on me that things were happening there that I needed to explore, things having to do with power and money and history and race and the most brutal sort of blood-politics. I decided I'd try to write a novel about all that, and after a couple of months of telling myself that I could do this novel without actually having to go there—the place scared me, to put it bluntly—I finally admitted to myself that if I wanted to do the kind of book I had in mind, I really had to go. So I went. It's amazing what happens when you stick yourself in a place and let things take their more or less natural course. I kept going back while I was writing the novel—which never sold, may it rest in peace—and by the time it was finished I had too many connections to Haiti to walk away.
So that's the rational, speakable explanation. On another level, I think I was half-consciously looking for a shock to my system, and Haiti seemed to offer plenty of opportunities for that. But ultimately, I don't think I've ever really satisfied myself as to how or why all this got going. Maybe these kinds of things pick you more than you pick them; in retrospect there seems to be a certain kind of inevitability to it.
When I conceived the stories set in Colombia and Burma, I very much wanted to go to these places, but my wife drew the line at that point. Can't say that I blame her; nobody was paying me to do this traveling, and we had two small kids at home, and there was the issue of whether I'd get myself in a situation that would, in retrospect, look incredibly careless and stupid. I didn't even bother mentioning to her that I wanted to go to Sierra Leone. So to write these stories I did what any writer would do—read a lot, mind-tripped a lot, and relied on imagination.
SYP: "Rêve Haitien" tells the story of a young Haitian intellectual who brokers the sale of stolen paintings by famous Haitian artists, both to help preserve his culture and to fund the purchase of arms to support an uprising. The in-depth detail and knowledge of Haitian art in that story is comprehensive. Can you tell me a bit about the artists you collect and admire, and what attracted you to their work?
BF: Lately, I'm wondering if in buying Haitian art I'm gathering bits and pieces of a culture, a way of seeing and being in the world, that's fast on its way to obliteration. Because if you look at the way things have gone in Haiti, the environmental devastation along with the anarchy, the near-total breakdown of civil society, you have to wonder what the prospects are for the country. And by anything I'd measure it against, Haiti is unique—the first successful slave revolt in history, the first black republic, etc., and then when you get into the culture, the voodoo, and that wonderful synchretism of Christian and African belief and symbology, it's like nothing the world has ever seen. "Içi la renaissance," that was the name of the roadside bar where DeWitt Peters discovered Hyppolite in 1944. It's the kind of loaded coincidence that's always happening when you're dealing with Haiti, and I've found myself thinking about this particular one quite a bit over the years, "içi la renaissance." Something happened in Haiti; something is happening, but we might well lose it. And if we lose Haiti, that unique expression of spirituality and consciousness that's developed there, I think we will have lost something really crucial and precious.
As for the art in my house, I'm not sure I'd call it a "collection"—I've got some pictures that I like a lot, and that freaked out my kids' friends when they were small and would come over to play. Voodoo and politics seem to be the recurrent themes. I like Roi David a lot, Andre Pierre, Lafortune Felix, Prefete Duffaut, the Saint Soleils. Frantz Zephirin is a phenomenon; he has tremendous power, such a clear and relentless vision and the technical skills to match. Eruptions of talent continue to happen in Haiti, in spite of everything.
SYP: Tell me about the stories told from the female perspective, particularly "The Good Ones are Always Taken" and "The Lion's Mouth."
BF: In a sense, these stories turn on the basic fact of female sexuality, namely, that the woman chooses. She chooses what kind of sexual creature she's going to be—who she's going to be with, how many lovers, and what the terms are going to be. Of course it's never absolute; there's always negotiation, and degrees of choice, but in both these stories, sexuality plays a key role. In "The Good Ones are Always Taken" Melissa wrestles with Erzulie, the voodoo goddess of love and sexuality, trying to come to some understanding of her own robust sex drive and the significant puritanical burden that this society inflicts on her for it. In "The Lion's Mouth," Jill's involvement with Starkey starts as a one-night stand. She goes back with him to his hotel, and keeps going back, almost in spite of herself, and to her own confusion and amazement. But it's her sexual power that provides her entry into Starkey's world; it's hard to imagine that Starkey would have any interest in her if she wasn't young and attractive. But ultimately it's Jill's choice to be with Starkey, and on one level the story plays out as her own exploration of why she was drawn to him, why she made that choice.
SYP: "Poverty, injustice, oppression, suffering. These remain the basic conditions of life on most of the planet…the poor seem more remote than ever, their appeal to our humanity, even fainter." This statement, made in "Brief Encounters with Che Guevara," seems central to the book and I wonder if it's suggestive of a personal sense of political engagement. Is this the main compulsion behind your own writing?
BF: On some level, I'm trying to come to terms with the vast disconnect between two very separate realities, two very different planes of existence on the planet. On the one hand you have the mainstream bourgeois life of the U.S., Europe, the "developed" world —the life of technology, education, mortgages, careers, a certain level of physical comfort —while on the other hand, several billion people on the planet exist on less than a dollar a day. That's a huge and terrible reality to get your head around. For many people, it's not an issue—it either doesn't occur to them to wrestle with this basic reality, or they don't see it as any concern of theirs, or, to take it further, they're actively antagonistic toward any kind of engagement with it. For others, it's absolutely vital and compelling to engage the issue. Why for some and not for others? A question of temperament, conscience, awareness—an accident of birth?
On another level, I think what draws me toward this kind of subject is the sense that I'm never going to understand myself, my own life, unless I try to get some kind of understanding of the larger forces—political, economic, ideological—that mean to control us. For me it's a personal thing, not abstract or academic by any means. The power structure affects not just our material circumstances but how we think and feel as well, and I don't see how we can claim to examine our experience with any seriousness if we aren't engaging in those kinds of questions.
SYP: In "Near-Extinct Birds of the Central Cordillera," the leader of the rebel faction makes the statement that "Beauty…it's nice, but it's just for pleasure. I believe that men should apply their lives to useful things [i.e. the revolution]." So, what of revolution vs. beauty or the arts, literature?
BF: I agree with the answer John Blair gives to the comandante, something like "Who says beauty and pleasure aren't useful?" Because I think beauty and pleasure are extremely useful, and more than that, I think they're necessary for our humanity, our souls. A person deprived of beauty and pleasure puts me in mind of the Haitian notion of a zombie—a person disconnected from his or her soul, a person who works for others' profit but never his own, a person who mindlessly does the bidding of the boss and exists in an emotional and mental limbo. A robot, a slave, a creature that's lost its full humanity. So I'd say that if a person wants to be of any use to himself, he better insist on getting his fair share of beauty and pleasure, and if there's something about the system that's keeping him from getting his share, then I think he's well within his rights to fight to change that.
SYP: The stylistic variation in "Fantasy for 11 Fingers" is quite interesting—the interspersion of different narrators and the use of diary entries to develop characters. Why the distinct approach in this particular piece?
BF: What I was trying for with the narrative voice of that story was a scholarly, arch, hyper-informative tone that's slightly unhinged, or at times seems on the verge of that. A high-strung sensibility, yet more or less self-aware and thus capable of very dry humor at times. I was hoping that the scholarly tone would serve to convey a sense of distance and detachment from the world of the Kuhls, which is, after all, completely lost, but at the same time I wanted to achieve a cold kind of intimacy with the Kuhls, and Hugo's diary seemed one way to do that.
SYP: This story seemed so different in political and historical context. All the other stories in the book are so very contemporary and set largely in Third World countries, while "Fantasy for 11 Fingers" takes place in turn-of-the-century Europe. But rereading the story, I thought about how Anna's rebellion signified her own private revolution—-which is a critical overarching theme of the book.
BF: At various times my agent and my editor argued against including "Fantasy…" in the collection; though they saw that it fit, they were afraid that readers and reviewers would think we were just throwing it in there to pad out the collection, but I felt like it fit aesthetically and thematically, and I figured the alert readers and critics would get it, and the ones who aren't so alert, well, I just wasn't going to worry much about them. So I do think it fits, and beyond that, given the time frame of the story and the final paragraph, I saw it as both a summing up of the book and a kind of prophecy (a retrospective prophecy, if that makes any sense), as to what was to come in the new century.
SYP: How did you get involved with The Southwest Review?
BF: I met Willard Spiegelman, editor of SWR, at a WordSpace event in Fall 2002 at Martha Heimberg's house, and Willard, being the brave and questing editor that he is, said, "Send me something." I sent him "Fantasy…" which he liked and published in Spring 2003. A year later the magazine was going through some transition and he needed help with the fiction, so Willard asked me to come on as interim fiction editor for a couple of months. I ended up staying over two years—I stepped down this past May, though I'm still on their Advisory Board.
SYP: What sort of qualities did you look for in the fiction that you published at SWR?
BF: I published what I liked—stories that showed me something I didn't know before, some aspect of experience as revealed either through the force of the narrative or the use of language, or both. I got brilliant stories from people who'd never set foot in an MFA program and had published very little, and terrible stories from people who'd published a lot and had all the credentials. It was all over the map and that was part of the fun.
Two things in particular I did try to do—bring in a story by an established writer for each issue, someone whose name would be recognized by the average literate reader so that when they saw that name on the cover, they'd be tempted to pick it up, have a look at the mag. I saw that as a way to boost the journal's circulation and to give the less well-known writers we published a boost. We published work by Arthur Miller, James Kelman, Aharon Appelfeld, Barry Gifford, Ernesto Mestre-Reed, and Askold Melnycuk. My other emphasis was in finding and publishing homegrown talent, here in Dallas and in Texas, and including these writers didn't detract from the journal's standards at all. We published very fine work by Robert Trammell, David Searcy, and Isabel Nathaniel, among others, and the last story I accepted was by a young Dallas writer named Merritt Tierce, who sent us an amazing piece of work. There's plenty of talent in Texas, and that's shown in the SWR.
I was at the journal from February 2004 through May 2006. I enjoyed the experience but was ready to move on by the end of it. I'm a writer, not an editor, and though the editing rarely cut into my writing time, it did take away from that walking-around-thinking-about-it-when-you're-not-thinking-about-it time that I think is important for writers. When you're half-thinking about what you're working on while driving, cooking . . . just letting things sift and settle, come to you.
SYP: Can you tell me what you're working on now?
BF: I'm in the last stages, hopefully, of a novel set in Dallas called The Texas Itch. Among other things, it's about that greatest of all American religions, money.
Click here to purchase Brief Encounters with Che Guevara at your local independent bookstore
Rain Taxi Online Edition, Winter 2006-2007 | © Rain Taxi, Inc. 2006-2007
This entry was posted in Uncategorized and tagged spring 2007 on December 6, 2013 by admin.


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Honoring Pioneering Women in American Architecture
Throughout the month of March—Women's History Month—we've been inspired by AIA National's social media series featuring "Pioneering Women in American Architecture" based on the work of the Beverly Willis Architecture Foundation (BWAF). This collection profiles 50 women who have made important contributions to American architecture. All of these women were born before 1940, at a time when women struggled not only to join the profession of architecture, but to recognized for their work. These women broke barriers of gender and race, bucked social conventions, and challenged the institution of architecture, yet many of their names are not well known, even among architectural historians.
The effort to document the lives and works of these 50 women required hundreds of interviews, research, fact-checking, and photographic documentation. According to the Co-Directors of the project, Mary McLeod and Victoria Rosner, "The scholars who worked on these profiles represent one of the largest groups ever to focus exclusively on women's contributions to the U.S. built environment and to place the work of women squarely at the center of architectural history."
As a women-owned firm comprised of nearly 50% women, we believe that centering architecture created by women is essential in the movement toward gender parity in our profession. A quote featured on the Beverly Willis Architecture Foundation's website poignantly captures the significance of representation:
"When a young person, even a gifted one, grows up without proximate living examples of what she may aspired to become – whether a lawyer, a scientist, artist or leader in any realm – her goal remains abstract…But a role model in the flesh provides more than inspiration; his or her very existence is confirmation of possibilities one may have every reason to doubt, saying, "Yes, someone like me can do this.""
– U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor
Today's generation of women in architecture is made possible by previous generations of women, many whose stories have yet to be told, in whom girls and women saw themselves. The 50 profiles in "Pioneering Women in American Architecture" are just the beginning—the effort is expected to expand as more women make their mark on the industry. Access the profiles here.
Pamela Lucas Rew, FAIA Retires After 40-Year Career Marked by Visionary Design Leadership Read More 2021 Year in ReviewRead More KSS Architects Welcomes New HiresRead More


These Ojibways are quite isolated yet connected to white communities by Highway 599. Ojibway Nation of Saugeen First Nation has an on-Reserve population of 90 according to 2016's census. Since they have road access to white communities, their population constantly decreases. They have 38 dwellings with 27 lived in. Average household size is 3.0 persons per household. Around 35 speak Ojibway at Ojibway Nation of Saugeen First Nation. They are signatories to Treaty 3 yet are closely related to Lake Nipigon Ojibways and possibly signed 1850's Robinson-Huron Treaty. Their Reserve is very small. It covers 57.0 sq. km. or 22.0 sq. mi.


The latest trip in my travel diary was to the beautiful and picturesque region of Tuscany. It's located in Central Italy, about a three hour drive south from the Rome airport, which is where we flew in to. Our group of 11 spent 10 days in the heart of wine country, at the most incredible villa in Chianti! The house, along with the views, were perfection.
The roads of Tuscany are the windiest roads I've ever driven on and if you get car sickness like me then you'll want to stay in the front seat and roll the window down. But the scenery on the way up was exactly how it looks in Under the Tuscan Sun. The rolling hills seem to go on forever and there are also sporadic, massive sunflower fields (sad I didn't get a picture). The secluded villa was tucked wayyyy back in the Tuscan landscape, featuring a pool and cliff terrace. When I say secluded -- it took 10 minutes (!!!) just to travel down the gravel driveway (we timed it). Thank the LAWD for built-in GPS on rental cars.
Every inch of the house was authentic and detailed. From the hammocks to the grape vines, there was something beautiful to look at from every angle. I was drooling when we first got there. Our hosts, and good friends, even cooked for us almost every night. We really had it made.
To top all this off, there was a winery right down the road. Shock. We enjoyed a wine and olive oil tasting that led to muuuuultiple return visits throughout the week to pick up more bottles of Rosé. HERE'S THE WEBSITE IF YOU WANT TO ORDER THE BEST ROSÉ EVER.


As we did last year, we started the Healthy Food project with the 6th grade courses. With this project, the students will learn a lot of information about nutrition, which are the healthiest foods they can eat, in what proportion they should do it, how their body and brain respond to each food, compare foods to be able to choose the most healthy, make healthy recipes, etc. Of course, we must not forget that all this will be done through the English area so that at all times they will be working with the language.
Al igual que el año pasado, hemos comenzado con los cursos de 6º el proyecto Healthy Food. Con este proyecto, l@s alumn@s aprenderán mucha información sobre nutrición, cuales son los alimentos más saludables que pueden comer, en qué proporción deben hacerlo, como responde su cuerpo y su cerebro ante cada alimento, comparar alimentos para poder elegir el más saludable, hacer recetas saludables, etc. Por supuesto, no hay que olvidar que todo esto se hará a través del área de inglés con lo que en todo momento estarán trabajando con el idioma.
The 1st graders are working on the vocabulary of the animals. We take advantage to go out to the playground and play the game "you are ....."
Los alumnos de 1º están trabajando el vocabulario de los animales. Aprovechamos para salir al patio y jugar al juego "you are....."
The 5th graders have been creating games in groups with which to continue learning the grammar of this unit in a fun way. These are the results obtained. They are very funny! Congratulations!
Los alumnos de 5º han estado creando en grupos juegos con los que seguir aprendiendo la gramátca de esta unidad de forma lúdica. Estos son los resultados obtenidos. ¡Son muy divertidos! ¡Enhorabuena!


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Seymour Jeffery Burchman
Tuesday, February 3rd, 1948 - Tuesday, January 24th, 2023
To share your memory on the wall of Seymour Burchman, sign in using one of the following options:
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Seymour's Tribute Fund
Seymour Jeffrey Burchman, 74, of Naples, FL., passed away on January 24, 2023, at Avow Hospice after a short illness. Legacy Options will be handling funeral arrangements.
Seymour Burchman was born in the Bronx in New York City to Paul and Ber... Read More
Seymour Burchman was born in the Bronx in New York City to Paul and Bernice Burchman on February 3, 1948. He is survived by his wife, Mary Burchman, and his daughter, Leah Burchman. He is also survived by his brother Howard Burchman, two nieces, and one nephew. He is preceded in death by his parents, Paul and Bernice Burchman.
Seymour graduated from Cornell University in 1970 with a degree in chemical engineering . He then joined VISTA in Buffalo, NY working as a community organizer. He advanced his studies at Carnegie Mellon University, graduating with a master's degree in public administration. The majority of his professional career was spent as a partner in two executive compensation consulting firms: Sibson & Company and Semler Brossy Consulting Group, where he remained a Senior Advisor following his retirement. Seymour was instrumental in building both firms and was a dynamic and prolific thought leader. He authored over 50 articles, which were published in leading business and governance publications including the Harvard Business Review. Many were republished by the Harvard Law School Corporate Governance Forum.
Seymour consistently advanced the dialogue about executive compensation, developing frameworks to assess executive pay and performance, identify value-driving incentive measures, and guide goal-setting. In more recent years, Seymour questioned more traditional executive compensation structures and wrote about mission-driven compensation. In addition, he wrote and spoke about responsible business practices being the foundation of sustained competitive advantage long before ESG became a catchphrase. Seymour had infinite capacity to debate, problem-solve, and make all who worked with him better.
Seymour was a lifelong Dodgers fan, a devoted husband and father. His past hobbies included scuba diving, skiing, and jogging.
He retired to Naples, FL in 2017, devoting his time to various charities. He was especially dedicated to Child's Path, believing in the importance of supporting the underserved children of Collier County.
Memorial Donations may be made to Child's Path via their Web site by clicking here.
The family wishes to extend their gratitude to NCH-Downtown Unit 4 South and Avow Hospice for the exceptional care received.
No funeral details available.
We encourage you to share your most beloved memories of Seymour here, so that the family and other loved ones can always see it. You can upload cherished photographs, or share your favorite stories, and can even comment on those shared by others.
Plant a Tree in Memory of Seymour
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Barbara Jean Wilson
I was blessed to work with this great man from the periphery, and I always felt his passion for helping others. The world is a lonelier place without him.
A Memorial Tree was planted for Seymour Burchman
Posted Jan 25, 2023 at 03:30pm


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UCSD Alum Has New Indie Film 'A Knight's Tour' Streaming
Marvin Choi
Filmmaker and UCSD graduate Marvin Choi on the set of his film "A Knight's Tour," which just became available streaming.
Kickstarter project now available on iTunes, Google Play, YouTube
"A Knight's Tour" is a Kickstarter-backed independent film from UCSD alum Marvin Choi and it just became available in digital release.
"A Knight's Tour" began its long journey to completion more than 5 years ago, yet its story about a post-apocalyptic world ravaged by some sort of viral outbreak that has left the main character isolated in his home feels amazingly relevant right now.
UCSD Grad Has Debut Feature 'A Knight's Tour' Streaming
But filmmaker Marvin Choi was drawing on his own struggles with loneliness and depression when he began writing it years ago, and not on the current coronavirus pandemic.
I have been following Choi for more than a decade. I saw his inventive, short, animated film "Said Black" at the 2009 UCSD Up and Coming Student Film Festival. But Choi wasn't actually studying film at UCSD. Back then he was studying cognitive science and was planning to be a scientist. But he was interested in filmmaking and found support in two film professors, Babette Mangolte and Jean-Pierre Gorin. That led to him making film and changing careers.
After UCSD he went to Cal Arts for grad school and when he started to do his Cal Arts thesis film, then called "LaMoe," he decided he would need to do a Kickstarter to finance it.
"Kickstarter is really interesting because a lot of people tend to approach Kickstarter as, 'Oh, hey, a way to get free money.' But what you're really doing is starting a part-time job or really a second full-time job," Choi explained. "You kind of spend all of your time trying to make sure that this campaign that you're working on gathers enough money in."
Choi and his producer, Sara Razack, only had to raise $6,000 but that's still a large sum for a small indie film. For full disclosure, I donated $35 to the campaign just so I could stay up-to-date with its progress because I admired his work and wanted to see what he would create as his first feature film.
Choi said there were benefits from Kickstarter that went beyond getting the financing.
"It's gratifying because you start off knowing that you kind of have somewhat of an audience already built in. So you are ready are starting to make a film for somebody. It's not just for yourself. It makes it a much different experience when you know — up to that point I was making a lot of these shorts and random other little projects just for my own entertainment — now it's like I really have a commitment to these people. I really need to deliver for them. So we it turned into almost like a social contract where I'm trying to make this movie as good as possible for them. And I want it to be something that not only am I proud of, but something I know my Kickstarter backers would be happy to see."
This Kickstarter backer was more than happy at the results. Sometimes first-time filmmakers start with an ambitious script that taxes resources. But Choi deliberately began with a practical script that basically required two actors and one main location.
Choi cites Robert Rodriguez' book "Rebel Without A Film Crew" as an inspiration.
"He [Rodriguez] describes the way he made his first feature, 'El Mariachi,' and it's very much along the lines of, 'OK, what do you have access to and what do you find most valuable in a movie?' And you put that forward. For Robert Rodriguez, it was he wanted it to be cool with lots of action, with great editing and sound design. In my case, the thing that I value the most from movies; the movies I love the most are the ones that have performances that are gripping and make you almost forget that you're watching a movie and that you're kind of stuck with characters and following their psychology and their motivations and their feelings. So luckily, that type of motivation is easy enough for a low budget film if you have the right actors. So the actual script itself was an idea I've been throwing around for a while. It's just when it came time to make my first feature, I was like, this is doable."
Filmmaker Marvin Choi (back to camera) with actors Darnel Powell and Joseph Price on the set of "A Knight's Tour."
"A Knight's Tour" looks to two men, Henry (Joseph Price) and JD (Darnel Powell) who cross paths in this futuristic world. Henry has holed up in his home cabin far from any other people or signs of civilization. JD is a scout searching for supplies that he can take or sell to others. Henry is naturally suspicious of JD and JD's intentions, yet the two form a wary friendship.
Joseph Price is Henry in the Kickstarter funded indie film "A Knight's Tour."
The film is well shot and edited with a pair of strong performances. Watching the story unfold as I shelter at home, many of the scenes of Henry carefully gathering food and being mindful of every resource resonated with me. For the most part, Choi smartly allows the visuals and the actors to convey the subtleties of the story. Only occasionally does he resort to some unnecessary dialogue to explain something to us.
But you can see where Choi's cognitive science background may still be playing a part in his life as he investigates what happens when two very different people are forced together and feel a need to make a connection. It's a quiet, reflective film that plays even better to an audience experiencing some of the isolation that Henry feels, and people may find appreciate the accuracy of some of those feelings depicted in the film.
Darnel Powell is JD in the new independent film "A Knight's Tour."
So as you are out there searching for something to watch during this pandemic, consider supporting a talented young filmmaker and seek out "A Knight' s Tour." The film is currently available on iTunes, Google Play and YouTube, and will be available on Amazon Prime Video soon.
Here's the trailer.
'A Knight's Tour' Trailer
Listen to this story by Beth Accomando.
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