text:
Міст (телесеріал) () — американський кримінальний телесеріал продюсерів Мередіт Стем (), Елвода Рейда (), продукції Shine America для телеканалу FX. Адаптований шведсько-данський серіал «Міст».

Сюжет
Посеред ночі на прикордонному мості біля міст американського Ель-Пасо, Техас і мексиканського Сьюдад-Хуарес, Чіуауа гасне світло. Після цього на лінії кордону находять труп жінки, який, як згодом виявилось, склали з двох трупів. Розслідування розпочинають детективи мексиканський Марко Руїз і американський Соня Кросс, котрі мають протилежний підхід до методів роботи, життя. Та розслідування злочинів серійного вбивці їх зближує. Розслідування ускладнює корупція, діяльність мексиканських наркокартелів.

Історія зйомок
Канал FX у липні 2012 замовив пілотний епізод серіалу, який знімали в районі Ель-Пасо до грудня 2012. Shine America пропонувала для відповідності зимовим подіям оригіналу перенести дію на міст поміж американським Детройтом і канадським Віндзор. Але автори переконали перенести дію на «Міст Америк» (). Роботу над першим сезоном розпочалась у квітні 2013, причому лікар Алекс Планк () з Wrong Planet був консультантом поведінки Соні Кросс з синдромом Аспергера. Після першого сезону Мередіт покинула серіал заради роботи в газеті і над її попереднім серіалом «Cold Case».

Телеканал FX замовив 24 вересня 2013 другий сезон серіалу, прем'єра якого відбулась 9 липня 2014 року.

У червні 2013 пілотні серії отримали нагороди Вибір телевізійної премії Critics' для найбільш захоплюючих нових серій; Golden Reel Award 2013 за найкращий монтаж звуку в телебаченні, Peabody Award 2013.

У ролях
 Діане Крюгер — Соня Кросс, детектив Департаменту поліції Ель Пасо, має синдром Аспергера (23 серії, 2013—2014)
 Деміан Бішір — Марко Руїс, детектив відділу вбивств поліції (Policía Estatal) штату Чіуауа (23 серії, 2013—2014)
 Тед Левайн — лейтенант Хенк Уейд, начальник Соні Кросс, яку часто консультує, вмовляє бути біль дипломатичною (23 серії, 2013—2014)
 Аннабет Гіш — Шарлотта Міллрайт, яка успадкувала після смерті чоловіка разом з прикордонним ранчо тунель наркоторговців (23 серії, 2013—2014)
 Том Райт — Стів Ліндер, «самотні вовк», що виживає на пограниччі (22 серії, 2013—2014)
 Меттью Ліллард — Даніель Фрей, репортер «El Paso Times», чию кар'єру зіпсували наркотики і пияцтво (21 серія, 2013—2014)
 Емелі Ріос — Андріана Мендес, журналістка «El Paso Times», співпрацює з Фреєм, уродженка Хуарес (20 серій, 2013—2014)
 Рамон Франко — Фаусто Кальван, голова наркокартелю (19 серій, 2013—2014)
 Браян Ван Голт — Рей Бертон, коханець Шарлотти, що опікується тунелем (10 серій, 2013—2014)
 Франка Потенте — Елеонора Нахт, вирішує справи картелю (9 серій, 2013—2014)
 Абрахам Бенрубі — агент Джо Макензі, від (DEA) намагається схопити Фаусто (9 серій, 2013—2014)

Посилання
 The Bridge (2013–)

Примітки

Телесеріали США 2000-х років
Кримінальні телесеріали
Телесеріали США, запущені у 2013
Телесеріали про поліцію
Телесеріали англійською мовою
Телесеріали США, завершені у 2014

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Enjoying spring in Texas means getting outdoors on a sunny day that chases the gray clouds away. I'm still waiting for repairs to get complete on my Airstream (it's a process…), so I did an overnight road trip to experience two really fun activities.
First stop was Arlington, TX for Opening Day of Major League Baseball! I'm passionate about our national pastime and a ride or die Cubs fan. I have no interest in the Texas Rangers or the American League for that matter (I'm a baseball snob and the DH does not belong), but the Rangers were hosting the Cubs. Road Trip!!
The Ranger fans are dedicated, having gotten there early for tailgating that included music, tents, bar-b-que grills and all things Rangers. The Cubs have fans everywhere and I never felt alone at this game. Lots of Cubby blue, pinstripes and red C's. Wearing an oppo cap in this setting was very safe.
The stadium is fairly new and very nice. It's small enough that the crowd is intimately seated near the field, even the upper deck. Tons of food and drink sites, restrooms, and easy access to all levels. Opening Day is not a cheap ticket, especially with dynamic pricing that most teams have adopted. But the Rangers offered a $40 opportunity ticket for this game that was designated for standing room. I figured why not. I had a choice of either side of the mezzanine or in the outfield in the sun. I headed upstairs and found the range of spaces I was allowed to use. Believe me, this was the best $40 non-seat at an MLB game ever! There were picnic table seats behind me to sit down in between innings and plenty of railing to lean on to watch the game. Luckily, the Cubs were on fire and way ahead by the 7th inning. I had my choice of mezzanine seats for the last 3 frames as Ranger fans streamed out early. A great view, a "W," Lester pitching, 2 Javi homers… that's what baseball is all about. And #22 – Jason Heyward is my favorite current player.
Oh man such fun. Mark and I are planning on heading out on our first camp since last fall, next weekend. We are excited to get out again. Let us know if your going to camp Big Rock IL again and maybe we can hook up.
I'll be there first 2 weeks of June!


2- Department of Urbanism, , Faculty of Art & Architecture,Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.
3- Department of Political Geography , Faculty of Geography ,Tehran University, Tehran, Iran.
Introduction and Background: The complications and problems of urban areas worn out are multifaceted and multidimensional in nature, and in each case they occur in a particular way. The decline in social and economic status, and the functional and physical dislocation of these tissues, together with the very severe deterioration in the quality of the urban environment, are among the reasons why policymakers and urban planners are required to provide management strategies and solutions in the face of related problems and challenges. One of these new approaches is the regeneration approach within the framework of urban governance.
Aims: The purpose of this study is to assess the urban governance status in the process of rehabilitating urban environment of the 12th district of Tehran. This paper attempts to answer the question of how is the status of indexes dominated by the urban depreciated texture and also to evaluate the influence of governance on urban regeneration of urban old texture.
Methodology: Research method is descriptive-analytical and in terms of purpose, is developmental. The unit of analysis is considered the head of household. The sample size was determined using the Cochran formula which is 383 people. To define the sample, random sampling was used at district level according to the number of inhabitants.
Library and field methods have been used to collect the required information. A questionnaire was used to collect field information. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used for analysis.
Conclusion: Results show that among the indicators of urban governance, the index of justice and effectiveness and efficiency are the most, and the indicators of accountability and strategic insight have the lowest rank. In general, urban governance indicators in the 12th municipality district of Tehran are at a lower than average level. Also, governance is affected more from physical, economic and social indicators comparing to cultural and environmental indicators.


text:
LETTER: Citizens should be frightened
Citizens should be frightened
On Feb. 14, 2012, the Connecticut Supreme Court issued a landmark decision limiting "inspections" of private homes by local officials in search of zoning violations.
In Bozrah v. Chmurynski, it held that such inspections are subject to the U.S. Constitution Fourth Amendment prohibition against unreasonable searches, and that in the absence of consent, officials must prove in open court that probable cause exists to suspect actual violations before such entry be allowed.
As the Supreme Court emphasized in its decisive 7-0 ruling, "the primary purpose of the Fourth Amendment is to safeguard privacy and security against arbitrary invasions by government officials."
What is disturbing is that only a month later, Raised Bill 5502 was introduced in the Connecticut legislature to circumvent the Supreme Court's decision and allow cities and towns to obtain administrative search warrants without the knowledge of affected citizens.
On March 18, an attorney who represents several towns testified to the legislature's Judiciary Committee that after learning of the Supreme Court's ruling, "I hurriedly drafted the proposal that became Section 2 of Raised Bill 5502, and asked my state representative to do what she could do to see that it is brought to your attention."
On April 2, the Judiciary Committee voted overwhelmingly in support of the bill. Now that the legislative wheels have been set in motion, the State Attorney's Office has drafted additional language that would allow judges to issue secret warrants for searches of private homes by local officials, and to impose penalties including imprisonment upon anyone who "resists, opposes, or impedes" them.
Citizens should be frightened by the extreme reaction of the legislature to a unanimous Supreme Court decision that sets clear limits on "inspections" by overzealous local officials, who would rather break down your door and ask questions later over accusations of minor zoning violations than respect fundamental American principals underscored by the Supreme Court's ruling.
All people who value their constitutional freedoms should contact their state representatives and demand that any such legislation be voted down.
Joseph Socha

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Communay es una comuna francesa situada en el departamento de Ródano, de la región de Auvernia-Ródano-Alpes. Pertenece a la aglomeración urbana de Lyon.

Demografía

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Localidades de Ródano


The ATO (Australian Tax Office) is tightening up in attempts to close loopholes in investments in cryptocurrencies like bitcoin.
Cryptocurrency will be one area going under close attention, alongside work expenses and incorrect claims.
Mark Chapman, H&R Block's director of tax communications told reporters that these were areas that had seen "systemic abuse", costing the budget over $2.5b a year.
The ATO provided guidance regarding the issue earlier this year. The document outlines that whilst cryptocurrency (specifically Bitcoin) is not seen as money or foreign currency, it is viewed as an asset subject to capital gains tax.
There has been a range of cryptocurrency developments in Australia recently. Earlier this month the bank CBA was among those who banned the purchase of cryptocurrencies with credit cards. However, the news has not all been negative – in January Brisbane airport became the world's first to accept cryptocurrencies for retail and services.
Australia might not be alone in moving to tighten control of cryptocurrency taxes. A recent reportfound that 0.04% of US cryptocurrency users are paying taxes. Of the 250,000 Americans studied over 57% admitted knowing taxes were applicable to their crypto transactions.
With statistics like these beginning to appear, we may see authorities around the world look to tighten tax control.


Each quarter, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development publishes the National Housing Market Summary. This series provides several categories of indicators of America's housing market, including housing supply, housing demand, finance and investment, and ownership and vacancy. See all the quarterly housing metrics at huduser.org/portal/ushmc/quarterly_commentary.html.


Beach Band – From SpongePedia, the biggest SpongeBob-wiki in the world!
The reason the beach band was made was to show Sandy that SpongeBob was sorry and that all could be good.
This page was last modified on 4 January 2012, at 20:09.
This page has been accessed 12,701 times.


This is one of the distributions of PKMS' Warta 3rd edition. Warta is PKMS' own Newsletter printed in Malay.
There were about 20 volunteers assisted in the distribution at Bukit Gombak Area. There were about 600 copies of Warta being distributed within 2 hours.
The public was very responsive and was still concern with PKMS' progress. Besides distributing Warta, we have a chance to mingle with the Malay Muslims Community at Bukit Batok Area.


A disrupted week with regard to selection as all the club's wicket keepers went on holiday together and various drop outs signalled steady phone conversations to get a settled eleven.
We knew we were in for a game against good opposition in Orpington and on a hot day they won the toss and understandably batted first. We opened with Luke Howard who was in better form than the previous week and Joe Hale but we allowed the opposition to get away. They were aggressive and with that got a little bit of luck and kept up a rate of between 6 and 7 an over all day. A first wicket for the club for Paul McGowan and a good spell from Sudhaker were the only real plus points. Jamie Hall did ok as stand in keeper and Julian Dean took over at drinks to allow Jamie to be added to the bowling attack.
Eventually they ended on 317 for 5 after 45 overs.
Our reply was dependent on one or two of our top 6 making big runs and it just didn't happen. Jesse Johnson managed to work his way to 34 but no one else really helped as we lost too many wickets to the ultimate wicket taking ball – the full toss. Julian (after scoring 15) was a bit unlucky after a vicious lofted drive was tipped off the hands of the bowler and then looping nicely to mid off. A paltry 91 all out and some work to do if we are to be challenging the better sides in the comp.


text:
Electric Fields is an Aboriginal Australian electronic music duo made up of vocalist Zaachariaha Fielding and keyboard player and producer Michael Ross. Electric Fields combine modern electric-soul music with Aboriginal culture and sing in Pitjantjatjara, Yankunytjatjara and English. The duo have released an EP and several singles.

Career

2011–2020: Formation and Inma
In 2011, Zaachariaha Fielding auditioned for the third season of The X Factor Australia, performing Tracy Chapman's "Talkin Bout a Revolution". In 2013, Michael Ross auditioned for the fifth season performing Phil Collins' "You Can't Hurry Love".

The pair has been performing as Electric Fields since 2015. Their repertoire moves across pop, soul and electronica, while being described as "Daft Punk meets Nina Simone in the Deep Forest".

In June 2016, the duo released their debut EP Inma (which derives its name from the cultural ceremony of Aṉangu women known as inma). Daniel Browning, a presenter and producer of ABC Radio National said "Co-creating music that is as exciting as it is emotionally moving – the beauty and sheer power of their musicality is breathtaking. Often featuring Zaachariaha's traditional languages of the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara people, Electric Fields music ranges from pop to epic-scale electronic works, through to intensely intimate story-songs." Their music was played at the Spirit Festival 2016 and Adelaide Fashion Festival 2016 and on Triple J.
In 2016, the duo won the Emily Burrows Award, an award given to recognise and further the professional development of original South Australian music artists or bands.

The duo won Best New Talent of the Year at the 2017 National Indigenous Music Awards. The duo was nominated for Artist of the Year at the 2018 National Indigenous Music Awards.

In December 2018, the duo was announced as one of the entrants in Eurovision - Australia Decides in an attempt to represent Australia in the Eurovision Song Contest 2019. Electric Fields performed at the competition with their song "2000 and Whatever" on 9 February 2019 and came second in both Jury and Audience vote, and second overall. In May 2019, the duo announced the Australian jury votes at the Eurovision Song Contest final. Later that year, Electric Fields toured with "2000 and Whatever" around Australia. During the performances, the duo was joined by a guitarist, a didgeridoo player and guest dancers.

In July 2019, Electric Fields received two nominations at the National Indigenous Music Awards.

On 3 April 2020, Electric Fields' collaboration with Norwegian group Keiino "Would I Lie" was released.

The duo were joined virtually by Jessica Mauboy, Missy Higgins and John Butler for a performance of  Paul Kelly and Kev Carmody's song about the Gurindji strike, "From Little Things Big Things Grow". The performance was recorded at the Adelaide Botanic Garden conservatory, and broadcast for the season finale of ABC Television's 6-part pandemic series, The Sound, on 23 August 2020.

In August 2020, they performed three acoustic sets at the Ukaria Cultural Centre in Mount Barker in the Adelaide Hills, in a collaboration with online streaming platform Sunny Side Uploads.

In October 2020, the duo performed "From Little Things Big Things Grow" at the 2020 AFL Grand Final.

2021–present: Signing with Warner Music
In November 2021, Electric Fields released they had signed a global deal with Warner Music Australia and released "Gold Energy". On 18 March 2022, the duo released "Catastrophe".

In February 2023, Electric Fields released "We the People" as the official WorldPride theme song. They performed their song to a crowd of 20,000 people at the festival's opening concert in Sydney's Domain on 24 February 2023, saying "Pride is not just about acceptance, but feeling at home in your own individuality".

Members

Zaachariaha Fielding
Zaachariaha Fielding is the oldest of nine children of a family in Mimili, in the APY lands of north-west South Australia. During the COVID-19 pandemic in Australia, he went to stay with his family and started painting with his nieces and nephews. Returning to Adelaide, he joined a group of artists at the remote APY Gallery Adelaide, taking the opportunity to develop his talents in visual art. His first exhibition, Zaachariaha Fielding: Gold and Silver Linings, was mounted at the gallery from November to December 2020. His work was selected as a finalist for the Ramsay Art Prize at the Gallery of South Australia in 2021.

Michael Ross
Michael Ross is a singer, songwriter, pianist and producer from Adelaide. Before joining Electric Fields Ross was a contestant on the X Factor Australia in 2013.

Discography

Extended plays

Singles

As lead artist

As featured artist

Other appearances

Awards

ARIA Music Awards
The ARIA Music Awards is an annual award ceremony event celebrating the Australian music industry. Electric Fields have been nominated for one award.

|-
| 2019
| 2000 and Whatever Tour
| Best Australian Live Act
|

National Dreamtime Awards
The National Dreamtime Awards is an annual celebration of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander achievement in sport, arts, academic and community and commenced in 2017. Electric Fields have won one award.

|-
| 2019
| Themselves
| Male Music Artist
|

National Indigenous Music Awards
The National Indigenous Music Awards is an annual awards ceremony that recognises the achievements of Indigenous Australians in music. The award ceremony commenced in 2004. Electric Fields have won one award from four nominations.

!
|-
| 2017
| rowspan=3|Themselves
| Best New Talent
|
|
|-
| 2018
| rowspan=2|Artist of the Year
|
|
|-
| rowspan="2"| 2019
|
|
|-
| "2000 and Whatever"
| Song of the Year
|
|
|-
| rowspan="2"| 2020
| Themselves
| Artist of the Year
|
| rowspan="2"|
|-
| Electric Fields and Keiino - "Would I Lie"
| Song of the Year
|
|-
| rowspan="1"| 2022
| Themselves
| Artist of the Year
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|
|-

National Live Music Awards
The National Live Music Awards (NLMAs) are a broad recognition of Australia's diverse live industry, celebrating the success of the Australian live scene. The awards commenced in 2016.

|-
| rowspan="2" |  2017
| Themselves
| South Australian Live Act of the Year
|
|-
| Zaachariaha Fielding (Electric Fields)
| South Australian Live Voice of the Year
|
|-
| 2018
| rowspan="3" | Themselves
| Live Electronic Act (or DJ) of the Year
|
|-
| rowspan="3" | 2019
| Live Act of the Year
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|-
| Live Electronic Act (or DJ) of the Year
|
|-
| rowspan="2" | Zaachariaha Fielding (Electric Fields)
| rowspan="2" | Live Voice of the Year
|
|-
| 2020
|
|-

South Australian Music Awards
The South Australian Music Awards (previously known as the Fowler's Live Music Awards) are annual awards that exist to recognise, promote and celebrate excellence in the South Australian contemporary music industry. They commenced in 2012.

|-
| rowspan="2" | 2019
| rowspan="2" | Themselves
| Best Aboriginal or Torres Strait Island Artist
|
|-
| People's Choice Electronic Award
|
|-

References

Further reading

External links

Australian electronic musicians
Musical groups established in 2015
Living people
Year of birth missing (living people)
South Australian musical groups
Indigenous Australian musical groups
2015 establishments in Australia


text:
Forms (documents)
1997 211B.14 Amended 1997 c 147 s 73
211B.14 DIGEST OF LAWS.
The secretary of state, with the approval of the attorney general, shall prepare and print an easily understandable digest of this chapter and annotations of it. The digest may include other related laws and annotations at the discretion of the secretary of state.
The secretary of state shall distribute the digest to candidates and committees through the county auditor or otherwise as the secretary of state considers expedient. A copy of the digest and, if appropriate, a financial reporting form and a certification of filing form must be distributed to each candidate by the filing officer at the time that the candidate's affidavit of candidacy is filed.
1988 c 578 art 3 s 14; 1993 c 223 s 26; 1997 c 147 s 73


Eat, Move, Sleep isn't about putting conscious effort into becoming a healthy person; it's about learning to effortlessly be healthy. There are three main components of this book: what you should eat to be healthy, how you should exercise to keep your body in prime condition, and how to have a rejuvenating and efficient sleep cycle.
We have compiled all of the advice in this book into simple habits you can practice every day. Even if you practice only a couple of the habits listed below, you will notice marked positive changes in your life.


Membership fees cover our minimal operational costs and give us funds to further support Camp Pendola. Your membership fees and donations are tax-deductible to the full extent allowed by law. Membership is only $25/year and available to you as an individual or household. A corporate membership is also available. Membership is available to anyone who cares about Camp Pendola. Any dollar amount above $25 is considered a donation.
You can also become a member by mail. Please download and complete the following form, then mail it to PO Box 18817, Sacramento, CA 95818 with your membership dues.
If you are already a member or were in the past, you can update your information by logging in here.


A preppy striped tie that pairs a traditional design and conservative colors with a trendy turquoise blue accent color in one of the stripes. This tie is perfect for suits in navy, tan, olive, and gray.
To match this tie we picked the navy blue suit and a white dress shirt - a look that is timeless, classy, professional, and perfect for the sophisticated British look. Made from fine Mogador silk.
Tie Length:, Tie Width: 3.5"
"I am a social worker who frequently appears in Court. I recommend this product to those who are conscientious about how they look and dress.The color and quality of material is exceptional for the cost of this tie."


text:
BYU mirrors Gonzaga in title success
Tue., Feb. 21, 2012
By Jim Meehan jimm@spokesman.com(208) 659-3791
Gonzaga and BYU are accustomed to hanging conference championship banners.
The Bulldogs have won 11 consecutive WCC men's basketball titles, a run that will likely require two wins this week and help elsewhere to continue. The Cougars won or shared four Mountain West championships under seventh-year head coach Dave Rose prior to joining the WCC this season.
The teams share second place entering Thursday's clash at the McCarthey Athletic Center. Both are trying to keep their title hopes alive with the winner taking a huge step toward a bye into the semifinals of the WCC tournament in Las Vegas.
"One of your goals at the start is you want the last week of the regular season to mean something," Rose said. "Because of what happened last week with LMU winning (against Saint Mary's) and San Francisco winning (over Gonzaga) it puts us back in position where it's possible."
After eight weeks of the nine-week WCC season, here's what's been settled. Santa Clara will be the ninth (last) seed. San Francisco will be No. 5, San Diego No. 6. Pepperdine and Portland will be 7 and 8 with the order to be determined.
The top is more unsettled. Saint Mary's, leading by one game with road dates at Portland and San Francisco, will finish first, second or third. Gonzaga (home vs. BYU, at San Diego) and BYU (at GU, home vs. Portland) could land anywhere from first to fourth. Loyola Marymount is locked into second, third or fourth. The tiebreakers are: 1). Head-to-head. 2). Results vs. teams in descending order of conference finish. 3). Collegiate Basketball News RPI (GU is currently 21, SMC 32, BYU 46, LMU 89).
"We want that bye, it's critical, especially in this tournament you don't want to play back-to-back," Bulldogs center Robert Sacre said.
Head coach Mark Few wasn't quite as certain.
"It's a big game because it still keeps you in the hunt for a league championship and BYU is an NCAA tournament team," he said. "I'm not convinced that playing two or three (tourney games) is that big a deal. I know we won it many times when we had to play three games."
That was under the old format. The current format was adopted in 2003. The addition of BYU means there will be an off day March, 4, between Saturday's semifinals and Monday's championship.
Rose said the WCC has been as challenging as the Mountain West.
"It's really hard to win conference championships. You have to be so consistent over an eight- to -10-week period and when you look at that challenge compared to the challenge from where we just came from, it's exactly the same," Rose said.
Home cooking: Like most college teams, Gonzaga's home statistics are much better than on the road. The Bulldogs are 13-1 at home, 5-4 on the road (not including 3-0 on neutral courts).
Gonzaga is plus-15.1 in scoring margin at home, plus-0.8 away. The Zags shoot almost the same (47.7 percent home, 47.4 percent away), but their 3-point percentage dips from 40.4 percent to 32.3. They're plus-11.1 rebounding at the MAC, plus-4.3 away. They commit 1.3 more turnovers per road game and their assists drop from 13.9 to 13.1 per game.
Sacre's points are similar (11.9 home, 11.8 road), but he grabs 2.3 more rebounds per home game and his field-goal accuracy climbs to 53 percent from 48. Gary Bell Jr. (10.9 vs. 9.5) and Elias Harris (14.1 vs. 12.4) score at a higher clip on the road. Kevin Pangos is more productive at home (16.2 ppg, 49.3 FG percent, 49.5 3-point percent, 3.5 assists, 1.4 turnovers) compared to the road (10.2 ppg, 39 FG percent, 23 3-point percent, 3.1 assists, 2.4 turnovers).
"I cherish the environment at home and I enjoy the away environment," Pangos said. "It's a different routine to have to adjust to, just being on buses, in hotels and you don't have the same access to some of the things we do at home. That's a bit of a factor, but other than that the games just haven't panned out the way we wanted them to and I just haven't played as well."
"I think that's a freshman being on the road with a lot of responsibility and the ball in his hands a lot. … He hasn't seemed to be quite as aggressive as he is at home," Few said.
Hartsock hurting: BYU forward Noah Hartsock, who leads all WCC players with a 17.3 scoring average, missed a short portion of Saturday's win over Santa Clara with a knee injury before returning to the game.
He hasn't practiced yet this week.
"He's pretty sore," Rose said. "Hopefully, he'll feel better and we can get something from him, if not Thursday than Saturday."
Published: Feb. 21, 2012, 7:55 p.m.
Tags: bulldogs, gonzaga, wcc basketball


We are getting an error when we upgraded our WP Smush Pro - This just happened.
Hello James , I hope all is well!
Please let me know have you uploaded the plugin via FTP to plugins folder or tried to install the plugin from Plugins > Add New > Upload?
If you can access your back end, would you please delete both plugins and install the WP Smush with the WPMU DEV Dashboard plugin?
And re-install the WP Smush plugin through the WPMU DEV Dashboard.
If the warning will appear again, would you please deactivate all the other plugins to test for a conflict? If everything is well, activate one plugin at a time to find the one that causes this.
If you require assistance with the above directions, please send to me your credentials so I can have a closer look.


This classic appetizer has been around… Well, like forever. And I'm sure that there are dozens of variations on this classic dish all around this site. They seem a bit low-brow to some folks, but down South, they are considered a classic, and I think that they always will.
This recipe uses homemade chili sauce, a really good grape jelly, and a secret ingredient. Add to that a batch of homemade Italian meatballs, and there you go.
This is a staple on my sideboard during holiday open house days, and it always disappears.
So, you ready to make this dish?
Make 1/2 batch of the beef/pork meatballs, and when shaping them, make them about the size of one-tablespoon of mixture.
This should produce about 2-dozen meatballs.
Chef's Note: At this point you can freeze them, uncooked and bring them out and cook them the day of the party.
They can be frozen for several weeks without harming their flavor.
Chef's Tip: To freeze them, the best way is to place the uncooked meatballs on a parchment-lined baking pan, and then place them in the freezer… When they are frozen, you can remove them from the pan, and place them in sealed zip-lock bags. This will keep them from sticking together.
Make 2 batches of the homemade chili sauce, and reserve. The sauce can be made several days ahead, and then refrigerated until needed.
Partially bake the meatballs in the oven… cut the baking time on the recipe, to 20 minutes at 430f (220c).
The meatballs, if frozen, should be left out at room temperature for about an hour before baking.
Add 12ounces of the chili sauce (reserve the remainder for another use), and 12 ounces of the grape jelly to a sauce pan, and bring up to a very light simmer.
Chef's Tip: There are a lot of jellies out their in the marketplace, and I prefer to try some of the smaller batch companies. For example, one of my favorites for this recipe is: Muscat Grape Jelly, from Bonnie Maman.
If you want to kick it up, try adding 1 to 2 tablespoons of pepper jelly to the sauce (optional).
Add the meatballs and continue to lightly simmer for about 15 minutes before serving.
Cooking Tip: A very light simmer is where you will see very little movement in the liquid, with wisps of steam coming off the top.
Remove from saucepan, and serve in any one of a number of ways.
Serving Tip: You could actually cook them up in a small crock pot, and allow your guests to spoon them out from there… That's called rustic.
Serving Tip: You could plate them on a nice dish, and stick toothpicks in each one… That's called being fancy.
Cooking Tip: If you want to add an additional note of flavor to this dish, try adding a tablespoon of unsweetened cacao powder.
Chef's Note: You can make these vegetarian, by purchasing or making veggie-style meatballs.


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text:
George W. Bush and the Cities: The Damage Done and the Struggle Ahead
Published on October 24, 2004 September 24, 2012 by Administrator
By Peter Dreier
On April 29, 2002, the tenth anniversary of the civil unrest, George W. Bush came to Los Angeles to speak at a church-sponsored community development center at the 1992 riot's epicenter, South Los Angeles. Given the occasion, reporters might have expected the President to announce a new initiative to address the nation's serious urban problems. But Bush came to Los Angeles—in a brief interlude between fundraisers—bearing only rhetoric.
"You know, we live in a great country," he said. "I'm proud of America. I'm proud of our country. I'm proud of what we stand for. Oh, I know there's pockets of despair. That just means we've got to work harder. It means you can't quit. It means we've got to rout it out with love and compassion and decency."
Bush sought to be both preacher and historian: "Out of the violence and ugliness came new hope," he said—this in the middle of a neighborhood where only 23 percent of commercial buildings destroyed by the riots were back in business, where 43,800 fewer jobs existed than did in 1992 and where more than one-third of residents lived in poverty.
The President touted his most visible urban program—encouraging churches to sponsor social programs such as homeless shelters, food kitchens and drug counseling. His proposal, which stalled in Congress because of disagreements over federal funding for religious activities, added no funds for these worthy, though band-aid, efforts, simply calling for redirection of existing moneys. Indeed, thanks to his $1.3 trillion tax cuts, mostly for the wealthy, Bush made it impossible for Washington to provide any significant aid to the nation's cities or to the poor.
It isn't difficult to understand why Bush paid so little attention to urban America. In 2000, Al Gore beat Bush among city voters by a 61 percent to 35 percent margin, virtually tied Bush among suburban voters by a 47 percent to 49 percent margin and lost in rural areas by a large 37 percent to 59 percent margin. Not surprisingly, Bush saw no reason to shape his policy agenda to appeal to urban voters.
Are Cities Making a Comeback?
As we entered the twenty-first century, some urban experts and journalists proclaimed that an urban renaissance was underway. Data from the 2000 Census showed some promising signs. During the 1990s some major cities, including New York and Chicago, reversed their long decline in population. The nation's urban crime rate was the lowest in a decade. So was the urban unemployment rate. Home ownership rates for Latinos and blacks had increased, although the gap with whites remained significant. Also, by 2000 the nation's overall poverty rate (11.3 percent) and that of its central cities (16.1 percent) was lower than it had been in twenty-five years. Even air quality improved in many urban areas.
But the positive trends were neither inevitable nor durable. As the nation's economy drifted downward after 2000, the indicators of an urban revival—reductions in poverty, crime and the number of uninsured families—reversed their direction. The improvements in cities during the 1990s were due largely to an unprecedented national economic expansion, reinforced by federal policies that reduced unemployment, spurred productivity, lifted the working poor out of poverty and targeted private investment to low-income urban areas.
The Clinton administration's expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), a wage supplement for the working poor, particularly helped people in cities and inner suburbs. So did Clinton's efforts to promote community development corporations (CDCs). These non-profit groups have built most of the affordable housing n the past decade, but the shortage of federal funds for housing ensures that they can have only a marginal effect on improving America's inner cities.
Urban Conditions during the Bush Years
As President, Bush had three policy priorities: cut taxes, especially for the most affluent; reduce government regulations on business; and increase American military spending. With a Republican majority in Congress, Bush was able to accomplish all three goals. The attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001 helped reverse Bush's declining favorability ratings and made it much easier for him to persuade Democrats to vote to boost defense spending, invade Afghanistan and Iraq and appropriate funds for a domestic "war on terrorism." Bush inherited a federal budget surplus from Clinton, but the combination of huge tax cuts and increasing military spending led to record budget deficits, leaving hardly any discretionary funds for social or anti-poverty programs. Initial public support for Bush's focus on war and terrorism also limited the Democrats' willingness to challenge his handling of the troubled economy.
After the end of the previous recession in March 1991, the nation embarked on nine straight years of job growth. In contrast, the so-called "Bush recession" ended in November 2001, but over the next two years the nation experienced what some economists called a "jobless recovery," with American firms sending a growing number of both blue-collar and white-collar jobs overseas. During Bush's first three years in office, the unemployment rate increased from 4 percent to 6 percent, adding more than 3 million people to the jobless ranks. The number of people out of work for more than six months doubled. Median annual household income fell $500 between 2000 and 2003. The nation's poverty rate rose from 11.3 percent to 12.5 percent; an additional 4.8 million Americans fell into poverty, reaching 36 million by 2003.
By 2003, almost as many poor Americans lived in suburbs (13.8 million, 38.5 percent of the poor) as in cities (14.6 million, 40.5 percent of the poor). The suburbanization of poverty might by be good news if these families lived in predominantly middle-class suburbs with good schools. But most of the suburban poor live in troubled communities beset with problems once associated with big cities: crime, hunger, homelessness, inadequate schools and public services and chronic fiscal crises.
The Bush years saw a continual fraying of the social safety net. The number of Americans without health insurance climbed from 39.8 million to 45 million (15.6 percent of the population). Some of the dire predictions about Clinton's welfare reform program came to fruition during the Bush years. Robert Reich, Clinton's secretary of labor, had warned that "[w]hen unemployment starts creeping up again, a long line of people are going to be in trouble because we've taken away a safety net." For example, the proportion of families who leave welfare but cannot find jobs rose from 50 percent in 1999 to 58 percent in 2002. The number of former welfare recipients still in poverty increased.
As soon as Bush took office he broke his campaign pledge to govern as a "compassionate conservative." His most symbolic "urban" initiative was a plan to redirect federal funds for social programs like homeless shelters, food banks and drug rehabilitation programs to agencies sponsored by "faith-based" organizations. The plan was exposed when John Dilulio, the conservative political scientist Bush recruited to run the faith-based program, leaked a letter to Esquire magazine criticizing the President and his advisors for their "lack of even basic policy knowledge, and the only casual interest in knowing more" about urban problems, observing that "there were only a couple of people in the West Wing who worried at all about policy substance and analysis."
Bush forged a bipartisan consensus in Congress to pass the "No Child Left Behind Act," requiring local schools to increase student testing and to issue annual "report cards" on their progress. The purported goals were to improve student achievement (particularly in inner city and minority neighborhood schools) and raise standards, including hiring more qualified teachers. Education experts estimated that the nation's schools would need at least $84 billion to comply with the new federal standards, but Bush only asked Congress for an additional $1 billion. Without adequate funds, local systems could not hire more teachers, reduce class sizes or provide existing teachers with additional training. Schools in inner cities, those most likely to have low-achieving students but lack the resources to add teachers or improve facilities, would be hurt most by the new law.
Housing for the poor was barely on Bush's radar screen. In his first three years as president he kept the HUD budget roughly the same, but in 2004 he proposed major cuts to the Section 8 housing voucher program, eliminating 250,000 vouchers in 2005 and 600,000 vouchers by 2009, a 30 percent cut. Low-income tenants would face a rent increase of about $2,000 a year. In May 2004, testifying before Congress to justify these cuts, HUD Secretary Alphonso Jackson claimed that "being poor is a state of mind, not a condition." This comment infuriated several members of the Committee, including Michael Capuano (D-MA), who told Jackson, "Apparently you don't know anyone facing eviction or not being able to pay their rent." Jackson's statement unwittingly revealed the Bush administration's underlying view that poverty is due primarily to character flaws among the poor.
Under Bush, rents and housing prices increased faster than incomes. In 2000, the national "housing wage"—the amount someone who is working forty hours a week has to earn to afford a typical two-bedroom apartment in a particular area—was $12.47; by 2003, the national housing wage was $15.21, much higher in many cities. Overall, rents as a percentage of income rose from 26.5 percent in 2000 to 29 percent in 2003. The nation's homeownership rate increased to 68.3 percent in 2003, but many working-class homeowners found that the American Dream was a bit slippery: The share of FHA loans in foreclosure at the end of 2003 reached a record 2.93 percent, and among subprime loans, 5.63 percent were in foreclosure.
During the Bush years, the nation's economic distress, including the spiraling federal deficit, created fiscal havoc among states and cities. Governors and mayors, including Republicans, complained that Washington was leaving them in the lurch. The skyrocketing cost of health care strained states' ability to pay for its share of Medicaid. Governors were forced to cut funding for health care, schools, transportation and other basic services. Nor could they cope with the cost of implementing the new federal welfare-to-work mandates because rising unemployment made it nearly impossible to find jobs for many former welfare recipients. City officials, reeling from the loss of federal and state aid, had no choice but to cut essential services, including for public safety, libraries, road repair and public schools.
The cities' fiscal trauma was compounded by the Bush administration's most expensive federal mandate—complying with its "war on terrorism" and "homeland security" initiatives after 9/11. The federal government required cities to dramatically increase security measures at airports, ports and sports events, and to improve emergency preparations related to water systems, the 911 telephone system, public health and public safety, but failed to provide municipalities with adequate funds to buy equipment or to add and train staff. Cities spent $70 million a week simply to comply with each "orange alert" security threat warning from the federal Department of Homeland Security. It took the Bush administration and Congress a year-and-a-half after 9/11 to enact legislation to provide states and cities with funding to improve airport security and other measures, but a year later, few cities had received the funds they were promised. Moreover, the Bush administration changed the formula for distributing homeland security funds to the detriment of cities where the threats are greatest, in favor of less endangered (and, by the way, more Republican) areas. In 2003, Wyoming received $61 a person in federal homeland security assistance, while California got just $14 and New York City got less than $25.
Ironically, the 9/11 tragedy reminded New Yorkers and all Americans just how much they depended on government, not only in emergencies, but also in normal times. Even those who typically object to "big government" spending and aid to cities acknowledged that Washington had a responsibility to help New York City recover and rebuild. Moreover, for at least that moment in history, the nation's heroes were the police, firefighters, EMTs, ambulance drivers, hospital staffers, public health experts and other public employees whose courage, commitment and compassion helped people cope with one of the worst single tragedies in the nation's history.
After a few days delay, Bush came to the scene. With New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani at his side, Bush promised to help New York City's residents, workforce and businesses rebuild and recover from the economic chaos. He pledged more than $21 billion to help New York City, but two years after the tragedy, some city officials complained that the Bush administration was slow to allocate the funds. Indeed, by the time the Republican convention was held in New York in August 2004, the city had received less than half the funds Bush promised.
The Bush administration devoted more resources and attention to rebuilding Iraq than to rebuilding America's cities. It failed in both: in Iraq, due to incompetence; in the US, due to lack of concern.
A Reform Agenda for Cities
On many fronts the Bush administration is the most conservative regime of the past century. During the Bush years, progressive urban activists and policy practitioners had little success in promoting reforms at the federal level. With Congress in Republican hands, there was little progressives could do but try to stop bad things from happening: US invasion and occupation of Iraq, the Patriot Act and other invasions of civil liberties, dismantling of federal consumer, environmental and worker protection laws, slashing of programs for the poor, crony capitalism, corporate scandals and tax breaks for the wealthy. Small victories, such as stopping Bush's efforts to restrict overtime pay for millions of workers, had to suffice.
There is, however, growing momentum at the local level for progressive urban policies. The most dramatic example is the growing number of cities (now more than 100) that have adopted living wage laws, a tribute to the alliances between unions, community organizations and faith-based groups that have emerged in the past decade. The community reinvestment movement has made significant headway in forging grassroots coalitions to stop banks from redlining urban neighborhoods and engaging in predatory lending as well as to build partnerships with lenders to expand housing development. In some cities, housing activists have joined forces with unions and other groups to push for inclusionary zoning laws and municipal housing trust funds, such as the $100 million annual fund in Los Angeles.
Battles at the local level—e.g., to improve housing conditions, unionize low-wage workers in the service and light manufacturing sectors, resist bank redlining and predatory lending, improve public schools, fight against environmental hazards, expand public transit—can win improvements in people's lives. But progressives know that we really cannot solve our nation's urban problems without changes in federal policy. To level the playing field for union organizing campaigns we need to reform the nation's unfair labor laws. To improve conditions for the growing army of the working poor we need to raise the federal minimum wage and expand participation in the EITC. To provide adequate resources to housing poor and working-class families we need a National Housing Trust Fund or other legislation to expand federal subsidies. To address the nation's health care crisis we need some form of universal national health insurance. To improve our public schools, especially those that serve the nation's poorest children, we need to increase federal funding for smaller classrooms, adequate teacher training and sufficient books and equipment. To redirect private investment to cities and older suburbs we need to provide sufficient funds to clean up toxic urban brownfields. To address the problems of growing traffic congestion we need federal funds to improve public transit of all kinds as well as federal laws to limit tax breaks and other incentives that promote suburban sprawl and "leapfrog" development on the fringes of metropolitan areas.
Progressives have increasingly recognized that any effort to address the nation's urban crisis must forge alliances with some parts of suburbia. Congress is now dominated by suburban districts and suburbanites now comprise a majority of all voters. So the building blocks for an effective progressive movement today start in cities and move outward to working-class suburbs and some liberal middle-class suburbs. Recognizing this, labor unions, community groups like ACORN, Gamaliel Foundation and the Industrial Areas Foundation, environmental organizations, faith-based activists and urban public officials have started reaching out to the working-class suburbs near city borders. They know that they must work together regionally to limit suburban sprawl and traffic congestion or to channel jobs and economic development into declining business districts—in contrast to engaging in cut-throat competition to outbid each other for private investment.
In their book The Emerging Democratic Majority, John Judis and Ruy Teixeira show that a growing number of middle-class professionals who work outside the corporate world and live in newer suburbs share a progressive outlook on both economic and social policy and could be enlisted in a coalition that addresses issues of economic fairness, limits on suburban sprawl, revitalization of cities and expansion of social programs such as health insurance and child care.
The Clinton administration's ambivalence about pushing an urban agenda reflected the Democratic Party's own divisions. Democrats pay more attention to cities than Republicans do because many of their key constituency groups live there. The safest seats in Congress are those urban districts that routinely elect progressive Democrats. But Election Day urban turnout is typically much lower than turnout in wealthier suburbs, especially in mid-term elections. This can hurt Democrats higher up on the ticket—candidates running for governor and the US Senate, as well as for president.
At the same time, many Democrats, especially those representing suburban districts, are closely linked to big business interests who oppose progressive taxation, Keynesian pump-priming and social spending, including housing assistance for the poor.
The history of the past century shows that progress is made when people join together to struggle for change, make stepping-stone reforms and persist so that each victory builds on the next. This kind of work is slow and gradual because it involves organizing people to learn the patient skills of leadership and organization-building. It requires forging coalitions that can win elections and then promote politics that keep the coalition alive.
Grassroots organizing is rarely dramatic. The news media rarely pay attention to the small miracles that happen when ordinary people join together to channel their frustration and anger into solid organizations that win improvements in workplaces, neighborhoods and schools. The media are generally more interested in political theater and confrontation—when workers strike, when community activists protest or when hopeless people resort to rioting. As a result, much of the best organizing work during the last decade—including efforts during this election year—has been unheralded in the mainstream press.
Organizers understand that the defeat of George Bush is a necessary (though not sufficient) precondition for moving a progressive agenda for America's cities and metro areas. It is no accident that during the 2004 election season many labor unions, community organizations, environmental and women's groups and liberal Democrats have put significant resources into grassroots efforts to register and turn out voters in the key swing states and Congressional districts. In Florida, for example, ACORN helped initiate a statewide ballot initiative to raise the state minimum wage and is registering thousands of urban residents, mostly in low-income, minority neighborhoods, to increase turnout on Election Day.
No one expects a Kerry administration to be the salvation for America's cities, but even a moderate Democrat in the White House will provide openings for progressive reform that were impossible during the Bush years. Equally important, if voters restore a Democratic majority in either the House or the Senate, many of the key committee chairs will be allies in the struggle for progressive reform. In this presidential election, as in none that we have experienced in our lifetimes, it is essential that the incumbent be defeated if a progressive agenda is to get a fair hearing.
Peter Dreier is E.P. Clapp distinguished professor of politics and director of the Urban & Environmental Policy Program at Occidental College. This article draws on the revised edition of his book, co-authored with John Mollenkopf and Todd Swanstrom,Place Matters: Metropolitics for the 21st Century (University Press of Kansas, 2004). He is also co-author of The Next Los Angeles: The Struggle for a Livable City (University of California Press, 2004). He served for almost a decade (1984-1992) as senior policy aide to Boston Mayor Ray Flynn. A version of this article will appear in Social Policy.
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The United Republic of Tanzania is an East African nation with a total area of 945.087 km2. It is bordered by Kenya and Uganda to the north, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west, and Zambia and Mozambique to the south. The country's eastern borders lie on the Indian Ocean.
Tanganyika gained independence in 1962, while the Zanzibar Revolution overthrew the Arab Sultan on 12 January 1964. On 26 April 1964, Tanganyika and Zanzibar united as the United Republic of Tanzania.
The population of Tanzania is approximately 58.7 million people, 1.3 million of whom reside on the islands of Zanzibar. More than 100 different ethnic groups are native to Tanzania, which is also home to many immigrants from other countries.
The native tribes of Tanzania are predominantly of Bantu origin, who represent approximately 95% of the country's inhabitants. The remaining tribes are Nilotic speakers and indigenous hunters-gatherer descendants. Less than 1% of Tanzania's inhabitants consist of Asians, Arabs, and Europeans.
Tanzania is a unitary presidential republic. The parliament of Tanzania is unicameral, with 324 seats, 236 of which are elected by popular vote. The head of the executive branch is the President of Tanzania, who is elected by direct popular vote for a 5-year term. The Prime Minister of Tanzania is appointed by the president.
The country's constitution permits the president to nominate ten members to the parliament who are non-elected but who are eligible to be cabinet members.
Tanzania has a GDP worth 55 billion dollars. The GDP grew 6.6% in 2017. This growth is underpinned by infrastructural development and an expanding consumer base. Heavy infrastructure investment in rail, ports and roads is expected to a main driver of GDP growth.
Agriculture: Agriculture is crucial to Tanzania's economy, employing nearly 80% of the country's workforce and contributing 25% to the GDP. Urban households, which constitutes 25% of the total population, perform agricultural activities for subsistence, such as growing vegetables, poultry keeping, and dairy farming.
Service: Services accounted for 47% of GDP in 2015. The most rapidly growing private service sectors in the first half of 2016 were transport and storage (17.4% growth), financial and insurance activities (13%), and information and communication (13%).
Tourism: Because of the country's natural beauties, attractive wildlife and tourism infrastructure, Tanzania became the 7th most visited tourist destination in sub-Saharan Africa. Tourism-related activities account for approximately 15% of GDP and 12% of the country's employment.
According to the Tanzanian government, since 2012, the sector has been the third largest recipient of foreign direct investment, after mining and manufacturing.
Construction: The construction industry is a growing sector in Tanzania's economy and includes real state, transport infrastructure, and other civil works, such as the water supply. The growth rate of the construction sector was 17.6% in 2015. According to the Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), this growth was attributed to the ongoing construction of roads and residential and non-residential buildings.
According to the International Monterey Fund "IMF" nearly two-thirds of adults have access to financial services, mainly due to the expansion of mobile money. The banking supervision framework has been strengthened.
Transportation: Tanzania's transport sector rose by 55% in value during the period 2009–2014, from 1.3 to 2.1 billion dollars. According to Tanzania's 2025 Development Vision, investment in infrastructure, particularly in the development of the road network, is the government's top priority.
Road transport is the most widely used form of transport in Tanzania, transporting over 90% of all passengers and accounting for 75% of all freight traffic in the country. After road, railway transport is the second most important mode of transport and is critical for transporting long distance freight along the main transport corridors in Tanzania.
Tanzania has 3,676 km of railway lines operated by two railway systems, the Tanzania Railways Corporation (TRC) and Tanzania–Zambia Railways (TAZARA).
Telecommunications: The telecommunications sector underwent liberalization in 2005, ending the exclusivity of government-owned telecommunications monopoly, TTCL. Subsequent policy reforms have made the telecom sector one of the most liberal telecom sectors in Africa. Any prospective investor can obtain licences to operate various telecommunications services.
Tanzania's telecommunications sector is one of the country's most competitive sectors. Mobile phone penetration is approaching 70%, with an annual subscriber base growth of more than 20%.
Manufacturing: Tanzania's industrial sector contributes approximately 27.6% to the country`s GDP and has grown an average of 8% annually over the past 5 years. Because agriculture is the cornerstone of the Tanzanian economy, the manufacturing industry centres on processing local agriculture goods.
The manufacturing sector in Tanzania consists mainly of food processing (24%), textiles and clothing (10%), chemicals (8.5%), and other products, including beverages, leather and leather products, paper and paper products, publishing, printing, and plastics.
Mining: Tanzania is endowed with diverse natural resources, some of which have been discovered recently. The country's mineral deposits include precious stones, such as gold, diamonds, tanzanite and rubies; industrial minerals, such as iron, tin, copper, phosphate, limestone, and gypsum; and fuels, including natural gas and coal. In the second quarter of 2016, the mining sector recorded 20.5% growth.
In the period preceding Tanzania`s independence, precious stones represented 10% of the country's GDP. In 1992, however, this rate dropped to 1% due to unfavourable investment conditions necessitating structural reforms, such as the lifting of the ban on precious stones and the abolition of export taxes to encourage investment. Currently, mining contributes less than 4% to Tanzania's economy.


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Kim Jinwoo is a South Korean singer and actor who is best known for being a member of the K-pop boy group WINNER. Born on September 26, 1991, he was scouted by Seungri of Big Bang and became a trainee in 2010 before debuting as the lead vocalist of WINNER in 2014. In addition to his musical activities, Jinwoo made his acting debut in the 2016 web drama "Magic Cell Phone" and also appears in the drama "Wizard of Nowhere" (2018).


The "Ariella" Swiss Egg Bong with honeycomb perc has all the features you need to optimally enjoy your favorite herbs in style. Created with the latest glass blowing techniques, the Swiss Egg Bong has been designed to deliver nothing less then perfection.
As you pull the smoke travels through the fixed downstem into the showerhead percolator. The slits in the showerhead percolator break up the smoke into smaller particles, increasing the surface area and enhancing filtration.


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Facial Recognition Tech Discriminates. Ten Questions to Ask About K-12 Use
By Mark Lieberman — December 31, 2019 3 min read
Facial recognition technology is on the rise in schools across the country, but a new report from the federal government suggests its accuracy can vary widely depending on race and gender.
African-Americans and Asian-Americans can be between 10 and 100 times more likely to be misidentified by the technology than white people, and women are more likely to be falsely identified than men, says the National Institute of Science and Technology report, which tested nearly 200 systems with photos of more than 8 million people.
The report cautions that not all facial recognition systems are created equal: "Different algorithms perform differently."
School officials in several states have turned to facial recognition tools to help minimize the number of shootings and security breaches in schools. Many districts have adopted the systems as an automated way to track whether the people entering and leaving the building belong there.
The report focused on the technology's increasing presence as a law enforcement tool, but the findings have implications for schools as well, according to Sarah St. Vincent, a human rights attorney and surveillance and digital rights expert who serves as director of Cornell Tech's Computer Security Clinic.
"People of color fought and suffered for the right to be able to get into schools and other buildings the same way that white people do," St. Vincent said. "If facial recognition is a barrier to that, that's a problem."
By adopting facial recognition as a security tool to curb gun violence and other potential problems, St. Vincent argues, schools restrict access to non-white students, parents, and teachers.
"It's really chilling that so clearly the more layers of oppression you are probably experiencing, the less accurate facial recognition will be for you," St. Vincent said.
The New York State Department of Education earlier this year halted a planned pilot of facial recognition software in schools after civil rights advocates raised privacy concerns.
St. Vincent says she hasn't seen research indicating that facial recognition is a more accurate security system than a human presence might be. "There's this perception that facial recognition is objective or less flawed," she said. "We view tech as having this aura of magic or perfection that it actually should not have."
Efforts are underway to develop more sophisticated artificial intelligence in facial recognition technologies that will not perpetuate racial and gender biases. In the meantime, here are some questions St. Vincent recommends district leaders ask as they explore the use of facial recognition technnologies:
Has the manufacturer commissioned a third-party test of the system, or has it simply tested the product itself?
How many false positives (identifying someone as a match when they are not) and false negatives (failing to identify someone who is a match) did the manufacturer find in its research?
How accurate is the system for children? For women and girls? For people of color?
What is the risk or harm schools are trying to prevent by installing this system, and why would this system be the best way to address that risk?
How should schools evaluate the effectiveness of a facial recognition system?
Are there other options that are less intrusive and less likely of misidentifying people of color?
How is data collected by the system stored and what are the plans for securely deleting old or unnecessary data?
Is there a risk that students, teachers, staff, parents, or others will associate with one another less freely on school grounds if a school uses facial recognition technologies?
Will use of these technologies exacerbate the existing problem of students of color facing disproportionately high rates of disciplinary action?
Have school officials given members of the community opportunities for input on whether or not to use facial recognition systems?
Mark Lieberman
Reporter, Education Week
Mark Lieberman is a reporter for Education Week covering technology and online learning.
Artificial Intelligence State Policy District Leadership


Bangladesh is a blessed country with so many natural talents. But she can count herself the luckiest as because she has been blessed with a few of the special gifts of God. Mustafizur Rahman is one of them.
Two unknown footballers made their way into Brazil's World Cup squad of 1958. One was a 17-year old id and the other was a boy who played football for joy and on the pitch did not know against whom he was playing – he played for the joy of people. Back then, the Brazilian think tank regarded them as special gifts and it was only a matter of time, the world would come to know about them. Indeed, Brazil's dawn was just breaking.
Brazil's coach Vincente Feola did not risk of unleashing them in the first two encounters against Austria and England, but against the former Soviet Union, Feola needed to come up with something different. He decided to include two of the special gifts of Brazil – Pele and Garrincha – with the motive to unsettle the scientific football of Soviet Union.
Garrincha scripted the greatest three minutes in the history of World Cup football against the Soviets while the 17-year old kid Pele would turn the world upside down with his dazzling skills and goal scoring abilities. In the next twelve years, world would witness the era of Brazil football and two of the special gifts would be hugely responsible for scripting one of the golden eras of Brazil football.
The sporting fraternity is full of such special gifts. The God at times shower His blessing upon a nation in the form of special characters like Pele, Garrincha, Maradona, Mohammad Ali or Shakib Al Hasan, who not only strike gold on the pitch, but also carries the hope and aspiration of whole nation. The luckiest nations, at times, are blessed with few more special gifts.
In that sense, Bangladesh can count themselves as one of the luckiest ones. As because, along with Shakib, God has gifted Bangladesh Mustafizur Rahman aka Fizz.
In 2012, a shy, skinny Fizz came to Dhaka from Satkhira to trail at a fast-bowling camp at the Shere Bangla National Stadium. His abilities as a left-arm fast bowler did not go unnoticed by the local coaches who decided to give him a go in the age group teams. Two years later, Fizz would fetch nine wickets at an average of 18.44 in the Under-19 World Cup in the Middle East. The same year he made his debut in Bangladesh Cricket League for Khulna Division.
"He is the best Under-19 bowler in the country. It is not necessary that he will play matches, but he is a prospect, and offers us the left-arm seam variety," said by the former selector of Bangladesh Farooque Ahmed.
But Fizz's international debut was still delayed until he caught the attention of Chandika Hathurusingha. Chandika recognized, what a great asset Fizz was and immediately decided to unleash this gem in 2015 against Pakistan, India and South Africa. Under the supreme guidance of Chandika and Heath Streak, Fizz bamboozled India and South Africa to create waves even in the cold shores of England. The world went crazy about him. He was an overnight sensation in Bangladesh and across the border.
Fizz would become the X-factor in Chandika's four-man pace attack – a ploy which unleashed a new era in Bangladesh cricket, who once upon a time relied heavily on left-arm spinners. Back then, the attack comprising of Mashrafe Bin Mortaza, Rubel Hossain, Taskin Ahmed and Mustafizur Rahman triggered a humungous euphoria among the fans and critics. Especially, Fizz was the centre of attraction in every game. Mind you, when a talent, even overshadows the aura of Shakib, you have to bear in mind about the weight and charisma of that talent. Man, Fizz is such a special gift!
Fizz is a freak! Man, it's never easy to deceive the batsmen with such a pace! Neither his pace is as deceptive as Wasim Akram nor would he put chills down the spine Bill Voce, but most of the times he would clock around 120-135 kmph. Very rarely he would touch that 140 kmph mark. He is not genuinely quick and does not have the ability to swing or dish out the rip-snorting bouncers. But he is well-equipped to bag wickets with his medium-fast kinds of stuff as because, he has his own cataclysmic and mystical variation.
His most lethal weapon is the offcutter, which come off at a reduced pace with little change in action. In naked eyes, those would look like lollipops, but when it swerve after landing on the back of a length to outfox the very best, you tend to sit back and wish to have another look at it. You are left asking yourself, "What is so special in those cutters"? Yes, those deliveries look so benign, but still, they either disturb the timber or trap the batsmen lbw.
That's why I termed him as a special gift. Where the likes of Wasim, Voce, or Alan Davidson's quickish left-arm made them a nemesis for the batsmen worldwide, here in Bangladesh, the calm and quiet boy from Sathkhira, Mustafizur Rahman's not-so-quick left-arm continues to enrich his tally of wickets each day, each season.
Like any other pacer, Fizz would use the new ball – make it either come back in or move away off the seam, but as soon as the ball gets old, the magic of Fizz would unleash. He does not need to rely on reverse-swing, but his cutters help him a lot, as the surface aid him to achieve enough grip. Of course, it requires enough skill to utilize the surface as well.
There would be no change in arm-speed, a factor which makes it tough for the batsmen to pick him up, and at the point of delivery the wrist would break as the ball comes down with a scrambled seam resembling like a spinner – not an easy one to handle. Of course, the length of Fizz is always around that good and back of a length, area and when the ball spins from that length from an angle wide of the crease, it's a treat for the cricket lovers.
Injuries halted his progress in 2016, but under Courtney Walsh, the rehabilitation work went very well. Over the years, Fizz has learned the art of moving the old ball. It was evident during the Test series against Australia and Sri Lanka. Alongside, the offcutter, Fizz can bring the ball back in more and fire straight into the blockhole to end the story of tail-enders. He is bowling closer to the stumps at present and has mastered the art of bowling around the wicket and utilize the angle like Wasim Akram once did.
Bangladesh should be thankful for having someone like Fizz on their side. The most important thing which each and every Bangladeshi should realise, let Fizz play his own way and not try to hold him back from expressing himself in the middle. A special gift like Fizz are independent by nature and they tend to lose their shine under the guidance of pragmatic minds.
As Eric Clapton said, "In playing, I suppose, my greatest gift was to express the way I felt or the willingness to express myself".
The world enjoyed a lot of Bill Voce, Alan Davidson and Wasim Akram's destructive, but artistic poetry. I think the time has come to enjoy the non-destructive, but the artistic poetry of Fizz in the upcoming days. You don't get an opportunity to relish the joy of witnessing a left-arm pacer every time. Fizz is here to provide us with the joy after Wasim. It's time to enjoy the special gift, from Bangladesh!


On this episode, we find out what it takes to prepare F-16 fighter pilots for deployment, we meet a Department of Agriculture member tasked with keeping wildlife - and aircraft - safe in Afghanistan, Marines blast their way through pre-deployment training, Army Special Reaction Team snipers train to hit the vital "T" zone, and Airmen in Okinawa make an annual flight to honor their fallen comrades.
A monthly half hour show that offers an incomparable and rare insight of life on the frontlines reported directly by U.S. military service members deployed around the globe.
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This informative and entertaining program is available via satellite, DVD, and various videotape formats.
Like all content offered by DVIDS, In The Fight is available free of charge. As a courtesy, we simply request notice regarding the show's air date, broadcast rating, and viewership number for the Broadcast Station or Cable Company.
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Q: Python mainloop and while loop I have a program that uses turtle graphics. The problem is I have a game loop but don't know where to put the mainloop function. If I put it before the game loop then game loop won't get executed. If I put it after mainloop will never get executed because the game loop is an infinite loop. Lastly if I put mainloop in game loops end than game loop will only get executed once. Where should I put mainloop?
import turtle
#some turtle code
while True:
  #some code

turtle.mainloop

A:
If I put it after mainloop will never get executed because the game loop is an infinite loop. Lastly if I put mainloop in game loops end than game loop will only get executed once. Where should I put mainloop?

You should either use mainloop() and drive your game loop using e.g. ontimer() or an explicit game loop. Not both.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


President George W. Bush signs the Great Lakes Compact into law.
The agreement not only protects one of the world's largest freshwater sources from long-range diversions, but it also gives the Great Lakes states the legal framework for the sustainable management of this incredible water system. The Great Lakes contain more than 90% of the fresh surface water in the United States, and 20% of the world's supply. However, less than one percent of the Great Lakes water is renewed each year, leaving the lakes vulnerable to depletion.
Governor Jim Doyle, Chairman of the Council of Great Lakes Governors, says the signing of the Compact is an historic accomplishment for our region's greatest natural resource. It's the culmination of years of hard work among eight Great Lakes states and two Canadian provinces, conservationists, government agencies, businesses, and the public.
Doyle says one of our greatest competitive advantages in the global economy is our water, which helps to grow industries and draw businesses to this region. The Great Lakes are essential to transportation and shipping, they drive recreation and tourism, and they sustain cities.


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Q: websocket protocol 08 write error Unrecognized frame opcode: 12 I am using the new websocket protocol: https://datatracker.ietf.org/doc/html/draft-ietf-hybi-thewebsocketprotocol-17 to write a server in c++.
I can receive and decode data correctly from the client (chrome browser)
When I want to send data from my server to the browser I receive this error:
 Unrecognized frame opcode: 12
My first byte is 0x81 as I am sending Text. The browser receive the message correctly however, after I get this error the websocket connection get killed.
Do you know what can go wrong?