text:
Manifest–Communist Working Group: A Short Introduction
24 August 2018 6706 views0
By Torkil Lauesen
M-CWG short introduction
Manifest – Communist Working Group of Denmark is working to obtain a socialist world, first and foremost by supporting liberation movements and other socialist forces in the Third World.
It may, on the face of it, appear strange that a political organization in Denmark focus on solidarity work towards the Third World. Why do we not concentrate our efforts on political work in our own part of the world? This choice of priorities is the outcome of certain fundamental political considerations.
The present world order
Let us take a brief look at what characterizes the present world order. The capitalist system still dominates the world economically, politically and militarily. Capitalist countries produce 2/3 of the world's commodities and totally dominate the world market. They also have the strongest military apparatus at their disposal. The socialist countries are still the weakest party – although their military and economic strength is increasing. Indeed, the imperialist system is not so much threatened by the socialist/planned economy states as by conflicts within the capitalist system itself.
The capitalist world system is in point of fact characterized by a sharp division into wealthy developed countries (North America, Western Europe, Japan, Australia, New Zealand) and poor underdeveloped countries – the Third World. Centuries of plunder and exploitation of human and natural resources in Asia, Africa and Latin America have led to affluence and development in the imperialist countries, and corresponding misery and underdevelopment in the exploited countries. This division of the capitalist world into imperialist and exploited countries has been – and still is – a necessary precondition for the development of the system; but at the same time, this division also gives rise to social conflicts which threaten to disintegrate the system.
The Third World is the focal point.
A retrospective view of developments during the past 30-40 years will show that it is first and foremost areas in the Third World that have constituted the focal point in the struggle against imperialism for socialism.
The Communists' victory in China, the struggle against Dutch colonialism in Asia, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the other conflicts in South East Asia, the Algerian liberation struggle, the struggle against Portuguese colonialism in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea Bissau, the liberation of Zimbabwe from the settler regime, the liberation struggle in Namibia and South Africa, the numerous wars and conflicts around the settler state of Israel, the victorious struggle for Cuba and Nicaragua, the struggle in El Salvador, Guatemala and Chile – are mere examples from a long series of events which have brought the people's struggle in the Third World into focus.
It is no accident that the Third World is the focal point for the struggle against imperialism. The exploitation of the Third World's population and resources constitutes the very foundation of the existing capitalist world order. The dynamism of the imperialist system brings about a constant tapping of the life blood of the Third World. By virtue of unequal exchange, values to the tune of hundreds of billions of US$ are transferred annually. The result of this exploitation is a life in misery and poverty for the population of the Third World, the likes of which is unknown in the imperialist countries. These circumstances have led to a demand for change on the part of the exploited masses. A demand which the imperialist countries and their local allies seek to suppress with all the means in their power. This is the main cause of the constant unrest in the Third World.
On the other hand, the exploitation and underdevelopment of Asia, Africa and Latin America has been a precondition for the rapid development of capitalism in USA, Canada, Western Europe, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. It has likewise been an essential precondition for the economic progress and social security which by and large the whole working class in the imperialist countries has won for itself. It is this division of the capitalist system into poor and wealthy countries which is a prerequisite for the development of the system, which forms the background for the so-called North-South Conflict.
The anti-imperialist forces
The Communist Movement, more or less regardless of which part of the movement one cares to consider, has traditionally divided the anti-imperialist forces into three categories:
The socialist countries,
The working class and other progressive elements in the developed capitalist countries,
National liberation movements and other socialist forces in the Third World.
Let us consider what role these various categories play in today's anti-imperialist struggle.
The socialist countries
It is hardly accidental that the "socialist countries" are always mentioned first in publications issued in these countries. The fact of the matter is that these countries consider themselves to be the leading force in the anti-imperialist struggle. The correctness of this assertion is, however, very much open to question. As mentioned earlier, a concrete examination of the past 40 years' anti-imperialist struggle will show that it has mainly been the liberation movements and the socialist forces of the Third World that have been the spearhead in the confrontation with imperialism. Nor is it such that these movements are a product of, or have been exported from the Soviet Union or the other socialist countries, as the USA is especially fond of claiming. There may well be grounds for arguing that, for example, the revolution in Nicaragua has sought inspiration and experience from Cuba or other socialist countries and movements, but the origin, development and success of the Sandinist revolution is first and foremost a result of circumstances in Nicaragua itself.
It is correct that the Soviet Union especially has often played an important role for the success of revolutionary movements. The military balance of power between East and West, which the Soviet Union has succeeded in achieving in the course of the 1970ies, has limited USA's possibilities for unrestrained aggression in the Third World, and has increased the socialist countries' ability to provide struggling movements and newly established progressive states with material and political support, thereby increasing their chances of victory and survival.
It is also true that the Soviet Union has increased its global influence through this involvement in the Third World, but the reason that the Soviet Union has been able to play this role lies beyond Soviet control, insofar as it lies in the econo- mic/political development in the Third World itself.
Because of the imperialist countries' economic and military strength, the socialist countries have been in a permanently difficult position. Right from the establishment of the first socialist state in 1917, the developed capitalist countries have exerted enormous economic, military and political pressure on the planned economy states, partly in the hope that they might collapse, partly to prevent them from providing support to the anti-imperialist struggle in other parts of the world. In order to survive, the socialist countries have consequently been forced to give top priority to their own defense. The primary concern of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries has always been the defense and development of "existing socialism". They have supported the anti-imperialist struggle in the Third World to the extent that this did not conflict with their own short term security interests, which means first and foremost – as long as this did not have the effect of provoking the imperialist countries. The liberation movements and socialist forces in the Third World, on the other hand, give highest priority to direct confrontation with imperialism and its local flunkeys, which is only natural. They have nothing to lose.
The fact that the socialist countries and progressive movements in the Third World face a common enemy and have the same goals makes them potential allies. They both have the strategic goal of conquering imperialism and replacing capitalist exploitation with a socialist world order. For the Third World, this is a necessary prerequisite for a solution of the enormous social problems with which they are faced – and the socialist countries cannot feel secure, and their economic development will be hampered, as long as imperialism exists. But the developed socialist states and the movements of the Third World often adopt differing tactical positions in their confrontations with imperialism.
One might speak of a tactically offensive and a tactically defensive position. The liberation movements and the socialistically oriented movements in the Third World are in the front line, in a strategic and tactical offensive. They have everything to win and nothing to lose. The socialist countries, on the other hand, occupy a tactically defensive position. As long as the imperialist system retains its present strength, they must constantly defend their dearly won independence. There is thus nothing directly treacherous in this defensive policy, though on occasions it might appear somewhat opportunist.
MPLA, FRELIMO or Nicaragua's Sandinists were offensive, uncompromising movements as long as they were fighting for state power. Today, having achieved state power, they have to use a considerable part of their resources to defend theselves against enemies within and from outside. Such as the relative distribution of power is in the world of today countries such as Nicaragua, Angola or Mocambique cannot support revoltionary movements in neighboring countries without encountering considerable problems. They have to carefully assess the relative distribution of power regionally and internationally, together with the nature and extent of their support in order not to jeopardize their own revolution. Revolutionaries must therefore rely first and foremost on their own strength.
The working class in the developed capitalist countries
In keeping with the traditional categorization, the second part of the anti-imperialist front is said to constitute the working class in the imperialist countries. Let us take a closer look at the role that this class has actually played in the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggle.
The spreading of capitalism over the whole world at the end of the last century led partly to the creation of one integral economic system – one world market, but partly also to a division of the capitalist system into an exploited and an exploiting part. In the previous century, the living conditions of the proletariat in Europe and in the colonies were by and large equally miserable. From around the turn of the century, however, this state of things began to change. The working class in the imperialist countries succeeded, slowly but surely, in securing increased wages and an extension of their political rights. During the first half of the 19th century, the capitalist system had been unable to meet, let alone fulfill the prole
tariat's demands for better living conditions. This was beyond what the capitalist system could provide at this point in history. But this state of affairs changed decisively with the onset of imperialism. Colonial profits made it possible for the ruling class to meet the demands of the working class without jeopardizing the existence of the system itself. Rising wages, improved working conditions and the extension of political rights served also to strengthen working-class belief in the possibilities of reformism, which in turn made it possible for the bourgeoisie to extend political rights and so forth. The rising wage level – financed through imperialism's exploitation of Asia, Africa and Latin America – led moreover to a steadily growing domestic market in the imperialist countries and thus to a dynamic development, which in turn resulted in stable social and political conditions.
The development of the welfare states in the imperialist countries resulted in a change in the nature of the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie. A class struggle does, of course, still exist. Regardless of whether wages are high or low, the social product under capitalism consists of two inversely proportional parts, namely the wages of the working class and the profit of the capitalists. An increase in one of these elements results in a corresponding decrease in the other. Therefore the contradiction still exists. But when the national exploitation to which the working class is subjected constantly diminishes when compared with the advantages the class enjoys by belonging to a rich privileged nation, then there comes a point when the increase in the national affluence becomes more important than the struggle against capital. It is not only the bourgeoisie, but also the working class in the imperialist countries that benefits from the low wages in the Third World and the resultant low prices of the products from these countries. Cheap raw materials from the Third World for industry and agriculture in the imperialist countries leads to cheap finished products when measured in relation to the relatively high wages in the wealthy countries. If wages in the Third World were raised to a Western European level, then products such as copper, tin, chromium, zinc, coffee, tea, cocoa etc. would become several hundred percent more expensive. Also cheap finished products such as textiles and electronics are produced in the Third World. At the same time, the high wage level in the imperialist countries means that commodities from these countries are beyond the means of workers from the Third World with their poor wages.
Thus, imperialism has meant that the working class in the imperialist countries and the proletariat in the exploited countries do not at the present time share the same interests. In practice this has also proved to be the case. One would have great difficulty finding an example of the English working class having supported the anti-colonial struggle that took place within the Empire. By and large, it has supported the changing governments' colonial policies throughout the past 100 years, from Ireland to Southern Africa, from India to the Falkland Islands. Nor indeed can the French working class boast of having supported Vietnam's, Algeria's or Syria's struggle for independence – far from it. Generally speaking, the working class of USA has also rallied around the imperialist and anti-socialist policy of this country throughout the world. When the people of USA nevertheless did eventually turn against the Vietnam War, they did so not in solidarity with the Vietnamese people, but because the war was begining to cost too many US-american lives. Generally speaking, the workers of the Western World are pro-Israeli and consider the Palestinians to be terrorists. The working class of the imperialist world does not favor Apartheid, yet they certainly do not wish to have a socialist South Africa either. Anti-communism has increased in the Western World in recent years. The microscopic Left, which does after all exist in the imperialist countries, has never wished to face these facts, but has instead always excused the working class. "The workers have been indoctrinated by schools, TV, radio and the bourgeois press – they do not know any better." But to explain decades of consistent opportunism as the result of Social Democratic betrayal is to bid farewell to historical materialism. The working class has not been misled, but pursues policies which are consistent with the interests and goals of the working class. To claim that the bourgeoisification of the working class is the result of indoctrination and the propaganda of the mass media is an equally shoddy excuse. Why, one might well ask, is the proletariat of the Third World, which is exposed to reactionary propaganda in at least equal measure, not equally bourgeoisified – and why is the imperialist working class so receptive to bourgeois and anti-socialist propaganda? No – the attitude of the working class in the Western World towards the anti-imperialist struggle is rooted first and foremost in economic facts. The working class do not want a new world order which will involve it having to forfeit privileges. It will be naive of the liberation movements and socialists of the Third World to count on the active support of the working class in the Western World for a radical transformation of the present world order.
The liberation movements and the socialist forces of the Third World
It is thus our conviction that the Third World constitutes the most important front in the anti-imperialist struggle. Antiimperialism is, however, a broad concept. It may cover nationally minded capitalists who wish to protect their own industry and domestic market against foreign competition, or religious fundamentalists who wish to fight "foreign" cultural and religious influence, or yet again petit bourgeois strata in the armed forces and administration who wish to pursue particular national goals. Finally, there are the liberation movements and socialists who, in addition to national and cultural liberation, also fight for economic liberation.
Since World War 2 the countries in the Third World, with a few exceptions, have achieved formal national independence. This process has not, however, injured imperialism in any decisive way or led to any general solution of the economic and social problems facing the Third World. We are of the opinion that only the socialist forces of the Third World will be in a position to undertake an effective continuation of the anti-imperialist struggle.
This struggle must be carried out on two planes: the national and the international. On the national plane, this means a struggle against capitalist exploitation and the constructing of a socialist national order, which by means of a planned economy can ensure an optimal use of human and material resources for an economic and politically democratic development of the country. On the international plane – a struggle for a new economic world order, which can put an end to international exploitation. Poverty in the Third World is closely bound up with these countries' connection with the capitalist world market. Even if e.g. Zaire carried out a socialist revolution tomorrow, the price of their most important source of income, copper, would not rise. Neither does Nicaragua get more for its coffee or bananas because it has had a socialist upheaval. Regardless of the economic policy which has been in force in the now independent countries, they have had to learn through experience of how their individual efforts to develop their economies have been hampered by the conditions that prevail on the world market. The struggle against the present economic world order is therefore a very important element in the liberation of the Third World. Only through a national revolution combined with international solidarity between the countries of the Third World will it be possible to back up the demand for a new economic world order with sufficient force. It is first and foremost the socialists in the Third World who are the guarantors for this political strategy
We believe that a progressive development in the Third World have to be a socialist development. We support the forces, who after gaining national liberation want to continue the revolution towards economic and social liberation. We find material support work most important, – sympathy and moral support is not sufficient.
In short, this is our political line.
Manifest – Communist Working Group
In the 1970s and 80s, Torkil Lauesen was a member of a clandestine communist cell which carried out a series of robberies in Denmark, netting very large sums which were then sent on to various national liberation movements in the Third World. Following their capture in 1989, Torkil would spend six years in prison. In 2016, Lauesen's book Det Globale Perspektiv was released in Denmark. In it, he explains how he sees the world political situation today, and his thoughts about the future.
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text:
with Alessia Iannetti
"If the doors of perception were cleansed every thing would appear to man as it is: infinite" — quote William Blake…
When, working, I can almost completely lose myself, in the details of the ribs of a leaf, of a branch, in the plot of a bark, of a starry sky, or in the chiaroscuro of a face. When I don't feel hunger or thirst, don't feel the flow of time or the anxiety… At that moment, maybe I'm on the other side.
It is a world that is leaving less and less breath to the romantic aspects of things: How much madness lies in the pursuit of certain ideals?
Sometimes I think it's a losing battle, unless this trend is not preserved in an intimate and personal, lived in the imagination, carried away from this world.
How far a child is able to protect his world from the power of grown-ups?
Some children are able to protect their world by taking refuge or barricading themselves in it, creating a universe much more complex and fantastic as empty or aggressive will be the environment in which they are immersed. This is what even adults can do if they have great imaginative and creative skills.
Do you think that beauty is really something subjective or are there actually limits?
Beauty for me is something subjective that may lie even in the most unexpected places.
Also a certain kind of horror can be beautiful,
on its way.
How do you distinguish the pure sensuality
from a mere attitude?
I think you can differentiate them on the basis of our feelings.
The sheer sensuality stirs something deep inside, while an attitude remains on the surface,
and then it slips away.
Do you think the increase of people who are dedicated to art today corresponds to an increase of sensitivity in the world?
No, not necessarily. The media and technology have made art accessible to a wider audience. I think, on the one hand, you see an attitude that enjoys art in a more superficial way, almost "fashionable", while on the other hand, this phenomenon can be interpreted as a quest for greater sensitivity, as a push towards it.
" In you I feel so dirty, In you I crash cars, In you I feel so pretty, In you I taste god, We must never be apart" — quote Smashing Pumpkins: What role did the distance play in your relationships?
I believe that each of us is alone in his world, in the end. The relationships that we establish with other people, and feelings that follow, are an effort we make to establish contact, a communication attempt and approach between our world and that of others. On a subconscious level, the work I make with my artistic practice is also a way to feel close to the important people in my life, real and present people, some missing, some others who are fading away. I created a place to encompass all these appearances together, somewhere.
A memory of your childhood you would do without:
They are too personal things to be shared.
alessiaiannetti.carbonmade.com
Alessia Iannetti
1 Commento su Somewhere
cindy knoke // 2015/06/12 alle 18:00 // Rispondi
Stories for Ways and Means – Dioniso Punk
The Little Boy and the Glowing Globe – Dioniso Punk

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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The Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) is adding a fleet of 20 electric bikes as part of its ongoing green initiative.


I think there is an element of truth in the view that the superstition that the budget must be balanced at all times [is necessary]. Once it is debunked, [it] takes away one of the bulwarks that every society must have against expenditure out of control. There must be discipline in the allocation of resources or you will have anarchistic chaos and inefficiency. And one of the functions of old fashioned religion was to scare people by sometimes what might be regarded as myths into behaving in a way that the long-run civilized life requires. We have taken away a belief in the intrinsic necessity of balancing the budget if not in every year, [and then] in every short period of time. If Prime Minister Gladstone came back to life he would say "oh, oh what you have done" and James Buchanan argues in those terms. I have to say that I see merit in that view.
The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back.
To Keynes — as to Abba Lerner and MMT today — it was evident that the state had the ability to promote full employment and a stable price level – and that it should use its powers to do so. If that meant that it had to take on debt and (more or less temporarily) underbalance its budget – so let it be! Public debt is neither good nor bad. It is a means to achieving two over-arching macroeconomic goals – full employment and price stability. What is sacred is not to have a balanced budget or running down public debt per se, regardless of the effects on the macroeconomic goals. If 'sound finance', austerity and balanced budgets means increased unemployment and destabilizing prices, they have to be abandoned.
MMT — vad är det?
Överskottsmålet är ett hål i huvudet. Riksbanken kommer inte att nå sitt inflationsmål. Euron är dysfunktionell och eurokrisen kommer tillbaka vid nästa recession. Se där tre bra utgångspunkter för den som vill förstå hur ekonomin kommer att utvecklas det närmaste året.
Låter det både stolligt, alarmistiskt och populistiskt? Möjligt, men det finns en röd tråd i dessa utsagor. De bygger på de insikter som vuxit fram i det som kallas Modern Monetary Theory, MMT.
Så lägg det på minnet – MMT – Modern Monetary Theory – It´s coming to an economy near you!
Om ändå vårt lilla land hade fler ekonomijournalister som Per Lindvall. Kunnig och orädd. Och som till skillnad från de vi dagligen ser på tv har förstått att riktiga journalisters uppgift inte är att bara rapa upp etablissemangets färdigtuggade snabbmat.
I artikeln nämns med rätta Hyman Minsky som en av de stora föregångarna inom MMT. Som ung forskarstipendat i USA i början på 1980-talet hade yours truly förmånen och privilegiet att ha Minsky som lärare. Han var en stor inspiration då. Och är det fortfarande! Vid sidan om Keynes är han nog den som mer än någon annan påverkat mig som ekonomikritiker och forskare under nu snart fyra decennier.
As Karl Polanyi argued already in the 1940s — it is dangerous to allow markets 'embed' society. Having unfettered markets and money take over society is a sure recipe for only one thing. Disaster. On both a human and ecological scale.
What we see happen in the US, the UK, Germany, Sweden, and elsewhere, is deeply disturbing. The rising inequality is outrageous. Societies where we allow the inequality of incomes and wealth to increase without bounds, sooner or later implode. The cement that keeps us together erodes and in the end we are only left with people dipped in the ice cold water of egoism and greed. A society without even an idea of a common good is no longer a society.
According to the Swedish government official website, "Historically, the Swedish economy suffered from low growth and high inflation," which the nation overcame with "inventive and courageous reforms" that "succeeded in maintaining control over public spending.
From 1971 to the 1990s crisis, Sweden experienced a mash-up of Green New Deal extreme government spending and "Modern Monetary Theory" loose money and enormous deficits. Government spending rose to over 70 percent and deficits rose to over 10 percent of GDP, while inflation soared to double-digit rates.
Sweden has trod the ground U.S. progressives wish to cover, and the only gains came when the social democratic fantasy was unwound.
Now, this is one of the lousiest pieces of history revisionism I've ever come across.
In Sweden, as in so many other countries, neoliberal 'norm politics' invaded the economy in the 80s and 90s. The mantra was that it was high time for Sweden to follow in the footsteps of Thatcher and Reagan. Deregulate the economy — especially the financial markets — and make the central bank independent, so that one could concentrate economic policies on inflation-targeting rather than on low unemployment, then Sweden would prosper. As it turned out, that was far from what happened. Letting finance markets loose and at the same time keep a pegged currency turned out to be fatal. If anything, the Swedish experience shows what happens when politicians — both Social Democrats and Right-Wing — start to listen to neoliberal economists and their market fundamentalist dreams.
In Sweden today we have a Finance Minister — a Social Democrat — that still keeps on talking about how necessary it is to balance the budget. And that in a situation where the deficit is at its lowest in 40 years and still falling!
The Swedish government's penny pinching is nothing but insane and has absolutely nothing at all in common with MMT or progressive ideas on how to manage a prosperous economy.
What the Swedish experience shows is that a government's ability to conduct an 'optimal' public debt policy may be negatively affected if public debt becomes too small. To guarantee a well-functioning secondary market in bonds it is essential that the government has access to a functioning market. If turnover and liquidity in the secondary market become too small, increased volatility and uncertainty will, in the long run, lead to an increase in borrowing costs. Ultimately there's even a risk that market makers would disappear, leaving bond market trading to be operated solely through brokered deals. As a kind of precautionary measure against this eventuality, it may be argued – especially in times of financial turmoil and crises — that it is necessary to increase government borrowing and debt to ensure – in a longer run – good borrowing preparedness and a sustained (government) bond market.
No matter how much confidence you have in the policies pursued by authorities nowadays, it cannot turn bad austerity policies into good job creating policies. Austerity measures and overzealous and simple-minded fixation on monetary measures and inflation are not what it takes to get our limping economies out of their present-day limbo.
What is MMT, the heterodox economic theory … What does it say? How can we tell if it's a good theory or a bad one?
These days, most economic theories are collections of mathematical models. If you want to know what the theory says, you can parse out the models and see for yourself … You can go read a New Keynesian model or a Real Business Cycle model and figure it out on your own.
Formal models have important advantages. For one thing, a good formal model can be compared with quantitative data, to see whether it works or whether it fails. Formal models can make testable predictions.
A second advantage of formal models is that you can figure them out for yourself, without having to ask any gurus. If you have to run to the gurus to ask them what the theory says any time you think you've found a flaw, it becomes almost impossible to skeptics or outsiders to evaluate the theory objectively.
Oh dear, oh dear. This is almost comical. Who can — really — take this 'critique' seriously? It is beyond disappointment!
When the euro was created twenty years ago, it was celebrated with fireworks at the European Central Bank headquarters in Frankfurt. Today we know better. There are no reasons to celebrate the 20-year anniversary. On the contrary.
Already since its start, the euro has been in crisis. And the crisis is far from over. The tough austerity measures imposed in the eurozone has made economy after economy contract. And it has not only made things worse in the periphery countries, but also in countries like France and Germany. Alarming facts that should be taken seriously.
Europe may face a future with growing economic disparities where we will have to confront increasing hostility between nations and peoples. What we've seen lately in France shows that the protests against technocratic attempts to undermine democracy may go extremely violent.
The problems — created to a large extent by the euro — may not only endanger our economies, but also our democracy itself. How much whipping can democracy take? How many more are going to get seriously hurt and ruined before we end this madness and scrap the euro?
The euro has taken away the possibility for national governments to manage their economies in a meaningful way — and in country after country, the people have had to pay the true costs of its concomitant misguided austerity policies.
The unfolding of the repeated economic crises in euroland during the last decade has shown beyond any doubts that the euro is not only an economic project but just as much a political one. What the neoliberal revolution during the 1980s and 1990s didn't manage to accomplish, the euro shall now force on us.
But do the peoples of Europe really want to deprive themselves of economic autonomy, enforce lower wages and slash social welfare at the slightest sign of economic distress? Are increasing income inequality and a federal überstate really the stuff that our dreams are made of? I doubt it.
History ought to act as a deterrent. During the 1930s our economies didn't come out of the depression until the folly of that time — the gold standard — was thrown on the dustbin of history. The euro will hopefully soon join it.
Economists have a tendency to get enthralled by their theories and models and forget that behind the figures and abstractions there is a real world with real people. Real people that have to pay dearly for fundamentally flawed doctrines and recommendations.
What the stylised example of the creation of money shows particularly clearly is that a bank can grant loans without any prior inflows of customer deposits. In fact, book money is created as a result of an accounting entry: when a bank grants a loan, it posts the associated credit entry for the customer as a sight deposit by the latter and therefore as a liability on the liability side of its own balance sheet. This refutes a popular misconception that banks act simply as intermediaries at the time of lending – ie that banks can only grant loans using funds placed with them previously as deposits by other customers.
It is — sad to say — as relevant today as it was twenty years ago.
It is still a fact that within mainstream economics internal validity is everything and external validity nothing. Why anyone should be interested in that kind of theories and models is beyond imagination. As long as mainstream economists do not come up with any export-licenses for their theories and models to the real world in which we live, they really should not be surprised if people say that this is not science, but autism!
Studying mathematics and logic is interesting and fun. It sharpens the mind. In pure mathematics and logic, we do not have to worry about external validity. But economics is not pure mathematics or logic. It's about society. The real world.
Economics and Reality was a great inspiration to yours truly twenty years ago. It still is.
I highly recommend also watching the other interesting interviews (especially the ones with Geoff Harcourt and Charles Goodhart) that Goldsmiths Economics has put on youtube.
One of the most effective ways of clearing up this most serious of all semantic confusions is to point out that private debt differs from national debt in being external … A variant of the false analogy is the declaration that national debt puts an unfair burden on our children, who are thereby made to pay for our extravagances. Very few economists need to be reminded that if our children or grandchildren repay some of the national debt these payments will be made to our children or grandchildren and to nobody else. Taking them all together they will no more be impoverished by making the repayments than they will be enriched by receiving them.
But the truth is that public debt is normally nothing to fear, especially if it is financed within the country itself (but even foreign loans can be beneficent for the economy if invested in the right way). Some members of society hold bonds and earn interest on them, while others have to pay the taxes that ultimately pay the interest on the debt. The debt is not a net burden for society as a whole since the debt cancels itself out between the two groups. If the state issues bonds at a low-interest rate, unemployment can be reduced without necessarily resulting in strong inflationary pressure. And the inter-generational burden is also not a real burden since — if used in a suitable way — the debt, through its effects on investments and employment, actually makes future generations net winners. There can, of course, be unwanted negative distributional side effects for the future generation, but that is mostly a minor problem since when our children and grandchildren 'repay' the national debt these payments will be made to our children and grandchildren.
Discussing within which margins public debt is feasible, the focus today is solely on the upper limit of indebtedness, and very few ask the question if maybe there is also a problem if public debt becomes too low.
To guarantee a well-functioning secondary market in bonds it is essential that the government has access to a functioning market. If turnover and liquidity in the secondary market become too small, increased volatility and uncertainty will, in the long run, lead to an increase in borrowing costs. Ultimately there's even a risk that market makers would disappear, leaving bond market trading to be operated solely through brokered deals. As a kind of precautionary measure against this eventuality, it may be argued – especially in times of financial turmoil and crises — that it is necessary to increase government borrowing and debt to ensure — in a longer run — good borrowing preparedness and a sustained (government) bond market.
To view government debts in terms of the 'functional finance' concept introduced by Abba Lerner, is to consider their role in the macroeconomic balance of the economy. In simple, bare bones terms, the function of government debts that is significant for the macroeconomic health of an economy is that they provide the assets into which individuals can put whatever accumulated savings they attempt to set aside in excess of what can be wisely invested in privately owned real assets. A debt that is smaller than this will cause the attempted excess savings, by being reflected in a reduced level of consumption outlays, to be lost in reduced real income and increased unemployment.


The Gray Malin brand was fostered with a deep passion for photography and interior design.
"Merging these affections with a spirit for travel and adventure inspired the character of the brand. It's our belief that the journey is more than just a photograph, it's a shared experience inviting everyone to a jet-set lifestyle and the idea that every day can be a getaway".
Gray Malin is a US fine art photographer and New York Times bestselling author,who shoots aerial bird's eye views of beaches and landscapes around the world, in locations that include the United States, Antarctica, Australia, Europe, and South Africa.
Gray Malin was born in Dallas, Texas, and attended Emerson College in Boston, Massachusetts. He currently lives in the West Hollywood area of Los Angeles, California.


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William Tyler http://www.williamtyler.net/	 Impossible Truth
Merge http://mergerecords.com https://www.tinymixtapes.com/sites/default/files/1303/william_tyler-impossible_truth.jpeg
[Merge; 2013]
By Riboflavin https://www.tinymixtapes.com//writer/riboflavin 2013-03-29T00:01:35-04:00
Styles: American landscape music
Others: Daniel Bachman, Lambchop, John Fahey, Reggie Young
I have no idea what the Carter years were like; I was born in 1985, the year after 1984. The year after we got over/past 1984. 2013 is that year in some regards: the year we got over 2012. Either you were a practitioner of pseudo-scientific, misplaced Mayan anxieties or you were a concerned person in a t-shirt on a northwestern February day. Anxieties can and will occur, and for good reason. But what happens when the spaces in time that breed reactionaries subside into anxiety loss? Does the severed dread lead back to the multi-lane freeway? Some are still anxious for good reason; time doesn't solve problems for us, either going forward or moving backward. Nostalgia as an act is a problematic creation in this way. Are we asking the past to fix our problems?
And to some degree, nostalgia is a condition of that anxiety. However, in music/music criticism, it's a dirty word, a condition of hipster-retro-(mis)remembrance that passes off the excuse to keep playing that NES over a shiny Xbox 360 (or whatever the fuck is out right now). And to this is some weight: do we really need some Mumford/Lumineer figure telling us what the "authentic" America "used" to be like? Is a steam-powered grill going to work in your day job? Hell, even for myself, watching the 1990s come up with more gloss than dirt has caused me to (occasionally, unfairly) pass off the occasional band or artist.
But life is often like a science fiction film, a good science fiction film, where remnants of the past (often our own present) remain, even just as set pieces. People still drive 20- to 30-year-old cars, live in old buildings, etc., etc. This is the case in music — especially in music. Sure, keep it new, be new, blah blah new blah blah… but don't actually. A creative condition is set more in the execution of aspects that support an idea, and to what ends make something "creative" rest more on every aspect about the art in question.
In this context, Impossible Truth makes sense to me as a very good album about nostalgia, and not in the way where I feel compelled to criticize it on a "sound-contemporary" basis or on the critical level where I knock people down for fucking with my childhood. It feels less about a specific kind of packaged nostalgia rather than nostalgia itself, a compositional deluge derived from William Tyler's love of 70s singer/songwriters, a sort of perfect paring in contrast to his own guitar extensive execution: no words means no singer, which also means the carried-over aspects are forced to be executed in phrases and movements. The songs of Impossible Truth move into minor moments from major ones, and visa versa, as if a mood shift were nothing, and much like John Fahey (who is far too easy of a correlation for Tyler, and for which's sake, I am trying to avoid), the phrases of Tyler's own chosen past artists are executed by means of saying "Here's me singing you. I can't sing like you, but here's you to me." To be more specific, Fahey would (as occasionally Tyler does) pick up specific modes of musical phrasing from Mississippi John Hurt, not to attribute to a "blues" phrasing or change, but to the man himself.
But, of course, Tyler knows what he's doing. As a hired guitar player for the likes of Lambchop, Bonnie "Prince" Billy, and The Silver Jews, his "Americana" quality of musical execution is the kind of thing that would fit in a so called "neo-Americana" landscape. Except that right now, in a space without the backing of an already established artist, it kind of doesn't fit. Decontexualized from the great yet already established songwriters he's worked with, his work takes on a different quality that forces its sonic end to justify itself in the abstract. This sounds bad, but for all reasons it is a strength of the album, which brings me back to this "nostalgia" thing.
As somewhat stated above, anxiety produces a condition that leads the way to a nostalgic output. William Tyler tells us in an "album teaser" (to which I'm not sure I fully recommend as an accompaniment to the album) that he was "born in the Twilight of the Carter administration," to which some would say with some vexation, "The Carter administration had a twilight period? You kidding me?" Of course, we are conditioned to remember the past better than it actually was; it's a counter reaction to modern and contemporary stress, but by no means does it signify an ill-creative. Much rather, it signifies that the condition can provide a means for individual expression, albeit with much study and practice.
Much of Impossible Truth fixates on an idea and runs its phrasing well over the five-minute mark. Tyler's compositions tend to be strongest when his own guitar playing takes a side seat to the song as a whole, allowing for simple bass and brass accents to take over while his fingerpicked guitar takes to one side of the ear. The last song, "The World Set Free," is probably the only one that doesn't run an idea for its maximum possible length, flirting with what some more technically minded folks would call "range." The song moves from a sound that Tyler has spent the whole album establishing, a single acoustic guitar phrasing that turns into a very short guitar/drum bashing psyche freak-out, which then transitions into a feedback drone against electronic drums, which then finds Tyler fighting his way through the noise, playing the initial phrase in tremolo in the background until the end. It's the one song on Impossible Truth that refuses to let you get lost in anything (after a whole album of somewhat clear, long spaces) and by far the strongest in that sense. Personally, it feels like one of the shortest 10-minute songs I've heard in awhile, and not in that annoying "prog-rock-change-time-signatures-100-times" kind of way. It's as fluid as any of the other songs on the album, just injected the wrong way.
But this album is easily taken as it is, a good side portrait of the parts of America that are somewhat still in the throes of modernity (if we all aren't to some degree). A drive around easily shows the parts that didn't make it and the parts that aren't going to make it a much better treatment than this whole "Americana" thing (which I would love to stop using that word). Either we need a new way of addressing the issue of nostalgia or we need to address it for what it is rather than what we want it to be. Conditions are reactionary, artistic expression is the space of the ideas. A ghost town emerges, the past in now, and we are affected.
01. Country of Illusion
02. The Geography of Nowhere
03. Cadillac Desert
04. We Can't Go Home Again
05. A Portrait of Sarah
06. Hotel Catatonia
07. The Last Residents of Westfall
08. The World Set Free
More about: William Tyler
Links: William Tyler - Merge
2016: Favorite 50 Songs
Our picks spread across five themed mixes
William Tyler
"We live within this continent where we have so little in common, besides this idea of 'America.'"
2016: Second Quarter Favorites
22 picks from the last three months
"Don't Peggy Olsen me, motherfuckers." - Neko Case


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The Analyzer
Multipath Routing
Multipath routing is the routing technique of using multiple alternative paths through a network, which can yield a variety of benefits such as fault tolerance, increased bandwidth, or improved security. The multiple paths computed might be overlapped, edge-disjointed or node-disjointed with each other. Extensive research has been done on multipath routing techniques, but multipath routing is not yet widely deployed in practice.
Multipath routing in wireless networks
To improve performance or fault tolerance:
CMR (Concurrent Multipath Routing) is often taken to mean simultaneous management and utilization of multiple available paths for the transmission of streams of data emanating from an application or multiple applications. In this form, each stream is assigned a separate path, uniquely to the extent supported by the number of paths available. If there are more streams than available paths, some streams will share paths. This provides better utilization of available bandwidth by creating multiple active transmission queues. It also provides a measure of fault tolerance in that, should a path fail, only the traffic assigned to that path is affected, the other paths continuing to serve their stream flows; there is also, ideally, an alternative path immediately available upon which to continue or restart the interrupted stream.
This method provides better transmission performance and fault tolerance by providing:
Simultaneous, parallel transport over multiple carriers.
Load balancing over available assets.
Avoidance of path discovery when reassigning an interrupted stream.
Shortcomings of this method are:
Some applications may be slower in offering traffic to the transport layer, thus starving paths assigned to them, causing under-utilization.
Moving to the alternative path will incur a potentially disruptive period during which the connection is re-established.
A more powerful form of CMR (true CMR) goes beyond merely presenting paths to applications to which they can bind. True CMR aggregates all available paths into a single, virtual path. All applications offer their packets to this virtual path, which is de-muxed at the Network Layer, the packets then being distributed to the actual paths via some method such as round-robin or weighted fair queuing. Should a link or relay node fail, thus invalidating one or more paths, succeeding packets are not directed to that (/those) path(s). The stream continues uninterrupted, transparently to the application. This method provides significant performance benefits over the former:
By continually offering packets to all paths, the paths are more fully utilized.
No matter how many nodes (and thus paths) fail, so long as at least one path constituting the virtual path is still available, all sessions remain connected. This means that no streams need to be restarted from the beginning and no re-connection penalty is incurred.
It is noted that true CMR can, by its nature, cause out-of-order delivery (OOOD) of packets, which is severely debilitating for standard TCP. Standard TCP, however, has been exhaustively proven to be inappropriate for use in challenged wireless environments and must, in any case, be augmented by a facility, such as a TCP gateway, that is designed to meet the challenge. One such gateway tool is SCPS-TP, which, through its Selective Negative Acknowledgement (SNACK) capability, deals successfully with the OOOD problem.
Another important benefit of true CMR, desperately needed in wireless network communications, is its support for enhanced security. Simply put, for an exchange to be compromised, multiple of the routes it traverses must be compromised. The reader is referred to the references in the "To improve network security" section for discussion on this topic.
Capillary routing
In networking and in graph theory, capillary routing, for a given network, is a multi-path solution between a pair of source and destination nodes. Unlike shortest-path routing or max-flow routing for any network topology only one capillary routing solution exists.
Capillary routing can be constructed by an iterative linear programming (LP) process transforming a single-path flow into a capillary route. First minimize the maximal value of the load of all links by minimizing an upper bound value applied to all links. The full mass of the flow will be split equally across the possible parallel routes. Find the bottleneck links of the first layer (see below) and fix their load at the found minimum. Minimize similarly the maximal load of all remaining links without the bottleneck links of the first layer. This second iteration further refines the path diversity. Find the bottleneck links of the second layer. Minimize the maximal load of all remaining links, but now without the bottlenecks of the second layer as well. Repeat this iteration until the entire communication footprint is enclosed in the bottlenecks of the constructed layers.
At each layer, after minimizing the maximal load of links, the bottlenecks of the layer are discovered in a bottleneck hunting loop. At each iteration of the hunting loop, we minimize the load of the traffic over all links having maximal load and being suspected as bottlenecks. Links not maintaining their load at the maximum are removed from the suspect list. The bottleneck hunting loop stops if there are no more links to remove.
The animated image shows capillary routing footprint between a pair of nodes in a mobile ad-hoc network.
Source: Wikipedia, Google
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After spending quite a bit of time using the Commodity Exchange for fun and profit, We've decided to throw together a basic but hopefully helpful guide to some of the things I've learned over a few hundred transactions on the Commodity Exchange (hereafter referred to as CX).
The commodity exchange is essentially a player run auction house specifically for crafting materials, consumables and other odds and ends that don't fit the Auction House. Here you will find leather, meat, cloth, runes, crystals, ores, food, medishots, runes, bones, relics, catalysts and other such items. It is divided into four separate tabs which we will explore individually and which can be used to accomplish a number of different tasks. This can be your best friend whether you're trying to find materials for crafting, make some money from gathering, play the market or simply make a bit of extra money from questing. In this guide we will cover how to buy and sell items in the CX, what buy orders and sell orders are and how to use them and a few tips and tricks to get the most out of your encounters with the CX.
The buy now tab is the first tab on the CX. It's primary use is to buy items quickly. This is the fastest way to obtain any of the items available on the CX. It is also the most expensive. The Buy Now tab displays items that have been put up for sale by others. The price displayed shows the lowest price for one item of that particular type. Mousing over the i icon will show you the price of the cheapest item, the average for the cheapest stack of 10 items and the average price for the cheapest stack of 50 items. This does not mean that there are 50 items available at that price, but rather the average you will spend per item if you were to buy 50.
Buy Order is the second tab of the CX. A buy order is essentially an open order in which we determine the number of items we want to buy and the highest price you are willing to pay for them. The number on the left determines the quantity we want to purchase, the number on the right determines the highest price we are willing to pay up to the quantity we want. In our previous Exile Corpse example, let's say that our Buy Now did not go through and there weren't enough of these items to make the profit we wanted. So creating a Buy Order for 30 Exile Corpses at 45 silver 77 copper will mail us any Exile Corpses available for 45.77 silver or under and leave an open order for anyone willing to sell this item at 45.77 silver or under.
Sell now is the third tab of the CX. Sell Now is a transaction in which someone who has an item sells it at the highest possible price as dictated by the existing Buy Orders for that item. If we use our earlier Exile Corpse example, someone who had 30 Exile Corpses that wanted to sell them immediately would receive 45.77 silver from our Buy Order, provided no other higher orders existed at the time of sale.
Sell order is the fourth and final tab on the CX. A Sell Order is essentially an offer to sell a quantity of items at a price set by the seller. The number on the left determines how many of the item you wish to sell. The number on the right determines the price per unit you wish to sell at. This is not the case in the Auction House, where the price you set is the price for the stack.
The prices displayed for a sell order is the lowest price one of whatever item is being sold at. Mousing over the i will display the lowest average price that 10 of whatever item is being sold at and the lowest average price that 50 of whatever item is being sold at. Creating a successful sell order depends on two factors. The profit you wish to make on each sell and the time you are willing to wait to make it.


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Литература Перу — литература, созданная на территории Перу на испанском языке и на языке кечуа.

Доколониальный период

Литературная продукция доиспанского периода связана с Империей инков и с языком кечуа. Испанские хронисты отмечали существование устной литературы на этом языке, которая делилась на придворную и народную.
Придворная литература, развивавшаяся при императорском дворе, была официальной. Её создавали амаута (учителя) и кипукамайо (библиотекари), пользовавшиеся мнемотехникой кипу (шнурков с узелками). Культивировались три главных жанра: эпический, дидактический и драматический. Эпический жанр был представлен поэмами, выражавшими мировоззрение инков (мифы о сотворении мира, о потопе и о происхождении инков, легенды о Манко Капаке и Маме Окльо). Дидактический жанр включал басни, пословицы и сказки, а драматический — комедии и трагедии, если пользоваться европейскими терминами, но на самом деле это были театральные представления, в которых смешивались танец, пение и литургия. Знаменитая драма «Ольянтай», записанная уже в колониальную эпоху, хотя и включает элементы, заимствованные у испанской драматургии, но в основе своей восходит к этому инкскому театру.
Народная литература стихийно возникала в сельской местности. Она включает лирический жанр, в котором поэтические сочинения соединялись с музыкой и танцем и исполнялись хорами, где мужчины чередовались с женщинами. Две основные разновидности лирического жанра — это харауи, интимная любовная песня, и хайлли, гимн радости, распевавшийся по случаю религиозных праздников и военных побед. Некоторые из этих произведений дошли до нас в записях первых испанских хронистов.

Колониальный период
Колониальная литература создавалась в период с XVI по начало XIX в. на территории, именовавшейся в то время вице-королевством Перу. С испанским завоеванием сюда пришёл кастильский язык и европейские литературные тенденции. Первыми образцами колониальной литературы были хроники, представлявшие собой смесь истории, очерка и романа. Первые хроники, составленные солдатами и секретарями военных экспедиций, имели ещё грубый и сухой стиль. Лучшими хронистами Перу считаются Педро Сьеса де Леон (1518—1554), автор «Хроники Перу» в 4-х частях, и Инка Гарсиласо де ла Вега (1539—1616), метис, сын испанского завоевателя и инкской аристократки, опубликовавший в 1609 г. в Лиссабоне свои «Подлинные комментарии об инках» — первый шедевр перуанской литературы, посвящённый истории, культуре и обычаям инков и других народов древнего Перу. Вторая часть этой книги, известная как «Всеобщая история Перу» (издана посмертно в 1617 в Кордове), рассказывает о завоевании Перу испанцами и начальном периоде колонии.

Важными культурными событиями были основание первого в Америке Королевского Университета Сан-Маркос в Лиме в 1551 и первой в Южной Америке типографии. Первой печатной книгой, опубликованной в Лиме, была «Христианская доктрина и Катехизис для просвещения индейцев» на трёх языках: испанском, кечуа и аймара. Литература культивируется в этот период в просвещённых кругах, тесно связанных с церковью. К этим кругам принадлежал и Хосе де Акоста, автор книг «Паломничество Бартоломе Лоренсо» (1586), «О природе нового мира» (1588) и «Естественная и нравственная история Индий» (1590), в которых он, однако, не ограничивается религиозными размышлениями, а проявляет интерес к жизни коренных народов.

Литература так наз. Золотого века Испании находит отражение и в испанской Америке, особенно в области лирической и эпической поэзии. Речь идёт об эрудированной литературе с утончёнными формами, подражающей классическим образцам (классицизм). Наиболее выдающимися поэтами-классицистами этого периода были Диего де Охеда (? — 1615), автор первой в Америке эпико-мистической поэмы «Христиада», и Диего Мехиа де Фернанхиль (? — 1634), автор первой части книги «Антарктический Парнас» (1608).

К середине XVII в. классицизм вытесняется новым литературным направлением — барокко. Вершиной перуанского барокко было творчество Хуана де Эспиноса Медрано по прозвищу Лунарехо (? — 1688), автора религиозных пьес, проповедей и «Апологии дона Луиса де Гонгоры, князя лирических поэтов Испании» (1662). Посмертно был издан сборник его проповедей «Девятое чудо». Хуан дель Валье-и-Кавьедес, сатирический поэт и бытописатель, родился в Испании, но жил в основном в Перу. В своих стихах он подвергает свою социальную среду жесткой критике. Но есть у него и мистические стихи, проникнутые духом раскаяния. Его произведения были собраны и изданы лишь через много лет после его смерти под названием «Зубастый Парнас».

С начала XVIII в., когда в Испании установилась династия Бурбонов, все испаноязычные писатели стремятся «офранцузиться». В подражание французской Академии вице-король Перу маркиз де Кастель дос Риос основал Дворцовую Академию в Лиме. Среди её академиков выделяются: Луис Антонио де Овьедо-и-Эррера, граф де ла Гранха (1636—1717), поэт и драматург, автор книг «Жизнь св. Розы» (1711) и «Священная поэма страсти» (1717); Хосе Бермудес де ла Торре-и-Сольер (1661—1746), юрисконсульт и ректор Лимского университета, автор поэмы «Телемах на острове Калипсо»; Педро Перальта-и-Барнуэво (1664—1743), учёный-эрудит, автор эпической поэмы «Основание Лимы» и произведений для театра.

Барокко сменяется неоклассицизмом, то есть возвратом от чрезмерной усложнённости к классической простоте. С ним приходит в Перу и дух либеральных идей, возникших во Франции, которые в будущем окажут значительное влияние на развитие латиноамериканской революции. Во второй половине 18 в. самой выдающейся фигурой в перуанской литературе был Пабло де Олавиде (1725—1803), писатель, переводчик, юрист и политик, родившийся в Лиме, но развивавший свою литературную деятельность в Испании. За свои либеральные идеи он был обвинён в ереси и заточен инквизицией в тюрьму, но затем примирился с церковью. Его короткие рассказы высоко оцениваются современной критикой. Тем временем в Перу развивается сатирическая литература, близкая к костумбризму. Монах Франсиско дель Кастильо (1716—1770) был, несомненно, лучшим драматургом колониального периода. Среди его пьес выделяются «Завоевание Перу», «Митридат, царь Понтийский» и интермедия «О судье и сутягах». Другие сатирики этого периода — Алонсо Каррион де ла Вандера (1714—1783), автор книги «Поводырь слепых путников», повествующей о путешествии от Лимы до Буэнос-Айреса, и Эстебан Терралья-и-Ланда, сатирический поэт, автор книги «Лима внутри и снаружи» (1797).

Последний период колониальной литературы — это рубеж XVIII и XIX веков, эпоха Эмансипации, то есть, зарождения перуанского национального самосознания. Подобно французским энциклопедистам, во главе этого процесса встали редакторы первого большого американского журнала «Перуанский Меркурий», создавшие «Патриотическое Общество» (Sociedad de Amantes del País): Иполито Унануэ, Торибио Родригес де Мендоса, Хосе Бакихано-и-Каррильо и другие. В области лирики выделяется Мариано Мельгар (1791—1815) из г. Арекипа, в чьих стихах предощущается романтизм и смешивается культурная поэзия с индейскими народными песнями. Он принял участие в борьбе за независимость и был расстрелян в 1815, а две книги его стихов были изданы посмертно: «Письмо Сильвии» (1827) и «Стихи» (1878). Другой поэт эпохи Эмансипации — это Хосе Хоакин Ольмедо (1780—1847), родившийся в Гуаякиле. Он был депутатом первого Конгресса Республики Перу и послом в Англии. Его основное произведение — «Ода на победу при Хунине», эпическая поэма в стиле неоклассицизма, воспевающая победу, одержанную Боливаром в Хунинском сражении. В области политической литературы выделяется Хосе Фаустино Санчес Каррион (1787—1825), защитник системы республиканского правления и автор «Письма Сайянского Отшельника». Следует упомянуть также лимского священника Хосе Хоакина де Ларрива (1780—1832), очень едкого сатирического поэта и журналиста.

Республика. XIX век
Первыми литературными направлениями независимого Перу были костумбризм и романтизм, но вскоре развился и реализм.

Костумбризм

Костумбризм был литературным течением, чьи представители уделяли первостепенное внимание нравам и обычаям народов, либо одобряя их, либо критикуя и высмеивая. Перуанский костумбризм зарождается около 1830 и продолжается до 1850-х гг. К этому периоду принадлежат два сатирических поэта и драматурга. Первый — это Фелипе Пардо-и-Альяга (1806—1868), сурово осуждавший перуанскую действительность в своих комедиях («Плоды просвещения», «Сиротка в Чоррильосе» и «Дон Леокадио и годовщина Аякучо»), статьях («Путешествие» и др.) и эпиграммах. Он считал народные нравы варварскими и отталкивающими. Также он критиковал политиков за амбициозность и отсутствие патриотизма. Второй представитель костумбризма, Мануэль Ассенсио Сегура (1805—1871), считается крупнейшим перуанским драматургом XIX века, он лучше всего изображает народные типы Лимы. В отличие от аристократа и консерватора Пардо-и-Альяга, Сегура выступал за демократические ценности, что отражается в его комедиях нравов. Он написал 17 пьес, среди которых выделяются «Кошечка», «Сержант Кануто» и «Три вдовы». Близко к костумбризму и творчество Рикардо Пальма (1833—1919), автора «Перуанских преданий», самого знаменитого произведения перуанской литературы XIX века, в котором он излагает историю Лимы и Перу инкской, колониальной и республиканской эпохи, сочетая элементы подлинной истории с собственными выдумками.

Романтизм
Романтизм пришёл из Европы в Перу с запозданием, к 1850-м годам, и продолжался до конца века, уступив место реализму. Произведения перуанских романтиков были, в целом, искусственными и грешили сентиментализмом. Лучшими поэтами-романтиками были уже упоминавшийся Рикардо Пальма, чьи стихи отличаются насмешливым отношением к некоторым аспектам реальности, и Карлос Аугусто Салаверри (1830—1891), внебрачный сын президента Перу Фелипе Сантьяго Салаверри, расстрелянного в 1836. Поэзия Салаверри собрана в четыре книги: «Алмазы и жемчуга», «Рассветы и сияния», «Письма ангелу» и «Тайны могилы». Его стихи отличаются меланхолической нежностью, страстностью и элегантным пессимизмом.

Реализм и натурализм

После Тихоокеанской войны (1879—1883) началось движение против романтизма, возглавленное Мануэлем Гонсалесом Прадой (1844—1918), автором книг «Свободные страницы» и «Часы борьбы», в которых он подвергает яростной критике политиков, ответственных, по его мнению, за поражение в войне. Не ускользают от его стрел и религиозные учреждения, и литераторы его времени. Он был также создателем поэзии новых форм, предвещавшей модернизм. Характерной чертой этой эпохи было возникновение группы женщин-писательниц, многие из которых, потеряв своих мужей и сыновей на войне, были вынуждены сами зарабатывать на жизнь. Они писали романы, которые можно определить как реалистические. Так, Мерседес Кабельо де Карбонера (1845—1909) написала 6 романов, из которых наибольшим успехом пользовались «Бланка Соль» (1888), «Последствия» (1890) и «Заговорщик» (1892). Она также писала многочисленные статьи и очерки на литературные и социальные темы, выступая, в частности, за эмансипацию женщин. Оставшись непонятой и подвергшись нападкам со стороны авторов-мужчин, она окончила свои дни в психиатрической больнице. Клоринда Мато де Турнер (1852—1909), романистка и журналистка из г. Куско, стала предвестницей индихенизма. Лучший из её романов, «Птицы без гнезда», рассказывает об индейце, страдающем от злоупотреблений религиозных и политических властей. Роман вызвал интерес не только в Перу, но и во всей Америке и в Европе. Мария Ньевес-и-Бустаманте (1861—1947) из Арекипы — автор исторического романа «Хорхе, сын народа» (1892) о гражданской войне 1856-58 гг.

XX век

Модернизм

Модернизм развивался в Перу, начиная с поэмы «К любви» Мануэля Гонсалеса Прады, опубликованной в газете «Эль Комерсио» в 1867, где смешиваются различные поэтические жанры европейского происхождения. Это направление вскоре распространилось по всей Латинской Америке, породив таких поэтов, как Хосе Марти на Кубе, Рубен Дарио в Никарагуа, Леопольдо Лугонес в Аргентине, и др. Полного расцвета в Перу модернизм достиг позднее, в начале 20 в. Из всех его представителей выделяется поэт Хосе Сантос Чокано (1875—1934), чья эпическая поэзия, наполненная описаниями пейзажей, звучностью и красками, близка к творчеству Уолта Уитмена. Писал он и лирические стихи исключительной интимности. Его основные произведения: «Святой гнев», «В деревне», «Девственная сельва», «Песнь века», «Да будет свет», «Золото Индий». Жизнь его была полна приключений. В период правления диктатора Аугусто Легия он повздорил с молодым писателем Эдвином Эльмором и в порыве гнева застрелил его в упор. После краткого тюремного заключения он уехал в Чили, где в свою очередь был убит каким-то шизофреником. Важной ветвью перуанского модернизма было так наз. Поколение 1900 года, представители которого писали элегантную прозу, углубляясь к корням национальной истории и склоняясь к идеализму (Тамайо Варгас, Виктор Андрес Белаунде, Вентура Гарсиа Кальдерон и др.) Особое место занимает поэт Хосе Мариа Эгурен (1872—1942), открывший путь к обновлению перуанской поэзии своими книгами «Песня фигур» и «Символики», близкими к символизму.

Авангардизм

До 1920 модернизм был господствующим направлением в рассказе и в поэзии, но начиная с 1915 в национальную литературу робко вступает литературный авангардизм. В поэзии его крупнейший представитель — Сесар Вальехо (1892—1936), автор сборников «Чёрные герольды» (1916) и «Трильсе» (1922) с их новаторским языком и печальными размышлениями о человеческой жизни. В 1923 он уехал в Европу и больше в Перу не возвращался. В прозе — Авраам Вальделомар (1888—1919), писавший рассказы, романы, пьесы, стихи, статьи и очерки; его рассказы — это трогательные истории о жизни провинциальных городов. В театре доминируют комедии Леонидаса Йерови (1881—1917), а позднее — социально-разоблачительные пьесы Сесара Вальехо. Большое влияние на развитие общественной и литературной мысли Перу оказал в эти годы журнал «Amauta» (1926—1930), издававшийся выдающимся литературоведом-марксистом Хосе Карлосом Мариатеги, и его работа «Семь очерков истолкования перуанской действительности».

Индихенизм

Индихенизм — это литературное направление, главной темой которого является жизнь коренного населения Перу — индейцев. Оно началось с рассказов Энрике Лопеса Альбухара (1872—1966) и продолжилось романами Сиро Алегрия (1909—1967): «Золотая змея» (1935), «Голодные собаки» (1939) и «В большом и чуждом мире» (1941). Максимального выражения это течение достигло в творчестве Хосе Мария Аргедаса (1911—1969), автора книг «Вода», «Праздник Йавар», «Алмазы и кремни», «Глубокие реки», «Шестой», «Агония Расу Ньити», «Вся кровь» и «Лис сверху и лис снизу». Благодаря своему общению с индейцами в детстве, он сумел усвоить их представления о мире и жизненный опыт.

Поколение 50-х
Обновление перуанской прозы начинается с Поколения 1950-х. Литература этого периода развивалась под заметным влиянием европейского (Джойс, Кафка) и американского (Фолкнер) авангарда. К этому поколению принадлежат Хулио Рамон Рибейро (1929—1994), Карлос Эдуардо Савалета (1928—2011), Элеодоро Варгас Викунья (1924—1997) и всемирно известный Марио Варгас Льоса (р. 1936). Они уделяют особое внимание жизни бедных городских кварталов и маргинальных слоев населения, образовавшихся в результате массовой миграции из сельской местности в города (сборники рассказов Рибейро «Стервятники без перьев», Энрике Конграйнса «Лима, час ноль» и его же роман «Не одна, а много смертей», а также первые рассказы Варгаса Льосы). Наряду с прозаиками, возникает и группа поэтов (Алехандро Ромуальдо, Вашингтон Дельгадо, Карлос Херман Бельи, Пабло Гевара), увлекшихся марксизмом и экзистенциализмом и выражающих социальный протест. Близки к ним и так наз. «Поэты народа», связанные с апристской партией, основанной Виктором Айя де ла Торре (Густаво Валькарсель, Мануэль Скорса, Хулио Гарридо Малавер).

Поколение 60-х

К поколению 60-х годов относятся поэты Луис Эрнандес (1941—1977), Хавьер Эрауд (1942—1963), Антонио Сиснерос (1942—2012) и прозаики Освальдо Рейносо (1931—2016), Мигель Гутьеррес (1940—2016), Эдуардо Гонсалес Вианья (р. 1941), Альфредо Брайс Эченике (р. 1939) и Эдгардо Ривера Мартинес (р. 1933). Они рассматривают литературу как средство развития классового сознания. После победы кубинской революции большинство перуанских интеллектуалов жаждало такой же революции в своей стране, которая уничтожила бы старый олигархическо-феодальный строй. Некоторые даже переходили к практическим действиям — Эрауд, например, погиб в 1963, участвуя в попытке развернуть партизанскую войну в сельве, а Гутьеррес и Рейносо основали журнал, проповедовавший маоистские идеи. В это десятилетие появляются первые романы М. Варгаса Льосы: «Город и псы» (1963), основанный на воспоминаниях об учёбе в военной академии и представляющий протест против жестокости и насилия; «Зелёный дом» (1966), повествующий о борделе, но содержащий элементы рыцарского романа; повесть «Щенки» (1967), выражающая протест против тотальной несправедливости перуанского общества.

Поколение 70-х
В 1970-е гг. были основаны журналы «Эстасьон Реунида» и «Ора Зеро», которые собирают вокруг себя новое поколение молодых писателей, таких как Хосе Росас Рибейро (р. 1949), Тулио Мора (р. 1948), Хуан Рамирес Руис (1946—2007), Хорхе Пиментель (р.1944), Энрике Верастеги (р. 1950), Кармен Олье (р. 1947) и др. Для них характерен крайний левый радикализм, разрыв с предшествующей литературной традицией и использование народно-разговорного языка в поэзии. В 1974 возникает другая группа поэтов, уделяющих больше внимания форме стиха, чем содержанию (Марио Монтальбетти, Хуан Карлос Ласаро, Карлос Лопес Дегрегори и др.) Проза развивается под влиянием контркультуры и движения хиппи, наиболее заметные её представители — Фернандо Ампуэро (р. 1949) и Кронуэл Хара (р. 1949). Варгас Льоса издаёт романы «Капитан Панталеон и Рота добрых услуг» (1973) и «Тетушка Хулия и писака» (1977).

80-е — 90-е годы
В 80-е годы приходят разочарование и пессимизм: никто уже не мечтает о революции. Это эпоха «перестройки» и последних лет холодной войны, экономического кризиса и терроризма. В прозе появляются первые книги рассказов Альфредо Пита (р. 1948) «Вскоре смеркается», Гильермо Ниньо де Гусмана (р. 1955) «Полуночные кони» и Алонсо Куэто (р. 1954) «Битвы прошлого». В 1981 выходит в свет лучшее (по крайней мере, по мнению самого автора) произведение Варгаса Льосы — исторический роман «Война конца света», действие которого происходит в Бразилии в конце 19 в. В селении Канудос сложилась религиозная община, отменившая частную собственность. Правительство направило против неё войска и жестоко подавило это выступление. Поэзия, отказавшись от мятежных устремлений, вновь становится спокойной и уравновешенной (Хосе Ватанабе и др.). Развивается женская поэзия феминистской направленности (Кармен Олье, Джованна Полларолло, Росио Сильва Сантистебан, Роселла Ди Паоло).

В 90-е гг. появляется эстетско-индивидуалистическое направление в поэзии, в то время как проза по-прежнему уделяет первостепенное внимание молодежи из бедных кварталов (так наз. «грязный реализм»). С другой стороны, некоторые писатели культивируют эстетизм: Иван Тайс (р. 1968) «Фотографии Фрэнсиса Фармера», Патрисия де Соуса (р. 1964) «Когда настанет ночь», поэтесса Монтсеррат Альварес (р. 1968) и др. Между тем, достигают своей зрелости два автора, начинавшие в предшествующие десятилетия: Освальдо Рейносо и Мигель Гутьеррес, вернувшиеся в Перу после долгого пребывания в коммунистическом Китае, который обманул их ожидания. Рейносо публикует новеллу «В поисках Аладина» и роман «Бессмертные евнухи», в которых отвергается идеал классовой борьбы во имя поиска утопии юной красоты, которая, однако, не противоречит идее справедливости. Гутьеррес, в свою очередь, поражает читателей романом более чем в тысячу страниц, «Насилие времени» (1991) — это семейная сага рода Вильяр, которая начинается с первого Вильяра, дезертира из испанской армии времён войны за независимость, и кончается Мартином Вильяром, от лица которого ведётся рассказ — студентом, а затем сельским учителем. В романе чувствуется влияние великих латиноамериканских прозаиков XX в. (Борхеса, Хуана Рульфо, Гарсиа Маркеса и Марио Варгаса Льоса), а также «Человеческой комедии» Бальзака.

XXI век

В первые годы нового века перуанским писателям достались важные международные премии. Ещё в 1999 роман Альфредо Пита «Отсутствующий охотник» завоевал премию «Las dos orillas» («Два берега»), предоставляемую Книжным Салоном г. Хихон (Испания). Книга была немедленно переведена и опубликована в пяти европейских странах. В 2002 писатель Альфредо Брайс Эченике получил премию «Planeta», вручаемую одноимённым испанским издательством, за свой роман «Сад моей любимой». В следующем году второй роман Сантьяго Ронкальоло (р. 1975) «Стыд» становится одним из четырёх финалистов премии «Herralde». В 2005 Хайме Байли (р. 1965), критикуемый за стереотипы и коммерческий характер своего творчества, становится финалистом премии «Planeta», а Алонсо Куэто получает премию «Herralde» за роман «Синий час». В 2008 Иван Тайс входит в число финалистов «Herralde» (роман «Местечко, именуемое Собачье Ухо»). И, наконец, в 2010 Марио Варгасу Льосе была вручена Нобелевская премия по литературе.

Литературные премии Перу
Премия Копэ () — главная литературная премия Перу, присуждаемая в категориях «роман», «рассказ», «поэзия» и «эссе» за произведения написанные на испанском языке. Учреждена государственным концентром Петроперу (Petróleos del Perú). Присуждается с 1979 года.

См. также
 Латиноамериканская литература

Примечания

Литература

Ссылки
 http://bibliotekar.ru/maya/tom/11.htm М.Стингл Индейцы без томагавков (гл. Инки, или как создавались небесные империи)
 http://www.indiansworld.org Литература независимого Перу
 http://www.ohperu.com/cultura/literatura.htm Путеводитель по современной перуанской литературе
 http://buscaperu.webcindario.com Перуанская литература XIX—XX вв.
 http://poetasdelfindelmundo.com 32 фотографии перуанских писателей

Литература Перу
Перу

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


A native Oklahoman raised in Wewoka, Richard Ellwanger has been the executive director of the Seminole Nation Museum since 2000. He was first appointed to the Capitol Preservation Commission by Chief Justice Rudolph Hargrave in December of 2002 and was appointed the Chair of the Commission's Arts Standards Committee in April 2007. Ellwanger is only the third chairman elected to lead the commission in its twenty-seven year history.
Ellwanger is also a member of the Oklahoma Museums Association and a graduate of Class I of the Oklahoma Arts Council's Leadership Arts. He served in an advisory capacity in selecting the "Beyond the Centennial" mural for the Hall of Governors. He is a member of the Wewoka Rotary Club, director of the Wewoka Chamber of Commerce, member of the Wewoka Planning Commission, director of the Citizens Improvement League of Wewoka and a graduate of Leadership Wewoka. He is a 1990 graduate of Oklahoma State University in Stillwater.


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