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RUSSIAN REVIEW, Vol. 43, 1984 pp. 1-29. First online by Collective Action Notes. No foodnotes availables.
Under mounting pressures, the Bolshevik leadership assumed an increasingly dictatorial position. One by one, the goals of 1917 proletarian democracy, social equality, workers' self-management-were thrust aside. The institutions of the new society were recast in an authoritarian mold, and a new bureaucratic edifice was constructed, with its attendant corruption and red tape. In government and party, in industry and army, hierarchy and privilege were restored. For collective management of the factories Lenin substituted one-man management and strict labor discipline. He reinstated higher pay for specialists and managers, along with piece rates and other discarded features of capitalism. Soviets, trade unions, and factory committees were transformed into tools of the state apparatus. Authority was increasingly concentrated in the hands of a party elite.
Such policies could not fail to arouse opposition. What had they to do with the original goals of the party? Was it for this that the revolution had been made? Questions of this sort troubled a growing number of Bolshevik stalwarts. Unable to remain silent, dissidents on the left wing of the party raised their voices in protest. Among them was Gavriii ll'ich Miasnikov, a metalworker from the Urals and a Bolshevik since 1906. One of the most vocal of the early oppositionists, he is also one of the most obscure. Yet during the early 1920s he blazed into prominence as a critic of Lenin's policies, posing questions of the utmost importance: Who is to decide what is in the interests of the workers? What methods are permissible in resolving disputes among revolutionaries? At what point does honest criticism of party officials become « deviation » or insubordination? Miasnikov, seeing his deepest revolutionary aspirations thwarted, evolved an elaborate and penetrating critique of the dictatorship in the making, pointing to dangers whose full consequences were not yet apparent.
Miasnikov, then, merits closer attention than he has hitherto received from Western historians.(4) The object of the present article is not only to tell his story in proper detail, but also to relate it to the broader issues surrounding the emergence of the Bolshevik dictatorship. Miasnikov, it is true, was a secondary figure in the portrait gallery of the revolution. Nevertheless, he was a brave and colorful individual and deserves to be better known. He added a strong proletarian voice to the debate over the meaning of socialism. But what lends his story particular poignancy is that he was a dedicated revolutionary, a Bolshevik of long standing, who cherished the ideals of October only to see them compromised and crushed. His defeat, in a sense, symbolized the defeat of the revolution itself.
Whether Miasnikov undertook the assassination on his own initiative or was acting on orders from higher authority is unclear. Vera Kornoukhova, secretary of the Perm' Bolshevik Party Committee, afterwards testified that Miasnikov was « a bloodthirsty and embittered man, and not altogether sane, » implying that he alone was responsible for the act. (12) Yet the fact that, as soon as the assassination was carried out, Miasnikov left for Moscow and reported directly to Lenin, suggests that he had acted under instructions. Four days later, it might be added, the tsar and his family were shot, on Bolshevik orders, in the Urals city of Ekaterinburg.
For the remainder of the Civil War Miasnikov remained a loyal Bolshevik. By 1920 he was chairman of the Perm' Provincial Party Committee, having headed its agitprop section. In September of that year he was a delegate to the Ninth Party Conference, held in Moscow, where he spoke on propaganda work within the party. (13) He did not, like several other delegates at the conference, criticize the party leadership. Yet he was seething with disaffection. He was deeply troubled by the oligarchical tendencies within the party, the drift towards authoritarianism and elite rule, a process greatly accelerated by the Civil War. He was dismayed by the growing concentration of power in the hands of the Central Committee, the divorce of the leadership from the rank and file, and the suppression of local initiative and debate. Equally disturbing, though he did not yet raise his voice in public protest, was the introduction of labor discipline in the factories, along with the elevation of technical specialists to positions of authority and the replacement of workers' control by one-man management and bureaucratic administration.
To Miasnikov all this represented a flagrant breach of Bolshevik promises, a surrender of the conquests of October. With hierarchy and discipline resurrected, what, he wondered, had the workers won? With the class enemy once again running the factories, what had become of the workers' power? (14) Miasnikov was a bitter man. He could not reconcile himself to the abandonment of the principles of proletarian democracy enunciated in 1917. He believed heart and soul in the revolution. The central purpose of the revolution, as Miasnikov saw it, had been to abolish capitalist forms of exploitation, and thereby release the creative energies of the workers and establish conditions for their dignity and equality. For Miasnikov, the course on which Lenin was now embarked was neither necessary nor expedient. Soon after the Ninth Party Conference, Miasnikov began to speak out. Returning to the Urals, he protested openly and vociferously against the whole tendency or Bolshevik policy and its divergence from the line of 1917. He lashed out at the rise of bureaucratism in the party, the arbitrariness and high-handedness of party officials, and the growing number of nonworkers in the party ranks and in positions of power. He railed against any accommodation with the old order, any retention of capitalist forms and methods.
Miasnikov strove to restore the party to its original path. Nothing less than a clean sweep of the bourgeois order, with its inequality and injustice, its subjugation and degradation of the workers, would satisfy his thirst for the millennium. He called for the realization of the program of 1917-anti-bureaucratic, egalitarian, and internationalist-as Lenin himself had outlined it in The State and Revolution. The advance towards socialism depended on internal democracy within the party, greater local autonomy and popular initiative, and the restoration of power to the soviets. It depended on the participation of the working class, non-Communist as well as Communist, at all levels of political and economic life.
In the Urals, meanwhile, Miasnikov waged a vigorous campaign to bring his ideas before the workers. Again and again he spoke out against the dictatorial behavior of party officials and the growing concentration of authority at the center. To prevent the situation from getting worse, he appealed for the immediate revival of democracy within the party and a greater measure of autonomy for the Soviets. He warned that the displacement of the Soviets by the party apparatus, combined with the tendency towards centralization within the party, presented a danger to the realization of socialism.
Miasnikov's criticisms kindled a revolt within the Urals party organization. A man of magnetic character and obvious sincerity, he won a following in both Perm' and Motovilikha, cauldrons of proletarian discontent. The local Bolshevik officials became alarmed. In May 1921, shortly after Miasnikov dispatched his memorandum to the Central Committee, the Perm' Provincial Committee forbade him to propagate his views at party meetings. But Miasnikov refused to desist. On June 21 he spoke at a provincial party conference in Perm', chastizing both the Central Committee and the Provincial Committee.29 A month later, on July 27, he went even further, publishing a pamphlet called Bol'nye voprosy (Vexed Questions), in which he reiterated the demands of his memorandum, above all for freedom of criticism. « The Soviet government, » he boldly declared, « should maintain detractors at its own expense, as did the Roman emperors. » (29) Meanwhile the Perm' Committee had not been idle, Following Miasnikov's speech of June 21, it appealed to the Central Committee to investigate his conduct. On July 29, two days after the appearance of Bot'nye voprosy, the Orgburo formed a special commission, consisting of Bukharin, P. A. Ziluisky, and A. A. Sol'ts, to took into the matter. (30) Bukharin found Miasnikov's memorandum of sufficient interest to pass on to Lenin. Thus it was that Lenin became involved in the affair.
Lenin glanced over the memorandum. On August 1, he wrote Miasnikov a brief note, inviting him to the Kremlin for a talk. What kind of freedom do you want? Lenin asked. For SRs and Mensheviks? All at once? In your memorandum it is not clear.(31) On August 5, Lenin followed this up with a long letter. By then he had read both the memorandum and Bot'nye voprosy. He saw some truth in Miasnikov's criticisms. The man, though naive, was plainly sincere. He was also an Old Bolshevik, a veteran of tsarist prisons, a hero of the revolution and Civil War. Lenin felt he owed him a reply. He hoped, at the same time, to bring him to heel. Addressing him as « Comrade Miasnikov » and closing « with communist greetings, » his tone was friendly but firm. Like a schoolmaster, he spoke now sympathetically, now condescendingly, to his wayward pupil.
Miasnikov was not convinced by Lenin's arguments. He drafted a strong reply. Reminding Lenin of his revolutionary credentials, he wrote: « You say that I want freedom of the press for the bourgeoisie. On the contrary, I want freedom of the press for myself, a proletarian, a member of the party for fifteen years, » and not abroad but inside Russia, facing danger and arrest. Miasnikov told of his experience in tsarist prisons, his hunger strikes, beatings, and escapes. Surely he had earned a little freedom of the press, « within the party at least. Or is it that I must take my leave as soon as I disagree with you in the evaluation of social forces? » If so, this is a crude way of settling differences. You say, Miasnikov went on, that the jaws of the bourgeoisie must be cracked.
Asserting his right of free expression, Miasnikov, in November 1921, published in pamphlet form his memorandum to the Central Committee together with Bol'nye voprosy, Lenin's letter of August 5, his reply to it, the Orgburo's decision of August 22, and the resolution of the Motovilikha party organization against this decision.(39) Labeled « for party members only » and printed in only 500 copies, the pamphlet was intended by Miasnikov not as a charter of rebellion but as a vehicle for the discussion of his views in advance of the Eleventh Party Congress, scheduled to meet the following spring. Miasnikov, at the same time, sought to rally his supporters in Motovilikha and Perm' behind his program. On November 25, moreover, he wrote to B. A.Kurzhner, a sympathizer in Petrograd, urging a campaign of agitation in preparation for the party congress. « We must unite all dissident elements in the party under a single banner, » he declared.(40) By now Miasnikov was being watched by the Cheka, and his letter to Kurzhner was intercepted. For Lenin, this was the last straw. Having supressed the Workers' Opposition with no small difficulty, he feared the emergence of yet another group within the party claiming to represent the true interests of the proletariat. « We must devote greater attention to Miasnikov's agitation, » he wrote to Molotov on December 5, « and to report on it to the Politburo twice a month. » (41) To deal with Miasnikov, meanwhile, the Orgburo formed a new commission, of which Molotov, himself a native of Perm', served as a member.
The manifesto recapitulated the program of Miasnikov's earlier writings: workers' self-determination and self-management, the removal of bourgeois specialists from positions of authority, freedom of discussion within the party, and the election of new sovicts centered in the factories. As before, Miasnikov protested against administrative high-handedness, the expanding bureaucracy, the predominance of nonworkers within the party, and the suppression of local initiative and debate. He charged that the party leadership had no confidence in the workers, in whose name it professed to rule.
For Miasnikov the NEP had come as a shock. He viewed it as a continuation of the retreat from socialism begun during the Civil War. Its roots could be traced to the Ninth Party Congress, which had endorsed one-man management and the employment of technical specialists. By this action, as Miasnikov saw it, Lenin had deprived the workers of their most fundamental revolutionary conquest, the chief lever with which to advance their cause. « The organization of industry since the Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist Party, » declared the manifesto, had been carried forward in a « purely bureaucratic way » and « without the direct participation of the working class. » (59) The manifesto demanded that the administration of industry be turned over to the workers themselves, beginning with the workers in each factory. It denounced the bureaucrats and apporatchiki for whom such words as « solidarity » and « brotherhood » were empty shibboleths and who were concerned only with increasing their privileges and power. It attacked them at every turn-their insolence and hypocrisy, their contempt for ordinary workers, their pious mouthing of socialist phrases, belied by their bourgeois ambitions and way of life.
What then was to be done? For Miasnikov the degeneration of the revolution could be halted only by the restoration of proletarian democracy. He remained unshakable in his belief in the initiative and capacity of the workers, the class from which he himself had sprung. The defects of the regime could no longer be corrected by the Bolshevik leadership. Remedies, rather, must come from the working-class rank and file, both party and nonparty. Without worker participation in every area, he insisted, the attainment of socialism would be impossible. Lenin, by contrast, lacking Miasnikov's faith in mass initiative, clung to administrative solutions, rejecting any proposal that would have allowed a democratic breeze to blow through the party apparatus. This he considered more dangerous than bureaucratism itself. He relied, to the very end, on bureaucrats to reform the bureaucracy, setting one section of the apparatus against another.
In Lenin's absence, the task of anathematizing the Workers' Group fell to Trotsky, Radek, and Zinoviev. Trotsky, denouncing Miasnikov's manifesto, recalled « the old theory of the now forgotten Machajski » that « under socialism the state will be the apparatus for the exploitation for the working class. » Radek poured contempt on Miasnikov's « high-flown formula » of freedom of the press. Zinoviev declared that « every criticism of the party line, even a so-called left criticism, is now objectively a Menshevik criticism. » Miasnikov, he added, maintains that « the worker is against us and we are against him. » Such a notion is « rubbish . » « I was personally bothered by him for almost a year. Vladimir ll'ich occupied himself with Miasnikov, wrote to him, reasoned with him. » A special commission, of which Bukharin was a member, sought to bring him around. To no avail. Miasnikov « has betrayed our party. » Whatever its mistakes, insisted Zinoviev, the party had driven the old ruling elite from its entrenched power. The « hegemony of the proletariat has survived under the most difficult circumstances, and will continue to survive, I hope, to the end (applause). » (74) .
Thus Miasnikov, having begun in 1920 by trying to reform the Communist Party, ended by rejecting it as beyond redemption. Its place was to be taken by the « Workers' Communist Parties of the USSR »-parties he emphasized, in the plural, as opposed to the existing single-party rule. Yet a number of questions remained unanswered. By what process had the goals of Bolshevism become perverted? How did it happen that a revolution that was to lead towards the liberation of humanity, towards a classless and stateless society in which oppression would have ceased to exist, should have sunk into the mire of bureaucratism and repression? To what extent was the degeneration due to conditions beyond anyone's control-to the isolation of the revolution in a backward and impoverished country, the devastation caused by the Civil War, the difficulties of administering a diverse and far-flung population in the midst of revolutionary turmoil and civil strife? Surely these factors were important. Degeneration could not be attributed to « bureaucracy » alone, still less to the machinations of the Bolshevik leadership. Besides, why should revolutionaries who hated autocratic tyranny have built an oppressive bureaucracy of their own? Had not a similar fate overtaken previous revolutions? Do all revolutions degenerate when ideals clash with political, economic, and cultural realities?
On such questions Miasnikov shed little light. Nor, it must be added, was he himself immune from criticism. Idealizing the proletariat, from whose ranks he had emerged, he displayed a fierce intolerance of the middle classes, an intolerance that would have doomed his own version of socialism had it ever been put into practice. For all Lenin's authoritarianism and ethical blindness, was it not to his credit that he had sought to reach an accommodation with technical specialists and other nonproletarians and to enlist them in the task of economic reconstruction? What, in any case, is a « workers' state, » and whom would it benefit? Surely it is a free society where individuals of different backgrounds and interests can live together as diverse human beings instead of as units of a party or class.
In Paris Miasnikov found it hard to adjust. Gradually, however, matters improved. He learned to speak French and took a French wife (though Daia Grigor'evna was still alive). He met two left-oppositionist acquaintances, Ruth Fischer and Victor Serge, who mention him in their memoirs.99 By 1939, when Fischer last saw him, he seemed reasonably content. At the outbreak of World War 2, Fischer tells us, he took a refresher course and graduated as an engineer (100) He was then fifty years old.
Such was the fate of Miasnikov and his family. For his ideals he paid the ultimate price. Yet he has not been erased from historical memory. Whatever his faults, and they were many, his heroic career, his refusal to compromise his principles under both tsarism and Bolshevism, are sufficient proof of his revolutionary integrity. Such men are seldom forgotten. The historian of Russia, exploring the years after 1917, is driven again and again to oppositionists of Miasnikov's stamp, to their criticisms of official policy and their alternative proposal of the construction of a socialist society, Miasnikov's central vision-the vision of workers' participation in management, of proletarian and party democracy, of freedom of discussion and debate-has survived in recent Soviet dissent, and the day may yet come when his ideas, voiced with such persistence and self-sacrifice, will influence the shaping of Communist policy to the benefit of the Russian people.


Opinion: Who will protect the workers cleaning up Houston?
More workers could die from the long-term effects of cleaning up after hurricanes Harvey and Irma than were killed by the storms, according to a nationwide network of workplace health and safety groups.
The mainland US death toll for the two hurricanes, which battered Texas and Florida in August and September, now stands at approximately 200 people. But according to Jessica Martinez, executive director of National Council of Occupational Safety and Health (Cosh), a nationwide network of workplace health and safety groups, a greater number of people will die cleaning up in their wake "if more resources aren't put into health and safety training from post-cleanup".
And local work safety groups said federal officials have been conspicuously absent from meetings about worker safety.
José Garza, former associate deputy assistant secretary for policy at Department of Labor under Obama, and now executive director of the Texas-based Workers Defense Project, said he had been working with more than 60 organizers in communities in Texas since the storm and had yet to meet with any high-ranking government officials. "Ultimately, the lives of workers are too important for us to sit back and do nothing," he said.
Part of the problem stems from cuts the Trump administration is seeking to make to federal funding given by the Obama administration to labor groups to train undocumented workers in their rights to a healthy and safe workplace. Local groups claimed the Trump administration was also refusing to coordinate with worker groups doing health and safety training for hurricane cleanup workers.
Disaster cleanup work is extremely hazardous. For example, during the hurricanes chemicals got into Houston's water, including flesh-eating bacteria that already took the life of one woman trying to clean up her home.
Reports of the deaths of cleanup workers have already begun to surface.
More than 1,000 workers died from the cleanup work following the 9/11 terror attacks. However, unlike 9/11, where the work was done mainly by firefighters and skilled unionized demolition workers, the cleanup work following Harvey is being done mainly by undocumented day laborers, paid on average $80 a day.
Undocumented workers may also be afraid to speak out about work dangers due to fear of deportations, creating a recipe for disaster, according to safety experts.
"Workers are going to be facing an enormous amount of pressure to move quickly. People want to move quickly and get back into their houses," said Garza.
"It's not OK to just get some masks from the 99 cents store, which we hear happens a lot. You have to get real equipment like N-95," said Martinez, referring to the $8 respirator that the federal National Institute for Occupational and Safety Health recommends for this kind of work.
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To combat this pressure, groups like Cosh and Workers Defense Project have begun training organizers to teach workers about how they can protect themselves against hurricane cleanup hazards.
Last month, Martinez flew down to Texas with a team of workplace safety experts, who trained more than 60 organizers in how to educate workers.
During the Obama administration, the government's labor watchdog, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (Osha) worked closely with groups like Cosh and Workers Defense Project to enforce workplace safety laws.
With a budget of only $552m, Osha employs so few inspectors that it would take it 129 years to inspect every workplace; thus the Obama administration saw working with worker advocate groups as a way to amplify their reach and train people to alert Osha when government action was needed to crack down on an employer.
Trump has moved to cut regulations in order to spur business growth. Osha's plans to expand its regulatory reach have been cut in half. Regulations concerning blood-borne pathogens, combustible dust and occupational exposure to styrene have been removed from Osha's regulatory agenda, for example.
The Trump administration is also planning to kill the Susan Harwood Worker Training Grant Program, an $11m-a-year in grant to workplace safety groups for health and safety trainings. Under Trump's fiscal year 2017 budget, the grants would be eliminated entirely.
"Basically there are a lot of workers that Osha inspectors and Osha staff have trouble reaching, primarily immigrant workers who may not feel comfortable talking to Osha inspectors," said Jordan Barab, who served as the number two at Osha for eight years under President Obama as the deputy assistant secretary of labor for occupational safety and health.
Loren Sweatt, Osha's deputy assistant secretary, said the agency was working with groups on the ground but the agency did not give details about its work – if any – with undocumented workers.
"As Osha's dedicated staff continues to respond to Hurricane Harvey, we have worked with hundreds of organizations, conducted more than 1,200 safety and health interventions, directly reached more than 16,000 workers through both English and Spanish communications and interactions, and directed remediation of hazards for over 4,000 workers. All these activities are similar to prior disaster actions taken by Osha, and the Osh Act protects all working men and women," she said in an emailed statement.
Barab says that during Hurricane Sandy, that Osha leadership held emergency meetings and directed regional staff to coordinate closely with community groups to prevent similar workplace hazards from occurring.
This time, during Hurricane Harvey cleanup, he is not seeing a high level outreach from Osha to community groups to ensure workers are protected.
"There is no leadership, why would it happen? There is one person in the front office in Washington," said Barab, referring to the acting Osha head Sweatt, who served as a Republican staffer on the House education and workforce committee for 15 years.


text:
60 years of SSE Arena, Wembley celebrated in pictures
Heroes – the Exhibition, a photographic exploration of the sixty-year history of the SSE Arena, Wembley, is opening to the public on Thursday 28 November at Getty Images Gallery, Wembley Park.
The exhibition will feature over 100 photographs of artists at the London music venue, which celebrated its busiest year yet in 2018.
From 1960s snaps of the Beatles and the Rolling Stones, to more recent images of Kendrick Lamar, Queens of the Stone Age and the Prodigy, the exhibition will cover the arena's rich musical history. Other artists to feature in the collection include David Bowie, Leonard Cohen, Whitney Houston, Queen, Prince, Taylor Swift, Beyoncé and Rihanna.
Words by the arena's vice president and general manager John Drury accompany the photos, which are taken by renowned music photographer Michael Putland and former and current Getty photographers Dave Hogan and Brian Risac, among others.
"Over the past 60 years The SSE Arena, Wembley has earned its place as one of the most iconic live music venues in the world," comments Drury. "There is a chemistry that keeps bringing artists and fans back, that feeling of connection, passion, and shared experience.
"Heroes brilliantly captures the magic on stage and in the audience that could happen nowhere else"
"Playing Wembley for the first time is a special milestone in any artist's career and each show builds on its legendary status. That is what Heroes brilliantly captures, the magic on stage and in the audience that could happen nowhere else."
Built in 1934, the arena in Wembley – originally known as the Empire Pool – has been a live music venue for over six decades. Following a £26 million refurbishment, the arena reopened in 2006, taking the name of the SSE Arena, Wembley in 2014.
"Wembley Park has always been about people coming together to share experiences, and The SSE Arena, Wembley is central to this," says Josh McNorton, cultural director of Wembley Park.
"Over the past 60 years, it has played an enormous part in the cultural history of the area and in global music history, and Heroes is a great way to celebrate this through the performances of some of the world's most famous performers."
The exhibition is open every day from 10 a.m. to 7 p.m. at the Getty Images Gallery, Wembley Park. Admission is free for the first three days. All photographs are available for purchase, priced from £70 to £648.
The O2 celebrates 25 million ticket sales
Twenty five million tickets have been sold for shows at London's O2 Arena since 2007, the venue team announced today (22 October), following a busy summer with concerts by Ariana Grande, Travis Scott, Muse and more.
The 20,000-capacity O2 Arena, which was crowned the world's busiest venue for the 11th consecutive year in 2018, has this year seen performances from the likes of Daddy Yankee, George Ezra, Post Malone, Cher and Khalid.
Bjork, the Chemical Brothers, Liam Gallagher, Krept and Konan, Little Mix and the Lumineers are all set to perform at the arena before the end of the year.
Since opening in 2007, the O2 has hosted over 2,000 individual performances and now holds an average of 200 events per year, covering music, sport, comedy, family entertainment and esports.
"To reach the 25 million ticket milestone is a huge achievement and we're so grateful to have hosted so many artists for the first time this year"
"To reach the 25 million ticket milestone is a huge achievement and we're so grateful to have hosted so many artists for the first time this year," comments Emma Bownes, vice president of programming.
"London has the best fans in the world, and we'd like to thank promoters, agents, managers and our partners for continuing to work with us to help bring the very best performers from the worlds of music, comedy, sport and entertainment to the O2".
Canadian rapper Drake was this year inducted into the venue's '21 Club', joining acts including Prince, One Direction and Take That to have performed at the London arena 21 times.
Take That hold the record for the most number of shows played at the O2, whereas the attendance record belongs to Metallica, who played to a 22,211-strong crowd in 2017.
Tickets are not the only thing being sold in large quantities at the O2. In 2018, the venue sold over 172,000 portions of chips, 72,500 hot dogs and more than 993,000 pints of beer.
The Power House: Creative Artists Agency at 35
"We walked into work on January 3, 1984, just three agents with three clients and a bit of a dream."
35 years later, Rob Light, now managing director of Creative Artists Agency (CAA) can rightly look back on the growth of the music department and say that dream came true.
With headquarters in Los Angeles, London and Beijing, the agency works across film, television, music, sports, digital media, marketing and much more.
The music department alone is made up of over 100 agents around the globe and generates over US$3 billion in worldwide touring revenue, according to Billboard. It claims to have more women agents than any other agency, more women in power than any other agency, and a more diverse agent breakdown.
Yet, insists Light, it still runs like a boutique business. "We're a big agency, but we still care. For us it's not about being cool – if you want to break and have a career this is how we do it. We're never cookie cutter."
CAA was founded in a whirlwind of drama in 1975 when five hungry William Morris Agency staff quit the biggest film and TV agency in Hollywood to start their own business. It was a major shake-up – the story is worthy of a movie in itself, and is described in great detail in James Andrew Miller's book, Powerhouse.
Nine years later, in 1984, the company created another stir. It launched a music department and poached one of the biggest names in the music agency business at the time to head it: Tom Ross, head of International Creative Management (ICM)'s music division.
"We're a big agency, but we still care"
Ross's assistant at the time was Light. He'd started in ICM's mail-room six years earlier, aged 21, where he lasted for seven days before being spotted by Terry Rhodes (now running his own agency, Patriot Artists).
When CAA co-founder Mike Ovitz approached Ross, Light was invited to join his boss at the fledgling department. At the time, ICM was a powerhouse. And although it had a reputation for its film and TV work, CAA had just 27 agents, so the move was something of a gamble.
"I believed in Tom, plus Mike Ovitz was an incredibly seductive guy," remembers Light. "So at 26 I thought I'd take a shot."
The next five years saw explosive growth. Ovitz had assured Ross that CAA's music and film departments would work together, and came good on his promise. "When I started at CAA all the film agents were excited we were there," says Light.
Until then, film, TV and music departments at agencies were like separate kingdoms. But there was increasing demand from musicians to fulfil their other creative ambitions, and CAA's close working relationship across the teams was ready to help realise them. This cross-departmental ethos has been integral to the company's success ever since.
"It felt like the agency business had never seen that type of approach, attitude, energy or level of teamwork"
One of the first signings the new music department made was in summer 1984. Prince had long held a desire to make the movie Purple Rain and CAA got him on the books by promising to make it a reality. Light went on to work with the artist for the next 13 years, outlasting many managers and lawyers.
It was the teamwork mentality that was so unique. As agent Rob Prinz told James Andrew Miller: "It felt like the agency business had never seen that type of approach, attitude, energy or level of teamwork and co-ordination."
CAA was the first agency to have a crossover agent, which saw dedicated TV and acting agent Brian Loucks installed in the music department. Loucks was a massive film and TV geek with an encyclopaedic knowledge of avant-garde film as well as the mainstream.
Loucks' embracing of the cross-departmental approach can be typified in his Living Room Sessions, which started out as an informal gathering and have turned into an industry networking tour-de-force. They see about 200 carefully selected people invited to his home in LA's Studio City to see performances by artists such as Annie Lennox, Christine and The Queens, Keith Urban, Two Door Cinema Club and Tim McGraw. These carefully selected invitees are A-list Hollywood, music business and brand names, including renowned manager Simon Fuller, Fifty Shades of Grey director Sam Taylor-Johnson and actor Chris Pine.
"What we're doing is trying to serve the artists' needs. If they say they want to try acting, we can give them the tools"
"What we're doing is trying to serve the artists' needs," explains Light. "If they say they want to try acting, or like Billie Joe from Green Day, wanting to do a Broadway play [American Idiot]. If they really want to do it, we can give them the tools.
"It's easy when you have a company that's built that way. Everybody here wants to work in this way. You have to have somebody in place to help the artist fulfil what they want to do."
A reputation for innovation
Light's rise to the top came when CAA co-founder Michael Ovitz left in 1995 for an infamously short-lived stint as Michael Eisner's deputy at Disney. His departure was a big deal for the company, which was by now one of the biggest agencies in the world.
It meant a shake-up at the top of the company's administration. Ross stayed a few years longer, but left in 1998, fed up of the way the live industry was going. It was the time of Live Nation precursor SFX, when media mogul Robert Sillerman was buying up promoters around the world. Ross was one of the most vocal opponents of the new behemoth and after three decades at the top, wanted out of the agency business.
What happened next set the roadmap for CAA's success and confirmed its reputation for innovation.
Continue reading this feature in the digital edition of IQ 81, or subscribe to the magazine here
IQ remembers the musical talent lost in 2016
The deaths in December of George Michael and Status Quo founder Rick Parfitt have brought 2016 to a sad end. Quite simply, none of us can remember a year that claimed so many celebrities, with barely a week going by without the news of some musician who had helped to shape the lives of at least some of us.
While the likes of David Bowie, Prince and Leonard Cohen might steal most of the headlines, we thought it would be an idea to remind everyone of the breadth of artistry to which the world has said goodbye, from the young members of Viola Beach, who perished along with their manager in a car accident in February, and the murder of Christina Grimmie in June, to conductor and composer Harry Rabinowitz, who celebrated his 100th birthday just three months before his death.
25 December: George Michael, aged 53
24 December: Rick Parfitt, 68
11 December: Valerie Gell, 71
7 December, Greg Lake, 69
24 November: Colonel Abrams, 67
21 November: Jean Shepard, 82
20 November: Craig Gill, 44
18 November: Sharon Jones, 60
13 November: Leon Russell, 74
7 November, Leonard Cohen, 82
25 October: Bobby Vee, 73
23 October: Pete Burns, 57
8 October: Phil Chess, 95
5 October: Joan Marie Johnson, 72
5 October: Rod Temperton, 66
2 October: Sir Neville Marriner, 92
24 September: Stanley Dural Jr., 68
21 September, John D. Loudermilk, 82
1 September: Fred Hellerman, 89
28 August: Juan Gabriel, 66
24 August: Billy Paul, 80
20 August: Matt Roberts, 38
9 August: Padraig Duggan, 67
6 August: Pete Fountain, 86
16 July: Alan Vega, 78
28 June: Scotty Moore, 84
24 June: Bernie Worrell, 72
22 June: Harry Rabinowitz, 100
17 June: Attrell Cordes, 46
10 June: Christina Grimmie, 22
3 June: Dave Swarbrick, 75
21 May: Nick Menza, 51
17 May: Guy Clark, 74
21 April: Prince, 57
12 April: David Gest, 62
11 April: Emile Ford, 78
6 April: Merle Haggard, 79
22 March: Phife Dawg, 45
20 March: Andy 'Thunderclap' Newman, 73
16 March: Frank Sinatra Jr., 72
14 March: Sir Peter Maxwell Davies, 81
11 March: Keith Emerson, 71
10 March: Ernestine Anderson, 87
8 March: Sir George Martin, 90
5 March: Nikolaus Harnoncourt, 86
4 March: Joey Feek, 40
25 February: John Chilton, 83
15 February: Denise Matthews, 57
13 February: Kris Leonard, 20; River Reeves, 19; Thomas Lowe, 27; Jack Dakin, 19; Craig Tarry, 33
4 February: Maurice White, 74
28 January: Paul Kantner, 74
26 January: Colin Vearncombe, 53
18 January, Glenn Frey, 67
17 January: Dale Griffin, 67
16 January: René Angélil, 73
10 January: David Bowie, 69
7 January: Kitty Kallen, 93
5 January: Pierre Boulez, 90
4 January: Robert Stigwood, 81
Celebration 2017 festival set for Paisley Park
Prince's Paisley Park estate, which IQ last month revealed would be hosting concerts and live events following its reopening as a museum, has announced details of the first such event: Celebration 2017, which will "celebrate the life and legacy" of the late singer with panels, presentations and performances by his former backing musicians.
Performers at the event, which runs from 20 to 23 April, include The Revolution, Morris Day and The Time and members of The New Power Generation and 3rdeyegirl, with tickets starting at an eye-watering US$499 for general admission – $100 more than Desert Trip – or $999 for VIP passes.
Paisley Park – Prince's 65,000sqft private estate and recording complex in Chanhassen, Minnesota, now operated by PPark Manamagent – recently opened permanently to public tours, just over six months after his death.
Prince, born Prince Rogers Nelson, died from an accidental fentanyl overdose at Paisley Park on 21 April. Read IQ's tribute here.
Prince memorial concerts mooted for MSG, Staples Center
Prince's friends in the music industry are reportedly planning "big memorial celebrations", including tribute concerts at 18,000-capacity arenas Madison Square Garden in New York and the Staples Center in Los Angeles, in the wake of his death aged 57 last Thursday.
According to an anonymous source quoted by Radar, performers will include The Bangles, Chaka Kahn, Mavis Staples, Sly and the Family Stone bassist Larry Graham and "loads of big-name friends".
An unrelated free memorial concert, hosted by Danish festival Golden Days and featuring music and spoken-word performances, will also be held at Vega's Lounge in Copenhagen tonight.
Bruce Springsteen, Elton John, Rihanna and David Gilmour (who performed a medley of 'Comfortably Numb' and Prince's 'Purple Rain') are among the high-profile musicians who have incorporated a tribute to Prince in recent live shows.
Read IQ's tribute to Prince (pictured), described as "a pioneering live performer who changed the face of the concert industry forever", here.
Prince: A lust for live
Prince, who died yesterday, was many things to many people: A sex symbol who defied social, racial and gender norms; a self-taught musicians' musician who mastered "thousands" of instruments, including bass, piano, drums, various synthesisers and percussion and – of course – guitar; an early advocate for artists' rights who fought his major label, Warner Bros, for ownership and artistic control of his own music.
To many in the concert business, however, Prince (born Prince Rogers Nelson on 7 June 1958) will be remembered for the joy he took from simply playing live. Standing only 5'2″ tall, Nelson was nevertheless a giant on stage, a combination of his charisma, sex appeal, dazzling musical chops (an apocryphal tale has Eric Clapton, when asked what's it like to be the best guitar player alive, responding: "I don't know; ask Prince") and four-inch high heels lending the diminutive singer, songwriter and producer a towering stage presence that transcended mere inches.
And after no less than 28 concert tours – including the unplugged Piano & A Microphone tour, ongoing at the time of his death – the 57-year-old showed no signs of a desire to stop touring. Nor did audiences show any signs of a desire to stop listening: the dates comprising his final completed tour, the spontaneously plotted Hit and Run trek of 2014–15, were consistently sold out and generated huge critical acclaim for the artist and his touring band, 3rdeyegirl.
One of Prince's most memorable highlights in the world of live performance remains his landmark 21-night residency at The O2 in 2007, which paved the way for similar residencies by Bon Jovi, the Spice Girls, One Direction, Beyoncé and Michael Jackson
One of Prince's most memorable highlights in the world of live performance remains his landmark 21-night Earth Tour residency at London's O2 Arena in 2007, which changed the touring landscape irreversibly, paving the way for similar arena residencies by Bon Jovi, the Spice Girls, One Direction, Beyoncé and Michael Jackson with the ill-fated This is It.
"Everything's changed this summer," he told the cheering crowd, without a hint of hyperbole, at the time. "It doesn't matter who came before or who comes after. From now on, The O2 is Prince's house."
The O2's general manager, Rebecca Kane Burton, said this morning: "We are all shocked and deeply saddened to hear the news that Prince has died. […] [He was a] true artist and musical genius. RIP."
Cameron Strange, CEO of Warner Bros Records, with which Prince repaired his relationship in recent years, said in a statement last night: "He leapt onto the scene in 1978 and it didn't take the world long to realise that pop music had changed forever. He played the studio like an instrument and shattered the definition of live performance. He defined a new kind of superstardom, with a transformative impact not just on music, but on video, film, and style.
"Prince was the epitome of cool and mystery – an inspirational soul who created his own universe by bringing together different genres, races and cultures with a purity of sound and spirit unlike any other. His visionary gifts as a songwriter, vocalist, musician, performer and producer placed him in a league all his own."
"He played the studio like an instrument and shattered the definition of live performance"
A statement from the 4,678-capacity Fox Theatre in Atlanta, where Prince played his last live show on 14 April, said: "Prince was a music pioneer, innovator and cultural icon. His music moved and inspired many, including the fans that were able to join him as he took the stage for his final performances last week…
"We, along with the world, mourn the loss of a music legend."
Watch Prince performing one of his signature songs, 'Purple Rain', at the Fox, courtesy of gig-goer Jake Reuse, below:
We weren't supposed to use phones at Prince in ATL last week, but I couldn't resist. Last performance of Purple Rain pic.twitter.com/6FjkJTksJO
— Jake Reuse (@ReuseRecruiting) April 21, 2016
Prince dies aged 57
Acclaimed singer, songwriter and multi-instrumentalist Prince has died at his home in Minnesota aged 57.
Following an early report by TMZ, a spokesman for the artist, full name Prince Rogers Nelson, confirmed the news to the Associated Press. The cause of death is still unknown, but he was admitted to hospital last week with a severe case of the flu and forced to postpone two shows at the Fox Theatre in Atlanta.
As the creator of the 'Minneapolis sound', Prince's pioneering blend of funk, rock, pop, synthpop and new wave saw him sell over 100 million records worldwide, making him one of the best-selling artists of all time, and score number ones with 1984's Purple Rain, 1985's Around the World in a Day and 1989's Batman film soundtrack. He released his 39th studio album, Hit n Run Phase Two, exclusively through Tidal in late 2015.
He was inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 2004, performing George Harrison's 'While My Guitar Gently Weeps' alongside Steve Winwood, Jeff Lynne, Tom Petty and Harrison's son, Dhani:
IQ will bring you a more in-depth tribute to Prince, including a retrospective look at his remarkable live career, shortly.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The Rolex Day-Date book is a limited edition of 1'000 copies only. It represents the first book entirely dedicated to Day-Date, Day-Date II and Day-Date 40.
Free shipping in Italy and Europe. Shipping worldwide. Delivery within 5 days.
The Rolex Day-Date is the first wristwatch which indicates the date and the day of the week. In 1956 Rolex presents one of its most successful and most popular watches ever: the Day-Date,. This model is one of the world's most famous Rolex watches: classic, beautiful, functional, useful and elegant.
In 2008 a new chapter of this watch, the Day-date II (ø 41 mm) and in 2015 the Day-Date 40. Known as "President's Watch", this Rolex Day-Date has characterized and influenced the history of horology with developments and innovations during the years.
With high definition unreleased images, technical details, dials variants, history and updated price of every model, this book analyses every reference from 1956 until today.
The "Rolex Day-Date" book by Mondani is a prestigious limited edition of 1'000 copies. In this work, the authors examine every detail of this important watch: calibers, dials, cases, bracelets and many more components of every reference. You'll find all dials with their variants of color (Stella dial) and material (lapis lazuli, root wood, meteorite, etc).
The book comes with the updated estimates of all published watches.
This edition also indicates all dials and bracelets variations that must match a particular reference.
Attached are the updated prices of models in production and the estimates of second hand watches.
Every year you will receive for free the updated estimates of all of all Rolex wristwatches, with the new models presented at Baselworld.


text:
<?php

namespace Fuel\Session\Providers;

use Fuel\Session\Driver;
use League\Container\ServiceProvider;

/**
 * FuelPHP ServiceProvider class for this package
 *
 * @package Fuel\Session
 *
 * @since 1.0
 */
class FuelServiceProvider extends ServiceProvider
{
	/**
	 * @var array
	 */
	protected $provides = [
		'session',
		'session.native',
		'session.cookie',
		'session.file',
	];

	/**
	 * {@inheritdoc}
	 */
	public function register()
	{
		// \Fuel\Session\Manager
		$this->register('session', function ($dic, $config = array())
		{
			// get the session config
			$stack = $this->container->resolve('requeststack');
			if ($request = $stack->top())
			{
				$component = $request->getComponent();
			}
			else
			{
				$component = $this->container->resolve('application::__main')->getRootComponent();
			}

			// check if only a driver name or object is passed
			if ( ! is_array($config))
			{
				$config = array('driver' => $config);
			}

			$config = \Arr::merge($component->getConfig()->load('session', true), $config);

			// determine the driver to load
			if ($config['driver'] instanceOf Driver)
			{
				$driver = $config['driver'];
			}
			elseif (strpos('\\', $config['driver']) !== false and class_exists($config['driver']))
			{
				$class = $config['driver'];
				$driver = new $class($config);
			}
			else
			{
				$driver = $dic->resolve('session.'.strtolower($config['driver']), array($config));
			}

			$manager = $dic->resolve('Fuel\Session\Manager', array($driver, $config, $component->getApplication()));

			// start the session
			$manager->start();

			$event = $component->getApplication()->getEvent();

			// and use the applications' event instance make sure it ends too
			$event->addListener('shutdown', function($event) use ($manager) {
				$manager->stop();
			});

			// return the instance
			return $manager;
		});

		// \Fuel\Session\Driver\Cookie
		$this->register('session.cookie', function ($dic, Array $config = array())
		{
			return $dic->resolve('Fuel\Session\Driver\Cookie', array($config));
		});

		// \Fuel\Session\Driver\Native
		$this->register('session.native', function ($dic, Array $config = array())
		{
			return $dic->resolve('Fuel\Session\Driver\Native', array($config));
		});

		// \Fuel\Session\Driver\File
		$this->register('session.file', function ($dic, Array $config = array())
		{
			return $dic->resolve('Fuel\Session\Driver\File', array($config));
		});
	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub