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Wat Phra Si Sanphet (Ayutthaya)
Wat Phra Si Sanphet was situated on the premises of the royal palace which had been established in the reign of King Ramathibodi I (King U – Thong). In 1448 King Boroma-Tri-Loka-Nat dedicated the site of the palace to the construction of the temple. The important edifices in this temple are the three main stupas containing the ashes of King Boroma-Tri-Loka-Nat, King Boroma-Rachathirat III and King Ramathibodi II. It was a royal temple Kingdom of Ayutthaya, used for such important royal ceremonies as swearing allegiance and it also served as the royal family's private chapel and the place where the royal family's ashes were preserved. No monks resided here though they were occasionally invited for particular rites. In 1499, a principal Viharn (hall of worship) was built. The following year, in 1500 A.D., King Ramathibodi II, commanded the casting of a standing Buddha image 16 meters in height and covered with gold. This image, Phra Buddha Chao Si Sanphet, was the main object of veneration in the royal Viharn. After that time the ashes of members of all royal family members and other the kings were placed in small chedis constructed at the site The royal palace can also be accessed from the same entrance at Wat Phra Si Sanphet, but it only has a few free standing buildings remaining.
Wat Phra Si Sanphet was situated on the premises of the royal palace which had been established in the reign of King Ramathibodi I (King U – Thong). In 1448 King Boroma-Tri-Loka-Nat dedicated the site of the palace to the construction of the temple. The important edifices in this temple are the three main stupas […]
Elephantstay (Ayutthaya)
Elephantstay is an elephant rehabilitation and breeding project in Ayutthaya, Thailand that operates under the Prakochaban Foundation. Founded by Laithongrein Meepan in 2005, the project is registered as a non-profit organization. It can be found at the Royal Elephant Kraal, which was historically a compound where elephants were captured and kept, which was a privilege […]
Wat Yai Chai Mang Khon
Wat Phra Chao Phya-thai, populary known as Wat Yai Chai Mongkol, is situated to the southeast of the city. The large chedi there can be seen from a great distance. This monastery was built by King U-Thong which exhumed the bodies of Chao Kaeo and Chao Thai who died of cholera, and cremated in 1357. […]

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Home » Fashion » Family-of-five in £20k of debt swap lives with millionaires who splash £8k on one shopping trip in Rich House Poor House
Family-of-five in £20k of debt swap lives with millionaires who splash £8k on one shopping trip in Rich House Poor House
A FAMILY-of-five saddled with £20,000 worth of debt swap lives with millionaires who blow £8,000 in a single shopping trip.
Jessen and Lorna James live in a sprawling house in Kent with Lorna's children, Isla, seven, and Amber, four.
Jessen, who has two sons, used to be a psychiatric nurse and set up his own care business, making his first million aged 33.
He and Lorna now run a business school and have invested in property, saying: "We live a pretty cool life, we do nice things, and we've got time.
"We might go down to London and spend six, seven, £8,000 on just a shopping spree."
The millionaires are swapping lives with the Fox family from Bradford, where mum and dad, Jamie and Lee, live with their three kids, Taylor, seven, Ashton, four, and Molly-George, three.
The families appear on Channel 5's Rich House Poor House, which focuses on the north south divide, with Jessen saying: "I believe up north, potentially people need to be a bit more resourceful."
Despite Lee working long hours as a lorry driver, and Jamie working in a cafe at Morrisons, the pair are drowning in £20,000 of debt.
The Fox's rent their house from a community housing association, with Jamie furnishing it with whatever she could find for free.
The family have a disposable income of just £54.20 a week, as Jamie says: "Our financial situation is absolutely dire."
That's in stark contrast to the James', who have a whopping £1,900 disposable income a week, which Jamie describes as "mental".
And as she walks into the James' 'minimal, open-plan' home, she is reduced to tears, saying: "I started crying straight away I couldn't stop the tears and I think it was because I was so overwhelmed."
Over in Bradford, the James' are shocked by the tiny amount they have to live off each week, with James saying: "That's a lot less than I thought."
"How on earth do you get by on that kind of money each week."
And the reality of the Fox's financial situation is laid bare, as they leave a note for the James' warning them the WiFi might go off – as they haven't been able to pay the bill.
The harsh reality of family life is too much for James, who wells up after learning about their financial state, saying: "For me, not being able to pay, that would really get to me."
After counting out their budget both families learn what activities they'll be doing, with the Fox's taking a swimming lesson, meeting a client and going on a dinner date.
And they splash some cash on a takeaway pizza on their first night costing £55 – more than their total weekly budget.
Up north the Fox's are getting to grips with their tight budget, and head to the local market to scout for some deals.
Jessen says it reminds him of growing up in east London, as the pair try and get their weekly shop for £10.
After trawling the market they cook together as a family – for the first time – as Jessen usually eats alone on a personalised diet plan.
He said: "It's the simple things in life which make life more pleasurable.
"I'm actually really enjoying doing this together, and getting the girls involved."
On their weekly schedule is shopping, family time, cooking with the kids – and work.
Seeing an 8am start pencilled in, Jessen admits: "I don't do too well working for other people. I tend to enjoy getting paid to think rather than getting paid to do."
He's sent to Lee's work where he helps load cars on lorries, but says: "As long as I don't get oil on my expensive coat, I'll be happy."
Jessen learns about the long hours Lee puts in sleeping in his lorry, and how he can't earn more money without going on a £4,000 course to upgrade his driving license.
Meanwhile Jamie is struggling to understand what exactly Jesen does, so chats to a former client who explains how he motivates and inspires people.
Despite living off a strict budget, it hasn't stopped Jamie – who says she has an "entrepreneurial head" – from trying to set up a business multiple times, only for it to fail.
One of her latest ventures is selling second-hand clothes on eBay, which Jessen and Lorna have to take photos of and list for her.
Meanwhile Jamie is enjoying the high life, splashing £110 on a food shop – including a goose egg.
She gets to take the kids swimming for a private lesson, saying she wishes she could take them back home.
Jamie says: "Just a silly thing like swimming which I think all kids should know how to swim really, going to cost us, just short of £20."
Now with money to burn, she buys clothes and toys for the kids, while she finds it hard to buy stuff for herself.
But Lee has done a spot of shopping himself too, splashing out on a £95 necklace, as Jamie "puts everyone before herself".
The pair go on the first dinner date, which inspires Lee to schedule them in for when they get back to Bradford.
He says: "You're a very good mum and a good wife.
"I wish I could afford to treat her, to treat her how she deserves.
"We should have a date night, even once a month."
As the week comes to an end, the families meet up with Jessen expressing concern over their 'drawer of doom' filled with all their debt letters and final demands.
After seeing how hard they work, Jessen says he's going to fund Lee's driving course, and offers to mentor Jamie so she can start her own business – and they leave new clothes for the kids.
Jessen tells them: "It's not a handout, we're all going to have to work for it. I'm going to teach you exactly how to set up a business and how a business runs.
"Once you've got a business idea I'm going to fund the start up of your business."
Jessen has also learnt something himself about the value of money, telling the Fox's: "We tend to gloss over stuff with money, ie kids are bored let's go out.
"It's made us realise that you don't always have to go out, there are simple things like cooking a meal together."
"I've learned a big money lesson around not wasting money but using money wisely."
Now hopeful she's going to be able to turn their fortunes around with Jessen's help, Jamie says: "I just want a better life for the kids, this time It's not going to fail."
Rich House Poor House airs on Channel 5 at 9pm on Sundays.
Plus this skint single mum on Rich House Poor House starts her own business after bloke she swapped lives with gives her £10k.
We shared how a skint couple who live on 50p per meal go on first date in YEARS after swapping lives on Rich House Poor House.
Meanwhile this 'dowdy' mum-of-two who 'felt invisible' shaves 15 years off her age.
£20kDebtFamily-of-fiveinof
How I Save: The 27-year-old who says lockdown has been great for her savings
Prince Harry and Meghan Markle have one intimate wedding memento displayed at home
03/11/2021 Fashion Comments Off on Family-of-five in £20k of debt swap lives with millionaires who splash £8k on one shopping trip in Rich House Poor House


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Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures
Domenico Cozzetto, Andriy Kryshtafovych, Krzysztof Fidelis, John Moult, Burkhard Rost, Anna Tramontano
The strategy for evaluating template-based models submitted to CASP has continuously evolved from CASP1 to CASP5, leading to a standard procedure that has been used in all subsequent editions. The established approach includes methods for calculating the quality of each individual model, for assigning scores based on the distribution of the results for each target and for computing the statistical significance of the differences in scores between prediction methods. These data are made available to the assessor of the template-based modeling category, who uses them as a starting point for further evaluations and analyses. This article describes the detailed workflow of the procedure, provides justifications for a number of choices that are customarily made for CASP data evaluation, and reports the results of the analysis of template-based predictions at CASP8.
Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics
https://doi.org/10.1002/prot.22561
10.1002/prot.22561
Dive into the research topics of 'Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures'. Together they form a unique fingerprint.
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Cozzetto, D., Kryshtafovych, A., Fidelis, K., Moult, J., Rost, B., & Tramontano, A. (2009). Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures. Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics, 77(S9), 18-28. https://doi.org/10.1002/prot.22561
Cozzetto, Domenico ; Kryshtafovych, Andriy ; Fidelis, Krzysztof ; Moult, John ; Rost, Burkhard ; Tramontano, Anna. / Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures. In: Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics. 2009 ; Vol. 77, No. S9. pp. 18-28.
@article{6c46e1e71c0348698041335c159ab403,
title = "Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures",
abstract = "The strategy for evaluating template-based models submitted to CASP has continuously evolved from CASP1 to CASP5, leading to a standard procedure that has been used in all subsequent editions. The established approach includes methods for calculating the quality of each individual model, for assigning scores based on the distribution of the results for each target and for computing the statistical significance of the differences in scores between prediction methods. These data are made available to the assessor of the template-based modeling category, who uses them as a starting point for further evaluations and analyses. This article describes the detailed workflow of the procedure, provides justifications for a number of choices that are customarily made for CASP data evaluation, and reports the results of the analysis of template-based predictions at CASP8.",
author = "Domenico Cozzetto and Andriy Kryshtafovych and Krzysztof Fidelis and John Moult and Burkhard Rost and Anna Tramontano",
note = "KAUST Repository Item: Exported on 2020-10-01 Acknowledged KAUST grant number(s): KUK-11-012-43 Acknowledgements: Grant sponsor: The US National Library of Medicine (NIH/NLM); Grant number: LM-07085; Grant sponsor: KAUST Grant number: KUK-11-012-43; Grant sponsor: EMBO; Grant sponsor: Italbionet (MIUR). This publication acknowledges KAUST support, but has no KAUST affiliated authors.",
doi = "10.1002/prot.22561",
journal = "Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics",
Cozzetto, D, Kryshtafovych, A, Fidelis, K, Moult, J, Rost, B & Tramontano, A 2009, 'Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures', Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics, vol. 77, no. S9, pp. 18-28. https://doi.org/10.1002/prot.22561
Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures. / Cozzetto, Domenico; Kryshtafovych, Andriy; Fidelis, Krzysztof; Moult, John; Rost, Burkhard; Tramontano, Anna.
In: Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics, Vol. 77, No. S9, 05.08.2009, p. 18-28.
T1 - Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures
AU - Cozzetto, Domenico
AU - Kryshtafovych, Andriy
AU - Fidelis, Krzysztof
AU - Moult, John
AU - Rost, Burkhard
AU - Tramontano, Anna
N1 - KAUST Repository Item: Exported on 2020-10-01 Acknowledged KAUST grant number(s): KUK-11-012-43 Acknowledgements: Grant sponsor: The US National Library of Medicine (NIH/NLM); Grant number: LM-07085; Grant sponsor: KAUST Grant number: KUK-11-012-43; Grant sponsor: EMBO; Grant sponsor: Italbionet (MIUR). This publication acknowledges KAUST support, but has no KAUST affiliated authors.
N2 - The strategy for evaluating template-based models submitted to CASP has continuously evolved from CASP1 to CASP5, leading to a standard procedure that has been used in all subsequent editions. The established approach includes methods for calculating the quality of each individual model, for assigning scores based on the distribution of the results for each target and for computing the statistical significance of the differences in scores between prediction methods. These data are made available to the assessor of the template-based modeling category, who uses them as a starting point for further evaluations and analyses. This article describes the detailed workflow of the procedure, provides justifications for a number of choices that are customarily made for CASP data evaluation, and reports the results of the analysis of template-based predictions at CASP8.
AB - The strategy for evaluating template-based models submitted to CASP has continuously evolved from CASP1 to CASP5, leading to a standard procedure that has been used in all subsequent editions. The established approach includes methods for calculating the quality of each individual model, for assigning scores based on the distribution of the results for each target and for computing the statistical significance of the differences in scores between prediction methods. These data are made available to the assessor of the template-based modeling category, who uses them as a starting point for further evaluations and analyses. This article describes the detailed workflow of the procedure, provides justifications for a number of choices that are customarily made for CASP data evaluation, and reports the results of the analysis of template-based predictions at CASP8.
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DO - 10.1002/prot.22561
JO - Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics
JF - Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics
Cozzetto D, Kryshtafovych A, Fidelis K, Moult J, Rost B, Tramontano A. Evaluation of template-based models in CASP8 with standard measures. Proteins: Structure, Function, and Bioinformatics. 2009 Aug 5;77(S9):18-28. https://doi.org/10.1002/prot.22561


Edward A. Krei is an independent banking consultant based in Oklahoma City, OK specializing in investment portfolio services, asset liability management and financial strategies for community based financial institutions.
A frequent speaker at banking and investment conferences, Ed has spoken for the FFIEC, FDIC, Federal Reserve Board of Governors, the OCC, the Conference of State Bank Supervisors and Federal Home Loan Banks. He has served as faculty member of several graduate banking schools, as well as an instructor for financial institution regulatory agencies.
Ed received a BBA with honors in accounting from the University of Mississippi and is a member of that school's accounting hall of fame. He was also a gold medalist on the CPA examination team in Tennessee. He has served on the Boards and committees of numerous civic and charitable organizations including Junior Achievement, OKC Community Foundation, Arthritis Foundation, Leadership OKC, Allied Arts Foundation, Goodwill Industries and Rotary Club #29.


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Q: Can Einstein-Hilbert action be derived from symmetry considerations? The action of a free relativistic classical field theory can be derived from Poincare invariance, locality, and retaining terms quadratic in fields. Is there a similar set of symmetry principles which enable one to write down the Einstein-Hilbert (EH) action $$S_{EH}=\frac{c^4}{16\pi G}\int d^4x \sqrt{-g}R\tag{1}$$ uniquely?
In chapter VII.1, of the QFT book by A. Zee, it is mentioned that

The Einstein-Hilbert action is uniquely determined if we require the action to be coordinate invariant and to involve two powers of spacetime derivative.

which is then justified a posteriori. But how does one arrive at the form (1) from scratch and in a neat step-by-step manner?

A: Well, one can reason as follows:

*

*One wants a diffeomorphism-invariant action, which must be of the form $$ S=\int d^4x\sqrt{-g}L, $$ where $L$ is a scalar in terms of transformation properties.

*Gravity is assumed to be purely metric, so $g_{\mu\nu}$ is the only dynamical variable that can appear in the action.

*So we must look for scalars that can be constructed out of the metric. One is of course $g^{\mu\nu}g_{\mu\nu}=4$, but since we can rescale by constants, this is basically a constant. Normally you wouldn't care about constants, but constants here do contribute, because they get multiplied by the metric determinant.

*At an arbitrary point $p$, you can set up coordinates such that $g_{\mu\nu}(p)=\eta_{\mu\nu}$ and $\partial_\mu g_{\nu\rho}(p)=0$, so there are no scalars that can be constructed out of the metric and its first derivatives. One needs to look for higher derivatives.

*The curvature tensor $R^\rho_{\ \sigma\mu\nu}$ is a good candidate. There are ways to show that the Riemann-tensor is basically unique or "most general" such a tensor, so we don't really need to look futher.

*It should be noted that one reason we don't want the Lagrangian to contain second or higher derivatives is due to Ostrogradsky instabilities. Ostrogradsky instability, is however avoided, if the Lagrangian is linear in the second derivatives.

*It is easy to check that the Riemann curvature tensor is linear in the second derivatives of the metric components.

*One needs to form a scalar out of $R^\rho_{\ \sigma\mu\nu}$, however any scalar produced by squaring a curvature tensor will ruin the linearity in the second derivatives. This rules out $R^{\rho\sigma\mu\nu}R_{\rho\sigma\mu\nu},\ C^{\rho\sigma\mu\nu}C_{\rho\sigma\mu\nu},\ R_{\mu\nu}R^{\mu\nu}$ etc. However the curvature scalar $R=R^\rho_{\mu\rho\nu}g^{\mu\nu}$ is still linear in the second derivatives.

*This gives us $$ L=\alpha R+\beta $$ as a possible scalar Lagrangian, where $\alpha$ and $\beta$ are constants. Of course $\beta$ may be zero, $\alpha$ not so much. We factorize as $$ L=\alpha\left(R+\frac{\beta}{\alpha}\right), $$ with $\alpha=\frac{1}{2\kappa}$ and $\beta=-\frac{\Lambda}{\kappa}$ to get $$ L=\frac{1}{2\kappa}\left(R-2\Lambda\right), $$ which is the Lagrangian for the Einstein Field Equation (extended with the cosmological constant), provided that $\kappa=\frac{8\pi G}{c^4}$.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Q: Non-square orthogonal matrix $B$ with $B^TB=I$ Let $B\in\mathbb{R^{p\times q}},p\geq q$ such that $B^TB=I_q$, is it true that all the diagonal elements of $BB^T$ are all no greater than 1? How can I prove that?

A: $P=BB^T$ is an orthogonal projector, $P=P^T$, $P=P^2$. The diagonal elements satisfy
$$
p_{nn}=e_n^TPe_n=e_n^TP^2e_n=\sum_{m=1}^kp_{mn}^2.
$$
So you get
$$
p_{nn}(1-p_{nn})=\sum_{m\ne n}^kp_{mn}
$$
so the left side has to be non-negative.


text:
Article MT129
Glimpses into the 19th Century Broadside Ballad Trade
No. 4: More Merry ballad-making 1
The second piece in this series, involving the Bedford printer, Merry, provided an account of the Sarah Dazley execution, indicated that a ballad had been issued and considered its potential place in the hierarchy of such material, but, of course, failed to expose the ballad itself. On the other hand, the Merry imprint, hitherto somewhat obscure, is, at least, providing us with more detail of the workings of the broadside ballad trade.
In the latter respect, then, apart from the information already given about the fortunes of the family and its dates of operation, it is also known that Clarke Barbour Merry was occupying some old granaries as a 'dwelling house, shop and premises' in High Street, Bedford in 1831. 2 This may suggest a change of address from the 'old-established' office in Castle Street but, equally, there is no reason to suppose that Castle Street was abandoned. It could be that both premises were being used. Indeed, the expansion may connect with the next known occurrence when Merry sold his stock in 1835.
Had he over-reached himself? Printers, in general, would seem to have been subject to fluctuations in fortunes - the Exeter Flying Post recorded several sales of stock, several bankruptcies and several fires amongst printers during the nineteenth century. 4 Nonetheless, there is some evidence to suggest that printers were able to begin printing again afterwards. Bond, of Plymouth, who was declared bankrupt in 1816, was again declared bankrupt in 1831 so, in between, he must have recommenced printing (or, perhaps more correctly, working). 5 And we do know that John Wilson of Bideford, after being declared bankrupt, re-emerged as a printer and that William Petuluna of Helston followed a similar course. 6 We should remember, too, that even the great Jemmy served six months in prison but that, as Hindley wrote, 'During Catnach's incarceration his mother and sisters, aided by one of the Seven Dials bards, carried on the business, writing and printing off all the squibs and street ballads that were required'. 7 As shown below, after his particular brand of - unknown - misfortune, Clarke Barber Merry seems to have been quickly on the scene again.
Pursuant to this: during the same year as the sale of stock, 1835, a document entitled 'State of the poll' was issued by Clarke Barbour's son, J. S. Merry. It is, for the moment, a matter of speculation as to whether Clarke Barber had simply put John Swepson, then aged 16, in nominal charge of family affairs in order to facilitate a rapid return to printing for Clarke Barbour himself. 8 At any rate, records show that, in 1837, a poll book was issued under Clarke Barbour's name. We have already seen that his name as printer appeared in Pigot's 1839 directory of Bedford. The address there was given as High Street (and see the discussion of the role of Clarke Barbour's daughter, Mary Anna, below). 9
In the 1841 census information was given that Clarke Barbour Merry was still in High Street as a printer along with son, William, and daughters, Sarah and Mary; but that the elder son, John, also described as 'printer' - perhaps partly as a result of his apparent temporary direction of the family firm, never mind any apprenticeship - could be found then living independently, as it were, in the house of William and Mary Waters, in Well Street (present day Midland Road), Bedford. In an interesting reversal, the 1851 census gave Clarke Barbour's address as 186 Well Street, where, as a widower, he was living with his two daughters, Sarah and Mary Anna, both described as 'Dressmakers' (one of the meanest of female occupations at the time); and that of John as being in the High Street. Whatever had happened, Clarke Barbour Merry was not - officially, at any rate - involved in the trade from around that time. As indicated in the second piece in this series, he was not recorded as a printer in the 1851 census and in 1861 was entered as 'Printer Retired' with an address in Harper Green, living along with his daughter, Mary Anna (unmarried and with no occupation listed). He died in 1868, aged 81 - the address was given then as Harper Green, Parish of Holy Trinity, Bedford.
However, John Swepson Merry and William Merry were further recorded as having by 1842 set up in a fashion, like so many printers, and like their father, with at least one other business pursuit.
It does seem that many printers had more than one line of business. Pigot's 1822 Commercial Directory for Wiltshire has Messrs. Brodie and Dowding operating in Salisbury as Booksellers, Printers, Stationers and publishers of the Salisbury and Wiltshire Journal; and William Bailey of Calne as Printer, Stationer ('etc.') as well as 'sub-distributor of stamps'. In 1830 William Bailey had gone but a Thomas Bailey was listed as bookseller, stationer, printer and subdistributor…William Bird Brodie and Charles George Brodie were then operating as Booksellers, stationers and as 'patent medicine vendors'. 11 In Winchester, the firm of Jacob and Johnson was listed in Pigot's 1828 Directory as booksellers, stationers and binders; in 1844 as booksellers, stationers and agents for the Family endowment assurance and the Hampshire, Sussex and Dorset fire assurance; and in both 1852 and 1854 as booksellers and stationers and agents for the second assurance mentioned directly above. 12 Assurance and lottery agencies were, it seems, favourite additional jobs, as examples in Devon testify, this kind of multiple practice being in keeping with the volatile nature of the printing business itself as it has already been noticed. 13
More to the point where ballad-printing is concerned, Andrew Brice, in Devon, ballad-printer, was, at a slightly earlier date, an agent for rat poison. 14 Pitts himself issued stock from his 'Toy and Marble Warehouse' by which was probably meant battledore cards and primers for children; Fortey, inheriting Catnach's stock, advertised 'Children's Books Song Books etc'. 15 Samuel Harward, ballad-printer in Cheltenham, also sold patent medicines, was at one time a paving Commissioner in Cheltenham, and ran circulating libraries. 16
So that the Merry family can be seen to conform in this respect although, in contrast, there is other evidence to the effect that a printer actually pursued his one trade. Willey of Cheltenham, for instance, seems to fall into this category. There is no record of additional trade pursuits in his case. 17 It is as well, then, to look closely at individual printers.
In 1843, in Bedfordshire, came the Sarah Dazley affair, in which the brothers Merry were involved. Then, as noted in the previous Merry piece, William died in 1846. After this time, where the Merry family fortunes are concerned, comes a hiatus in enquiry. John Swepson Merry seems to have disappeared from Bedford records - but does turn up in the 1881 national census, unmarried, living in Surrey with two cousins, one from Clarke Barbour Merry's birthplace, Moulton, Northamptonshire. He was listed in the census as 'Printer, compositor'. 18 Clearly, though, John Swepson's association with the Merry imprint in Bedford is in doubt from the mid-century point on.
We have already found 19 that Mary Anna Merry's initials were given on ballad-printings (see also full list below); but, in the 1861 census, she was recorded as aged 30, unmarried, and with no occupation, not even dressmaking. In 1866, she married (out of Harper Green) a John Wyant, Labourer, son of William Wyant, Grazier, at Holy Trinity, Bedford; and moved to John Wyants' home at Riseley, just outside the county town. 20 She was recorded in the 1871 census as residing with her husband and two children, a boy and a girl, from John Wyant's previous marriage, in Riseley. It is possible that her fortunes then dipped. John Wyant died in 1876. His daughter had died just before him. The 1881 census shows that Mary was widowed and living in the same house as an Elizabeth Moore, back in Bedford. In fact, she was listed as being a servant. 21 On this evidence, we still cannot be at all sure when she was involved in the family firm or in what capacity - as part of the family pool of hands or in directing affairs.
There is one contemporary piece of information which may be relevant, even at a remove. According to one newspaper report, reprinted in the Bedfordshire Times, women, much to the disapproval of the writer, were being employed in printing offices. Arguments now familiar to us were advanced as to why women should be excluded:
Women are totally unfitted, physically and mentally, for the labour of the compositor - labour requiring the moist unremitting mental application, as well as great physical endurance, and to suppose that females are capable of this is a great mistake.
Further still:
The system, too, has great moral disadvantages, from the association of the sexes in such a manner as would be required by this business.
The "proofs" of female compositors sufficiently prove how ill-adapted they are for the work. Whoever saw a lady's letter "pointed" correctly, and how very rarely are a dozen consecutive words spelled correctly by the fair sex. 22
If this be thought something of a tangential pursuit in this particular survey, it nonetheless could well have been applied to Mary Anna Merry, not simply because of the strictures themselves, but because of the fact that women in the printing industry had been brought to notice. Of course, this is not the only such evidence. As will be seen in a later piece, Elizabeth Williams ran the family firm in Portsea at one stage; and Ann Batchelar, Mary Birt and Anne Ryle all carried on businesses started by their families in London. 23
For the present, Mary Anna's part in the Merry family fortunes must be accounted something of a mystery, except that certain information is given on the ballad-sheets which help to identify something of her contribution under the Merry imprint.
A full list of known Merry pieces as ballads is given below:
1. The Triumph - Bodleian Allegro archives - from Johnson Ballads fol. 1922.
2. The Silly Old Man - Bod., Firth b.25 (576).
3. The Light Guitar - Bod., Firth b.25(576).
4. The Cunning Cobbler Done Over! - Bod., Firth b.25(551).
5. The Cunning Cobbler Done Over! - Bod., Firth b.34(78).
6. Nancy in the Strand - Bod., Firth b.25(560).
7. The Rose of Allandale - Bod., Firth b.25(560).
8. The Drummer Boy of Waterloo - Bod., Firth b.25(540).
9. Woodman Spare That Tree - Bod., Firth b.25(540).
10. The Tax on Gin - Bod., Firth b.25(280).
11. Who's your butcher? - Bod., Firth c.16(461).
12. Relief of Lucknow - Bod., Firth c.14 (90).
13. The Farmers, Millers and Bakers…- Bod., Firth c.16(291).
14. The Old Folks at Home -Bod., Firth c. 16(291).
15. Donald's Return to Glencoe - Bod., Firth b.26(11).
16. The Light Guitar - Bod., Firth b.26(11).
17. National British hymn… - Bod., Johnson Ballads 1384B.
17. Wait for the Waggon - Bod., Firth b.25(584).
19. The Cot where I was born - Bod., Firth b.25(584).
20. "Who's your Cooper?" - Bod., Firth b.25(585).
21. "Who's your Cooper?" - Bod., Firth c.21(92).
22. The Female cabin Boy - Bod., Firth b.25(546).
23. Still so gently o'er me stealing - Bod., Firth b.25(546).
24. Song: Would you know what a Whig is? Bedford Borough Collection Bor BGi 10/2/28.
25. New Brush For An Old Whig (Merry February 23 1820) Bor BG 10/2/30.
26. Tally Ho! (Merry February 25 1820) Bor BG 10/2/42
27. A Song (to the tune of Scots wha hae' wi' Wallace Bled (Merry February 26 1820) Bor BG 10/2/43
28. To the Freeholders of the County of Bedford (Merry March 1 1820) Bor BG 10/2/52.
29. A New Song (to the tune of Come now all ye Social Powers - Merry March 10 1820) Bor BG 10/2/66.
30. Saturday Night's Poll (Merry March 19 1820) Bor BG 10/2/83.
31. A New Song (to the tune of The Woodpecker - Merry c. 1826) Bor BG 10/2/115.
32. A Plaintive Ditty…(Merry c. 1826) Bor BG 10/2/115.
33. Who Worships the Pope?… (Merry c. 1826) Bor BG 10/2/100.
36. Poem: Absurdity and malignity (Merry, July 1837) - Boe BG 10/1/132.
37. Trelawny and Victory… (Merry December 4 1854) - Bor BG 10/1/179.
38. Sarah Dazley 'cover' (J. S. and W. Merry, 1843) - BBC
39. The Life, Trial, Confession, and execution of Joseph Castle…(Merry, 1860) - BBC.
Items 2 and 3, 6 and 7, 8 and 9, 14 and 15, 17 and 18, 21 and 22 were paired. 24
The one ballad in the Bodleian collection with Clarke Barbour's initials on it was entitled
National British hymn, written in
the third year of
George the Peaceful 1822
By a hard-whole Englishman, aged 72 25
The metrical pattern alone makes it quite clear that it was meant to be sung to the tune of God Save Our Gracious King:
GOD save great GEORGE the Fourth!
Long may we feel his worth!
God save the King!
Grant him all glorious,
In Good laborious,
Long to reign o'er us;
Glad let us sing! 26
The tone would appear to be commensurate with Charles Barbour's other sallies into the political and social arena.
Such material included pieces on the 1820, 1837 and 1854 borough elections (as indicated in the list given above) and involved The Marquess of Tavistock, Francis Russell (1788-1861; brother of John, 1792-1878, who himself became Prime Minister); Francis Pym; and John Osborn. Russell was MP for Bedford between 1812 and 1831and acceded to the title of 7th Duke of Bedford in 1839. Pym (1756-1853), a JP, lived at Hassells Hall, Sandy, a few miles distant to Bedford. Osborn (1773-1843) lived at Chicksands, a few miles to the south.
Election stuff, generally, may be counted as being particularly ephemeral and would not necessarily have meant that the Merry family took sides. There is evidence that the firm printed for more than one political party. 27 However, the ballads issued in 1820 were clearly favourable to the Tory candidate, John Osborn, whose opponent was the Whig, Francis Pym. Though details are still missing on Osborn's career, he certainly represented Bedford in 1818 (and previous to that date).
During the 1820 elections one piece set out a potential stall:
In Freedom's cause with one accord
Give your unbiassed votes,
Let no one, - no, - not a titled Lord,
The Whigs cram down your throats! (25 above)
Eventually, colours were nailed to a specific mast:
Then let us join in OSBORN'S cause,
Be this our resolution;
In him we best support our Laws,
Our King and Constitution. (25)
The King (as in Sir E Dolben's piece) was George IV, an acknowledged fornicator, who was, notoriously, that very year, embroiled in a messy attempt to put aside his Queen, Caroline of Brunswick. The Merry ballad may well appear to have indicated a convenient blind spot.
Another piece placed the two candidates, Osborn and Pym, in opposition:
Sly Reynard! I fear,
Though the Pack follow near,
That a bolt for the Hassells is handy!
So OSBORN again
Will go fleet o-er the plain,
While you skulk your way back - to Sandy!
(26 above - February 25th 1820)
One more referred to Pym as 'the Sandy Hack' and 'With Tavistock close at his back…' as opposed to 'the true and brave Osborn' (27 above, 26th February 1820). Another again, addressed to freeholders, issued a clarion call:
All hail! Ye numerous loyal class,
That strengthen Osborn's cause,
Stand firm against the partisans,
Who now traduce our laws.
(28 above - March 1st 1820)
A few days later:
Then let us hail the glorious day,
And long may we remember,
The Whigs kicked out, - the joyful shout,
Brave OSBORN is our Member!
(29 above - March 10th 1820)
Finally, in yet another piece:
Mister Pym is looking grim,
And droops his head in sorrow;
Tavistock has felt a shock
He'll not o'ercome tomorrow.
This (30 above) was dated March 19th, 1820 and issued on the eve of a poll.
In 1826, A New Song (31 above) favoured the Tory candidate, Macqueen. This was Thomas Potter Macqueen (1791-1854) who represented Bedford as a Tory member of Parliament between 1826 and 1830. Macqueen's main claim to fame lay in his involvement in matters Australian - encouraging emigration, setting up land ownership schemes in Australia… He it was who, in 1832, first mooted the idea of a national bank of Australasia.
We catch a glimpse, in the ballad, of what were supposed Tory priorities:
By the dear ties of nature, by beauties soft graces
By freedom, by charter, and love for your King,
Though by Whitbread suspected, and Russell rejected,
Come forward like heroes and vote for MacQueen.
Another piece (32 above) from the same time, A Plaintive Ditty…, set Macqueen against Pym; 'Mac', in the end, proposing a 'radical cure', that of Pym's resignation. This suggests that Pym was the current incumbent. 28 In 1837, the piece, already mentioned, entitled The Triumph, supported MacQueen.
One more, produced in 1854 (37 above), referred to the success of Catholic emancipation, implying that the particular candidate, Trelawny, may have approved favourable legislation but was, nonetheless, a good Protestant still. 'No Popery' was, by then, 'a worn-out cry'. 29
Perhaps the details of such pieces need not concern us unduly except to note the apparent following of the fortunes of Tory candidates. Obviously, the firm would have been engaged in producing other material. In this respect, for instance, a notice can be found under the aegis of John Swepson Merry and William Merry indicating that a thousand circulars were made out (there are no details of customer or cause). 30 Broadside balladry, then, was probably not the most prominent of the Merry firm's concerns. 31
Finally, in the course of tracing the Merry contribution to 'political literature' it has emerged that there were other printers in Bedford who each issued election material - Hill, White and Webb, for instance. Hill and Son put songs on the occasion of the 1832 elections - 'Whitbread and Crawley for Ever'; 'The Bedford Union Society ALTOGETHER'; and 'Britons looking forward in the Hope of Bright Days' (by M Haydon). 32 White printed an 'Address from W H Whitbread trusting that he will again be elected as a member for Bedford'. 33 Webb, in 1820, printed 'An address from William Henry Whitbread soliciting the honour of being elected for a second time and promising constant attendance to the interests of Bedford'. 34 Yet it was Merry who had printed 'An Address by William Henry Whitbread thanking the electorate for electing him' in 1818. 35 To add to this particular mélange: Webb printed 'Song in support of Whitbread and Russell to the tune of Hearts of Oak' in 1830. Taking sides, as noted above, was not the first consideration of the printer; and candidates did not seem to mind which avenue they chose through which to publicise themselves.
Obviously, there is more still to be uncovered in this respect and the implications for a bigger study of such material are clear enough whether that material was ephemeral or not. 36
Apart from 'political' pieces in the Merry stock there are then some which are the legacies of earlier times, a feature very much part of the staple stock of many nineteenth century broadside ballad printers: in this case the pieces are The Female Cabin Boy, The Silly Old Man and The Cunning Cobbler - Catnach and Harkness printed all three; Pitts, the first two; Hodges, The Cunning Cobbler and The Female Cabin Boy. 37 The theme of The Cunning Cobbler could be found in the writings of Boccaccio. The Female Cabin Boy revamped another old joke, involving women dressed as men, but was actually printed alongside Still so gently o'er me stealing which was taken from the opera by Bellini, La Sonnambula, first performed in England at the Royal Opera House in 1833. 38 Mixed messages are being given here which indicate how a ballad-printer may have used older and newer stock together. Charles Hindley and, later, Leslie Shepard both underlined such a practice.
Hindley, in describing Catnach's output, indicated that the printer, in issuing all sorts of songs and ballads, 'introduced the custom of taking from any writer, living or dead, whatever he fancied, and printing it side by side with the productions of his own clients'. He 'naturally' had a taste for old ballads; made sure to bring standard and popular song within reach of all - which often meant that he chose 'the worst and the vilest' of them as being suitable for street sale - and that 'As a rule there are but two songs printed on the half-penny ballad-sheets - generally a new and popular song with another older ditty'. 39
Of Pitts, Mr Shepard wrote that his stock contained 'a mixture of the songs of stage or pleasure gardens, and good old-fashioned traditional country songs'; of chapbook style songsters (usually consisting of a single sheet folded into an eight-page pamphlet) which often had the title 'Being a Choice Collection, of the Newest Songs Now Singing at all Public Places of Amusement'; and very early broadside ballads such as Captain Ward… Indeed, Mr Shepard credited Pitts with reviving a market for the older material. Pitts, he reckoned, 'brought many old country songs to London, and circulated the latest hits of stage and pleasure garden in the countryside.' 40
Mr. Shepard added that:
Throughout the 1830s Pitts printed his share of topical ballads, murder sheets, and even 'cocks', but he was essentially a traditionalist, and the bulk of his output consisted of good old country songs, and even old ballads.
As example, Mr Shepard gave titles such as Tarpauling Jacket [sic] and The Outlandish Knight; and 'quite the most astonishing sheets' with 'early favourites' like The Children in the Wood and A Tragical Ballad of the Unfortunate Love's Lord Thomas and Fair Eleanor. 41
We do not know enough about Merry to confirm in full the family's place in this context. It could be that the surviving Merry texts are but part of a larger output. Whatever the case, the tie-up in kind as set out above and below is clear enough.
There are, furthermore, clearly dateable Merry printings apart from the one or two mentioned in the second piece in this series - that is: the date given is the first available time at which they could possibly have appeared. The Old Folks at Home, a Stephen Foster song, is an example, first published in 1851. 42
Donald's return to Glencoe is a rather more unusual inclusion. Printings were put out by, amongst others, Harkness, Fordyce and Ross in the north of England. London printers include Paul and Ryle, Fortey and Such, all four of whom are relatively latecomers in the printing stakes. Any of these printers may have inherited the text, of course, from some other printer; or got it orally. Whatever the source, the overwhelmingly favoured reference where there is one in all these printings is to the French and Spaniards as Donald's opponents in war. 43 Known sung versions are to be found in the Grieg-Duncan collection and all but one (which dates from 1914) were noted during the period 1905-1910. Various dates for acquisition were given, either through oral means or from 'broadsheet', of some thirty, forty or fifty years before. 44 Importantly, these, too, favoured French and Spanish conflicts. Admittedly, Spain and France were long-standing enemies of England but we might also think that these conflicts were those of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries - the Napoleonic wars. The Merry choice of material subsequently offered a small intrigue. Merry was, as far as is known, the only southern English 'country' printer to issue the piece. Moreover, Merry's text, which otherwise follows the narrative line in the sung versions and other printings, has the startling inclusion of Russia and Persia as enemies, which would appear to set the narrative at the time of the Crimean War - 1854. This, in turn, is a printing date commensurate with several other Merry issues as discussed here.
The first appearance of the text of The Rose of Allandale is given as c.1835. The words are credited to a Charles Jeffreys (1807-1865) with the air to a Sidney Nelson (1800-1862). 45 We have, then, a general period of time after which it is most likely that a Merry got hold of The Rose of Allandale.
It was printed alongside Nancy in the Strand which indicates that 'old' and 'new' material need not have been separated by centuries. Nancy… is a light-hearted piece which refers to the appearance of a 'Bobby', to the Balmoral boot, and to
A pork-pie hat with a little feather,
A new knickerbocker for the dirty weather… 46
Each reference can be dated in some way. Peel's force began operating after 1829 but only in the Metropolitan area: it took another twenty years - towards the mid-century mark - for the force to expand throughout the country as a system which people found advantageous rather than intrusive where order was concerned: a reflection of a prevalent attitude - boiling up to a doctrine at times - against governmental interference in any kind of business or social developments. The Balmoral boot did not appear until after the completion of building at Balmoral castle in 1856. Knickerbocker drawers were being worn in 1863. The last two dates might suggest an extension to those already implied in the text above for the Merry firm's activity.
One more point may be made about The Rose of Allandale. It came, not from accepted 'tradition' (which would include much of our 'old' material) but direct from the drawing-room and, like the Foster piece, must have been absorbed into a printer's treasure-chest because it rendered commercial success. One of the best examples of a writer plundered in this way is that of Charles Dibdin from whom songs such as Hot Codlins, Ben Backstay the Boatswain and, of course, Tom Bowling came and were taken into printers' stock. 47 Burns (Bonny Mary of Argyle, Highland Mary, The De'il's away wi' the Exciseman, Ye Banks and Braes o' Bonny Doon and so on) was another writer so used though not to nearly the same extent. Other authors from whom material was taken who had achieved a status more than that afforded by minor scribbledom include Thomas Campbell and Thomas Moore. 48 Hindley's point about Catnach's cavalier acquisition of text is equally well illustrated here.
Another instance of a general period of time during which a piece may have been produced may be gauged in the text, Who's your cooper?, where the subject is the crinoline dress which had appeared in England, made up of a framework of horsehair, in 1840. It was not until 1860 that the cage crinoline, which rested on a framework of steel wire, was adopted. The halfway house in the particular text was to
Knock off the hoops from the washing
To swing below your trousers [tub
This piece does not appear to have been printed elsewhere. 49
The Tax on Gin, with its reference to 'Billy Gladstone', has been dated by the Bodleian to (or around) 1854, and, presumably, comments on measures introduced in Gladstone's second budget (1853) when, as chancellor of the exchequer in Aberdeen's government, he raised duties on all spirits manufactured in Ireland to a level commensurate with those in England and Scotland. We may, in this ballad, then, be subject to something of a liberty in interpretation (a good story was never spoiled by historical accuracy). 50 It is also worth noting that, apart from Merry, only Fortey, Disley and Such appear to have printed this piece, all beginning their printing mid-century or thereabouts and, so, perhaps, confirming such a date for the Merry issue. The theme may have been used in the way that newspaper reporting worked - sufficient unto the day. The drift is clear enough:
There's something new starts every day,
Oh dear, oh dear, oh dear!
They've raised the mutton, bread and beef,
And heavy taxed the beer.
They tax the poor man's sugar,
His butter, tea, and cheese
The taxes quite distress the poor,
While the rich are at their ease.
During the course of the ballad it was then hoped that Gladstone always had the tooth-ache, that his wife would run away with a footman and that, eventually, he might be shot by a 'Rifleman Volunteer'.
The ballad, then, reflects contemporary concerns and in a similar way to Who's your butcher? and The Farmers, Millers and Bakers; but it was not necessary to attach a ballad to a specific date or occurrence except as a springboard. General propositions would often account for popularity (or otherwise); and older stock could do duty. There are plenty of songs which have updated references - like The Kerry Recruit, which seems first to have been issued as The Lawyer Outwitted and only then as The Kerry Recruit and which, moreover, got attached, in some sung versions, to the Crimean War. The French and Spanish connection already discussed above offers another possible example of a constant theme persisting in changed circumstances.
So - meat, in the first-named Merry piece, was being bought at 'Ninepence to a Bob a pound'. At what date this was the case is not at all clear; but, as noted, apart from Merry only Disley and Such, beginning to print around the mid-century mark, issued this ballad.
The farmers, who refused to pay their workers enough to avoid hardship, were, in another Merry ballad (13 in list above), castigated along with millers and bakers. Again, it would be glib to automatically assume that Merry's printing was to be attached to a specific social phenomenon but, in terms of the sort of general proposition noted above, agricultural distress and unrest as it can be observed from the cessation of war in 1815 up, certainly, until the Swing riots of 1830-1831, was rife in Britain and Ireland, despite some regional variance. It was not until mid-century that agriculture revived and even then labourers were hardly the most prominent beneficiaries. One respected commentator, Keith Snell, advances several possible reasons for the worst situation including the ravages of seasonal unemployment, the effects of enclosure and of the changes in Poor Law administration… 51 The Merry ballad, in this light, would seem to be journalistic in tone and it can be no surprise that familiar targets were made prominent. Millers, in particular, were notorious for supposed dishonesty and can be found as targets throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries where popular disturbance occurred. 52 It is, finally, a fact in all this that Bedfordshire suffered badly from agricultural depression. As it happens, too, Merry seems to have been the only printer to have issued this piece. The Merry ballad, then, may be thought apposite: and this may even be a case of the issue of a genuinely local product - we can go no further than that.
Apart from ballads which have a connection with historical actuality, we also find pieces associated with the contemporary or near-contemporary stage or the drawing-room such as The Light Guitar which was widely printed as broadside - by, amongst others, Pitts, Catnach, Wright (Birmingham) and Harkness (Preston). It came from a musical drama called Epaulette, sung by one, Madame Vestris. 53 The composer was John Barnett, the writer a Henry (Harry) Stoe Van Dyk. 54 The following lines give a flavour:
OH! Leave the gay and festive scene,
The halls of dazzling light,
And rove with me through forests green,
Beneath the silent night.
Then as we watch the lingering rays,
That shine from every star,
I'll sing a song of happier days,
And strike the light guitar.
I'll sing, &c…
The cot where I was born, similarly, dwelt in what we might now see as sentimentality:
I've roamed beneath a foreign sky…
But never found a spot so dear
As that where I was born… 55
and Wait for the waggon is, again, a light and perhaps even a trifle sentimental piece where the 'singer' declares:
We'll have a little farm, a horse, a pig, and cow
And you will mind the dairy while I do guide the plough.
One stanza imitates the conventional descriptions of older text:
Your eyes are red as poppies, your hair is sleek and neat,
All braided up with dahlias and roses gay and sweet…
According to Kilgarriff, this piece was written by an F Bishop Buckley (1833-1864) and appeared around 1850. Henson (Northampton), Ryle and Disley all printed it; and it could be found in catalogues from Pearson (Manchester) and Such. There was also a Dublin imprint. 56
Where Mary Anna was concerned, of the Merry ballads in the Bodleian library, The Silly Old Man and The Light Guitar (issued together), Nancy in the Strand and The Rose of Allandale (printed together), The Tax on Gin, Who's your butcher?, Wait for the Waggon and The cot where I was born (the last two printed together) and Who's your Cooper? were the ones that carried her initials:
Sold by M. A. Merry, Castle Lane, Bedford, where a
good Stock is always on Sale
Sold by M. A. Merry, Castle Lane, where a great
variety of Songs and Hymns are constantly kept
for sale. New Copies set up for Travellers.
Other notes contain tiny variants in the wording. If we are to interpret this information correctly, Mary Anna's involvement at Castle Lane, not in the High Street, could well have come before her marriage and removal to Riseley; but it also seems to overlaps her father's printing career in the High Street. This may, then, underline the possibility that the firm was printing out of two addresses at that time. Even so, the majority of pieces which have Mary Anna's initials on them would seem, as demonstrated above, to be have been issued somewhere around the mid-century, after Clarke Barbour and his two sons ceased to print. One recalls the date of The Tax on Gin; the first time that the Balmoral boot appeared and the general period during which the crinoline was adopted…hardly conclusive but, certainly, suggestive. So, as first mooted above, we are left to wonder if Mary Anna helped her father or took on the business herself and prolonged its life until she married - or, indeed, both. The newspaper castigation of such female employment might take on added aura of exasperation in this light.
There is one other interesting find in Bedford which actually pursues the Sarah Dazley connection, that of a ballad written on the execution, in 1860, of one, Joseph Castle. Castle murdered his wife, Jane, in Luton; and there are newspaper accounts of the affair in which a familiar litany is recited: the state of mind of the prisoner, a statement from him concerning the murder (not, strictly speaking, a confession), a description of the execution itself and of the behaviour of the crowd, a full version of the sermon preached just before the execution…
One report described the crowd, some of whom appeared to have 'travelled long distance on foot.'
Almost all of the windows in the vicinity of the gaol were occupied, and at several of them females were seated and standing.
The total number was estimated at around fifteen thousand. 57
Another report indicated that:
Although the vast concourse of people conducted themselves with the greater discretion during the execution, some of the visitors remained in the town till the evening, and becoming excited from the effects of drink broke into disorder and got fighting.
One or two more details of such disorder were given; but it might seem that this brief mention was more in the nature of convention in reporting than it was a particular condemnation. 58 The leader in the first newspaper spent some time considering the moral effects of public execution (or lack of them) - a debate very much a feature of several of the executions already noted during the course of this series. Similarly, the objection to the presence of female spectators is a regular feature in reporting: a mixture, it would seem, of prurience and genuine concern.
The Bedford Record Office copy of the Castle ballad can be found as part of a large piece entitled
The Life, Trial, Confession, and execution of
JOSEPH CASTLE
For the Murder of his Wife,
At Luton, on Tuesday the 9th of August, 1859,
Tried and condemned at the Bedford Assizes, March 4th 1860
Perhaps the Castle ballad formed part of the 'double broadside' cited by Mayhew as one of several versions of the same news - Mayhew described how:
First appears a quarter-sheet (a hand-bill…) containing the earliest report of the matter. Next comes half-sheets (twice the size), of later particulars or discoveries, or - if the supposed murderer be in custody - of further examinations. The sale of these bills is confined almost entirely to London, and in their production, the newspapers are for the most part followed closely enough. Then are produced the whole, or broad-sheets…and, lastly, but only on great occasions, the double broad-sheet…
Mayhew then described how the process could be seen in the case of Rush (a few details of the Rush murder were given in the first piece in this series). The Merry ballad on Castle's execution fits the description of the Rush affair, with illustrations and, probably, condensed newspaper accounts. 59
On the Merry Castle printing the 'Copy of Verses' headed the piece either side of a very simplified woodcut of someone on the gallows above strong walls and high above the crowd and which has echoes elsewhere…it could have been made from a pre-existent block, a common enough device. In this latter connection Leslie Shepard reported comments by William Hone who had approached the printer Batchelar with a view to buying some of the original crude blocks used for his carol sheets. Hone offered to replace the blocks with better quality engravings but Batchelar told him that "better are not so good; I can get better myself: now these are old favourites, and better cuts will not please my customers so well." 60
The Castle lines began with high rhetoric:
Our first blessed parents, blissful placed,
In Eden with all good around,
In perfect innocence they lived,
And peace and happiness they found…
Then Satan, as in the Bible, in the form of 'Unfounded jealousy' and 'The demon Hate', overtook Castle. The writing certainly represents a step up in contrived dignity from, say, the Mary Ann Ashford ballad cited in the second piece in this series 61, but, then, the tone lapsed somewhat:
But when they'd got into a glen,
On the high road, he took her life,
With the instrument they used at meals,
Dreadful to think - a kitchen knife.
And, finally, a warning was given to all ' to check them in their dangerous ways' - in the tradition of executions such as those of Rebecca Smith and Sarah Dazley noted in the previous Merry piece in the series.
The accounts on the printing which followed underneath the ballad itself, like newspaper accounts, reveal Castle's seeming inability to settle in his marriage, with one, Jane Whitecroft of Luton, and suggest that he suffered bouts of 'irritable temper'. The couple quarrelled frequently; she several times threatened to leave him; he told her to do so; she determined and went and he followed her to her father's house, somehow persuaded her to return home with him and then, on the way back, murdered her. These details can also be found in the two newspaper reports cited, with some expansion here and more brevity there.
A woodcut is set into the Bedford Record Office Merry piece depicting 'the Murderous Attack'.
Castle went to the police to give himself up and the law then took its course. There are details of witness statements, including that of a surgeon. Castle, it was firmly stated, did not make a confession though he admitted his guilt (as one of the newspaper reports indicated); and he was described as 'silent, passive and reserved' - even callous. 'Latterly' he wrote an account of his life.
The Merry printing concluded with a brief account of the execution, beginning:
No execution having taken place here since that of Sarah Dazely, about 16 years ago, the concourse of people assembled might be counted by thousands. It was immense. The windows of the houses were filled with pretty faces, and the tops of the buildings and projections of all kinds of erections exhibited human beings in every direction. 62
So that most of the paraphernalia surrounding the executions of the Wedmores and of Sarah Dazley, together with those instances cited in support, seems also to have surrounded the execution of Castle and found at least some mention on the Merry piece.
Given the totality of evidence assembled above in respect of her possible involvement in Merry family affairs, it might seem that Mary Anna was the moving force; but this cannot be confirmed.
None of this adds up to anything startling but, given the small surprises that always occur in an individual stock, the collection of Merry printings as we have it seems to place the family amongst the mainstream printers that we know more about who issued something of a rag-bag of material. What also begins to emerge is that the operative period for the Merry imprint began at some stage before 1820 and ended somewhere in the 1860s, perhaps on the occasion of Mary Anna Merry's marriage.
Roly Brown
Massignac, France - 23.7.03
1. Once again, I have to thank the staff at the Bedford Record Office and, in particular, Sue Edwards, for taking time and trouble to answer and to expand on my queries; for sending reports of the Castle execution; and, especially, for permission to reprint the Merry sale of stock notice and the sons' advertisement (below) and to quote from the Castle ballad itself. I am grateful to my nephew and great-nephew for chasing up several of the details (in Bedford) which appear below and for sending me additional information. I would also like to thank Cambridge University Library and the Bodleian Library for permission to quote from ballad-texts. As always, too, I have to thank Malcolm Taylor and his staff at VWML for their unfailing help and forbearance.
2. This reference can be found in Court Manor Rolls (R/6/1/12/1d at the Bedford Records Office, dated 11 November 1831) and concerns a transaction on behalf of the Duke of Bedford.
3. Northants Mercury, 23rd May 1835.
4. In Bath, John Edward Rathbone became bankrupt (EFP 31st August 1854, p.8); in Blandford, Thomas Oakley (EFP 16tht November 1837, p.3); in Devonport no less than four printers within a short period of time - G. W. Hearle (EFP 18th February 1837, p.3), Thomas Holman (EFP 17th July 1834, p.3), James Johns (EFP 31st January 1833, p.3) and J. Mudge (EFP 29th February 1832, p.3). In Bristol, Messrs. Wright and Bagnall experienced a fire (EFP 14th November 1833, p.3), in Exeter Frederick John Godfrey (EFP 27th December 1855, p.6) and John Townsend (EFP 22nd March 1876, p.8), and in South Molton George Pook (EFP 28th February 1878, p.7). In Chard, John White's stock went up for sale (EFP 12th January 1804, p.1) and in Exeter that of T. Cunningham (EFP 2nd August 1838, p.2) and of Charles Risden (EFP 28th June 1849, p.8). In Taunton John Savage was described as a 'Debtor, seeking release from prison' (EFP 25th September 1817, p.10 and in Bideford John Wilson was declared to be a debtor (EFP 7th June 1849, p.4 - see also text below). All these references are examples only.
5. See EFP 15th February 1816, p.2 and 3rd February 1831,p.3. …again as examples. Further research may, naturally, change this perspective.
6. Both these printers will receive further attention in this series.
7. See Charles Hindley: The History of the Catnach Press,,,(Detroit: Reissued by the Singing Tree Press, Book Tower, 1969), p.43.
8. 'Swepson' was one of Clarke Barbour's father's names.
9. As suggested in the previous Merry piece, it could have been that the premises were situated on a corner…
10. Bedford records, Li/Lib/B 1/11/1.
11. Details of Wiltshire printers have been conveniently brought together in one volume by the Wiltshire Record Society, Vol. XLVII…1991 (Trowbridge, 1992). I am indebted to the staff at the Public Record Office in Trowbridge - where the volume was consulted - for their help during various visits. The quotations given here are but examples of a general trend.
12. The relevant Directories can be found in the Hampshire Local Studies Library in Winchester: Pigot's for 1828 and 1844; Slater's for 1852; and Gilmour's for 1854. I would like to thank the staff in Winchester for their help on numerous occasions. For a further account of Hampshire printers and the Hampshire book trade, which underlines the multiple-occupation nature of printers' activities, see John Oldfield: Printers, Booksellers and Libraries in Hampshire, 1750-1800 (Hampshire Papers 3, Hampshire County Council, Portsmouth, 1993).
13. This was the case during the latter part of the eighteenth century as well as in the nineteenth century. Trewman of Exeter, for example, took up business in insurance (see Exeter Flying Post, 19th September 1793). Again in Devon, nineteenth century insurance agents included the printers Theodore Parkhouse at Tiverton - for Eagle insurance (see EFP 19th June 1816, p.1c); T. Wood in Bath - life insurance but no further details (EFP 2nd April 1818, p.1c); and Jeffrey Binning in Bridgwater - no details (EFP 24th January 1828, p.3c). In Bristol. William Pine was a lottery ticket agent (EFP 17th November 1780, p.1d); William Bray in Launceston an agent for patent medicine (EFP 18th April 1793, p.3c); in South Molton Amos Tepper a lottery ticket agent (EFP 23rd January 1819, p.1c); L. Congden the same (EFP 17th January 1822, p.1c; and George Hearle the same (EFP 17th January 1822, p.1c) - the latter two in Plymouth. Liddell of Bodmin was both a seedsman (EFP 31st March 1793, p.1c) and a house agent (EFP 9th November 1797, p.1b). William Bray in Launceston was an agent for patent medicine (EFP 18th July 1793, p.2c). EFP has many other notices of different occupations, of house sales, the passing on of business, apprentices absconding, and selling of stock amongst printers. It should be added that I have not, as yet, been able to look in detail at other printers across the country (that is, other than in Devon, Hampshire and Wiltshire).
14. See EFP 4th February 1790, p.2.
15. See Leslie Shepard's John Pitts: Ballad Printer… (London, Private Libraries Association, 1969), p.55 where he also wrote that Catnach printed the same. For Fortey see, for example, Seventeen Come Sunday (Madden Reel 78, No. 944).
16. I have to thank Paul Burgess (Cheltenham) for details of Harward's career.
17. See Roy Palmer's piece on Willey as MT: Enthusiasms, 33.
18. This particular piece of information was found by Sue Edwards who discovered a simple error in the census records - different initials - which obscured John Swepson's whereabouts.
19. That is: in the previous Merry piece in this series.
20. Witnesses were Clarke Barber and his daughter, Sarah and all parties, including the labourer, John Wyant, signed.
21. She was described, oddly, as a 'sister', presumably to Elizabeth Moore, when we know that she only had one sister, Sarah. So far, no further information has been found concerning Elizabeth Moore.
22. Bedfordshire Times 9th October 1860, p.7. The piece was forwarded to me by the Bedford Record Office.
23. See Leslie Shepard: John Pitts… (London, Private Libraries Association, 1969), pp.73-74.
24. One or two more fragments of information are coming to light in respect of the Merry imprint including election addresses issues in 1837 and in 1841. Nothing, so far, has emerged that adds to our knowledge of ballad production
25. A written addition to the printed ballad has the information that the author was one, Sir. E. Dolben.
26. Bodleian Allegro archive as Johnson Ballads 1384B.
27. The Bedford Borough Collection contains Lord John Russell's opinions of the Methodists, printed in July 1830 (Bor BG 10/1/20), for instance, and see text below - Whitbread.
28. A piece with a single stanza on it (Bor BG 10/2/100) even suggested that Pym worshipped the Pope…presumably a reference to the debate on Catholic emancipation which achieved resolution in favour in 1829. Such were the changing allegiances that Tories - once, not too far distant, linked with Catholicism and Jacobites - could now throw such a taunt in the faces of their Whig opponents.
29. Song - on behalf of Trelawney…(Bor BG 10/1/179 - 37 above). No further details of Trelawney's career have been located yet.
30. The advertisement was dated 20th August 1842 (Bedford records, Li/Lib B1/11/1). Such information, if minor in nature, nonetheless fills out our knowledge of how a printing firm operated. Evidence from elsewhere can also be gathered. For instance, during the establishment of the Wootton Basset hiring fair in Wiltshire in the nineteenth century it appeared to be necessary to publicise its nature and, accordingly, handbills were printed at intervals. So that we find one printer, Dove, listed as having produced a hundred handbills during December 1836 which were then 'cried' at Swindon, Highworth, Faringdon, Cirencester, Calne, Marlborough and Devizes. Dove did a similar job in 1837and 1842 (two hundred handbills in each year); and shared duty with a Mr. Watts and a Mr. Ponting in 1840 (one hundred and twenty sheets). Another printer, Drake, printed two hundred handbills in 1838 (see:Wootton Basset Monthly Market and Hiring Fair Records, Vol. 3, 1836-1849, edited by Rosemary Church and published by the Wiltshire Family History Society, 1998…passim).
31. There is one so far unaccountable addition to possible Merry printings. This was a piece entitled The Agent's Lament, supposedly issued around 1868 (Bor BG 10/1/227), and is important because if it was, indeed, a Merry printing it must, perforce, extend the probable dates of operation of the Merry firm. It was apparently written by one, Drollt Allien…which may be a kind of acronym; and no printer's name appears on it - though Bedford Borough Records do attribute it to the Merry firm.
32. The Bedford records number them as BorBG 10/1/98, BorBG 10/1/96, and BorBG 10/1/101 respectively. The dates, presumably based on details included, were added by the Bedford Record Office.
33. 3rd July 1830; Bor BG 16/1/66.
34. For Webb's 'Song', see BorBG 10/1/34. William Henry Whitbread was MP between 1818 and 1837. Samuel, father (1720-1796) and Samuel, son (1758-1815) - William Henry's brother - also represented the Whig cause in Bedford. George William Russell (1790-1846) was the son of John (sixth Duke of Bedford) and first made a career in the army - he was, at one time, aide-de-camp to Wellington - was MP for Bedford in 1812; and then held several diplomatic appointments: for example, as English ambassador in Berlin between 1835 and 1841 when he was then made up to major-general.
35. The last two pieces have the Bedford Borough designations, BorBG 10/1/4 - 17th June 1818 - and BorBG 10/1/10 - 20th February 1820 - respectively.
36. Hindley described how Catnach printer took a small hand-press to Alnwick, where he had served his apprenticeship, in order to issue State of the Poll material in the 1826 Election. This was at the instigation of an old apprentice friend, Mark Smith, who felt that he himself could not get through all the work. As Hindley put it, 'The Alnwick election of 1826 promised to be a good one as regards printing': a clear indication of the demands of commerce - to which Catnach responded. (Hindley, op cit, p.75). Hindley added that Alnwick public houses were, for the duration of the election, made 'open'…a reminder of how election contests were fought before the 1832 Reform Act did away with what amounted to forms of open bribery. Hindley, indeed, described how busy printers were during the Reform debates 'in publishing, almost daily, songs and papers in ridicule of borough-mongering…' (op cit, p.87).
37. The well-known catalogues such as those from Walker, Birt, Fortey, Sanderson and others carry the titles. There are always surprises in both sources. Why would Williams of Portsea print The Female Cabin Boy and The Silly Old Man but not The Cunning Cobbler? Why would Willey of Cheltenham print only the first and third of them? The subject of choice and distribution remains one of the most obscure of areas in ballad-printing history and is most likely to remain so for no records of printers have turned up which might indicate, for example, when and under what auspices a 'country' printer bought in stock from London and then followed the practice of the source as regards issue.
38. See, for information on The Female Cabin Boy, Roy Palmer: The Oxford Book of Sea Songs (London, OUP, 1988), pp.202-203 where he uses a printing from Williams of Portsea whose operative dates he gives as between 1783 and 1847. Williams, as noted in the third piece in this series, is the subject of a forthcoming piece. In respect of La Somnambula: Vincenzo Bellini lived between 1801 and 1835. He got his libretto from one, Felice Romani, whose name appeared on the Merry printing. The very first performance of the opera was in Milan in 1831.
39. Charles Hindley, op cit, pp.222-223.
40. Leslie Shepard, op cit, p.44
41. Ibid, p.57-58.
42. It appeared under the auspices of Messrs. Firth and Pond in America and was issued as one of a number of Ethiopan Melodies as sung and composed by E. P. Christy. It turns out, though, that Foster had sold the rights to Christy and then got the song back the following year after which it appeared under his own name.
43. Ryle's and Paul's printings are on Madden Reel 78, Nos. 464 and 605 respectively and in the Bodleian Allegro archive as Harding B11 (932). Fortey's is on Madden Reel 78. No. 967. That from Such can be found in the Bodleian Allegro archive as Harding b. 16 (324a). Printings from the north mentioned in the text include Fordyce, Madden Reel 83, Nos. 309 and 310; Ross, Madden Reel 83, No. 580; and Harkness, Madden Reel 85 No. 674. There are also printings in the Bodleian Allegro archive from Walker (Durham) as Firth b.26 (513), from Forth in Pocklington (Manchester) as Firth b. 25(226); and also from the printer, Walter Birmingham, in Dublin as 2806 b. 9 (259). Harkness and Pearson truncated the text so that no mention of opponents can be found: 2806 c. 14 (10) and 2806 c.16 (288) respectively. There are other Allegro and Madden printings, some unattributed.
44. The suggestion was made that 'From the references to the Spanish and French we may assign the song to the early part of the last century' - that is, the nineteenth century. See The Grieg-Duncan Folk Song Collection, Vol. 5…(Edinburgh, Mercat Press…1995), notes, pp.632. For the texts and music see ibid, pp.458-474. Grieg was confident that the years after Waterloo were particularly rich in material referring to the Napoleonic wars; but - as examples - both the The Banks of the Nile and The Bonny Light Horseman, the former most likely referring to 1798 and the latter, perhaps, to the Peninsular War (1807-1814), seem to have taken earlier songs as inspiration. Certain 'Napoleonic' songs were, even more clearly, retrospective in character (Bonny Bunch of Roses is a prime example). Donald's Return…is but one of several returned-lover, broken-token songs of which, as near neighbours, The Plains of Waterloo and Mantle So Green, are particularly well-known but which have precursors. There are, as it happens, no southern English sung versions of Donald's Return…in the English Folk Song Revival. The song did cross the Atlantic and there are several American and Canadian versions - but these were all 'late'. Sam Henry, likewise, printed a 'late' version - the date of acquisition was 1936 (see Songs of the People, ed. G. Huntingdon, Athens and London, The University of Georgia Press, 1990, p.319). Lucy Broadwood got a version from Bridget Geary in 1906. The tune of this was 'learned as a child from some school-friends' and the words were completed 'from a ballad-sheet' (see JFSS 5, 1915, pp.100-102). There are recordings by Lizzie Higgins, Jeanie Robertson and Peta Webb but accompanying notes do not help us ferret out a possible date for genesis any more than does other known information.
45. For the dating of The Rose of Allandale see Derek Scott's survey, The Singing Bourgeois (Aldershot, Ashgate, 2001), p.101. Jeffreys (sometimes spelled 'Jefferys') and Nelson collaborated on other songs such as I Will be Happy Too (c. 1836-1843), Music at Nightfall (c. 1843) and Bonny Mary of Argyle. Nelson is known to have associated with the more famous composer, Thomas Haynes Bayley, and, according to Derek Scott, was also, with Jeffreys, the publisher of a musical annual, The Queen's Boudoir (see Scott, op cit, p.52).
46. The Bodleian Allegro archive copy carries the suggestion that the piece is to do with prostitution.
47. The Bodleian Allegro archive lists over a hundred and sixty Dibdin songs in broadside form.
48. Campbell's pieces include Exile of Erin, The Soldier's Dream, Poor Dog Tray and The Wounded Hussar. Moore's contribution included The Minstrel Boy, Believe me if all those enduring young charms, The Canadian Boat Song, The Legacy and The Last Rose of Summer.
49. There are two other light pieces of the same kind: Who's your hatter? and Who's your butcher? to be found. Ryle in London, Pratt in Birmingham and Wright in Edinburgh printed the first; Disley and Such the second. Dates of operation for all these printers and a few internal details suggest a mid-century period of issue - for instance, a Queen appears in the first and this must have been Victoria…there are no records of earlier printings. If there was something of a fashion for such pieces it might help to confirm the date of printing of Who's your cooper? For the Butcher…(apart from Merry - text below) see Disley in Madden Reel 81 No. 241 and Such in the Bodleian Allegro archive as Harding B 11(4176). For the Hatter… see Ryle in Madden Reel 78 No 593; Pratt in the Bodleian Allegro archive as Firth c (21(125); Wright, same source, as Firth c 21 (124); Ryle, same source as Firth b 26(252); and an issue without imprint, same source, as Harding B 11 (2616).
50. On the other hand, increased taxes on spirits were a measure reflective of difficulties for the particular government which led it to increase stamp duty and duties on sugar and malt as well - since measures previously introduced had not given the Chancellor adequate revenue for governmental administration, especially on the eve of the Crimean War. So that Gladstone's 1853 proposals to introduce successive reductions in income tax until it could be abolished came immediately un-stuck. Gladstone courted disaster by insisting that the war be financed out of revenue rather than by borrowing; and was forced to concede the point, raise loans, and, ultimately, to accept defeat - he resigned as chancellor in 1855…There are many accounts: in Morley's Life…, for instance; and in K. Theodore Hoppen: The Mid-Victorian Generation 1846-1886 (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1998 paperback edn.). It could be said to be typical of popular apprehension that the ballad seized on but a partial aspect. For Disley's printing, see Madden Reel 81, No. 222.
51. See K. D. M. Snell: Annals of the Labouring Poor…(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995 paperback edition), pp.60-61. The MacQueen cited in Merry ballads actually produced governmental reports on the problems which were issued in 1830 and 1831.
52. John Stevenson's Popular Disturbances in England 1700-1832 (London, Longman, 2nd edition, paperback, 1997) and E. P. Thompson, in Customs in Common (London, Penguin Books, 1993 paperback edition), both offer accounts of food riots. It would not be safe simply to extrapolate; but it may have been that the ballad was in revived form.
53. Madame Vestris was Eliza Vestris (1797-1856), a popular actress, opera singer and, later, manager of the Olympic Theatre, London, where she was noted for introducing good décor and costume and was particularly famed for her cross-dressing parts. Other songs associated with her name included The Arab Steed, another piece to appear extensively on broadside printings and; Cherry Ripe; Buy a Broom ('From Teutchland I came with my light wares all laden'); and My Heart's True Blue ('I will never leave my native shore'). Pitts and Catnach both included some of her songs in broadside sheets. .
54. John Barnett (1802-1890) was - coincidentally - born in Bedford, son of a German immigrant. His most notable musical efforts were the operas, The Mountain Sylph (1834) and Fair Rosamund (1837). Van Dyk (1798-1828) combined with Barnett more than once: A Harper Sat By A Tranquil Stream is another example, dating from 1827; as is Music, moonlight, love and flowers. In 1822, Van Dyk issued Theatrical Portraits: with other poems, in London. His very obscurity (relative) may hint at the ephemeral nature of such material but he is also an example of the breadth of source - in scribbledom - tapped by Merry and other printers. Van Dyk's date of demise may even qualify him as part of 'old' rather than contemporary material.
55. The cot…appeared under several imprints including that of Henson of Northampton in the Bodleian Allegro archive as Firth c 14(347); and, in the same source, as issued by de Marsan in New York around 1860: Harding B 18(197). Such evidence, if a little thin, still suggests a first issue mid-century.
56. I am indebted, as on so many occasions, to Roy Palmer (Malvern) for the Kilgariff reference. Other information comes from the Roud index where it is noted that, in an edition of The Christy Minstrels' Song Book (n.d.; but in Vol. 1, pp.15-17) authorship is credited to a P. G. Krauss. This may just be a reflection of appropriation in an American market. Indeed, a Bishop Buckley may well have taken out copywrite on an anonymous piece. It was so filed in America under such a name 24th May 1851; but this was, apparently, an R. Bishop Buckley and his dates were 1810-1857. The confusion has yet to be resolved. An American Civil War piece, The Brass-Mounted Army, words by 'an anonymous soldier of Col. A. Buchel's Regiment', was based on the Waggon.
57. The Bedfordshire Mercury, 31st March 1860.
58. Bedfordshire Times and Independent, 3rd April 1860.
59. Henry Mayhew: London Labour and the London Poor…(London, Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., 1967), Vol. I, p.281.
60. See Leslie Shepard's op cit, pp.63-64. Hindley, op cit, p.223, has descriptions of how printers used blocks entirely inappropriate to the subject-matter but which, presumably, were also, in some sense, 'favourites'. Three examples will suffice. As Hindley put it, '"The Heart that can feel for another" is illustrated by a gaunt and savage looking lion; "When I was first Breeched," by an engraving of a Highlander sans culotte; "The Poacher" comes under the cut of a youth with a large watering-pot tending flowers…'
61 Another ballad, printed by Plant of Nottingham, has emerged with similar propensities to that of Mary Ann Ashford - on the execution, 'for the wilful murder of Elizabeth Wood', of Sarah Smith, aged 28 at her death, in Leicester on 26th March 1832. The following stanza gives a flavour:
She took the life of Eliza Wood,
By putting poison in her food,
And thinking to avoid the shame,
She on her husband laid the blame.
Similarly, a printing from Paul in London contains the details of a murder committed by one, Martha Scott, 'upon her own Mother' - with a description and 'An Original and Affecting Copy of Verses' beginning
Good Christians people pray attend
To what in grief I sing…
and which covers the events leading up to the crime including the information that some twelvemonths since she had taken up with 'a dissolute young man' whom her mother disapproved of, trying to break off the connection; whilst yet it was also made clear by the printer that Martha Scott's trial and execution had not yet taken place. I am indebted to Roy Palmer (Malvern) for both these references. All have very similar properties to the Rush and Corder ballads cited previously.
62. The spelling is interesting given the variants as noted in the previous Merry piece in this series.
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text:
Doctors decide not to remove bullet from Ahsan Iqbal's body despite having 2 surgeries!
Pakistan Important News
10:54 AM, 7 May, 2018
Lahore (Staff Report): Surgeons have decided not to remove the bullet that entered Interior Minister Ahsan Iqbal's abdomen after hitting his arm.
The minister underwent two operations — one aimed at removing the bullet from Iqbal's lower torso and the other to mend his broken elbow bone.
However, the doctors said the bullet that entered minister's abdomen was not harmful to him anymore and extracting it from the body at this time could prove risky.
The interior minister, who belongs to the ruling Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N), suffered a bullet wound in his right arm when an armed attacker opened fire on him in Kanjrur area of Shakargarh.
Ahmed Iqbal, the minister's sonis has said that now his father is out of danger. However, the minister will be kept in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) for next 24 hours.
On the other hand, a man who was arrested following assassination attempt on Interior Minister Ahsan Iqbal has showed his affiliation with Tahrik-e-Labbaik, a religious turned political party, led by Khadam Hussain Rizvi.
A preliminary report sent by deputy commissioner of Narowal to Punjab chief secretary revealed the attacker who fired shots at the minister has "showed his affiliation with Tahrik-e-Labbaik, who staged the violent protests against the government following amendment to Khatam-e-Nabuwwat Declaration in Election Act, 2017.
The report further said, "…lqbal finished his corner meeting at village Kanjroor at about 6:00 pm today [Sunday] evening when a man took advantage of the rush gathered around the minister and fired a bullet with 30 bore pistol which passed his right arm and went straight into groin area".
It added, "The elite force incapacitated that person immediately barring him from further firing and arrested along with the weapon. The man identified himself as Abid Hussain s/o Muhammad Hussain by caste Gujjar resident of Village Viram tehsil Sakargarh district Narowal".
Tagged doctors bullet ahsan iqbal surgeries Interior
Ahsan Iqbal injured in assassination attempt
06:53 PM, 6 May, 2018
Ahsan Iqbal arrested in Narowal Sports City case
11:14 PM, 23 Dec, 2019


text:
Q: Vector calculus - Are these expressions equivalent? In a book I have come across the following expression
$E(\nabla \cdot E)=E\cdot(\nabla E)$, where $E=\sum_i E_i \vec{e}_i$.
Unfortunately I could not prove this, when I calculate both expression using the sum notation I end up with:
$E(\nabla \cdot E)=\sum_{i,j} E_i\partial_jE_j\vec{e}_i$
$E\cdot(\nabla E)=\sum_{i,j} E_j\partial_jE_i\vec{e}_i$
Both expressions are obviously not equivalent, have I missed something?
Kind regards,
Max

A: Maybe it's because they are not equal, why do you expect them to be equal with your interpretation?
If for example $E = v|v|^{-3}$ (a gravitational style field) you will have $\nabla\cdot E = 0$, but $\nabla E$ is not perpendicular to $E$.
At fx $(1,0)$ we have $E=(1,0)$, $\partial_x E = (-1, 0)$, and $\partial_y E = 0$. I see no interpretation where $E\cdot\nabla E$ would be zero.
But if it's in a book it must be right, right? Anyway the book is either wrong, or they have definitions that doesn't coincide with the one you're trying to use. Check the definitions in the book.


text:
module MoeMiddleware
	class Welcome < Sinatra::Base
		get "/welcome" do
			"welcome!"
		end
		run! if (app_file == $0 && RACK_ENV == "development")
	end
end

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


French bulldog male and female puppies. They are 10 weeks old, they are checked by the veterinarian, they are wormed and we have all the veterinary records updated. Our puppies are well trained and very socialized. The puppies come with registration papers and a health guarantee.


The Wild and Absolutely True Adventures of Meg: Picture Time!
Now, the fashion show. Not all pics turned out, but there is one decent shot of me and my paparazzi.
And some pics from my time with Summer. Here we are at the Burnham-on-Crouch train station.
Meg! Great pics! Thanks for sharing and I'm so glad that Summer got to visit with you. Looks like y'all had a great time.


Thank you so much to all of the children and parents for your kind words, cards and gifts at the end of term.
We hope you have a lovely summer break and we will see you all in September.
Knightsbridge have won a trophy!!!
Knightsbridge won a trophy for Sports Day (Tuesday 11th July). They came joint first with Green Park for Key Stage One! Well done everyone for taking part and trying your best. Mrs Edwards and Mrs Port are very proud of you. A big thank you to Mr Mac for organising such a super sports day.
This morning, we had a very exciting discovery during English!
The children were writing poems about the life cycle of a butterfly. We had made a word bank of adjectives to describe the caterpillar, chrysalis and butterfly. Then, the children worked independently, putting their adjectives into poems. Just as one of the children was about to read their poem, we discovered that one of our class caterpillars had turned into a butterfly. It was flapping its wings at us!
Knightsbridge were rather excited and amused...perfect timing!
Summer Term. In English last week, the children found out about different birds from New Zealand. Everyone read and highlighted facts about different birds, before writing sentences and making fact files about them.
In March, the children in Year 1 visited Thorndon Park in Essex to walk The Gruffalo Trail. Not only was the trip a fantastic learning experience for the children in terms of exploring a real life location of one of their favourite stories but it also gave them an opportunity to investigate different habitats and to enjoy the outdoors! As you can see from the pictures, the children had great fun exploring and meeting the life size (and larger than life) characters from The Gruffalo.


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Goudvis: Robbrecht en Daem, Director: Guido De Bruyn, Interview: Chantal Pattyn, Canvas, VRT, 53min 45sec.
Goudvis: Robbrecht en Daem was first shown in avant-premiere at the Centre for Fine Arts, Brussels on March 26th, 2009.
On April 12, 2009 the documentary was broadcasted on Belgian (dutch-speaking) national television VRT, Canvas.