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Meet The Harley-Davidson Street Rod Turned Snowmobile Built For Action!
When You, and Your Friends Build A Track In The Backyard, There Is Only One Way To Pack It In!
Burnem DOWN! Buddies Put Together A Burnout Party In Maine And Burn Them Down!


text:
PLANT ECOLOGY (BSC305)
Study plant ecology at home, to better use and manage plants in gardens or the wild. Understand how plants can be grown in different environments.
Course Code: BSC305
Online Ecology Course -Home Study Training
The term "ecology" was first introduced in 1869 by a German biologist named Ernst Haeckel. The term was derived from the Greek "oikos", which means household or home, and "logos", which means word or study. Ecology, then, is the study of plants and animals in relation to their home, or environment. The study of ecology was further advanced by Charles Darwin, with his theory of evolution and Alexander von Humboldt, who made extensive explorations in the Orinoco and Amazon River regions in South America in the nineteenth century.
There are eight lessons in this module as follows:
Introductory Ecology
Plant Communities
Plants and their Environment
Plants, Soils & Climate
Plant Adaptations to Extreme Environments
Manipulating Plant Environments
Environmental Organisations, Assessment and Funding
Define the term ecosystem
Explain the importance of plants as energy producers within ecosystems
Explain basic ecological principles
Define the terms open and closed plant communities, semi-natural vegetation, dominant species, climax association.
Describe the effects of plant association and competition on the succession of plants
Describe how plant communities respond to environmental stresses.
Explain how the development, structure and function of an organism depends on the interaction of that organism with its environment
Describe the effects of a range of abiotic environmental factors on plant growth and development
Explain the importance of monitoring abiotic environmental factors
Describe plant modifications to withstand extreme environmental conditions
Describe the weather and climate in a particular region.
Relate plant distribution, growth and natural selection to soil, geography, weather and climate.
State how soil, geography, weather and climate affect the horticulturist's selection of plants for any specific growing location.
Evaluate the use of meteorological records in relation to plant growth and development
Define the terms xerophyte, hydrophyte and halophyte
Describe the structure and function of xerophytes, hydrophytes and halophytes
Describe how xerophytes, hydrophytes and halophytes can be utilised in garden or landscape situations
Describe the significance of xeromorphy in temperate zone plants and its importance in the garden or landscape situation.
Evaluate the methods by which environmental conditions can be manipulated to improve the growth and development of plants
State the factors affecting the choice of plants for garden or landscape sites with extreme conditions
Assess the value of using protective structures to grow plant
Describe the sources and nature of pollutants and possible effects on plants
Describe how the environment may be affected by a range of horticultural practices
Explain how planning, environmental assessment and impact analysis may contribute to the conservation process
State the major sources of grant aide available to support environmental conservation on horticultural sites
Review the role of national and international organisations in the conservation of plants and gardens
Duration: 100 hours
Sample Extract from Course Notes:
Ecological Groups of Plants
There are several different classifications of ecological groups plants. Of these groups we will review classification based on plant requirements to moisture and salinity.
Hydrophyte
From the Greek words hydro (water) and phyton (plant). Hydrophytes are aquatic plants. They require constant moisture in which to grow. This ecological group include plants rooted in wet soil, plants partly or wholly submerged in the water, and plants floating in water or on water surface.
High water tables restrict growth of root system. Some hydrophytes develop morphological adaptations to get oxygen to root systems in wet soil that often lacks oxygen.
Submerged leaves usually lack stomata altogether. Floating leaves may have stomata on one side of leaf only.
Xerophyte
From the Greek words xeros (dry) and phyton (plant). This term refers to plants that grow in dry and very dry conditions.
Xerophytes have different morphological and other adaptations to dry conditions especially well seen in desert plants. Some of them have very short span and manage to live their whole live from germination to maturity, flowering and producing seeds within few weeks after an occasional rainfall. These plants usually are small in size and can survive long droughts as seeds.
Some xerophytes develop extremely deep root systems (up to 100 feet or 30 metres) to reach water that might be available deeper in the ground.
Xerophytes often develop leaf modifications to minimize the transpiration. Leaves are often reduced in size and have thick cuticula or covered with epidermal hairs. In some cases leaves are so reduced in size that function of photosynthesis is reassigned to the stem, which become rich in chloroplasts.
Mesophyte
From the Greek words meso (middle) and phyton (plant). Mesophytes are plants adapted to moderately wet conditions. This term is not often used as it refers to majority of plants. Most of plants characteristics that we consider "normal" or "usual" are typical for mesophytes.
Halophyte
From the Greek words halo (salt) and phyton (plant). This term refers to plants that prefer or tolerate a high amount of salt in their growing media. Many species of plants on sea beaches are halophytes.
Halophytes have adaptation mechanisms to cope with excessive amount of salt. They maintain acceptable internal salt concentration by excreting excess salts through roots or leaves or by concentrating salts in leaves that later die and drop off.
Open learning environment school -Online courses, certificates and education in biology, sustainability, ecology, marine studies, water, earth, animal, wilderness management, and environmental science.
John Mason (Horticulturist)
Parks Manager, Nurseryman, Landscape Designer, Garden Writer and Consultant.
Over 40 years experience; working in Victoria, Queensland and the UK.
He is one of the most widely published garden writers in the world; author of more than 70 books and edito
Bob James (Horticulturist)
Bob has over 50 years of experience in horticulture across both production sectors (Crops and nursery) and amenity sectors of the industry.
He holds a Diploma in Agriculture and Degree in Horticulture from the University of Queensland; as well as a Maste
Marie Beerman
Marie has over 10 years in horticulture and education in both Australia and Germany. Marie has been a co author of several ebooks in recent years, including "Roses" and "Climbing Plants".
Marie's qualifications include B. Sc., M.Hort. Dip. Bus. Cert. Lds
"A doctor can bury his mistakes, but an architect can only advise his clients to plant vines." ? Frank Lloyd Wright This e-book is a wonderful guide to climbing plants. Complete with full colour photographs, it is ideal for the home gardening enthusiast,
Garden Design Part 1
This stunning full colour Garden Design ebook is full of useful tips, information and inspiration. It contains around 300 colour illustrations! It is comprised of three parts: Design, How a Garden Functions and Aesthetics (making it look good).
Growing Palms and Palm Like Plants
Palms and palm-like plants are mostly grown as structural plants. They add stunning shapes into a garden that are different to other plants and for that reason alone, stand out and capture our attention, making a garden more interesting. Palms can be more
HOME GARDEN EXPERT COURSE AHT101
In my role within a large Aged Care Facility a great deal of my employment is spent in the area of Turf management and garden care/refurbishment. With ACS I was able to study at my own pace allowing me to put into practise and thoroughly research the subject matter broadening my knowledge and study experience further. I enjoyed the way in which the subject matter was presented as it allowed you to study each subject further, allowing for greater depth, clarity and knowledge. Overall there are not many areas in which the course subject matter will not turn out to be invaluable, everything is covered to allow you to become successful within your own business or place of employment. A big thank you to Gavin Cole [tutor] and all at ACS. It was a pleasure to study with ACS, look forward to further study.
- Craig Ledbury

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The word " Vegetarian " was coined by the Vegetarian Society of the United Kingdom in about 1847. It is a derivation of the Latin word ' vegetari ' which means to enliven.
Vegetarian, the belief in and practice of eating exclusively vegetable foods and abstaining from any form of animal food. Food plays a major role and forms the essence in the practice of Religion in India.
During the ancient Aryan Vedic period meat was consumed after animal sacrifice to the Gods. This slowly changed with the rise of Jainism and Buddhisim, since their founders advocated the principle of ahimsa or "non-violence". Saints like Kabir, Tulsi Sahib, Mira Bhai, Sant Tukaram always encouraged and preached Vegeterianism to their followers. And of recent, even Mahatma Gandhi, encouraged vegeterianism. Mahatma Gandhi became a vegetarian too.
By 1908 vegetarianism had become an organized global movement gaining popularity when the International Vegetarian Union was founded in Germany.
Rural Indian food in India is often vegetarian. Food items like roots, cereals, pulses, wheat, rice, form the main portion of the diets. Many Indians, being farmers, find it cost-economical to stick to a vegeterian diet.
Indian Scriptures Against Killing and Meat-Eating.
Hindu scripture speaks in favour of vegetarianism. The roots of vegeteriansim in India are found in the Vedas, Upanishads, Dharma Shastras, Yoga Sutras and most sacred texts of Hindus.
One should never do that to another which one regards as injurious to one's own self. This, in brief, is the rule of dharma. Yielding to desire and acting differently, one becomes guilty of adharma.
Those high souled persons who desire beauty, faultlessness of limbs, long life, mental & physical strength and memory should abstain from any acts of injury.
The Tirukural was written in Tamil by a simple weaver – saint in a village close to Chennai ( Madras) over 2,000 years ago and is regarded as the world's greatest ethical scripture.
Goodness is never one with the minds of these two: one who wields a weapon and one who feasts on a creature's flesh.
NOT FOR HUMANS – How humans are not physically created to eat meat.
Why Hindu Don't eat Meat – History of Vegeterianism in India.
PHYSICAL FITNESS– The Physical advantages of being vegetarian.


Botswana's Companies and Intellectual Property Authority (CIPA) will implement online business registration before end of the first quarter of 2019.
This is according to the minister of Investment Trade and Industry Bogolo Kenewendo who said the initiative will be implemented with technical and software assistance from the New Zealand government.
"The piloting stage will start in March but the final rollout will start after the new financial year (April)," said Kenewendo.
She said the project is geared towards ensuring easy access for both local citizens and foreign entrepreneurs registering business in Botswana.
CIPA has indicated that the online business registration will shorten company registration from the current three days to 24 hours.
The online system will re-register all companies in the country on a new free platform that can be accessed by the public. CIPA said the re-registration is obligatory and free of charge.
Quizzed on the cost of rolling out the project, Kenewendo remained cagey regarding the cost of the project, indicating only that government will have to dig deep into its pockets.
"The cost is obviously hefty, not hefty in terms of money alone, but also in terms of time," said the Minister.
Meanwhile Finance Minister Kenneth Matambo announced this week that several legislations were amended to enable integration of the online business registration systems, including the Companies Registration Act, Companies Amendment Act, Registration of Business Names Amendment Act and Re-Registration of Business Names Act.
Matambo said the new Acts will enable integration of the online business registration systems at CIPA, Botswana Unified Revenue Services (BURS) and Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Board (PPADB), facilitating information exchange between institutions and limiting unnecessary physical interactions with the institutions.


Even if there isn't snow on the ground, this Nutcracker Inspired styled wedding shoot will have you dreaming of pink sugar plum fairies. Tampa Bay wedding designer Cassandra VanCuren of Ever After Vintage Weddings created this unique wedding inspiration that instantly transports our palm tree loving tendencies into a winter wonderland oasis.
The idea for this winter-filled wedding came from a photograph Cassandra stumbled upon of a tiny white mouse frolicking in snow. Instantly inspired by the mouse and the ever famous ballet The Nutcracker, the wedding designer began to develop the concept for this wintry and romantic fairy tale.
A traditional tropical Tampa Bay wedding venue wouldn't fit the bill for this enchanted styled wedding. The designer searched for a setting that had elements that could transport you outside of a Florida oasis. Bringing in accents of vintage glass stemware and dainty China dishes, the outdoor setting instantly adds to the romance of a wintry wedding.
The earthy and natural tones of the farm tables offset the subtle elegance of a blush and silver color palette. This uber feminine, but rustic elegant wedding, has us day dreaming of a snow day in Florida, but without the cold!
Elegant rustic. I wanted a little different feel than your usual bright colorful dancing sugar plums. I went for a more moody dark and woodsy feel which I felt almost gave the illusion of a cold winter day.
Our colors were ballet pink with white and silver. The pink was a given, and the white and silver tied in the cold winter feel we were going for. I thought this was nice for a change since it is not generally colors you see often during the winter.
How much would you estimate this wedding would cost for 150 guests in the Tampa Bay area?
Venue: This theme could be used in both a backyard or even a ballroom type setting for different budgets | Photography: $1,500-$2,000 | Flowers: $2,000-$6,000 | Invitations: $800-$1,000 | Vintage Dish Rentals: $1,000 | Vintage Rentals & Design: $1,500-$2,500 | Ghost Chair Rentals: $1,500-$2,000 | Farm Table Rentals: $2,000 | Small Cake and Cupcakes: $250-$500 | *This does not include all aspects of a wedding such as officiant, catering, favors, dress etc.


This simple pose is a fitness building block.
The plank is an exercise all fitness buffs should know. It helps with wrist and arm strength as well as core activation. With endless variations, the exercise seamlessly shifts from beginner to advanced. The more often and the longer you do it, the stronger your back becomes, helping with long term spinal support, your posture, and elongating your spine and neck.


text:
/**
 * Created by cghislai on 06/08/15.
 */
import {Component} from 'angular2/core';
import {NgIf, FORM_DIRECTIVES} from 'angular2/common';
import {Router} from 'angular2/router';

import {Pos, PosSearch} from '../../../client/domain/pos';
import {LocalPos} from '../../../client/localDomain/pos';
import {Language} from '../../../client/utils/lang';

import {PosService} from '../../../services/pos';
import {ErrorService} from '../../../services/error';
import {AuthService} from '../../../services/auth';
import {PaginationFactory, PageChangeEvent, ApplyPageChangeEvent} from '../../../client/utils/pagination';
import {SearchResult, SearchRequest} from '../../../client/utils/search';

import {Paginator} from '../../../components/utils/paginator/paginator';

import {PosList, PosColumn} from '../../../components/pos/list/posList';

import * as Immutable from 'immutable';

@Component({
    selector: 'pos-list-view',
    templateUrl: './routes/pos/list/listView.html',
    styleUrls: ['./routes/pos/list/listView.css'],
    directives: [NgIf, Paginator, FORM_DIRECTIVES, PosList]
})

export class PosListView {
    posService:PosService;
    errorService:ErrorService;
    router:Router;

    searchRequest:SearchRequest<LocalPos>;
    searchResult:SearchResult<LocalPos>;
    posPerPage:number = 25;
    columns: Immutable.List<PosColumn>;

    appLanguage:Language;
    loading:boolean;

    constructor(posService:PosService, appService:ErrorService,
                authService:AuthService, router:Router) {
        this.posService = posService;
        this.errorService = appService;
        this.router = router;

        this.searchRequest = new SearchRequest<LocalPos>();
        var posSearch = new PosSearch();
        posSearch.companyRef = authService.getEmployeeCompanyRef();
        var pagination = PaginationFactory.Pagination({firstIndex: 0, pageSize: this.posPerPage});
        this.searchRequest.pagination = pagination;
        this.searchRequest.search = posSearch;
        this.searchResult = new SearchResult<LocalPos>();

        this.appLanguage= authService.getEmployeeLanguage();
        this.columns = Immutable.List.of(
            PosColumn.NAME,
            PosColumn.DESCRIPTION
            //PosColumn.ACTION_REMOVE // FIXME: implement in backend
        );
        this.searchPosList();
    }

    searchPosList() {
        this.posService
            .search(this.searchRequest)
            .then((result:SearchResult<LocalPos>) => {
                this.searchResult = result;
            }).catch((error)=> {
                this.errorService.handleRequestError(error);
            });
    }

    onPageChanged(pageChange:PageChangeEvent) {
        this.searchRequest.pagination = ApplyPageChangeEvent(this.searchRequest.pagination, pageChange);
        this.searchPosList();
    }

    onColumnAction(event) {
        var pos:LocalPos = event.pos;
        var column:PosColumn= event.column;
        if (column === PosColumn.ACTION_REMOVE) {
            this.doRemovePos(pos);
        }
    }

    doEditPos(pos:LocalPos) {
        var id = pos.id;
        this.router.navigate(['/Pos/Edit', {id: id}]);
    }

    doRemovePos(pos:LocalPos) {
        var thisView = this;
        this.posService
            .remove(pos.id)
            .then(function (result) {
                thisView.searchPosList();
            }).catch((error)=> {
                this.errorService.handleRequestError(error);
            });
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<RelativeLayout xmlns:android="http://schemas.android.com/apk/res/android"
    android:layout_width="match_parent"
    android:layout_height="wrap_content"
    android:orientation="vertical" >

     <RelativeLayout
      android:id="@+id/toggle_layout"
      android:layout_width="match_parent"
      android:layout_height="wrap_content"
      android:layout_alignParentLeft="true"
      android:layout_below="@+id/list_Item_layout"
      android:background="@drawable/card_background_blue"
      android:visibility="gone" >

       <Button
             android:id="@+id/details"
             android:layout_width="wrap_content"
             android:layout_height="30dp"
             android:textSize="15sp"
             android:layout_alignBaseline="@+id/directions"
             android:layout_alignBottom="@+id/directions"
             android:layout_alignParentLeft="true"
             android:layout_toLeftOf="@+id/view"
             android:layout_marginLeft="5dp"
             android:background="#3F9FE0"
             android:visibility="gone"
             android:text=" SHOW DETAILS " />

        <Button
            android:id="@+id/directions"
            android:layout_width="wrap_content"
            android:layout_height="30dp"
            android:layout_alignParentRight="true"
            android:layout_centerVertical="true"
            android:layout_toRightOf="@+id/view"
            android:layout_marginRight="5dp"
            android:textSize="15sp"
            android:visibility="gone"
            android:background="#3F9FE0"
            android:text=" GET DIRECTIONS " />

          <View
              android:id="@+id/view"
              android:layout_width="5dp"
              android:layout_height="match_parent"
              android:layout_alignParentTop="true"
              android:layout_centerHorizontal="true"
              android:background="#00000000" />
              <com.example.CustomExpandableListView.MyListView
                  android:id="@+id/listview"
                  android:layout_width="fill_parent"
                  android:layout_height="wrap_content"/>

  </RelativeLayout>

  <RelativeLayout
    android:layout_width="match_parent"
    android:layout_height="wrap_content"
    android:id="@+id/list_Item_layout"
    android:background="@drawable/card_background_sqr_white"
    >

    <TextView
        android:id="@+id/lblListItem"
        android:layout_width="fill_parent"
        android:layout_height="wrap_content"
        android:layout_toRightOf="@+id/expand_colapse"
        android:paddingLeft="5dp"
        android:paddingTop="2dp"
        android:text="listitem"
        android:textSize="20sp" />

    <TextView
        android:id="@+id/listItemInfo"
        android:layout_width="fill_parent"
        android:layout_height="wrap_content"
        android:layout_below="@id/lblListItem"
        android:layout_toRightOf="@+id/expand_colapse"
        android:paddingBottom="5dp"
        android:paddingLeft="8dp"
        android:paddingRight="20dp"
        android:text="info"
        android:textSize="15sp" />

    <ToggleButton
        android:id="@+id/expand_colapse"
        android:layout_width="30dp"
        android:layout_height="30dp"
        android:layout_alignParentLeft="true"
        android:layout_centerVertical="true"
        android:background="@drawable/togglearrow"
        android:focusable="false"
        android:focusableInTouchMode="false"
        android:textOff=""
        android:textOn="" />

   </RelativeLayout>

</RelativeLayout>


text:
China warms to Catholic university's mission
'Ethical and moral' focus aids University of Notre Dame's collaborative ambitions in officially atheist state
Chris Havergal
Twitter: @CHavergalTHE
As China opens up to the world, the relationship between the communist state and Catholicism remains a thorny one.
Observers watching for signs of a thaw may take heart, therefore, from the activities of the University of Notre Dame, which places its faith traditions at the heart of its identity.
In Beijing, the Indiana-based institution has a "global gateway", an academic centre that hosts students for summer programmes and year-long exchanges, and is home to a new institute for Asian studies.
It has signed collaboration pacts with institutions across China, including a joint master's in non-profit administration with Renmin University in Beijing. Its next undertaking is its most ambitious yet: "serious discussions" about a joint liberal arts college with Zhejiang University at the Chinese institution's international campus in Haining.
This seemingly warm reception contrasts with the recent history of Catholicism in China. Following the 1949 revolution, Catholic universities were forced into mergers or had to move overseas, and today many of China's estimated 12 million Catholics still worship in underground churches that are outside the government's direct control.
Nicholas Entrikin, Notre Dame's vice-president and associate provost for internationalisation, credits alumni and other supporters with opening doors and enabling close relationships to be formed with leading Chinese universities.
Lengthy discussions with the Ministry of Education were used to emphasise that Notre Dame's courses in disciplines as diverse as business, science and engineering included teaching in ethics and morality.
Dr Entrikin said that, while Catholic social teaching comes from very different roots to the policies of the Beijing government, this was an example of how it could coexist with the importance China attaches to the social benefit of education and the development of moral character.
"Once we became known and the quality of our programmes became known, it became somewhat of an advantage to us," said Dr Entrikin of Notre Dame's Catholic heritage.
But he concedes that there will be "interesting negotiations" as plans for the liberal arts college progress, particularly when discussions about the curriculum get under way.
With formal agreement on the project yet to be made, he said the parameters were clear for Notre Dame. "We don't hide our Catholic identity, but we also have to recognise it's a different culture with its own set of traditions. We have to be as flexible as we can, without losing the sense of who we are," he said.
The goal for Notre Dame in China and beyond is to widen its global reach by forming institutional partnerships, and by attracting a more international mix of students to its US campus in South Bend.
It has six global gateways in cities ranging from Jerusalem to London to traditional Catholic locations such as Rome and Dublin. All offer opportunities for Notre Dame's students to study abroad and for staff to engage in collaborations.
What Notre Dame is not looking to do is to set up transnational programmes that offer its degrees around the world. Dr Entrikin stated that he did not want to "dilute" Notre Dame's reputation for high quality undergraduate tuition.
"Partnerships, to me, help people better understand Notre Dame and the distinctive and very positive things I think it offers in higher education," he said.
chris.havergal@tesglobal.com
Overseas applications to Malaysian universities surge
Country should strive to be more than a student hub, says second-term minister
By John Ross
Beijing's call for foreign R&D investment 'a signal' to West
US is the 'elephant in the room' in a policy that seeks to attract overseas talent and money, says academic
By Pola Lem
Which study destinations rely most on a few source countries?
Australia, New Zealand and Canada have some of the least diverse international student populations, data show
By Patrick Jack
'Bad apples' tied to 'organised abuse' of Canadian student visas
Abuses at small private colleges seen as suggesting a nation overlooking immigration rules as it aggressively pursues foreign tuition dollars
By Paul Basken


Who has better equipment available to them, Batman or Inspector Gadget? Is language enough to describe the characteristics of God? What caliber of ammunition would be best to destroy the medulla oblongata of a brain-hungry zombie? If these or other questions like them have plagued you and your friends for years and the situation feels helpless, have no fear, Dr. Michael Dennin is here!
The Dean of the Division of Undergraduate Education and Vice Provost for Teaching and Learning isn't stiff, like his titles might make him seem. He's the co-host of a YouTube channel and a frequent guest on The History Channel's show, "Ancient Aliens." Dennin has been published numerous times in scientific journals and released his first book last year. More importantly though, he's an incredibly amiable, relatable man who is passionate about a great number of things. There is a prominent theme throughout his interests, and that is his love for teaching and making complex subjects accessible to those who want to learn.
Dennin's book "Divine Science: Finding Reason at the Heart of Faith" has been well-received. While it does take a look at religiosity through the lens of science, it is aimed at strengthening the convictions of believers.
"I made the decision to write it for people of faith who are concerned about whether or not science is something they can accept and understand and explore," Dennin explained.
However, despite its target audience, it is an interesting read for nonbelievers as well. In the book, Dennin combines scientific parallels to theology in an informative and comprehensive way that still manages to be fun.
In 2013, UCI was approached by an online learning platform to teach in a multidisciplinary, massively online open course that taught its curriculum through the lens of AMC's hit show "The Walking Dead." It was obvious to the administration that they should utilize Dennin, who had spent the better part of the previous decade making a name for himself as the first Professor of Superhero Science and had taught the school's first fully-online undergraduate course that counted for credit.
The course was massively successful, ending its eight-week session with 65,000 students, the largest to date. A more important statistic is that, of the 12,000 students who responded to a survey after the course was finished, 80 percent of them said they were better equipped to survive a zombie apocalypse. While there are not yet plans to execute another course of this magnitude, Dennin expressed interest in doing a similar course that revolves around the worlds of either "Star Wars" or Harry Dresden.
If his book and his courses aren't enough, Dennin is available online 24/7 as a co-host on the YouTube show, "Fascinating Fights." Daniel Glenn and Lauren Mayhew act as the permanent co-hosts along with Dennin as they discuss who would win in a fight between beloved fictional characters. Dennin plays the role of the superhero scientist while Glenn is the creator and self-proclaimed analytical mastermind. Mayhew is the combat expert. These dreamed-up duels range from nostalgic to cute, such as Wile E. Coyote versus Tom Cat (of "Tom and Jerry" fame), to showdowns between fantasy world titans: Gandalf versus Dumbledore. The show is lighthearted and genuinely silly; it's clear that the hosts would enjoy talking about these things even if there were no cameras rolling.
One particularly interesting episode in the realm of physics was the battle between The Flash and Nightcrawler. The discussion included problems like the speed of light and the nature of transportation; common topics for most people in their spare time.
Dennin thought it was pertinent to describe how he decided upon his major when he was an undergrad. His choices were history, math, and of course, physics. He recalled how history classes were less sequential and therefore easier to take what interested him while majoring in something else. He found math interesting, but he lacked the ability to do math proofs well.
"And so, by the process of elimination, I ended up a physics major," Dennin explained, half laughing.
His message to students is to "figure out what you're going to take the most courses in, and that's probably what you should major in. They will all get you a job. No one believes that. No parent believes that, which makes it worse." If you don't believe him, you're invited to watch for information about the series Conversations with the Vice Provost, where this year they can schedule time to talk to him about any subject.
Last year, the questions ranged "from very serious questions about inclusive excellence and climate" to fun questions such as whether he prefers cats or dogs. So, if you have questions about the nature of God, the pros and cons of bringing kryptonite to a fight against Superman, or what degree you should pursue, it's time to suit up and take a few minutes to talk to the superhero scientist.


A clash is coming. This pending conflict over which opposing political ideal prevails is of paramount importance; the outcome will definitively define the operating meaningfulness of America. This forthcoming contretemps is as critical to the country's future as the affirmation of the Declaration of Independence, ratification of the Bill of Rights, and the Constitution of the United States. The victor defines this nation's character, ethos, and legislative values for generations to come.
Interestingly, for all of us engaged in this 'struggle-imperative,' unlike other conflicts, this pending clash is not open ended. We participants know the exact term as well as the "définitif real" of victory — we also understand that defeat means the end of limited government as a viable concept. The American fortitude of existentialism inclusive of the spirit of American exceptionalism will be discarded in favor of the collective common denominator.
The contesting of the electorate's heart and mind will start on January 5, 2011 and end on November 2, 2012. The political ideas of liberal progressivism versus conservative limited government principles will be debated in every neighborhood's nook and corner. From the board room to the halls of academia, from shore to shore, throughout the nation; from the kitchen table to gatherings within the various governing locals: the people of the United States will be asked to bend an attentive ear to a persistent political message. Doubtlessly, the following will occur: Motivated by political advertising and the need to enhance readership or viewership, all venues of media will be taking advantage of the pending bonanza. Unions with lots of cash will summon the faithful so to declare their perspective, the ideologically inspired from the left to right political perspective will pontificate, politicians motivated by the reality of counter-interest victory will lustfully enunciate, President Obama's "bully pulpit" will typify a persuasion that has run amuck.
Obama's banner of liberal progressive legislation, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act or ObamaCare will be assaulted by the Republicans; the Dodd-Frank legislation is another target of Republican interest. The question is, can the 112 Congress approach all federal government spending, line by line, department by department, which of course includes all programs that would not exist were it not for federal funding, and specifically hound federal departments that simply duplicate function or whose function is deemed unnecessary be shut down?
The Democrats know that their current legislation is in danger only if they lose the presidential election of 2012; so their task will be to thwart all Republican non-funding tactics or formal legislative challenges until that election. Naturally, at the same time the Democrats need to build a positive political consensus amongst the voters as well as successfully fight off Republican efforts to dismantle their accomplishments.
I do believe that if conservatives do not sweep the next election — indeed, the sweep must include a super-majority in the two legislative branches — a politically conservative America will be politically stymied by the liberal progressive minority. From a strictly domestic perspective, liberal progressive in the garb of Democrats is not our only concern. If we citizens are not careful with our votes we will end a nation managed by legal opinions. Wherein congress is set-aside in favor of judicial considerations.
Once this nation accepts the government as the prime mover in all things and items of material value, the core of this nation will soften, our intestinal fortitude will no longer chose the courage demanded of leadership. American leadership will drift and flounder and at the risk of an ever increasingly dangerous world this nation will NOT adhere to its worldwide responsibilities. Instead, America will position itself into a bureaucratic-mediocrity wherein the United Nations will assume the role of world leader.
These next two years leading up to the election of 2012, are critical for this nation and its destiny; at risk is the very meaning of America. Additionally, the futuristic interruptive of liberty, individual freedom, and a truly representative limited-government is hanging in suspension awaiting resolution.
Lost in the never-never land of wish-it-was-true, the Obama administration meanders about. Led by Hillary, the leader of team Obama, U.S. foreign policy prods along moving a pawn, positioning a knight, threatening; well, not really threatening, instead they note, almost apologetically, of America's capability of strategic checkmate sweeps across the chessboard. Now of course Venezuela and North Korea may consider Hillary's state department threatening. So – just in case – she follows up any statement of policy that could be taken as an offensive remark with an assurance that any strategic checkmate sweep across the chessboard is possible only with UN Security Council agreement.
Obama's representative, in keeping with the August intellectualism of progressive thought, thrives within the sublimity of contemplative hesitation. From time to time, as if to satisfy an unwritten script and develop the virtues of a heroin, protagonist Hillary feigns an aggressive posture. In reality, in step with Obama, she is disoriented and bewildered by the adversarial temperament of nation states. It is unimaginable to the Obama team that the sensibility of the president's persuasion – much less his charming charisma – would not be enough to convince the lamb to lay with the lion.
I think they are too deep in theoretical thought to match policy to the ever-changing nuances of real time needs. Their contemplative deliberation requires the enjoinment of the many to judicious study. As a consequence of many opinions the process breeds hesitation and misunderstandings; a kind of puzzled enigma-like bafflement regarding the exactness of the administration's intent. The resulting sum of the team Obama efforts could lead one to believe that their decision making form is disjointed and circular instead of straightforward and crystal, lacking in decisiveness and confused.
The need of our nation to demonstrate a clear unambiguous position on Iran, North Korea, and Syria, and at the same time by declaration and behavior display unequivocal support for our allies, are obvious to the international community. Instead, team Obama restricts its resources to the virtues of wishing and hoping, begging and pleading.
Iran is determined. North Korea is mad. All the while the United States invests and counters such challenges with the mysticism of Obama inspired persuasion. The nation's Secretary of State addresses the issues of nuclear proliferation and rogue madness by endless negotiations. This particular Obama/Hillary policy is a filler tactic wherein procrastination is a better explanation of effort than the truth — which is: North Korea has stymied the most powerful nation on earth and Iran snubs this country as if it were a banana republic.
Obama and Hillary view China and Russia as partners of parity and good faith, admitting to the existence of disagreements, but mitigating such disagreements with the assurance that what was lacking (because of Bush's cowboy arrogance) was tolerance, understanding, the artfulness of listening, and the meaningfulness of genuine cooperation. Conversely, China and Russia view the Obama administration as elites of the bourgeoisie; naive politicians with autocratic inclinations blended with arrogant self-regard who consider themselves Avant Garde and "cool". An administration whose foreign policy, when disrobed, is nothing more than a kindergarten level approach to international relations; a policy that leads with endorsing the qualities of sharing and ends with a sort of "let's all get along" western style simpatico.
I do not believe that the Obama/Hillary foreign policy stands any chance of reform or change. They are stuck firstly with an ideological predetermination of reality and secondly with a disabled sensory cognitive. My only comfort resides in the military's artful persuasion and the response of the American people when team Obama proposes a policy initiative that is way too naive.
From about the turn of the 1900's we Americans have taken upon ourselves to expend our blood and treasury in Cuba, Nicaragua, the Philippines, China, the Mexican border skirmishes, France, and Belgium. Now, fast-forward another twenty years and into the present to include Germany, Italy, North Africa, Korea, the Pacific islands, Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, and other distant lands that five minutes of research could verify. Thousands upon thousands of Americans have died directly from battle wounds and thousands more from disease, shock, sorrow, and starvation as a consequence of their engagement.
I do believe that the two World Wars not only killed, murdered, and maimed millions of humans. But in fact, the devastation inflicted upon humankind by their fellow humans was/is to a large part caused by the naive, imprudent foreign policy, exercised by this nation's leadership. The list of such naïve and imprudent policies initiated by former American presidents consists of certainly more than the two noted below.
However, Presidents Wilson and Roosevelt are perfect leadership models of this nation's credulously unwise policies.
Wilson was an international idealist. A liberal progressive leader, serving as president before and during World War One. Franklin D. Roosevelt, a liberal progressive who grew to favor an oligarchic-socialist form of governing, he too was also president prior to and during the last World War.
Both leaders utilized the reason of present danger and economic emergency to dramatically enlarge the qualitative size of government power. Interestingly, in proportion to the enhancement of government in general, specifically, so grew the power of the executive branch. Irrespective of the growth of their domestic and international power, both of these leaders, Wilson as one of the victors of The Great War allowed the United States to be bullied and ostracized by his wartime allies. The other, with the atom bomb exclusively within his arsenal, the largest American Army ever station and at the ready in Europe, withstanding, Roosevelt does not protect the Europeans from Stalin. As if stymied, unable to comprehend the obvious and connect the dots. Ignoring the advice of Churchill, to the detriment of a democratic Europe, Roosevelt's naive policies worked in favor of Soviet dominance; when challenged by a totalitarian regime, this American president faltered and failed to secure the peace. Roosevelt's inaction serviced the Soviet Union as if the west was a Stalinist ally. In the grand game between a totalitarian dictatorship and a democratically elected republic, the good guys suffered an ignominious defeat. Roosevelt, the leader of the free world, ceded his Queen for fear of the opposition's many pawns.
The Traité de Paix de Versailles and the Potsdamer Konferenz set the stage for future wars by creating (or allowing to be created) issues, concerns, and situations that preempted the next violent engagement. Versailles created draconian reparations upon Germany's citizens; Potsdam ceded Eastern Europe to Stalin's Russia. And if that was not enough, idiocy western leadership agreed on a divided Korea.
In 1912 Woodrow Wilson was elected president. In 1913, progressive income tax was legislated with the Revenue Act. This one law in short order would empower the federal government beyond the scope of the founder's intent; this law debilitated state's rights from its origin; this one law moved America from a republic to a government of and by federal mandate. This law was preceded and post-ceded by the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission, Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. This progressive president, with the enabling of a Democratic congress, was the original "change you can believe in"… Woodrow Wilson was the presidential precursor to Barrack Obama.
He narrowly won the reelection in 1916 with the promise of keeping America out of "that fracas" in Europe. Of course that lasted until Germany sank the 'Lusitania', and by 1917 American soldiers and marines were in France. Wilson proceeded to form the War Industries Board, promoted labor unions, took over railroads, and enacted the Lever Act. This Lever fellow was an elected representative, of course a Democrat, who, at the prodding of President Wilson, decided it would be a very good idea to control food and fuel — hence the Lever Act. Sounds familiar? This legislation empowered a "Food Administrator" to oversee the working of this new government agency. The act also banned the use of "distilled spirits" from any produce that was used for food — the agency even tried to set the price of wheat. I trust one can visualize the resemblance between the Wilson administration and Obama's.
Right after the First World War, President Wilson's vision to guarantee the prophesy of "war to end all wars," was to engage the United States in a global community of nations, an entity named The League of Nations. Although congress rejected the membership, President Wilson won a Nobel Peace Prize for his outline of "Fourteen Points", a formula to entice Germany's surrender while blueprinting a world order after the war. Wilson, as with Obama, visualized the world as they wished it to be; they both fail(ed) to see the world for what it truly is.
Not unlike President Obama, President Wilson's experience was either public service or academia; he lacked the understanding of a world wherein persuasion was not a matter of finding a podium to exercise his rhetorical sensibilities. He just could not grasp that persuasion in the world of nation states is a matter of martial power. Either the direct use of such power or the indirect threat of power; this was the world of England, France, and Italy, his allied partners. In the finality, Wilson's foreign policy concepts died an ignominious death; retributions ruled the Treaty of Versailles and while still looking for the cheese, the spring on the mousetrap was set; the next war would be even more brutal than the last.
Wilson, Roosevelt, and Obama all attended Harvard; none of them ever ran a private enterprise. Interestingly, they all shared the oneness of socialistic economic principles, large governments, and the belief that they could, by the power of their intellect or the coercive power of government, bend spoons in midair. And if they failed at that — surely they could bend any person or institution to their will.
Franklin D. Roosevelt took office in 1932 and passed away April 1945, in office. When he died away, thousand wept. He had been president longer than anyone. Indeed, so long that after his death congress passed an amendment to the constitution prohibiting a president's term of office past two terms.
This is the man that took the nation off of the gold standard, favored deficit financing, unprecedented concessions to labor, created Social Security, heavier taxes on the wealthy, and most outstanding, after his reign government could legally regulate the economy. We have all heard of his attempt to stack the Supreme Court and the invalidation of a few of his government's programs.
Roosevelt is credited by many as saving the American people from the ravages of The Great Depression; of course there are those who feel FDR's economic policies enabled the depression instead of abating its effect. But all will agree that he was a strong wartime leader. Of course this is also the president that detained Japanese Americans in internment camps for the duration of the war, deprived them of their property, liberty, and citizenry rights. This president was a liberal-progressive with strong socialist-like inclinations; he reminds me of President Obama's political, economic, and social preferences.
I do believe that because this nation's leadership decided to judge worldly events through the distortion of a liberal progressive's naïve predeterminations, the continuum of violent conflict was and is a constant liability. Note that when this nation was confronted by a declaration of emergency, whether it is formed by domestic or foreign influence, government is enlarged and power-enriched to the few. Fear has been the wherewithal of liberal progressives to gain power and extend their ideological agenda.
In every instance of rule by an emergency agenda, personal liberty and individual freedom is being abated.


text:
Q: Getting intent extras from just one class Is there a way I can just receive intent extras from just one class? For example I have two activities that use intent to open the third activity. Now I just want one of the first two to pass extras so I can receive it in the third activity.
I have implemented everything but it crashes because when I open third activity from second one that doesn't put extras, it crashes my app.
To picture it more clearly:

*

*Activity 1: passes intent extras

*Activity 2: doesn't pass any extras

*Activity 3: receives intent extras

Both Activity 1 and 2 use intent to start Activity 3, but I just need extras from activity 1.

A: Just put a null check
Intent intent = getIntent();
Bundle data = intent.getExtras();
if(data != null)
{
    String one = intent.getString("data_one", null); // use your data type
}
else
{
    // No extra received
}

A: Maybe something as simple as this?
if(getIntent() != null && getIntent().getExtras() != null)
{
  //presume this is Activity1, get extras that we need
  ...
} else {
  //any non-Activity1 activity launched it
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


As you may already know, I have spent the last two years writing The Art of Classic Planning, and it will be published by Harvard University Press next year. It has received extensive support from esteemed colleagues, and it has received generous funding from the Richard H. Driehaus Foundation in Chicago for a world-wide photo tour.
Departure is expected in the next few weeks, once visas and inoculations are complete.
infiniti complimenti per l'idea, l'energia e le competenze!
in Italia possiamo darti una mano!
Grazie tanto, perhaps the tour can benefit from your input while in Italy> Thank you.


text:
Q: Excluding feature classes from list using ArcPy I'm new to Python and trying to buffer some feature classes within a list in a Geodatabase. I used the Clip* wildcard to select the files, but I want to exclude three of those files, so I don't use the buffer on them. I tried the if not fc.startswith('Clip_blabla') but it won't run, as it says invalid syntax. Any ideas?
fcList = [arcpy.ListFeatureClasses("Clip*") if not fc.startswith('Clip_blabla')]

#Create a loop to buffer Clip*
bufferList = []

for fc in fcList:
    arcpy.Buffer_analysis(fc, fc + "Buff", "700 Meters", "", "", "ALL")
    #Add each buffer feature class to a list of feature classes
    bufferList.append(fc + "Buff")
    print(fc + "Buff")
    if fc == "ClipProjMelb_UrbanRes":
        break

A: You could try to remember the convoluted syntax for list comprehensions or don't use it all:
fcList = [arcpy.ListFeatureClasses("Clip*")]

#Create a loop to buffer Clip*
bufferList = []

for fc in fcList:
    if not fc.startswith('Clip_blabla'):
        arcpy.Buffer_analysis(fc, fc + "Buff", "700 Meters", "", "", "ALL")
        #Add each buffer feature class to a list of feature classes
        bufferList.append(fc + "Buff")
        print(fc + "Buff")
        if fc == "ClipProjMelb_UrbanRes":
            break

you could even implement an omit_list[] to statically define every single omission:
fcList = [arcpy.ListFeatureClasses("Clip*")]

#define omit_list[]
omit_list = ['omit_this_one','omit_that_one','omit_me_too']

#Create a loop to buffer Clip*
bufferList = []

for fc in fcList:
    if not fc in omit_list:
        arcpy.Buffer_analysis(fc, fc + "Buff", "700 Meters", "", "", "ALL")
        #Add each buffer feature class to a list of feature classes
        bufferList.append(fc + "Buff")
        print(fc + "Buff")
        if fc == "ClipProjMelb_UrbanRes":
            break

Glad you included enough code to completely demonstrate these alternative implementation patterns. I too didn't feel like looking up the proper syntax for implementing a list comprehension, but for those who do :
List Comprehensions in Python @ pythonforbeginners


A 4.0-m long wooden plank of mass 20 kg is supported by two sawhorses. The two sawhorses are placed asymmetrically. One is placed 0.5m from the left end of the board, while the second is placed 1.0 m from the right end of the board. Determine the support forces exerted by the sawhorses on the plank.


text:
Promising Developments and Daunting Challenges in Using Ethnic Minority Languages in Formal Education (Part II)
by maelraynaud
Posted on September 24, 2019 December 2, 2019
Nicolas Salem-Gervais and Mael Raynaud discuss the prospects of ethnic minority languages standardization.
This is Part Two of a three-part piece based on research undertaken for Urbanize: Policy Institute for Urban and Regional Planning, and supported by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. This three-part series is largely based on a total of over 130 interviews conducted between December 2018 and February 2019 as well as between May and September 2019 in Shan, Kachin, Chin, Kayah, Kayin and Mon States, as well as Sagaing and Yangon Regions and Naypyidaw Union Territory. Interviewees include various levels (township, district, State/Region, Union) of the Ministry of Education and Ministry of Ethnic Affairs administration, literature and culture committees, Regional ministers, Regional MPs, Local CSO and Media, ethnic political parties' representative, school headmasters and teachers. Most documents and statistics referred to in this article were collected in the course of these interviews.
Part Two: The minority language standardization conundrum
In Part One of this paper, after a brief reminder of the potential benefits of using ethnic languages in education, we have described the encouraging policy shifts towards making ethnic minority languages available, both as subjects and "classroom languages" in government schools across the Union of Myanmar. We've argued that these ongoing shifts, notably in the context of developing the local curricula and encouraging the appointment of local teachers, are also likely to bring benefits in terms of decentralization, by prompting interactions and a sense of compromise between local actors, the State/Region governments and the different levels of the Union's administration. Finally, we have described a structural challenge to the introduction of ethnic minority languages in formal education, namely the issue of making all relevant languages available in multiethnic settings.
Part Two of this paper deals with another structural challenge to unfolding language-in-education policies. In mathematical terms, this central aspect of what we have called the "linguistic" challenges in earlier publications, deals with the difficulties involved in the process of transforming continuous data into discrete data. In that case, continuous data would be what is described as 120+ languages, often presenting a variety of dialects and scripts, heterogeneous socio-linguistic situations, and often used within daily informal multilingualism. Discrete data would then take the form of standardized languages, fittingly corresponding to a list of ethnonyms, which could conveniently and exhaustively be represented by a patchwork of colors on an ethnolinguistic map.
In other words, this transformation would involve going from a situation where a virtually uncountable number of variations of a large number of languages, attached to a variety of often overlapping ethnonyms, are spoken in the homes of primary school pupils across Myanmar, to a situation where a limited number of standardized languages are taught in government schools.
Our argument is that there are today in Myanmar, for reasons that we are going to explore in this second part of our article, strong forces pushing towards the formalization and standardization of ethnic languages. However, language standardization processes do not come without ambiguity and contradiction and ⎯ in Myanmar at least as much as elsewhere around the world ⎯ these tend to be contentious. Additionally, in the process, the aim of helping pupils understand their teachers better often takes backseat to the nation-building objectives of the actors involved.
An Ethnic Identity-based Recognition Political Matrix
A key aspect underlying the linguistic conundrum we are trying to describe in this article is the extent to which ethnicity has been politicized throughout Myanmar history, through an essentialist understanding of ethnic categories perceived as homogenous. A thorough discussion of this issue lies beyond the scope and ambitions of this paper, but many such as historian Victor Lieberman have warned against viewing pre-colonial history through the prism of discrete ethnic categories, while political scientist Robert Taylor has observed that the "reification of ethnicity" was a striking feature of colonial rule and historian Patrick McCormick noted that the importation of the concept of race (which will evolve into ethnicity) was often equated with language.
The colonial State, in its 1931 Census, strived to approach the "true racial classification" of the "indigenous races of Burma", pondering the relative importance of linguistic criteria, compared to other features, such as "(…) physical appearance, body measurements, culture, customs, technology and the temperament (…)".
Subsequently, from the inception of the independent nation-state in 1947, the Union of Burma's federal politics has been attributing prerogatives on an ethnic identity-recognition basis: the 1947 Constitution links citizenship to the belonging of one of the "indigenous races" of Burma and the seven States created at independence (and later) all bare ethnonyms. As noted by Nick Cheesman, Ne Win and the BSPP further politicized the idea of indigenous ethnicities, notably by attributing a central place to the concept of "national races" (တိုင်းရင်းသား) in official political discourse.
The SLORC/SPDC, while using patent Burman nationalist references in their discourse on the Myanmar nation and largely contributing to the curtailing of ethnic minority language use in formal education, did also carry on with the trend of ethnic identity recognition-based politics. An obvious illustration of this conception of politics and citizenship is the 2008 Constitution, which further attributes (or denies) territories and political prerogatives along ethnic lines (notably Self-Administered Zones and Ethnic Affairs ministers).
The politicization of ethnicity is today firmly embedded into Myanmar's political culture: while the number of representatives sporting ethnic costumes in the Parliament has technically decreased after the 2015 elections, about two-thirds of the political parties running for the forthcoming elections have a clear reference to an ethnonym.
Well beyond the Myanmar context, identity-based recognition policies have often been criticized, notably by political scientist Tamar Malloy, mainly for "reifying categories that may misrepresent the lived experience of group members", and potentially opening the door for endless revenge-seeking, rather than compromise and social construction:
"Not only can identity-based recognition claims fail to improve group members' position; such claims must fail since they can only meaningfully exist if the recognition-seeking group accepts the equation of its identity with victimization, powerlessness, and antagonism."
During our interviews, a significant number of actors, while being themselves often deeply engaged in this political matrix through their efforts to consolidate their particular ethnic identity and language, seemed to have a very clear vision of how identity-based recognition could (continue to) be a bottomless pit for Myanmar's political future. In several instances, we have heard criticism towards the very concept of attributing territories and political prerogatives along ethnic identity lines ⎯ as a dire legacy of the colonial mindset and ruling strategies ⎯ from the inception of the Union.
Additionally, critics have noted that identity-based recognition policies around the world tend to work hand in hand with neoliberalism. James Costa, referring to the work of Shannon Speed illustrates in a bold but vivid way problematics that could certainly be transposed to the contemporary situation of Myanmar:
"In the case of Mexico, while Indians are busy defining and debating which ethnic groups they belong to and what language they (ought to) speak, they are not busy voicing other types of social demands."
In their work on education in Thailand, Alain Mounier and Phasina Tangchuang similarly warn against the tendency of localist movements to become de facto allies of neoliberal forces, in the process of demanding a diminution of the central state's prerogatives.
135 (debated) Shades of Myanmar
Despite this political matrix attributing political prerogatives along ethnic identity lines, ethnic categories, in Myanmar like elsewhere, are debatable and debated. Edmund Leach ⎯ whose work is precisely based on fieldwork conducted within ethnic minorities in what was then Burma ⎯ was among the pioneers in deconstructing essentialist conceptions of ethnicity, by demonstrating how ethnic identity is, to a large extent, a fluid reality. An individual is indeed likely to experience different sense of belonging, not only throughout the course of his life, but often over the course of a single day. This fluidity of identity and language practices, specifically in the Myanmar context, was clearly identified much earlier. Bennison in the report of the 1931 Census, vividly states:
"Some of the races or tribes in Burma change their language almost as often as they change their clothes. Languages are changed by conquest, by absorption, by isolation and by a general tendency to adopt the language of a neighbour who is considered to belong to a more powerful, more numerous or more advanced race or tribe."
In addition to that fluidity of identity and language practices, another underlying challenge to the production of discrete ethno-linguistic categories is that the criteria to distinguish what should be considered a dialect or a separate language (which, again, is often perceived as the most critical marker of an ethnic group) are largely subjective, with political considerations generally superseding strictly linguistic aspects.
Going back to more contemporary and concrete debates, many have noticed that to this day, the results of the 2014 Census dealing with ethnicity, and collected according to the 135 ethnonyms list (see Nick Cheesman on the origins of that particular figure ), have not yet been published. This data is indeed highly sensitive since population figures have direct implications in terms of political prerogatives, such as obtaining ethnic affairs ministers in the States and Regions or Self-Administered Zones (SAZ). Whatever results come out is thus likely to be contested by political actors feeling that the population of their particular group is underestimated or miscounted.
Indeed, not only do many ethnic actors seem to have inflated expectations regarding the demography of their particular group, but the 135 categories used for the Census themselves are often highly debatable and debated, as noted by Ardeth Maung Thawnhmung and Yadana. In Chin State for instance, the official categorization contains no less than 53 ethnonyms. Amongst this complex official ethnic landscape, one point seems fairly consistent though: the fact that this particular figure and typology does not reflect accurately the ethno-linguistic diversity of Chin State. Some of the ethnonyms on that list are often perceived as categories corresponding to regions or clans, rather than ethnic groups or languages, and many interviewees said they technically belong to several categories on that list at the same time. Another point, however, was also widely agreed-upon in interviews: the fact that producing a new list of ethnonyms for Chin State today, regardless of how "scientific" the ethnolinguistic criteria involved would be, is likely to be highly contentious.
A number of actors in Chin State, including in the State government ⎯ which regularly receive new demands for the teaching of languages they have never heard of ⎯ would like to materialize an aspiration that has been central in the mobilization of an overarching Chin identity: agreeing on a Chin common language, both for educational and political purposes.
In practice, very few if anyone reckons that agreeing on a single language today is a realistic project, unless this language is either English or some kind of Chin "Esperanto" (i.e. a language created artificially with features from multiple Chin languages, see below), two prospects that both bring their own set of issues. But a number of actors hope to be able to negotiate an agreement on a limited number of "main" languages (4 to 10 depending on estimations) to be promoted, notably through formal education (the other languages/dialects, according to most interviewees, would then be taught outside of the schools).
While the prospect of getting all the stakeholders to discuss these issues together is certainly constructive, finding a consensus is likely to be challenging. The main issue is of course political: as we will see in the rest of this article, cultural and political elites linked to "smaller" groups and languages, at this point and time of Myanmar political history, are rarely ready for such a compromise (a fortiori if they have already obtained official recognition).
Furthermore, from an educational standpoint, several interviewees have contended that this type of project would amount, for a significant fraction of the population, to learning an additional language that differs to significantly from their actual mother-tongue, thus somewhat defeating the purpose of introducing ethnic languages to facilitate the education process. This prospect may also potentially threaten the perspective of maintaining language diversity, by turning the "main" languages into the most direct threat to "smaller" languages.
Practical and Ideological Drives towards Standardization
A central element underpinning the linguistic conundrum we are trying to describe in this paper is the multiple drives towards standardization and formalization of languages. Multilingualism, uncountable shades of dialectal variations and resort to abundant loanwords are unproblematic in daily informal contexts, or when languages are taught within community institutions. These institutions are able, or not, to teach a particular form of a language and students are free to attend or not.
However, systematically introducing them in an institution such as public schools, attended ⎯ at least theoretically ⎯ by the whole continuum of society over the whole national territory, strongly suggests an extent of standardization of these languages, for practical reasons including cost management (production of curricula, teacher training).
This contemporary drive towards language formalization and standardization also echo an idea deeply embedded in Myanmar's political culture, within the context of the above-mentioned "reified ethnicity". Kojima (2016) tells us a fascinating anecdote in this regard, of a meeting between Thakin Kodaw Hmaing and a Palaung sawbwa in the early 1950s. During the conversation, the Burmese literary figure reportedly asked if the Palaungs had their own script. The Palaung sawbwa, shamefully admiting that they did not was, according to that story, warned by Thakin Kodaw Hmaing, "ethnic groups which don't have their own script tend to perish".
While this episode may have contributed to the development of one of the Palaung scripts a few years later, it must be noted that sentences along Kodaw Hmain's line (such as "စာမရှိရင်လူမျိုးပျောက်မယ်(လေ)"[1]) are pronounced extremely often today by ethnic actors, as a rationale to their linguistic projects dealing with the production of a written and formal language. This conception of the necessity of a written (and thus somewhat standardized) language corresponding to an ethnonym also echoes the endeavors of multiple religious groups, and notably Christian missionaries, who have been creating dozens of written languages for groups located in what are today the peripheries of the Union of Myanmar, in the perspective of evangelization, from the early nineteenth century up to present days.
The practical and ideological drives towards ethnic minority languages standardization are thus multiple and powerful. To a large extent, these projects ⎯ many of which are not new but were lethargic under military regimes ⎯ have found new impetus in the possibility of teaching and using ethnic minority languages in government schools. But they are also underpinned by a political culture idealizing discrete ethnic categories, strongly influenced by colonial-era ideals of a single, written, language corresponding to a single ethnonym.
Actors linked to these multiple ethnic identities wish not only to preserve their languages but also to mobilize what they perceive as their nation, through a common, standardized and written language, with the critical mass of speakers/readers necessary to its long-term survival and (ideally) development.
The progress of telecommunications in minority-populated regions over the last few years also has multiple and somewhat contradictory effects, which play a role in these developments. Access to the internet, on the one hand, certainly contributes to the spreading of languages which already have a strong presence online, including Burmese and English. But modern telecommunications, on the other hand, constitute a strong incentive towards the development of written and somewhat standardized languages, able to survive online, either as genuine media of communication, or at least in the perspective of being able to display written material fittingly corresponding to an ethnonym, a feature perceived as a central component of a proper ethnic group (see the cases of scripts recently developed for Burmese dialects such as Danu, Intha or Taungyo).
Standardizing Ethnic Minority Languages to Preserve them: A Faustian Bargain?
In earlier publications, we have described two opposing forces at play among ethnic minorities in Myanmar, which have both gained momentum in the post-SPDC political context alongside the shift of language-in-education policy. On the one hand, there is the movement towards standardization and the choice (or production) of "common" (ဘုံသုံး), standardized languages; on the other hand, the mobilization of particularism.
While the perspective of teaching ethnic minority languages in government schools strongly suggests some degree of standardization, the Myanmar political matrix, spearheaded by the contemporary legal recognition of "ethnic rights", also provides solid ground for the mobilization of "local" ethnic identities, a fortiori along the already established 135 categories, and almost regardless of their relevance in terms of linguistic proximity/difference.
The tension between these two forces, while certainly exacerbated by the weight of ethnicity in Myanmar political culture, is in fact a classical conundrum in the processes of standardizing minority languages in modern nation-states around the world. For Lane, Costa and de Korne (in introduction of a recent book dealing with countries and regions such as Russia, Canada, West Africa or Scotland) these types of projects frequently amount to a "Faustian bargain", underpinned by often irreconcilable political, almost philosophical, contradictions. In the very name of consolidating "smaller" languages to protect linguistic diversity, these projects entail indeed, precisely, a reduction of… linguistic diversity:
" (…) social actors involved in these processes often find themselves at odds with conflicting priorities. On the one hand, standardisation remains a potent way of doing or inventing language, of producing languages as bounded, discrete entities and as social institutions and subsequently increasing the social status of those who use them."
But, as they immediately follow:
(…) " On the other hand, standardisation is inherently a limitation of diversity (Milroy and Milroy 1999) and a way to harness and act upon linguistic, that is to say, social differences. Promoting language standards is thus both a way for validating groups and for limiting group-internal diversity. Considering that diversity is often the very raison d'être for minority language movements based on the claims that all ways of communicating are equally legitimate and that language diversity needs to be protected, this trade-off is atbest contentious and at worst a Faustian bargain."
Russian Dolls
In a variety of levels and situations, actors seeking to represent and mobilize a particular ethnic identity (such as LCCs, religious institutions, armed groups, political parties, ethnic media, NGOs, and so forth) wish to promote linguistic and political "unity" (စည်းလုံးညီညွတ်မှု) as a remedy to the "division/difference/heterogeneity" (ကွဲပြားမှု) within what they perceive as their group. However, these discourses on "unity in diversity" between "brothers and sisters" often have a lot in common, both in terms of philosophy, narrative and vocabulary, with the propaganda of the former military government, and its cult of "unity" within what has been described as a "Burmanization" (or "Myanmafication") project.
A variety of similar actors, associated with different components of the said perceived groups, do not fail to notice these similarities and inherent contradictions. Appealing to their own "ethnic rights" (which are now inscribed in the law), they often seek to consolidate their own ethno-linguistic identity by affirming their singularity and emphasizing cultural and linguistic differences from the group that they perceive as trying to "swallow" them.
Echoing the longstanding accusation of "Burmanization," a growing list of words starting by an ethnonym and ending with -zation are currently being heard across the country to denounce perceived situations (or aspirations) of cultural and linguistic hegemonies (we have heard for instance mention of political agendas of S'Gaw-ization, Shanization, Jingphaw-ization, even Hakha-ization in the case of Chin State discussed above).
Some political and linguistic projects have indeed striking similarities with the priority given to the common "Myanmar" (Burmese) language and identity by successive governments over the whole Union. In the case of Kachin State for instance, in the perspective of federalism, a number of political actors would like to promote the "Kachin" (Jingphaw) language ⎯ historically, to a large extent, a common language for the various Kachin groups ⎯ as an official language for Kachin State and a medium of instruction for primary schools. While some non-Jingphaw Kachin actors do agree with this perspective, most wish to promote their respective identities and languages (at the time of writing, 6 Kachin –Jingphaw, Lacid, Lhaovo, Lisu, Rawang and Zaiwa– and 5 Shan –Tai Leng, Tai Khamti, Tai Leu, Tai Long and Tai Sar– groups are officially recognized by the Kachin State Government).
These agendas are hardly compatible. Associating them, in terms of language-in-education policy, would suggest to use four languages throughout the education process (one of the 11 recognized Kachin and Shan languages, the "common" Kachin, Myanmar, and English), a challenging prospect in itself. Even more problematically, the "sub-Kachin" (as well as Shan) identities, as articulated by their respective political leaders and cultural elites, are often precisely pitted against the encompassing Kachin political project, denounced as hegemonic and threatening to swallow Kachin State's minorities ("Jingphaw-ization").
Reciprocally, actors striving to promote a common Kachin political agenda tend to be dissatisfied with the contemporary prominence and independence of the five other Kachin sub-group identities, notably in the frame of the 2008 Constitution (there is a Rawang and a Lisu Minister of Ethnic Affairs in Kachin State) and in the perspective of teaching ethnic languages in primary schools. For them, this dynamic is the result of a divide-and-rule (သွေးခွဲ) strategy orchestrated by the Burman-dominated state, which will ultimately lead to more "Burmanization".
But the complexity and diverging agendas do not end there. Within some of the officially recognized groups of Kachin State, there have been significant linguistic and political challenges in agreeing to a common language to be taught in schools (see Part Three on the case of Shan Ni/Tai Leng in Kachin State and Sagaing Region). Some of the Kachin "sub-groups", such as the Rawang, which inhabit the mountainous borderlands with China and India, also seem to feature significant internal linguistic diversity: about 4-5 languages not always mutually intelligible and 70-80 smaller dialects, according to the Rawang Language and Culture Committee (which seems to corresponds to the estimations of linguists). At the time of the interview, the Rawang LCC was seemingly facing internal political challenges in maintaining and promoting linguistic unity based on a written version of the Matwang dialect, whose formalization seems to have been finished only in the 1980s. Just like the Myanmar state, and the pan-Kachin leaders, actors linked to this common Rawang identity stress the necessity of linguistic "unity" for what they perceive as their group, yet confront internal demands of actors mobilized for the defense of their particular strain of diversity.
Unsurprisingly, in the process of shaping these associations/antagonisms, the magnitude of actual linguistic difference itself is often by far secondary to the interplay of actors and political stakes involved. Slight phonetic or lexical variations could be mobilized to emphasize otherness in order to strengthen the self. Inversely, groups whose speech is not mutually intelligible may end up reaching a long-term linguistic compromise if they are united enough politically
At the time of writing, Lisu and Kayan political actors, despite having to deal with very significant internal linguistic variations within their respective groups, both seem to have achieved some levels of success in agreeing on a common formal language. However, in both cases Buddhist minorities among them have been developing separate, Burmese alphabet-based, written languages, in contrast to the Roman scripts which the Christian majorities use. In certain regions, the local Kayan LCC chairmen also argue that the common language chosen by Kayan political leaders, the "standard" Pekhon dialect of Southern Shan State, is too distant to be understood. In the schools located in Kayan villages of Kayin State and Naypyidaw, one variety of the Gekho language is taught instead.
Covers of textbooks for the teaching of the eleven (Six Kachin and five Shan) officially recognized languages in Kachin State, developed by UNICEF, the MoE and the local LCCs
Ethnic Esperantos
One possible answer to the political problems often coming with the choice of a particular language/dialect/script over others, is to appoint a committee of experts to devise a common language. Several actors among the Palaung, Naga and Chin, for instance, are trying to conduct such projects.
Usually, a literature and culture committee which is supposed to represent an overarching ethnic identity (but whose legitimacy may be contested) works to identify linguistic features common to all (or most of) the sub-groups included in their project, and use those features as the basis for the common language, while at the same time adding specific features from the varieties to foster a sense of inclusiveness.
This type of language standardization endeavor has various implications, which depend on the degree of heterogeneity of the languages varieties and scripts involved. Understandably, they are particularly challenging for languages that are not mutually intelligible. From a strictly linguistic perspective, the standardization of Tai Leng/Shan Ni (see Part Three) for instance, is much less ambitious than the production of common languages for overarching Naga, Palaung or Chin groups, each of which includes a great heterogeneity of languages.
Nevertheless, political and practical challenges to all standardization projects are multiple and daunting, which explains why similar projects around the world often have limited success in terms of generating traction: negotiating a sustainable agreement between all the elite actors regarding the new linguistic unity (which despite its inclusiveness still entails a reduction of diversity), overcoming practical linguistic challenges when merging the multiple languages/dialects, and last but not least, getting the population to actually adopt these new artificial languages or "Esperantos", first and foremost through education.
2017 Reader for the teaching of the basics of the common Palaung (Ta'ang) language, which is being developed by the Ta'ang Literature and Culture Committee
State and Region Politics: An Extra Layer of Complexity?
Taking or not into account the linguistic endeavors undertaken by their "kin" living across the border is already a baseline question for many ethnic groups inhabiting borderlands. A lack of coordination can lead to additional difficulties, as when there is more than one project to produce a transnational, standardized language. The balance of power between sub-groups and official recognition in different countries can vary, as in the case of Akha and Lahu, whose speakers are both scattered over several countries.
Within the context of decentralization of the Union of Myanmar, the growing roles of States and Regions, while certainly facilitating the logistics of introducing ethnic minority languages in formal education, may well add a similar extra layer of complexity. In addition to the linguistic, religious, political or interpersonal differences that may work against language standardization, State and Region politics sometimes contribute to the appearance of new fault lines within what is usually perceived as a single group.
In some cases, actors from the same ethnic group living in different States or Regions do work together and produce a single curriculum, for instance the Mons and "southern" Pa-O in Mon and Kayin States. But in other cases they end up competing to obtain recognition and mobilize resources within their respective State or Region political ecosystems.
The Geba (Gaybar) of Kayah and Kayin States could illustrate this point: according to the Geba Language and Culture Committee of Kayah State, there are about 9 Geba dialects, but a common written language was devised by missionaries in 1868, and is widely accepted by all Catholic communities (a Baptist Gaybar minority use a different, Burmese alphabet-based script). According to the government-recognized list of 135 ethnic groups, the Geba belong to Kayah State, and the Geba LCC of Kayah State thus claims legitimacy to lead the Geba linguistic initiatives for the whole Union, materialized by its registration at the Union level in 2017. However, Geba population is much larger in Kayin State, where the Geba are listed as one of the 7 Karen "sub-tribes" (မျိုးနွယ်စု) by an overaching Karen organization which the regional government is in the process of recognizing as the Karen LCC for Kayin State, and which thus want to handle Gaybar ethnicity within Kayin State. The comparable case of Shan Ni / Tai Leng in Sagaing Region and Kachin State will be detailed in Part Three.
In some States, such as Kayah and Kachin, terms such as ဌာနေတိုင်းရင်းသား or ဒေသခံတိုင်းရင်းသား ("local" indigenous race/ethnic nationalities), as opposed to ဧည့်တိုင်းရင်းသား ("guest" indigenous race/ethnic nationalities, which seems to be constructed on the model of ဧည့်နိုင်ငံသား "associate citizen") are also starting being used informally in conversations, medias and political discourse. These words introduce a distinction between groups that are supposedly indigenous to that State, such as Kayah or Kayan in Kayah State, or Kachin groups in Kachin State, and ethnic groups which should be regarded as "guests" (i.e. Shan in Kachin or Kayah State). Needless to say, this distinction has no historical foundation beyond the ethnonym attached to a territorial entity at its creation in the wake of colonization; the "guests" having in many instances, technically, inhabited and established centers of powers in the region much earlier than the "host".
This type of distinction, which could well add another layer of complexity to the politics of indigenousness recognition in Myanmar, seems to be part of the discussion in the process of negotiating the political and financial support of the States and Region to the LCCs, in the perspective of teaching ethnic minority languages in the schools. In Kayah State, at the time of writing, only 6 groups seem to be fully recognized as "local" groups (Kayah, Kayan, Kayaw, Yintelay, Gaybar and Manu Manaw/Kawyaw). This situation implies that "guest" groups, such as Shan and Pa-O need the approval of the Kayah State government to teach in the regions populated by their groups within Kayah State and may receive less support from the Kayah State government for their educational and linguistic endeavors.
(All images and media courtesy of Nicolas Salem-Gervais)
[1] Variations include: "လူမျိုးရပ်တည်မှုအတွက် စာအဓိကပဲ"
Nicolas Salem-Gervais is a Maitre de conférence at the Burmese language section, South East Asia Department of Institut National des Langue et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO) in Paris, and is affiliated to Centre Asie du Sud-Est (CASE). Since 2007, his research has been dealing with various aspects of education and nation-building in Myanmar.
Mael Raynaud is head of research at Urbanize: Policy Institute for Urban and Regional Planning, based in Yangon. This post is part of a research project undertaken for Urbanize and supported by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. The authors wish to thank Ei Shwe Phyu and Tinzar Htun, who have contributed to this project since October 2018.
The authors wish to thank Ei Shwe Phyu and Tinzar Htun, who have contributed to this research since October 2018.
Posted in PostTagged education, ethnic languages, ethnic minorities, ministry of education, textbooks
Author: maelraynaud
Mael Raynaud is an analyst with 15 years experience researching Myanmar politics, society, conflict, and economy. He lives in Yangon, and works as a consultant. View all posts by maelraynaud
Prev Promising Developments and Daunting Challenges in Using Ethnic Minority Languages in Formal Education (Part I)
Next Promising Developments and Daunting Challenges in Using Ethnic Minority Languages in Formal Education (Part III)


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Gif: Casio
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A crop of the cover of The Bruising of Qilwa. (Image: Tachyon Publications)
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Pixar's Out Short Is A Magical By-the-Numbers Story About Queer Acceptance
Charles Pulliam-Moore
Published 2 years ago: May 23, 2020 at 6:00 am -
Filed to:animation
disneydisney plusio9kipo and the age of wonderbeastslgbtqoutpixarshe ra and the princesses of powersteven clay huntersteven universestreaming
At a time when full-fledged series like Steven Universe, She-Ra and the Princesses of Power, and Kipo and the Age of Wonderbeasts have all carved out bold new spaces for queer representation in animation, Pixar's new short feels incredibly staid despite (or because of) the fact it's Disney's first attempt at telling a story that centres on a gay couple.
Premiering as a standalone short on Disney+ today—and written and directed by Steven Clay Hunter—Out revolves around Greg, a queer man living a relatively happy life with his partner Manuel and their dog Jim as they plan to move into a new house that's considerably far away from Greg's family. Though Greg and Manuel have obviously been together for some time and love each other deeply, Greg's yet to come out to his family, something you can see hurts Manuel deeply.
The Disney of it all kicks in when Greg's parents show up unannounced with a casserole of some sort to see their son off, and while it's sweet, it causes the man to panic, which prompts Out's pair of magical, queer-coded animals to step in to help Greg embrace his inner truth. Here's the teaser.
Unbeknownst to Greg, just as his parents show up, a spectral dog and cat duo from a dimension of queerness complete with thumping disco music manifest themselves on the physical plane and imbue Jim's collar with a bit of their magic. What neither Greg nor Jim knows is that when either of them touches the collar, it forces them to switch bodies a la Moongirl and Devil Dinosaur, leaving Greg in Jim's body and Jim in Greg's. Beyond the body switching itself, the problem at hand is Greg's concern that by wandering around his house and helping him pack, Greg's parents will find items that make his queerness obvious to them. To make matters worse, of course, he's trapped in the body of a dog while his dog crashes around the house in his human body.
Everything about the eight-minute short feels decidedly Pixar, which is to say that its art style is sumptuous, the writing is tight, and the story as a whole is designed to pluck at your heartstrings. But the story also feels very Disney in the way that it dances around having Greg come out to his parents. In a brief moment of reflection just before he and Jim switch bodies, Greg regretfully muses about what it would be like to tell his parents that Manuel's his boyfriend, and the scene inadvertently highlights the rather unceremonious way that Manuel's quickly pushed into the backyard as the story begins so that Greg's parents don't see him.
In a short film in which so much of the emotional nuance is conveyed visually rather than verbally, things like a closeted white guy hurriedly marching his brown boyfriend out of their house can read in a number of different ways, not all of which are good. In Out's defence, the film is based on a true story, and one imagines that the filmmakers did not set out to play into the trope of queer characters of colour being framed as ancillary within stories about their white counterparts, but that doesn't exactly mean it doesn't come off that way here.
Of course,
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Karel Mrázek (11. ledna 1903 – ???) byl český a československý politik Komunistické strany Československa a poúnorový poslanec Národního shromáždění ČSR.

Biografie
Roku 1948 se uvádí jako dělník a člen Místního národního výboru v Čáslavi.

Po volbách roku 1948 byl zvolen do Národního shromáždění za KSČ ve volebním kraji Havlíčkův Brod. Mandát nabyl až dodatečně v prosinci 1953 jako náhradník poté, co rezignoval poslanec Václav Pavlíček. V parlamentu zasedal do konce funkčního období, tedy do voleb v roce 1954.

Odkazy

Reference

Externí odkazy
 Karel Mrázek v parlamentu

Čeští místní politici
Českoslovenští politici české národnosti
Poslanci československého Národního shromáždění
Členové KSČ
Narození v roce 1903
Narození 11. ledna
Osoby s nejistým datem úmrtí
Muži

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


This home, situated on a breathtaking 4.1-acre lot in Fairville, is priced at appraised value! This exquisite custom residence masterfully blends formal and informal spaces creating casual elegance at it's finest. Extraordinary craftsmanship and keen attention to detail is immediately evident upon entering this magnificent home. Gorgeous hardwood floors, elaborate moldings, and 9' ceilings set the stage for quality without compromise that is demonstrated throughout. The kitchen, with a spacious eating area and stone wall accents, is truly the heart of the home. Cooks will love the suite of stainless steel appliances, generously sized island, and abundant cabinet space. Spend time with family and friends in the inviting family room with stone fireplace and two sets of French doors that lead to the expansive patio with incredible sweeping views of the rear yard. Upstairs, the sprawling owner's suite is sure to impress. This restful retreat features vaulted ceiling, walk-in closet, sitting room with access to the roof deck, and an en-suite study. The sumptuous master bath boasts double vanity and large walk-in shower. Two additional bedrooms, full bath, and laundry room are also located on the upper level. Indeed, there is no lack of space in this home as it also includes a main level in-law suite, a finished lower level with powder room, and three car garage. Visitors to this home will be left in awe of its craftsmanship and design, a truly inspiring home with equally inspiring surroundings. *Stucco inspection has been completed by Environspec. All recommended repairs to be completed prior to settlement.


text:
package com.goldendance.client.course.history;

import android.net.Uri;
import android.os.Bundle;
import android.support.v4.app.FragmentTransaction;
import android.view.View;
import android.widget.TextView;

import com.goldendance.client.R;
import com.goldendance.client.base.BaseActivity;

public class CourseHistoryActivity extends BaseActivity implements CourseHistoryListFragment.OnFragmentInteractionListener {

    @Override
    public void initView(Bundle savedInstanceState) {
        setContentView(R.layout.activity_course_history);
        findViewById(R.id.ivBack).setOnClickListener(new View.OnClickListener() {
            @Override
            public void onClick(View v) {
                onBackPressed();
            }
        });
        ((TextView) findViewById(R.id.tvTitle)).setText("课程预约历史");

        CourseHistoryListFragment fragment = (CourseHistoryListFragment) getSupportFragmentManager().findFragmentById(R.id.flContent);
        if (fragment == null) {
            fragment = CourseHistoryListFragment.newInstance("", "");
            FragmentTransaction fragmentTransaction = getSupportFragmentManager().beginTransaction();
            fragmentTransaction.add(R.id.flContent, fragment);
            fragmentTransaction.commitAllowingStateLoss();
        }
    }

    @Override
    public void onFragmentInteraction(Uri uri) {

    }
}