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Class Mobility examines the difficulties that low-wage and middle-class Americans experience when trying to move up the economic ladder, and takes a close look at the roles race and geography play in mobility today. Features include a glossary, references, websites, source notes, and an index. Aligned to Common Core Standards and correlated to state standards. Essential Library is an imprint of Abdo Publishing, a division of ABDO.


This photograph was taken in Jan at Ranganthittu Bird Sanctuary.
While these spoonbills are quite a common sight here, as soon as i saw this particular bird emerge after a dip in the, i knew it was only a matter of seconds before it started ruffling. Harsh sunlight on the bird gave me the opportunity to expose for the whites on the bird and get a nice underexposed background.
Exif: Canon EOS 20D, Sigma 50-500mm, 1/1000sec, F7.1, ISO-200, Ev -1 , shot from a tourist filled moving boat. Converted to B&W using Photoshop CS3.
great timing for a great shot!
Angad, I think this is one of your best!
I like, I love this image, stunning beauty!
Wow I'm speechless in front of such a high standard and so well-done picture. I hope you will psot it to some competition! That's a plain fantastic shot Angad!


text:
A New Study Finds Youth Largely Underestimate The Risks Of Contracting STIs Through Oral Sex
Young people are largely unaware of the risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections, or STIs, through oral sex. That's the finding of our recent study, published in Annals of Family Medicine.
Research and education on oral sex are critical because it is a very common sexual practice. And many STIs are transmitted orally, including herpes, gonorrhea, chlamydia, syphilis, HIV and human papillomavirus (HPV).
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports that 85% of sexually active people ages 18 to 44 have engaged in oral sex at least once. A separate survey found that 41% of adolescents ages 15 to 19 reported having oral sex.
Historically, research on reducing STI transmission among young people has focused primarily on heterosexual vaginal intercourse rather than other forms of sexual activity, such as oral sex.
Increased use of protection like condoms or dental dams could lead to lower rates of STI transmission through oral sex. But many of the young people we surveyed indicated that they do not use protection.
An earlier study found that fewer than 10% of youth reported using protection during oral sex.
How we do our work
To conduct our study, we relied on a nationwide sample of over 1,000 adolescents and young adults ages 14 to 24. We polled young people using MyVoice, a texting-based polling system. Our team developed a set of four open-ended questions for youth about their sexual behavior and practices. For instance, they included questions such as how risky participants perceived oral sex without protection to be, and what might help people use protection during oral sex.
For the most part, young people in the study knew that STIs could be transmitted through oral sex. What many didn't fully understand, however, was exactly how risky it can be without protection. They often considered the act less risky than vaginal sex, with most ranking the risk associated with unprotected oral sex as "low" to "moderate." "You can't really get anything super harmful from it," one respondent wrote.
But they can. And many have.
Oral sex can transmit HPV. Infection with HPV has no cure. It is also a major risk factor for head, neck and cervical cancer later in life. Over the past 20 years, the rate of HPV-related head and neck cancers in America has skyrocketed – jumping from 20% to more than 70% of all diagnosed cases, outpacing even HPV-related cervical cancer.
An existing vaccine against HPV is effective against some strains of the virus. But vaccination rates against HPV are relatively low both in the U.S. and globally.
What still isn't known
Many study respondents pointed to a lack of comprehensive and inclusive sexual education as the reason young people don't use protection. Some were not hopeful about changing the behavior of young people. "I don't think anything could help, as using protection for oral sex is a bizarre concept towards most people."
Others suggested, however, that "normalizing the use of protection during oral sex in the media" would lead to more young people using dental dams and other barrier methods.
We don't yet know what works best to convey to youth the risk of unprotected oral sex. And researchers haven't determined which methods of STI prevention are most accessible and acceptable to young people.
Our study suggests that the most promising possibilities include comprehensive and inclusive sex education, available where young people can easily find it.
Tammy Chang, University of Michigan; Arianna Strome, University of Michigan Medical School, and N'dea Moore-Petinak, University of Michigan Medical School
Tammy Chang, Assistant Professor of Family Medicine, University of Michigan; Arianna Strome, Medical Student, University of Michigan Medical School, and N'dea Moore-Petinak, PhD Candidate in Health Services Organization & Policy, University of Michigan Medical School
Published in LGBTQ
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Ryan has touched the "third rail of politics" — entitlement programs for seniors — and you don't do that and survive. Only the severely deranged are prepared to consign the elderly to the economic dumpster or insure an earlier death because it cost a few bucks to keep them with us after they have served this society for most of their adult lives. Sorry don't need you anymore…good bye…and good riddance!
If Mitt Romney believes choosing Paul Ryan to be his Republican vice presidential nominee will distract from the national scrutiny on his wealth and taxes. Willard has got another thing coming.
Last week, Mitt Romney raised the curtain on his choice for running mate to an electorate that's been waiting for weeks with bated breath. Strangely enough, delighting liberals and conservatives alike, Romney ever so gently slid the silver slipper on to the wanting toes of the next failed vice presidential nominee of the United States America.
Conservative golden boy and Wisconsin representative, Paul Ryan. Considering Romney's announcement came just days after whining to Chuck Todd about Obama's biting, and as polls show, effective campaign ads, the timing of the disclosure reeks of desperation.
The Romney campaign has thrown everything it could think of against the wall in hopes something would stick and distract the nation from the increasingly rising voices asking questions about the candidate's tenure at Bain and his refusal to release more than two years of tax returns.
Initially there were a series of attack ads grossly taking the President's words out of context or simply outright lying. Then came the VP tango; stoking speculation of the names on the vice presidential short list. With Romney's precipitous slide in the polls and a failure to gain even modest traction on one of his core issues; Ryan became a polished bone tossed to divert the hordes of questioning press hounds.
Romney should have no illusions though. The VP distraction is political sugar and will be exceedingly short-lived. He seems to ignore the key point that his problem is not tactical. It's positional.
He's suffocating in the overarching and intersecting political narratives of the election; spearheaded from the top down by the Obama reelection campaign, and from the bottom up by the Occupy Wall Street movement.
Narrative one. The unscrupulous methods some people employ to attain wealth. For example the rubble Bain left in its wake pursuing profits.
Narrative two. The immense advantage of tax loopholes accessible only to the highest incomes.
Take Romney's offshore tax havens for example. Or being able to use his dancing horse Rafalca for a 77,000 dollar tax write off.
Narrative three. The inherent unfairness of the economic policies instituted over the past 20 years that favor the rich at the expense of the middle class; exacerbating an already pernicious wealth disparity. One overt example being Romney's 13.9 percent tax rate, while the rest of working America pays 35%.
Giving Ryan the nod is understandable. Romney endorsed Ryan's budget and Democrats were going to bind the two together regardless. Choosing him however only reinforces the above narratives.
Let's not forget; Ryan is the same congressman who's medicare dismantling budget inspired the infamous MoveOn.org attack ad whereby a distressed grandmother is rolled up a steep ravine and dumped over the edge like a sack of potatoes.
Dark humor and hyperbole notwithstanding, the ad's sharp teeth came from its kernel of truth juxtaposed against polls that consistently show the overwhelming majority of Americans, regardless of party, are opposed to cutting medicare.
Completely oblivious to the polls and having no detectable trace of a heart; Ryan's latest budget seeks to raise taxes on the poor and middle class while at the same time taking a hatchet to medicare, medicaid, social security, Pell grants, job training, and other low income programs under the guise of deficit reduction.
To add insult to injury, Romney has branded himself as a job creator, but the economic policy institute estimates the draconian austerity in his vice presidential nominee's budget would actually cost 4.1 million jobs.
Not to mention the budget is even a fraud in regards to its stated aim of deficit reduction. It actually adds 3.1 trillion dollars to the deficit. All the savings reaped from brazenly butchering programs used by middle and low-income Americans are squandered in giving nearly 5 trillion dollars in tax breaks to millionaires, billionaires, and corporations.
Romney has a problem. A significant problem. His near religious penchant for secrecy has nursed a political vacuum that has allowed the Obama campaign to invest millions in filling that expanse with their own character portrait of the "real" Mitt Romney. A grossly out of touch corporate raider with a soul as compassionate as an accounting ledger. A man so committed to profit at any cost, he licks his lips thinking up schemes to avoid taxes the way most people lick their lips thinking about a plate of smokehouse honey barbecue ribs.
This wasn't all the Obama campaign's narration. Romney himself has given this theme the legs of a marathon runner.
He considers corporations to be people, seems perfectly oblivious to the path of destruction wrought by Bain, and is on record calling a budget "marvelous" that the Catholic church has branded as "morally indefensible".
If Romney genuinely believes choosing the architect of that immoral budget for the vice presidency will in any substantive way change themes of this election; he really is out of touch.
President Obama and Mitt Romney's vice-presidential pick, Paul Ryan, have never seen eye to eye when it comes to policy, and now that the congressman from Wisconsin is on the GOP ticket, Mr. Obama is wasting no time in going after the Republicans' popular budget man.
Mr. Obama started off a three-day swing through Iowa by road-testing his attacks on Mr. Ryan, a familiar foe and ideological opposite with whom he has tangled repeatedly over the years.
During a stop in Council Bluffs on Monday, Mr. Obama accused Mr. Ryan of opposing a major farm bill working its way through Congress and added a line to his stump speech focused on casting Mr. Ryan as the ideological leader of his party.
With farmers feeling the economic pinch of a severe drought, Mr. Obama highlighted Mr. Ryan's recent vote to block the farm bill from advancing.
"I'm told Gov. Romney's new running mate might be around Iowa these next few days, and he's one of those leaders of Congress standing in the way," Mr. Obama said.
The people who manage money, Main Street's financial advisers, are overwhelmingly voting for Mitt Romney in this year's election — but are far less certain he will win, according to an online poll by the Financial Services Institute.
A word of advice: If you're announcing the most radical and reactionary Republican ticket in half a century, don't do it on a ship named for the birthplace of progressivism, to Aaron Copland's "Fanfare for the Common Man."Paul Ryan is neither "courageous" "bold" or "politically gutsy" but is a rightwing idealogue with almost zero regard for the common good or the nation's most vulnerable.
Ryan is the rare Washington pseudo-wonk described by serious people of both parties in the adulatory terms typically reserved for battlefield heroics. "Courageous." "Politically gutsy." Author of "the most comprehensive and most courageous budget reform proposal" — wait for it — "in our lifetimes." He is Jimmy Stewart, if Mr. Smith had spent less time establishing a boys' camp and more time pretending to pay down the debt, one food stamp at a time.
... however courageous you consider a congressman for actually revealing his policy preferences, Ryan's blueprint — now the blueprint for the entire Republican Party — is profoundly uncourageous in its implications for the vast majority of the country.
Ryan's claim to courage — beating up on the poor notwithstanding — lies in his supposed willingness to tackle tough fiscal issues without obfuscation or sugar-coating. This would be admirable – if it were not utter nonsense.
He preaches the need for austerity while refusing to touch defense spending.
He doesn't specify which tax loopholes would be eliminated to pay for massive tax cuts.
He voted against stimulus to help the whole country, but for the auto bailout to help his own congressional district.
Still, it's true that on pages 44-47 of Ryan's so-called "Path to Prosperity" plan, you can read exactly what he intends to do with Medicare. Pages 50-54 explain his plans for tax reform.
There are giant gimmicks and plenty is left unsaid, of course. But, yes, technically it is a plan, outlined in black and white and illustrated with colorful graphs and charts.
Is that courageous? Not on the level of, say, our returning veterans, for whom Ryan's budget would slash support by 13 percent. No, he is remarkable only because — unlike the man at the top of the ticket, who is a shameless cipher — Ryan isn't hiding the ball.
Instead, he's hitting struggling Americans in the face with it.
But however courageous you consider a congressman for actually revealing his policy preferences, Ryan's blueprint — now the blueprint for the entire Republican Party — is profoundly uncourageous in its implications for the vast majority of the country.
Under Ryan's plan, the wealthiest 1 percent would get a massive tax break.
Meanwhile, Medicare would be privatized, leaving seniors with vouchers that could never keep up with rising health-care costs. It would slash programs helping struggling families stay afloat, such as food stamps and housing assistance, by nearly a trillion dollars over the next decade. Education and employment training — vital to our nation's future — would be cut by a third.
Ryan, whose great-grandfather founded a large road construction company, would spend 25 percent less than President Obama rebuilding our deteriorating infrastructure.
And since gutting Medicaid and Medicare isn't enough, he would also repeal the president's health-care law, leaving tens of millions of people uninsured.
Recently, voters in focus groups refused to believe anyone would propose such a vicious plan.
Back when the GOP retained a modicum of humanity, even many Republicans were shocked by how far Ryan went. In polls, people of both parties recoil from his proposal to end Medicare as we know it.
It is a plan, as the recently departed Gore Vidal said of Ayn Rand's philosophy that so influenced Ryan, "nearly perfect in its immorality." Ryan's extremism bleeds into social issues.
He saluted the troops on the deck of the USS Wisconsin, but voted against repealing "Don't Ask, Don't Tell." He has repeatedly voted for defunding Planned Parenthood and letting hospitals refuse emergency abortion care, even when a mother's life is in danger.
The right to love whom you want or to make decisions about your own body are not, apparently, among the rights that Ryan believes "nature and God" gave us.
In short, beneath that Ken doll head of hair, behind the carefully cultivated image of a brave pseudo-policy wonk, lies a cruel ideologue. And it's Ryan's GOP now.
Paul Ryan was regarded as a bold pick to energize the Conservative base, but don't believe the hype. According to a report by Politico, the Paul Ryan pick has Republican operatives enraged and believing that Mitt Romney just cost Conservatives the White House. Not only that, by picking someone who's outspoken about ending Medicare as we know it, Republicans have put keeping and taking majorities in Congress in danger as well as Republican Members of Congress will be unable to run away from their Paul Ryan budget vote.
As one unnamed Republican source was quoted as saying, "This is the day the music died." Then again, $3 billion in outside corporate cash funneled in this election to defeat President Obama can certainly keep the music playing for a few more tracks.
And one more thing – a quick correction to yesterday's news, which cited numbers from the Economic Policy Institute that Paul Ryan's budget will kill more than 8 million jobs through 2014.
That actual number is more than 4 million – with the unemployment rate expected to rise to 11.9 percent if the Ryan plan is enacted. Still! – bad news for our economy.
A Top Authority On Poverty Has Changed His Mind About The Urgency Of Fighting Inequality.
Over his years in and out of government, Edelman has probably earned as much respect as anyone in our nation's public policy community. Back in 1996, he did something few high-ranking federal officials ever do. He resigned in protest when President Bill Clinton signed a law that Edelman could not support in good conscience.
Edelman, then an assistant secretary at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, publicly warned that the "welfare reform" that Clinton signed into law would be devastating for the nation's most vulnerable children.
He turned out to be right. The number of children living in deep poverty — kids in families making under half the official poverty threshold — rose 70 percent from 1995 to 2005, and 30 percent more by 2010.
America's elected leaders didn't listen to Edelman in 1996. Now they have another chance. Edelman, currently a co-director at the Georgetown University Law Center, has just released a new book — So Rich, So Poor — that aims "to look anew at why it is so hard to end American poverty."
You get the feeling from this candid new book that Edelman would be astonished if our elected leaders actually paid attention to his poverty-fighting prescriptions. So Rich, So Poor seems to address a different audience: the millions of decent Americans, from across the political spectrum, who share his outrage about our continuing deep poverty.
These Americans have a special reason for paying close attention to Edelman's new book. The author, one of the nation's most committed experts on poverty, has changed his mind — not about poverty and the poor, but about wealth and the rich.
"I used to believe," Edelman writes in his new book, "that the debate over wealth distribution should be conducted separately from the poverty debate, in order to minimize the attacks on antipoverty advocates for engaging in 'class warfare.' But now we literally cannot afford to separate the two issues."
Why? The "economic and political power of those at the top," Edelman explains, is "making it virtually impossible to find the resources to do more at the bottom."
Figuring out how we can achieve a more equal distribution of income and wealth has become, Edelman advises, "the 64-gazillion-dollar question."
"The only way we will improve the lot of the poor, stabilize the middle class, and protect our democracy," he notes, "is by requiring the rich to pay more of the cost of governing the country that enables their huge accretion of wealth."
What about those antipoverty activists and analysts who still yearn to keep poverty — the absence of wealth — separate from the concentration of wealth? Many of these folks, Edelman notes, argue that the rich as a group have no reason to oppose efforts to help end poverty.
Edelman's response? "More than anything else," he observes, the wealthy "want low taxes," and they know the taxes on their sky-high incomes will rise if government ever starts spending money to really help people in need.
"The wealth and income of the top 1 percent grows at the expense of everyone else," Edelman sums up in So Rich, So Poor. "Money breeds power, and power breeds more money. It is a truly vicious cycle."
Only average Americans have the wherewithal to end this cycle. Middle- and low-income Americans need to join in common cause. If they don't, Edelman bluntly adds, "we are cooked."
If two words can capture the extraordinary redistribution of wealth from workers to the wealthy over the past forty years, the flagrant shamelessness of contemporary conspicuous consumption, the privatization of what used to be public privileges and the wanton destruction of our atmosphere that is rapidly leading toward the extinction of nearly all non-human life on earth, all covered in a hypocritical pretense of pious environmental virtue ... those two words are Virgin Galactic.
Virgin Galactic, billionaire Richard Branson's space tourism venture, is charging $200,000 a seat for a few minutes of weightlessness and a view from outer space. The firm has so far taken in $70 million in deposits from 536 passengers, according to an August 1 report from Reuters.
Call me old-fashioned, but I personally find it morally offensive that some people can afford to spend $200,000 on a three-minute experience when others can't afford food.
Food first, luxury yachts second and $200,000 suborbital flights last. That's my motto.
The explosion in private wealth, however, means that more than a few people can afford those $200,000 flights. A study paid for by the Federal Aviation Administration (that is, by you and me) concluded that more than 1,000 people a year would likely purchase suborbital space tours.
The study projects that 80 percent of demand for suborbital flights would come from wealthy individuals interested in space tourism, while business, research and government together would account for just 20 percent.
Across the world there are now 11 million high-net-worth individuals each with over $1 million in liquid assets, according to consulting firm Capgemini.
There are also about 2.8 billion people living on less than $2 a day, according to the most recent United Nations Millennium Development Goals report.
"There are over 6 billion people on Earth. To be 1 of 6 astronauts in space looking down on them will be a very special thing."
At least it will be a very green special experience - or so claims Virgin Galactic. In various publications, they compare the carbon footprint of a space voyage roughly to that of a business-class flight from New York to London. Their best estimate is that each flight will generate roughly 0.8 tonnes of carbon dioxide emissions per passenger.
Of course, Virgin's New Mexico spaceport will be LEED (Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design) platinum certified by the US Green Building Council. That is to say, the desert lair that millionaires fly to in their personal jets in order to catch their personal space flights will have remarkably efficient heating and cooling systems. Three cheers for the environment.
Low carbon footprints and fancy environmental certifications are the latest vogue in environmental legerdemain. A tar sands oil refinery could get LEED certification if it had good insulation and waterless urinals.
It's true that the solid fuel rockets used by Virgin Galactic produce relatively little carbon dioxide. Instead of carbon dioxide, they produce black soot.
In the lower atmosphere, soot is washed to the ground when it rains. In the stratosphere, it accumulates.
The stratospheric soot associated with space tourism would have a global warming effect 140,000 times that of the associated carbon dioxide emissions, according to a simulation study published in Geophysical Review Letters.
A space tourism industry of 1000 flights per year "could increase polar surface temperatures by 1° Celsius and reduce polar sea ice by 5-15 percent," according to a summary of the study published in Nature.
Space used to be a shared endeavor. When Neil Armstrong took one small step for man, he took one giant leap for mankind. We might question the wisdom of accelerating global warming in order to explore the moon, but at least in some symbolic sense we did it together.
Now we can do it alone. In its online brochure, Virgin Galactic invites you to "see your world turn upside down."
"One of Virgin Galactic's primary objectives is to end the exclusivity that has been attached to manned space travel, by designing a vehicle which can fly almost anyone to space and back safely" for $200,000.
I think I've just seen my world turn upside down.
This crisis is not going away. Officially begun late in 2007, nearly five years later, no end is in sight. Trillions in government-funded bailouts and interventions failed to do the trick. The private sector's hyped resilience disappeared. "Recoveries" proved weak, uneven and short-lived. The president who rode the crisis into power risks being ridden out by its persistence.
It Is Difficult To Imagine And Impossible To Count All The Costs Of This Persistence.
Consider, just for examples, (1) damaged physical and mental health of the unemployed, (2) rising anxiety about increasingly insecure jobs and benefits, (3) strained and destroyed relationships, (4) interrupted or aborted educations and (5) lost skills and job connections. Consider, too, the gross inefficiencies (tens of millions of unemployed alongside trillions in unused raw materials, tools, equipment, offices, factories and stores; millions of empty homes alongside millions of people rendered homeless by the crisis).
Five major reasons shape this crisis's persistence.
First is the exhausted purchasing power of the US working class. Capitalist employers raised profits by replacing workers with computers since the 1970s and by relocating production jobs to lower wages abroad. Later, they likewise exported white-collar and service jobs.
The previous century's history of steadily rising real wages ended and thereby threatened the rising consumption which had created ever more jobs in capitalism's virtuous cycle.
Starting in the 1970s, that cycle turned and became vicious instead. Real wages stopped rising as jobs dried up. For a while, rising workers' debts papered over the vicious cycle.
But eventually, the combination of rising debts and stagnating wages exhausted the working class' purchasing power. Today, workers' real wages continue to stagnate or fall and they cannot sustain more debt.
Since big business, the banks, the Fed, Republicans and Democrats have done nothing to deal with the basic real wages problem in the US economy, the crisis persists.
Second, large nonfinancial corporations, in their competitive rush to low-wage investments in China and elsewhere, have created yet again excessive capacity to produce creating more pressure on already-depressed US workers' real wages.
They cannot sell all their automobiles, electronics, and so on. So, they reduce hiring - which only worsens their selling problems.
They accumulate hoards of cash for which they cannot find profitably productive outlets.
They blame politicians - yet, make sure those politicians say and do nothing about the wage problem or the irrationality and social irresponsibility of those corporation's self-defeating capacity-building investments. So, the crisis persists.
Third, large financial corporations took bailouts and used them to become even bigger than before 2007, to water down new regulations provoked by the crisis, to lend to over-indebted governments and to find new speculations.
Finance is riding a 40-year wave of growth as debts became the way workers, corporations and governments do most of their business (from buying groceries with credit cards to borrowing to pay for college to exploding national debts).
Financial companies handle all this debt (they issue the credit cards, buy the government debt etc.) and profit from every step in every loan and loan-based speculation.
Financial companies also collect the wealth concentrated in the top 1 percent and invest it for them.
They compete for those wealthy clients by promising ever better returns that require them to take rising risks.
That helped to generate the financial part of the current capitalist crisis. Nothing is being done to deal with the underlying problem of proliferating debt-dependence and its vast economic and social costs. Finance remains a major cause for crisis persistence.
Fourth, corruption and dysfunction, impossible to disentangle, afflict US politics more than ever.
They preclude any serious economic intervention other than massive bailouts for the well-connected (i.e. well-paying) big business patrons of politics. Thin rationales based on "trickle-down economics" cover those bailouts.
Endless "inducements, incentives, jaw-boning," and other appeals to big business (to hire, lend, invest, or otherwise stimulate the economy) sustain the fiction of government activity while business ignores, mocks or abuses them. The obvious alternatives - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's (FDR) creation of the Social Security, unemployment compensation and massive federal hiring systems during the last comparable capitalist crisis - are treated by political leaders as if they never happened.
These leaders offer no argument for rejecting an FDR-type alternative now - nor do they admit their policies' failures to end or reverse the crisis. So, the crisis persists.
Fifth, no domestic opposition nor external alternative model is sufficiently strong to compel or frighten political and business leaders to end or at least significantly reduce the mass burdens imposed by this crisis.
In the 1930s, FDR intervened in large part because of domestic pressures exerted by the intertwined forces of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, socialist and communist parties that had successfully organized millions into labor unions and many thousands into the parties' ranks.
The other cause of his interventions was fear concerning the USSR, a concrete alternative that avoided the Great Depression while "taking care" of its people in ways that attracted attention and support among US workers and intellectuals. After the World War, the business community led sustained campaigns to undo exactly those causes of FDR's interventions.
Big business mobilized its political allies and subordinates to encircle, intimidate and undermine the USSR militarily, to use anti-communism against the socialist and communist parties and to direct endless assaults against the legal protections and ideological supports for labor unions.
The success of those campaigns yields the current situation. No opposition yet exists (the Occupy movement is a first step) comparable to what was achieved in the 1930s and early 1940s.
Having first destroyed its working class' defensive organizations, US capitalism now can and does impose on that class the immense social costs of its latest extreme periodic convulsion. Hence, the crisis persists and becomes a central economic and political issue of our time.


text:
package org.elasticsearch.painless.ir;

import org.elasticsearch.painless.Location;
import org.elasticsearch.painless.phase.IRTreeVisitor;

/**
 * Represents a member field assignment on the main class.
 * The value to store is generated by the child node accessed
 * via {@link #getChildNode()}.
 */
public class StoreFieldMemberNode extends UnaryNode {

    /* ---- begin visitor ---- */

    @Override
    public <Scope> void visit(IRTreeVisitor<Scope> irTreeVisitor, Scope scope) {
        irTreeVisitor.visitStoreFieldMember(this, scope);
    }

    @Override
    public <Scope> void visitChildren(IRTreeVisitor<Scope> irTreeVisitor, Scope scope) {
        getChildNode().visit(irTreeVisitor, scope);
    }

    /* ---- end visitor ---- */

    public StoreFieldMemberNode(Location location) {
        super(location);
    }

}


text:
Q: Diff Between p[i] , i[p] and *(p+i) , *(i+p) in C/C++ I want to know the Difference between below four terms in C/C++:

*

*p[i]

*i[p]

**(p+i)

**(i+p)
Where p is Array, i is loop current index.

A: p[i] is equivalent to *(p+i), as per the standard definition.  Because addition is commutative, *(p+i) is the same as *(i+p).  And as per the rule previously stated, *(i+p) is equivalent to i[p].
So, they are all the same.
Note that this only applies to built-in operators (i.e. operators applied to built-in types). User defined operators (both [] and +) do not have to follow these rules.

A: *

*This accesses the (i + 1)-th element of an array pointed to by p.  This can either be a static array or a dynamic array - in either case, p points to the first element (0).

*This is a bad way to write the same thing and should never be used in real code.  It would result in treating i as a pointer to an array and p as an index.  Mathematically, it would work out to the be the same memory location, but as written, I would be surprised if it compiles (though, it does as shown in the example - but it is still a poor way to structure code as it goes against the normal convention).

*This is the same as #1

*Also the same as #1

You can see them all here

A: p[i] means you are access the i+1 th element of the array p.
*(p+i) means you are defining a pointer *p, and accessing the contents of a memory location away from p by i times the size of the data that p points to.
(Again this means the same in case of array p[i], just adding the additional meaning to this when explicitly using pointer).
Assume that p is a pointer to int and that size of int is 4 bytes, then p+i points to a memory location x +4*i. where x is the memory location pointed to by p. Hence *(p+i) is used to access the contents of that memory location.
EDIT: and i[p] and*(i+p) is the same as p[i] (as I learnt just now) :)

A: You declare an Array arr[n],

*

*arr ---> base address of the array and n is the offset.

*arr[n] ---> accessing the nth element from the array or better n offset from the base address

**(arr + n) == *(n + arr) adding n offset to the base address to get the element.

*n[arr] == just another way of accessing the array , "associative property"

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


I DON'T know how many of these pupils of Form 3B of Nantwich and Acton Grammar School (forerunner of the current Malbank School) in Welsh Row are still with us, but they will be in the 80s now. It was taken in 1936.
But one of them, Mary Vitkovitch, who is standing on the far left of the second row. She was Mary Ellson then. Now living in Newark, Nottinghamshire, she lent the picture to Andrew Lamberton (one of the resident historians of this website) two years ago so that he could make a copy.
She had written to Andrew shortly after his book "Lost Houses in Nantwich" was published.
Back row, left to right: A. Brown, N.Mitchell, J.Jackson, C.Sutton, R.Cookson, K.Hassall, J.Ellson, P.Bradshaw, B.Clarke.
Second row: M.Ellson (that's Mary), H.Whitehouse, J.Clayton, B.Knowles, J.Adams, J.Moss, M.Maybury, D.Mulliner.
Third row: B.Harris, A.Wall, M.Purcell, S.Jones, Mr Johnson, M.Edwards, R.Norris, S.Alltree, S.Furber.
Front row: P.Burnett, C.Haighton, J.Vickers, J.Shenton, B.Wilson, R.Leedham.
FOOTNOTE (added May 10, 2010): Mary has contacted Andrew to say that the names of the pupils as she originally supplied them were reversed left to right. The names above are now in the right order and Mary is now listed correctly on the left of the second row from the back. But Andrew admits to wrongly spelling Mary's surname with an "r" (Virkovitch), for which he apologises.
MARY had contacted Andrew about The Hacienda and Shenton's Cottage in Marsh Lane, which was featured in "Lost Houses . . . ". She lent Andrew some pictures, which can be seen on this page.
ANOTHER letter from Mary about Richmond House, South Crofts, appears in the "Ask Andrew" feature.


text:
JASMINE RECORDS
I Want You To Be My Baby
Lillian Briggs
Easy Listening, Rock 'N' Roll
JASCD282
The first-ever CD release featuring the recordings of Lillian Briggs, who achieved superstar status at the dawn of the 50's rock era with a string of exciting singles, though she never got to make an album of her own. She was called "The High Priestess of Rock and Roll" and the press named her "Queen" at the same time that Elvis was "King," but in reality Briggs could sing it all - jive, bop, blues, rockabilly, ballads and swing. To top it all off, she could also play a mean trombone! With her platinum blonde hair, brassy personality and skin-tight gowns, the former laundry truck driver quickly became a top headliner throughout the world. Though best-remembered today for her biggest hit, the Jon Hendricks classic "I Want You To Be My Baby," this jam-packed 33-track Jasmine compilation offers ample proof that Lillian was no "one-hit wonder" and contains nearly all of her known commercial recordings.
I WANT YOU TO BE MY BABY (1955 Version)
DONT STAY AWAY TOO LONG
GIVE ME A BAND AND MY BABY
IT COULDVE BEEN ME
EDDIE, MY LOVE
THE TEENS IN JEANS FROM NEW ORLEANS
THE GYPSY GOOFED
MEAN WORDS
SUGAR BLUES
BOOGIE BLUES
SHE SELLS SEASHELLS
WILL WE MEET AGAIN
HEY! BA-BA-RE-BOP
IVE GOT YOUR HEART
RAG MOP
SMILE FOR THE PEOPLE
IS THERE A MAN IN THE HOUSE?
HOORAY FOR THE ROCK
DIDDY BOPPERS
NOT A SOUL (Blanket Roll Blues)
I CARE FOR YOU
THATS WHAT ITS LIKE TO BE LONESOME
IM BURNING FOR YOU


Now you can download full The Profane Exhibit in best look with duration 120 Min and was published in 2013-01-01 and MPAA rating is 0.
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Held under the theme "The Tipping Point: Sustained stability in the next economy," the 13th UNEP Finance Initiative Global Roundtable took place from 19-20 October in Washington DC.
The biennial, high-level conference attracted a select group of 600 plus sustainable finance and responsible investment leaders and thinkers for an intensive, two-day dialogue that cast a spotlight on the global sustainable development agenda from the perspective of the financial sector players.
IHRB Chair Mary Robinson introduced the fifth cross-cutting session, in which she focused on moving from an approach of blaming and shaming to embracing the 'knowing and showing' ethos inherent to the corporate responsibility to respect under the UN Guiding Principles on Business & Human Rights.


text:
Assistant or Associate Teaching Professor of Writing Studies
Salary is commensurate with education, experience,
JPF01416
Lecturer/instructor, Professor, Assistant, Professor, Associate
Composition and rhetoric
The Department of Global Arts, Media, and Writing Studies seeks candidates for an Assistant Teaching Professor (tenure-track) or Associate Teaching Professor (with tenure) position. Successful candidates will have demonstrated distinction in teaching and scholarly/creative activities in practice, theory, or pedagogy of rhetoric and composition/writing studies at a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI) and/or Minority Serving Institution (MSI). Assigned teaching for this position will largely be in 1st-year writing, so demonstrated excellence in this area is imperative. Candidates with additional experience effectively teaching professional/technical writing are particularly encouraged to apply.
Minimum requirements: to be considered, candidates must 1) terminal degree with expertise in rhetoric or composition/writing studies (or relevant related field); and, 2) evidence of teaching excellence with experience at a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI) and/or Minority Serving Institution (MSI).
Preferred requirements: Experience teaching both first year writing and professional or technical writing, with evidence of exemplary pedagogical practice.
The teaching professor series is primarily evaluated based on teaching excellence. Successful candidates in this search will be able to demonstrate superlative performance in this area, beyond mere numbers from student evaluations. The required teaching statement should reference this evidence of excellence and elaborate on its meaning.
UC Merced is a Hispanic‐Serving Institution with a high proportion of first‐in‐family undergraduate students. We welcome candidates who understand the barriers facing people historically and currently underrepresented in higher education, who have experience teaching and mentoring students from a wide range of backgrounds, and who are committed to building an equitable and diverse scholarly environment.
The anticipated start date for this position is July 1, 2023.
Salary is commensurate with education, experience, and UC academic salary scales.
Applications must be submitted online. Completed applications must be received no later than November 1, 2022, in order to be considered. Interested applicants are required to submit 1.) a cover letter; 2.) curriculum vitae; 3.) a contributions to diversity statement; 4.) a teaching statement that demonstrates pedagogical philosophy and practice 5.) evidence of teaching excellence; 6.) a statement regarding scholarly or creative professional activity with relevant service noted as well; 7.) at least one writing sample; 8.) a list of references with contact information including mailing address, phone number and e-mail address.
The contributions to diversity statement should describe your past experience, activities and future plans to advance diversity, equity and inclusion, in alignment with UC Merced's mission to reflect the diversity of California and to meet the educational needs and interests of its diverse population. Some faculty candidates may not have substantial past activities. If that is the case, we recommend focusing on future plans in your statement. A more developed and substantial plan is expected for senior candidates. For additional information on what should be included on your Diversity Statement, please visit http://facultyexcellence.ucsd.edu/c2d/index.html#Are-there-any-guidelines-for-wr.
Applicants for the Assistant Teaching Professor level should include a list of three references and be prepared to produce three letters of reference to be submitted online. Once the search committee has determined the short list of candidates, the search committee chair will request letters of recommendation at that time.
Applicants for the Associate Teaching Professor level should include a list of three references with their applications; letters of reference are not required at this time. Once the search committee has determined the short list of candidates, the search committee chair will request letters of recommendation at that time.
For additional information, please contact Eileen Camfield at ecamfield@ucmerced.edu.
Applicants will be notified when the final candidate has been selected.
As a condition of employment, you will be required to comply with the University of California SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) Vaccination Program Policy: https://policy.ucop.edu/doc/5000695/SARS-CoV-2_Covid-19. All Covered Individuals under the policy must provide proof of Full Vaccination or, if applicable, submit a request for Exception (based on Medical Exemption, Disability, and/or Religious Objection) or Deferral (based on pregnancy) no later than the applicable deadline. New University of California employees should refer to Appendix F, Section II.C. of the policy for applicable deadlines. (Capitalized terms in this paragraph are defined in the policy.) Federal, state, or local public health directives may impose additional requirements.
The University of California is an Equal Employment Opportunity/Affirmative Action employer and invites applications from all qualified applicants, including women, minorities, veterans, and individual with disabilities, who will enrich the teaching, research and public service missions of the university. All qualified applicants will be considered for employment without regard to race, color, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, national origin, disability, age or protected veteran status. For the complete University of California nondiscrimination and affirmative action policy, see: UC Nondiscrimination & Affirmative Action Policy (https://policy.ucop.edu/doc/4000376/DiscHarassAffirmAction).
The University of California, Merced, is the newest of the University of California system's 10 campuses. With over 9,000 undergraduate and graduate students (https://www.ucmerced.edu/fast-facts), UC Merced provides outstanding educational opportunities to highly qualified students from the heart of California, the nation, and abroad. The campus has special connections to nearby Yosemite National Park; is on the cutting edge of sustainability in construction and design; and supports the economic development of Central California. The Merced 2020 Project doubled the physical capacity of the campus, and enhanced academic distinction, student success, and research excellence (https://merced2020.ucmerced.edu/).
UC Merced is a smoke & tobacco free campus (https://smokefree.ucmerced.edu/).
To apply, please visit our website at: https://aprecruit.ucmerced.edu/JPF01416
Similar searches: Full-time, Composition and rhetoric, 4-year college or university, Lecturer/instructor, English, California, Professor, Assistant, Professor, Associate
Visiting Assistant Professor of English
UMBC English Department
Full-Time Lecturer in English, Non-Tenure-Track
Department of English, University of Tennessee - Knoxville


I love these big cats, and it breaks my heart knowing lions face so many challenges-- interbreeding, loss of habitat, high cub mortality rates, human/wildlife conflict, and more. Lions are majestic animals. Each and every time I go to Africa (so far I'm at 7 trips, with my 8th coming up in December), I look forward to photographing and observing these beautiful cats.
Date Uploaded: Nov. 24, 2017, 11:53 p.m.


BusStop Mag: New Skatepark Coming to the Downtown/Springfield Area?
New Skatepark Coming to the Downtown/Springfield Area?
The McPhearson & Schell Park Concept shows a skate park, creek expansions, a play ground and a fountain.
Check out the full story at Urban Jacksonville Here.


He knew she would come, bright-eyed idealist that she was. She spent her days gallivanting with her mate, enjoying the bounty of life; not once did she look his way and why should she? Of low standing and scaly visage, crawling upon his belly, limbless— he was not much of a catch. But today his plan would be realized and his true and awful power revealed. With great effort he climbed into the Tree and waited. Nearer she came and had he had arms with which to grasp he would have pulled her to his cold chest and held her. Instead, he called out, beckoning her with sweet nothings and platitudes until she could barely see straight. He knew she could not—would not—ever fall for his syrupy nattering, which he would have loved to whisper into her lovely and soft-looking ear. He had worked on his discourse and by the dreamy look in her eyes had perfected his pitch; it was ever so difficult for him to enunciate the words properly. But as she reached into the Tree, he knew he had won. She took her prize; as she left he smiled, knowing that she had just placed the souls of many in his hands.
I have been away from the Līgo Haībun challenge for a while, but decided to tackle this photo. Click the photo to add yours.
Okay, first, I'm glad I wasn't the female there with this particular snake. I would so have grabbed the apple myself, speaking honestly here. Your words are as sinuous as the slithering snake. And to write it from the snake's (evil) perspective, clever indeed. A wonderfully enjoyable read for me. Your haiku adding perfectly the finishing touch! Extremely well done!
Wow. Very well done. Nice job.
All but one indeed! The snake's only doing what he knows best" Very well-written!
I agree with Penny when she refers to your sinuous language, like the slithering snake. Very nice. And your haiku follows seamlessly.
Hi kz–great to 'see' you 🙂 Glad you enjoyed this piece!