text:
Q: Why do I get a syntax error and unexpected EOF while looking for matching `"' error in my bash script? case in $angreifenQ
    j) enemieHealth=$(( $enemieHealth - $weaponDamage ));;
    n) echo "Du bist ein Franzose"
       echo "Warum spielst du eigentlich das Spiel?";;
esac

if $(( $enemieHealth <= 0 )); then
        echo "Der Gegner ist gestorben!"
elif $(( $enemieHealth > 0 )); then
        echo "Der Gegner hat noch ${enemieHealth} Leben!"
fi

Why do I get those errors?
./anfang.sh: line 125: unexpected EOF while looking for matching `"'
./anfang.sh: line 127: syntax error: unexpected end of file

A: I don't know which line your error message refers to, but as far as we can see there is no missing ". What you can try first is to correct above errors.
First, the right syntax for case should be:
case $angreifenQ in

not:
case in $angreifenQ

And to compare numbers, remove leading the $:
if (( $enemieHealth <= 0 ))
...
elif (( $enemieHealth > 0 ))

As suggested in comment, you should consider using shellcheck.net to report obvious errors in your script as missing opening or closing ".

A: The code you presented has several problems, starting with the misplacement of the in keyword first mentioned by @SLePort.  That bash is not reporting those to you is not explained by the code you presented, nor are the error messages you report actually seeing.
On the other hand, that you receive the error messages you report instead of ones I would expect from your code is consistent with there being an unmatched " character somewhere preceding what you presented, just as the first of your messages describes.  Indeed, I can obtain your messages by prefixing the code you present with a ".
More likely than a stray " by itself, however, is a quoted string from which you omitted the trailing ".  Look backward from the code you've presented to find such a thing.  If you've a text editor with syntax coloring for shell script then that might help speed your search.


text:
Triathlon News & Notes: Lionel Sanders Expecting Baby, Triathlete Mistakes Heart Attack, and More
The news from around the multisport world this week.
July 16, 2022 Sarah Wassner Flynn
Lionel Sanders celebrates at Indian Wells 70.3 Photo: Meg Oliphant/Getty Images for IRONMAN
SLT Games rakes in 21.7 million viewers
Coverage of Super League Triathlon (SLT)'s Arena Games garnered a viewership of 21.7 million people, according to the event organizer. Dubbed as the first-ever esports world championship for triathlon, coverage for the series—which took place in Munich, London, and Singapore in April and May—aired in 136 countries, with most of the viewership coming from Europe and North America. The numbers are a promising sign for SLT, which aims to make triathlon a spectator sport via its unique super-sprint format in various stages featuring athletes riding on trainers and running on treadmills. Missed the live coverage? The events can still be viewed on Outside Watch.
PTO inks coverage deal with Warner Bros. Discovery
In another boon for triathlon TV coverage, the Professional Triathletes Organization (PTO) has secured an agreement with Warner Bros. Discovery. In a three-year partnership, Warner Bros. will broadcast live and on-demand coverage of the PTO Tour in 50 territories across Europe. The union builds on Warner Bros. Discovery broadcast of last year's Collins Cup, which reached a live and on-demand TV audience in more than 175 territories. In this piece, Alex Payne, the host of the PTO coverage, talks about his role and plans for elevating coverage and storytelling in the sport.
WATCH: You can also catch all PTO races on Outside Watch
Ashley Paulson wins Badwater 135
Pro triathlete Ashley Paulson was the first female and third person overall to cross the line of the Badwater 135, considered one of the toughest ultra runs in the world. Paulson covered the 135 miles (which included a 14,000 foot climb up Mt. Whitney in temperatures exceeding 100 degrees) in 24 hours, 9 minutes, and 34 seconds, setting a course record for women. The St. George, Utah-based mother of four, 40, is a prolific racer. She has run 98 marathons and completed her 27th Ironman race in Texas last April (finishing 19th among pro women) after winning the Florida Double Anvil Triathlon–a 4.6-mile swim, 224-mile bike, and 52.4 mile run–a few weeks prior. Paulson previously served a doping sanction for ostarine, which was believed to have come from a contaminated supplement.
Lenoir-Rhyne University taps Harley Nunan as triathlon coach
Harley Nunan has been tapped to head the men's and women's triathlon program at Lenoir-Rhyne University. Nunan, who previously worked as the coaching education manager for USA Triathlon, where she coordinated education clinics and developed curriculum for coaches, comes to the Hickory, North Carolina school with a wealth of coaching experience including a stint at Newberry College. Lenoir Rhyne, a private NCAA Division II school, is one of the several colleges to recently add triathlon to its suite of sports programs.
RELATED: Triathlon Hits Mark to Become Next NCAA Sport
Sam Long headed to Alpe d'Huez triathlon
Continuing on his self-dubbed "Euro Tour," American pro Sam Long announced he will next race the notoriously tough Alpe d'Huez triathlon. The race, slated for July 28, features a 2.2 km in Lac du Verney, a brutal 118 km bike course up Alpe d'Huez, and a 20km run, all at 1,800 meters. Long will face competition, including 2021 duathlon world champ Nathan Guerbeur and 2019 Alpe d'Huez champ Guillaume Romain, both of France.
Lionel Sanders, wife Erin, expecting a baby
Canadian pro Lionel Sanders and his wife, Erin, announced that they are expecting a baby in the fall. "I'm quite nervous about it. I'm going to have to start reading here real soon," he said in a YouTube video, which features the 2022 Ironman Mont Tremblant 70.3 winner during a recent track workout as well as a heartfelt montage of Erin's many appearances at Sander's races over the years. No word on the exact due date, or how close it will be to the Ironman World Championships in early October.
A post shared by Lionel Sanders (@lsanderstri)
iTri program featured on the Today Show
iTri, a program aimed at empowering middle school girls by training for a triathlon, was highlighted on the third hour of the Today Show on Friday morning. The piece includes an interview with iTri founder Theresa Roden, who launched the program 12 years ago and has since overseen some 1,000 girls in and around the Sag Harbor, New York area train for and complete a triathlon. "I just thought, 'Gosh if we could empower girls at this age and give them all the tools and training and the love and support necessary to do a really big goal like doing a triathlon, giving them the confidence to set a big goal and achieving that, it can change everything,'" Roden said.
Triathlete mistakes heart attack for a snug sports bra
A 35-year-old New Zealand triathlete who simply thought her sports bra was too tight eventually found out that the constricting feeling was actually a heart attack. Back in 2016, Anna Cupples, a 7-time Ironman finisher and a world championship qualifier, was playing ultimate frisbee when she began to feel tightness around her sports bra. After initially disregarding the discomfort, she eventually went to the hospital only to find out that she had suffered a spontaneous coronary artery dissection, or SCAD, which occurs when a blood vessel in the heart tears and can cause a heart attack, which is what happened to her. Cupples, who recovered and went on to marry and have a baby, shared her story as a cautionary tale, especially for those who are uber fit. "No matter who you are," she said. "Don't ignore chest pain."
RELATED: Do Triathletes Need to Worry About Heart Attacks?
The Triathlete Hour welcomes 70.3 North American champ Jackie Hering, who chats about her rise in the sport, balancing her career while raising two young children, racing on Zwift, and being an excellent snowshoe runner, to boot.
Paula and Eric of That Triathlon Life answer listener questions, including tips on creating a Strava segment, faster descents, and more.
The IronWomen hosts discuss last weekend's racing, including a FKT triumph for Alyssa and a runner-up spot at Clash Watkins Glen for Haley.
World Triathlon Podcast brings on James Riddle, a promising South African who competes on the WTCS circuit.
Greg Bennett chats with renowned running coach Bobby McGee, who currently works with stars of the sport including Taylor Knibb, Flora Duffy, and Kirsten Kasper.
ProTriNews chats about WTCS Hamburg, Ironman Vitoria, Clash Watkins Glen, and Oregon 70.3, and then offers a preview of PTO Canada Open.
MXEndurance podcast analyzes whether Magnus Ditlev's performance at Challenge Roth was one of the greatest-ever performances by a male, plus other news from around the triathlon world.
Get all the latest triathlon news in your inbox twice/week. Sign up for the Triathlete email newsletter.
Triathlon News & Notes: Ironman Wales Carries on, Michellie Jones Coaches, Heart-Stopping Recovery, and More
Triathlon News & Notes: Triathlete Hit & Run, an Olympic Curler Takes on Tri, World Triathlon Champs Dates Set, and More
Triathlon News & Notes: A 70.3 at Penn State, Global Triathlon Awards, Tragedy in Georgia, and More

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Does your pool need to be protected, but with all the possibilities the market offers you do not know which to choose ? In this section, we will help you see more clearly the difference between a pool cover and a pool enclosure !
A simple cover is a wise choice to help protect the water in your pool. This also means that you do not waste any more time fooling around to clean the water in your pool, and this is important! From an economic point of view, a cover does the work, it makes it safe and protect it for less money than a pool enclosure, but will also offer less possibilities of use.
In fact a pool cover will save you money when it comes to maintenance products! However, the pool cover can be difficult to extend and fold. You will probably have to buy a reel to make it easier to handle.
Of course, the life of a pool cover is less compared to a pool enclosure ! If you opt for the pool cover, you can choose between a winter, bar or automatic cover!
As per aesthetics, a pool enclosure is very nice. In fact, the landscape will not fade, on the contrary, it will participate in the personalization of its external environment. On the other hand, the greenhouse effect allows you to heat the water (+6/8°) in your pool and perfectly isolates it from the lowest temperatures. You can extend baths and moments of relaxation much more easily inside your swimming pool.
In general, the budget for a pool enclosure is higher than for a pool cover. The cover allows a different use of your swimming pool throughout the year and protects it more efficiently from bad weather and pollution.
The choice will depend on your preferences, your budget and the use you want to make of your pool!


Sunday morning after having landed in Rome's Ciampino Airport the evening of Saturday, May 13, 2017, Pope Francis traveled to the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore to offer thanks for the success of his two-day Apostolic Pilgrimage to Fatima, for the Centenary of the Marian Apparitions. During his visit, he canonized the two little visionaries, Jacinta and Francisco Marto.
According to a note from the Holy See Press Office, yesterday morning, which marked Mothers' Day, the Holy Father made his usual detour to go to the Marian Basilica.
The Holy Father always venerates the icon before and after his international apostolic trips.


Fascists, Nazis and Alt Right are a few now familiar terms attached to supporters of far right totalitarianism. Those involved sometimes claim the three are unrelated due to isolated differences of detail or policy. In reality the 'thinking', the prejudices and the bulk of the hateful policies all fit well under the same authoritarian label of fascism.
Fascists, (such as those found in 20th Century Nazism, Spain and Abyssinia, or in the United States in the early 21st Century), agitate for racial supremacy, racism, forced labour and genocide as matters of policy. In Nazi Germany they slaughtered the Socialists.
To compare the hate politics of fascism to those described by fascists as 'the Left' or the recently invented 'Alt-Left' is absurd. People protecting Human Rights, calling for Fair Pay or protesting cuts to education are the type of people who worked to deliver most of the human and civic rights many benefit from. Employment rights, holidays, pensions and universal health care are what 'the Left' campaign for. To try to bundle 'the Left' or all 'liberals' as violent agitators is to mark yourself as at best ill-informed.
The emptiness of fascist ideology can be laid bare on many levels, as it essentially involves becoming servile and brutalised. One example of the internal contradictions involved sees fascists continue to use the very employment rights, holiday entitlements, pensions and universal healthcare they seek to tear down.
If you are assaulted by Nazis or other extremists under any normal circumstances you can protect yourself using the minimum force necessary. Beyond that lashing out in retaliation, matching extremist aggression or turning vigilante takes us right back in the direction of becoming locked into conflict.
The White Rose Movement's rebellion inside Nazi Germany (1942-1943) began when people started to received pamphlets in the mail, which were then copied and distributed around Germany. At the same time graffiti began to appear on buildings and across roads, using large lettering to calling for an end to the regime and for freedom.
"But our present "state" is the dictatorship of evil. "Oh, we've known that for a long time," I hear you object, "and it isn't necessary to bring that to our attention again." But, I ask you, if you know that, why do you not bestir yourselves, why do you allow these men who are in power to rob you step by step, openly and in secret, of one domain of your rights after another, until one day nothing, nothing at all will be left but a mechanized state system presided over by criminals and drunks? Is your spirit already so crushed by abuse that you forget it is your right - or rather, your moral duty - to eliminate this system? But if a man no longer can summon the strength to demand his right, then it is absolutely certain that he will perish. We would deserve to be dispersed through the earth like dust before the wind if we do not muster our powers at this late hour and finally find the courage which up to now we have lacked. Do not hide your cowardice behind a cloak of expediency, for with every new day that you hesitate, failing to oppose this offspring of Hell, your guilt, as in a parabolic curve, grows higher and higher.
Clearly, despite the regime and the extreme risks, the White Rose Movement was settled on non-violent protest. We can to try to understand why they thought that way by considering how close they were to the obscene injustices they fought against. Under such circumstances they more than most would, perhaps, have been aware of the loss of authentic resistance involved in rushing to adopt the aggressive tactics of the dictatorship they challenged.
Put another way, whatever else was in the minds of the White Rose Movement it appears being in such close proximity to the terrors of totalitarianism did not encourage them to endorse or carry out violence. Sabotage against the Nazi war effort is proposed and under the circumstances this is hardly surprising, but this was to be conducted as a passive resistance.
Sabotage is a very broad term applied to situations from sabotaging a career through to destroying a bridge. In the extreme circumstances of Nazi Germany industrial sabotage certainly seems justified in terms of the nature of the regime and the impacts of the war effort.
Nevertheless, most forms of damaging or disruptive sabotage have the potential to either run out of control or to be easily brought under control. And, ultimately, as acts of disruption if not destruction, feed into the standard antagonistic interplay fostering only division.
Consequently, while a display or demonstration can make less of an immediate splash than a more dramatic act of direct defiance, a piece of street art with a bold, thought-provoking message is much more likely to step outside the adversarial and to be remembered or thought remarkable to all concerned.
Does your party or group back anti-Nazi policies?
Concentrating spending on science, education, health and transport.
Employing sensible immigration to boost aging populations.
Looking to work with those of different opinions.
Encouraging businesses to pay employees a genuinely Living Wage.
Inviting more women and young people to take part in politics.
Speaking out against war and weapons of mass destruction.
Supporting broadly appealing sensible legislation.
Seeking legislation against domestic violence.
Working in close economic and social co-operation with other nations.
If you vote or voted for the parties of the extreme right in the US or any of Britain's nations . . . I do understand the sense of frustration against the system as it is. And I get the need for change.
What I cannot understand is why you would believe that doubling down on inequality could help to solve anyone's problems. And why you would get up and go to the trouble of voting for anyone who boasts about violent assault on women, taunts the disabled or hates on child refugees.
The fact of the matter is the far right candidates' racism and aggression weren't deal breakers for you. Somehow you told yourself attacking the poor and the disadvantaged would let you 'take back control' - in return for discarding democracy and pursuing freedom.
So don't tell me to mend fences when you mean normalise bullying. And don't tell me elections fought on lies and racism are democratic, simply because you claim to have 'won'.
But do feel ashamed for the consequences of your actions. For the lives lost and the wasted opportunities resulting from choosing to support white supremacists and misogynists.
Perhaps the worst part of all this is the way you've discarded the high values and principles you so often talk about, and torpedoed your kids' futures, for nothing you can actually point to.
Become quick and effective at reporting, recording and escaping incidents, including knowing routes out when you go in.
Let extremist troublemakers know they are being logged and recorded.
Get hold of protective clothing and a personal alarm.
If you feel you have to break something don't pick a person.
Inform, talk and co-operate with legitimate law enforcement.
Meet hostility with f2f Like Attacks in the form of a 'gift'; qualifying statement identifying common ground; or a positive performance put to political 'opponents'.
Meet online hostility with decorative Like Attacks, e.g. put positive memes and counter-narratives into negative feeds or hold a solutions-focused discussion on a negative page.
Opt for banners and tops carrying messages instead of insults.
Share snacks, photos and greetings across lines when possible.
Train to get out of trouble, e.g. Parkour or Judo.
Use performance and music to change the atmosphere/ uplift.
Use technology to track and share awareness of how a situation is developing.
Ideally we don't let things get to the stage where confrontation escalates and part of doing so involves effective communication of ideas and understandings, which is only going to happen if we 'tell it how it is' and get to work on building mutual understandings.


text:
Mayans MC Muy Auténtico
You are about to get FX's new television show, Mayans MC, shoved down your throat for at least the next month. Whether you like it or not.
Harley-Davidson thinks the era of the motorcycle outlaw is over. Television executives and similar vultures think there is still some good meat left on them bones.
Undomesticated bad men on big, loud scooters, occasionally real but mostly imagined, have been a mirror America has been staring into for the last 71 years. Motorcycle outlaws have by turns been juvenile delinquents; haunted war heroes on Army surplus bikes; the killers who would conquer America as they had conquered Europe; victims of McCarthyism; marauding packs of gang rapists; good drug dealers; the new cowboys; banal and mundane; good hippies; Satanists; bad hippies; baby killers; philanthropists; bad drug dealers; racketeers; the Mafia on wheels; mom and dad; the greatest tee-shirt collectors ever; grandma and grandpa; Hamlet; and now young, hip, angry, hyper violent Latin consumers. Well, maybe Latino.
"Yes sir," the prospect replies. Not, "Yes, patch holder." But "Yes sir." Like the Army.
Sons of Anarchy, Kurt Sutter's previous biker melodrama, was enormously authentic. Ask anybody. Ask the producers. Sons of Anarchy was as close to reality as you could get without actually joining a club yourself. A recurring story line in that long running and beloved show was that there was such a shortage of guns in California that a motorcycle club got into the business of importing them from Ireland. Not Arizona. Ireland. And that show's apologists defended that artistic choice because what else could a biker show be about? What would be the point of looking at a dozen or so RICO indictments for background and story ideas?
Now the drums tattoo and the pipes blare and the lassies jig in eager anticipation of the debut next week of Mayans MC. Who knows what the future may bring? Bikers who import guns from Ireland through Mexico? Bikers who work for narcos trafficante who wear Italian suits? Bikers who sucker punch civilians at punk concerts?
The "co-creator" of the new show is Elgin James. James was previously described as "mixed race" but is now generally regarded to be a "young Latino filmmaker." He was raised by "civil rights activists" on a farm. He says his father beat him.
"I'd grown up terrified of the world,' he told The New Yorker. "Nights spent curled in a ball trying to disappear in the crack between my bed and the wall while my mother screamed for my father to stop. The worst thing about a 7-year-old being punched by a grown man is that you become emotionally frozen at that age."
He became a vegetarian when he was 11-years-old. He introspected on the quads of Antioch College where he got into a "gang fight" and suffered "brain damage." He moved to Boston where he started a gang called "Fuck Shit Up." They rat packed and sucker punched random victims at punk concerts. They did it as a business. Bands and promoters paid them to stay away.
What we lacked in numbers we made up for in viciousness," James later said. He told Debbie Catalano of Soundcheck Magazine, "The founding core of FSU eventually splintered, with a large section moving on to motorcycle gangs like the Outlaws and later the Mongols."
So there is the biker connection.
Beatdowns
FSU even got its own Gangland episode (below). James became a film maker by video recording some of the beatings and some of the music and releasing the footage as Boston Beat Down and Boston Beat Down II.
He wrote and directed a film called Little Birds in 2009. It is about a couple of girls who run away from home with their skateboards. Sundance loved it. The same year James was convicted of trying to extort a musician and did a year in jail. Ex-convict? Check!
James seems to have been included in Mayans MC because a recurring theme in all his work is over the top violence. He told Variety earlier this month that the artist inside him drinks from the well of "his traumatic upbringing." All those vegetables. So many vegetables.
"I do know that I have these stories that I have to tell," James said. "I have this damage inside me that I have to get out. And I don't want any nice people who are worried about what I'm going to do for society to tell me I can't tell my story."
Officially James is on the show because he is Latino or half-Latin or something like that. Two years ago, when FX suggested Sutter collaborate with James on Mayans MC Sutter said it was his decision to recruit James. "I was very aware that a white guy from Jersey shouldn't be writing a show solely that takes place in a Latino subculture and it's not because it wasn't politically correct," he said. "It was about what made the most sense creatively."
Today an online magazine called CinemaBlend reported that the new show is important to James – maybe he pronounces it Ha-mez – "simply for allowing the Latino community to have a voice, both on screen and behind the scenes."
"Ever since I was a kid," James told CinemaBlend, "I've watched black and brown characters on television who just become these criminals, these one-dimensional characters. A lot of the people on Mayans, behind the camera and in front of the camera, grew up in the cycle of poverty and violence and incarceration — I know that I did. This is the first time we get to tell our own stories from inside out, which is incredibly important to me. The first time we get to put a human face to it. I do know that I have these stories I have to tell. I have this damage inside me that I have to get out."
Eager for more? Open wide! Whether you like it or not.


a follower of the Prophet イスラム教徒.
⇒Major Prophets 1, Minor Prophets 1.
a prophet of doom 凶事の予言者, 悪いことばかり予想する人.
予言者;[the Prophets;複数扱い](旧約聖書の)預言者[書];[the P〜] 預言者《イスラム教ではムハンマド(Muhammad);モルモン教では Joseph Smith を指す》.
From Middle English prophete, from 古期英語 propheta, from Latin prophēta (later reinforced in English by Anglo-Norman prophete), from Ancient Greek προφήτης (prophḗtēs, "one who speaks for a god"), from πρό (pró, "before") + φημί (phēmí, "I tell").
Someone who speaks by divine inspiration.
Muslims believe that Muhammad was the final prophet sent to mankind.
Someone who predicts the future; a soothsayer.
In religion, a prophet, from the Greek word προφήτης profitis meaning "foreteller", is an individual who is claimed to have been contacted by the supernatural or the divine, and serves as an intermediary with humanity, delivering this newfound knowledge from the supernatural entity to other people. The message that the prophet conveys is called a prophecy.


text:
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Steph Price
stephanie.price@victoriansocialists.org.au
I believe that change is best won by workers and ordinary people fighting for it at the grassroots level, and I am proud to have played a part in this.
I'm proud to be the Preston candidate for Victorian Socialists. I live in Reservoir with my partner, Louise, and our daughter. I work as a community lawyer, mostly helping tenants stand up to their landlords. Too many landlords think that safe and habitable housing is a luxury their tenants don't deserve. I meet people every day who are struggling to find and keep decent housing, despite living in one of the world's wealthiest societies.
I have been involved in campaigning to defend and extend public housing. As a member of the Public Housing Defence Network, I helped organise resistance to the government's public housing privatisation plans in Darebin, and across Melbourne. We desperately need more public housing and to urgently improve the housing conditions of thousands of public tenants living in unsafe and decaying buildings. Yet all the state government has to offer is a housing plan that's dictated by market forces and developer demands.
I am also a unionist, and have been involved in strikes for higher pay and equal pay in the community sector. I believe that change is best won by workers and ordinary people fighting for it at the grassroots level, and I am proud to have played a part in this.
I believe the corporate interests that dominate our society, including most political parties, only make life worse – whether through the destruction of community treasures like the Preston Market, the prioritisation of profit-making over basic public-health measures to combat Covid-19, or the constant erosion of working conditions and social services. Victorian Socialists will be a voice for workers and ordinary people against corporations and the politicians who kowtow to them. We'd love you to join us and get involved!
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A popular story about how coffee was discovered is that a goatherd in Ethiopia noticed his goats eating beans from a particular tree, after which they got more energetic than usual. He tried them as well, and found that they made HIM more energetic too!
• Avoided disposal of packaging materials.
Food manufacturers are constantly searching for ways to tout their products and services.


text:
glitter ballet flats size 6
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Bollywood Fitness: Family-friendly Bollywood workout classes, open to all. Sundays, 4-5 p.m. Joan Pisani Community Center, 19655 Allendale Ave., Saratoga. Free. RSVP is required to tinyurl.com/saratogaclass. Newcomers and Friends: A women's social club with the purpose of developing friendships through monthly social events and activities. Open to women living in Los Gatos, Monte Sereno or Saratoga. Club coffees are held the last Thursday of each month at 10 a.m. Email newcomerslgmss@gmail.com for the location. newcomersoflosgatos.com.
Zelda Fitzgerald is the most recognizable name of the group, but most know her exclusively as the somewhat-crazed wraith from Hemingway's "A Moveable Feast." But before she was a Fitzgerald, she was Zelda Sayre, with a beauty and vivaciousness so powerful that when she showed up at a dance, all the other girls would give up and go home, After marrying Scott, she not only became his primary muse but the source of many of his most lingering descriptions of 1920s life: He regularly culled her journals, letters, and everyday conversation for the phrases that would gradually glitter ballet flats size 6 become the language with which we describe the '20s..
Znaider was just as appealing in his solo encore: the Sarabande from J.S. Bach's Partita No. 2 in D minor, played with a sublime combination of tensile strength and exquisite delicacy. After intermission, Deneve led the orchestra in the first San Francisco Symphony performance of Connesson's "A Glimmer in the Age of Darkness." Commissioned by the Royal Scottish National Orchestra as a celebration of its first season under Deneve, it was composed in 2005 and dedicated to the conductor.
"Before that, you would find clubs in churches, community centers and basements," he says, "But go to any high-tech company and you will see they have pingpong tables, and they're always glitter ballet flats size 6 packed.", "When I moved here, America was a Third World country for table tennis," says Feth, 30, who came to the United States in 2006 and became coach of the American team two years ago, "The reason I moved here was because I felt there was potential in America, especially in the Bay Area."..
"Neither of us really likes debt," said Rosales' wife, Jill Rosales. "But to some degree in the United States, it's just a part of living here. There's some debt that you have to take on to get ahead.". The median income for a 30-something with a graduate degree is $70,000. This marks a decent jump from an inflation-adjusted salary of $66,921 in 1970, according to Georgetown figures. That said, a master's degree requires an average debt load of $41,400, according to the Education Department — in addition to the average of $27,300 borrowed separately for a bachelor's.
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text:
The 1992–1996 Afghan Civil War took place between 28 April 1992—the date a new interim Afghan government was supposed to replace the Republic of Afghanistan of President Mohammad Najibullah—and the Taliban's conquest of Kabul establishing the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan on 27 September 1996.

The war immediately followed the 1989-1992 civil war with the mujahideen victory and dissolution of the Republic of Afghanistan in April 1992. The Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and supported by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), refused to form a coalition government and tried to seize Kabul. On 25 April 1992 fighting broke out between three, and later five or six, mujahideen armies. Alliances between the combatants were transitory throughout the war.

The Taliban, a new militia formed with support from Pakistan and ISI, became dominant in 1995-96. It captured Kandahar in late-1994, Herat in 1995, Jalalabad in early-September 1996, and Kabul by late-September 1996. The Taliban fought the newly-formed Northern Alliance in the subsequent 1996-2001 civil war.

Kabul's population fell from two million to 500,000 during the 1992–1996 war; 500,000 fled during the first four months.

The Afghan Civil War of 1992-1996 was a period of intense conflict in Afghanistan that followed the collapse of the Soviet-backed government in 1992. The war was fought between different factions of Afghan society, including the Taliban, who rose to power during this period. The conflict was marked by widespread violence, including human rights abuses and war crimes, and caused significant humanitarian suffering.

One of the main causes of the Afghan Civil War was the collapse of the Soviet-backed government, which had been in power since the 1970s. As the Soviet Union dissolved in the early 1990s, the government in Afghanistan lost its main source of support, leading to political instability and economic collapse. This created an opportunity for various factions to seize power, leading to a power struggle that eventually turned violent.

Another factor that contributed to the conflict was the ethnic and religious diversity of Afghanistan. The country is home to several different ethnic groups, including Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras, as well as different religious groups such as Sunni and Shia Muslims. These divisions became increasingly prominent as different groups fought for power and control of territory.

The conflict also saw significant involvement from external actors, with different factions receiving support from foreign governments and groups. For example, the Taliban received support from Pakistan, while other factions received support from Iran and Russia. This external support prolonged the conflict and made it more difficult to resolve.

Overall, the Afghan Civil War of 1992-1996 was a period of intense conflict and suffering for the people of Afghanistan. The collapse of the Soviet-backed government, ethnic and religious divisions, and external involvement all contributed to the conflict. The legacy of this period of Afghan history continues to shape the country's politics and society today.

Sources:

 Rashid, A. (2000). Taliban: Islam, oil, and the new great game in Central Asia. I.B. Tauris.
 Rubin, B. R. (2002). The fragmentation of Afghanistan: State formation and collapse in the international system. Yale University Press.
 Marsden, P. (1998). The Taliban: war, religion and the new order in Afghanistan. Zed Books.

Background

The Republic of Afghanistan quickly collapsed in 1992 after the Russian Federation halted its support to it. On 16 April 1992 Afghan President Mohammad Najibullah stepped down and the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan was dissolved.

Several mujahideen parties started negotiations to form a national coalition government. But one group, the Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, presumably supported and directed by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), did not join the negotiations and announced to conquer Kabul alone. Hekmatyar moved his troops to Kabul, and was allowed into the town soon after 17 April. The other mujahideen groups also entered Kabul, on 24 April, to prevent Hekmatyar from taking over the city and the country. This ignited a civil war between five or six rival armies, most of them backed by foreign states. Several mujahideen groups proclaimed the establishment of the Islamic State of Afghanistan on 28 April 1992 with Sibghatullah Mojaddedi as acting President, but this never attained real authority over Afghanistan.

Outline of civil war (1992–96)

War over Kabul (28 April 1992–93)

Fighting and rivalry over Kabul had started on 25 April 1992, involving six armies: Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, Jamiat-e Islami, Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami, Ittehad-e Islami, Hezb-i Wahdat and Junbish-i Milli. Mujahideen warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin), after talks with mujahideen leader Ahmad Shah Massoud (Jamiat-e Islami) on 25 May 1992, was offered the position of prime minister in President Mujaddidi's – paralyzed – 'interim government'. But this agreement shattered already on 29 May when Mujaddidi accused Hekmatyar of having rockets fired at his plane returning from Islamabad.

By 30 May 1992, Jamiat-e Islami and Junbish-i Milli mujahideen forces were fighting against Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin again in southern Kabul. In May or early June, Hekmatyar started shelling all around Kabul, presumably with substantial support from the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Junbish-i Milli and Jamiat-e Islami in June shelled areas south of Kabul, Ittehad-e Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat were fighting each other in west Kabul. At the end of June 1992, Burhanuddin Rabbani took over the interim Presidency from Mujaddidi, as provided in the Peshawar Accords – a paralyzed 'interim government' though, right from its proclamation in April 1992.

In the rest of 1992, hundreds of rockets hit Kabul, thousands, mostly civilians, were killed, half a million people fled the city. In 1993, the rivalling militia factions continued their fights over Kabul, several cease-fires and peace accords failed.
According to Human Rights Watch, in the period 1992–95, five different mujahideen armies contributed to heavily damaging Kabul, though other analysts blame especially the Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin group.

War expanding (1994)
In January 1994, Dostum's Junbish-i Milli forces and Mazari's Hezb-i Wahdat joined sides with Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin. Fighting this year also broke out in the northern town of Mazar-i-Sharif. In November 1994, the new Deobandi jihadist militia known as Taliban conquered Kandahar city and by January 1995 they controlled 12 Afghan provinces.

War spreads throughout Afghanistan and the rise of the Taliban (1995–96)
In 1995, the civil war in Afghanistan raged between at least four parties: the Burhanuddin Rabbani 'interim government' with Ahmad Shah Massoud and his Jamiat-e Islami forces; the Taliban; Abdul Rashid Dostum with his Junbish-e Melli-ye Islami forces; and the Hezb-i Wahdat. The Taliban captured Ghazni (south of Kabul) and Maidan Wardak Province (west of Kabul) and in February approached Kabul. The Taliban then continued shelling Kabul and attacking Massoud's forces in Kabul.

In 1996, the Taliban grew stronger, as analysts say with decisive support from Pakistan. This induced some other warring factions to form new alliances, starting with the Burhanuddin Rabbani 'interim government' and Hekmatyar with his Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin in early March.
In July, a new government was formed by five factions: Rabbani's Jamiat-e Islami, the Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, Abdul Rasul Sayyaf's Ittehad-e Islami, the Harakat-i-Islami, and Hezb-i Wahdat's Akbari faction. Such alliances did not stop the advance and victories of the Taliban.
On 27 September 1996, the Taliban, took control of Kabul and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

Main participants

Islamic State of Afghanistan

Jamiat-e Islami
Jamiat-e Islami ('Islamic Society') was a political party of ethnic Tajiks, and included one of the strongest mujahideen  militias in Afghanistan since 1979. Its military wing was commanded by Ahmad Shah Massoud. During the Soviet–Afghan War, his role as a powerful mujahideen insurgent leader earned him the nickname of "Lion of Panjshir" () among his followers as he successfully resisted the Soviets from taking Panjshir Valley. In 1992 he signed the Peshawar Accord, a peace and power-sharing agreement, in the post-communist Islamic State of Afghanistan, and was so appointed as the Minister of Defense as well as the government's main military commander. His militia fought to defend the capital Kabul against militias led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and other warlords who were bombing the city—and eventually the Taliban, who started to lay siege to the capital in January 1995 after the city had seen fierce fighting with at least 60,000 civilians killed.

Hezb-e Islami Khalis
Hezb-e Islami Khalis was an Afghan political movement under Mohammad Yunus Khalis, who separated from Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami and formed his own resistance group in 1979. After the fall of the Communist regime in 1992, Khalis participated in the Islamic Interim Government. He was a member of the Leadership Council (Shura-ye Qiyaadi), but held no other official post. Instead of moving to Kabul, he chose to remain in Nangarhar. His party controlled major parts of this politically and strategically important province. The Taliban brought Nangarhar under their control in September 1996 and Khalis was supportive of the Taliban movement and had a close relationship with its commanders.

Ittehad-e Islami / Saudi Arabia
The Sunni Pashtun Ittehad-e Islami bara-ye Azadi-ye Afghanistan ('Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan') of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf was supported by Sunni Wahabbi Saudi Arabia, to maximize Wahhabi influence.
After the forced withdrawal of the demoralised Soviet forces in 1989, and the overthrow of the Mohammad Najibullah regime in 1992, Sayyaf's organization's human rights record became noticeably worse, underlined by their involvement in the infamous massacres and rampages in the Hazara Kabul neighbourhood of Afshar in 1992–1993 during the Battle of Kabul. Sayyaf's faction was responsible for, "repeated human butchery", when his faction of Mujahideen turned on civilians and the Shia Hezb-i Wahdat group in west Kabul starting May 1992. Amnesty International reported that Sayyaf's forces rampaged through the mainly Shi'ite Tajik (Qizilbash) Afshar neighborhood of Kabul, slaughtering and raping inhabitants and burning homes. Sayyaf, who was allied with the de jure Kabul government of Burhanuddin Rabbani, did not deny the abductions of Hazara civilians, but merely accused the Hezb-i Wahdat militia of being an agent of the theocratic Iranian government.

Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami
Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi, leader of the Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami ('Islamic Revolution Movement'), became the Vice President of Afghanistan in the Mujahideen government. However, when the Mujahideen leaders opened their weapons at each other and the civil war in Afghanistan started, he resigned from his post and forbade the troops loyal to him from taking part in the war. He remained in Pakistan and tried his best to stop the war between Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Burhanuddin Rabbani and Abdul Rasul Sayyaf. In 1996, the Taliban took control of Afghanistan. Most of the Taliban leaders were the students of Molvi Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi. Mohammadi, however, maintained a good relationship with the Taliban.

Hezb-i Wahdat / Iran
The Shia Hazara Hizb-e Wahdat-e Islami Afghanistan ('Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan') of Abdul Ali Mazari was strongly supported by Shia Iran, according to Human Rights Watch, with Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and National Security officials providing direct orders. After the fall of Kabul, the Afghan political parties agreed on a peace and power-sharing agreement, the Peshawar Accords. The Peshawar Accords created the Islamic State of Afghanistan and appointed an interim government for a transitional period to be followed by general elections. According to Human Rights Watch:

The Hezb-i Wahdat initially took part in the Islamic State of Afghanistan and held some posts in the government. Soon, however, conflict broke out between the Hazara Hezb-i Wahdat of Mazari, the Wahabbi Pashtun Ittehad-e Islami of warlord Abdul Rasul Sayyaf supported by Saudi Arabia. The Islamic State's defense minister Ahmad Shah Massoud tried to mediate between the factions with some success, but the ceasefire remained only temporary. As of June 1992, the Hezb-i Wahdat and the Ittehad-e Islami engaged in violent street battles against each other. With the support of Saudi Arabia, Sayyaf's forces repeatedly attacked western suburbs of Kabul resulting in heavy civilian casualties. Likewise, Mazari's forces were also accused of attacking civilian targets in the west. Mazari acknowledged taking Pashtun civilians as prisoners, but defended the action by saying that Sayyaf's forces took Hazaras first. Mazari's group started cooperating with Hekmatyar's group from January 1993.

Junbish-i Milli / Uzbekistan
The Junbish-i-Milli Islami Afghanistan ('National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan') militia of former communist and ethnic Uzbek general Abdul Rashid Dostum was backed by Uzbekistan. Uzbek President Islam Karimov was keen to see Dostum controlling as much of Afghanistan as possible, especially in the north along the Uzbek border. Dostum's men would become an important force in the fall of Kabul in 1992. In April 1992, the opposition forces began their march to Kabul against the government of Najibullah. Dostum had allied himself with the opposition commanders Ahmad Shah Massoud and Sayed Jafar Naderi, the head of the Isma'ili community, and together they captured the capital city. He and Massoud fought in a coalition against Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Massoud and Dostum's forces joined together to defend Kabul against Hekmatyar. Some 4000-5000 of his troops, units of his Sheberghan-based 53rd Division and Balkh-based Guards Division, garrisoning Bala Hissar fort, Maranjan Hill, and Khwaja Rawash Airport, where they stopped Najibullah from entering to flee.

Dostum then left Kabul for his northern stronghold Mazar-i-Sharif, where he ruled, in effect, an independent region (or 'proto-state'), often referred as the Northern Autonomous Zone. He printed his own Afghan currency, ran a small airline named Balkh Air, and formed relations with countries including Uzbekistan. While the rest of the country was in chaos, his region remained prosperous and functional, and it won him the support from people of all ethnic groups. Many people fled to his territory to escape the violence and fundamentalism imposed by the Taliban later on. In 1994, Dostum allied himself with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar against the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmad Shah Massoud, but in 1995 sided with the government again.

Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin / Pakistan's ISI
According to the U.S. Special Envoy to Afghanistan in 1989–1992, Peter Tomsen, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was hired in 1990 by the Pakistani intelligence agency Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to conquer and rule Afghanistan in the benefit of Pakistani interests, which plan was delayed until 1992 as a result of US pressure to cancel it. In April 1992, according to self-made Afghan historian Nojumi, the Inter-Services Intelligence helped Hekmatyar by sending hundreds of trucks loaded with weapons and fighters to the southern part of Kabul. In June 1992, Hekmatyar with his Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin ('Islamic party') troops started shelling Kabul.  The Director of the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian National University, Amin Saikal, confirmed the Pakistani support in 1992 for Hekmatyar: "Pakistan was keen to gear up for a breakthrough in Central Asia. ... Islamabad could not possibly expect the new Islamic government leaders ... to subordinate their own nationalist objectives in order to help Pakistan realize its regional ambitions. ... Had it not been for the ISI's logistic support and supply of a large number of rockets, Hekmatyar's forces would not have been able to target and destroy half of Kabul."

Taliban / Pakistan
The Taliban ('the students') have been described as a movement of religious students (talib) from the Pashtun areas of eastern and southern Afghanistan who had been educated in traditional Islamic schools in Pakistan. The movement was founded in September 1994, promising to "rid Afghanistan of warlords and criminals". Several analysts state that at least since October 1994, Pakistan and especially the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence were heavily supporting the Taliban. Amin Saikal stated: "Hekmatyar's failure to achieve what was expected of him [later] prompted the ISI leaders to come up with a new surrogate force [the Taliban]." Also a publication of the George Washington University stated: when Hekmatyar in 1994 had failed to "deliver for Pakistan", Pakistan turned towards a new force: the Taliban.

Ahmad Shah Massoud, involved in the political and military turmoil of Afghanistan since 1973 and therefore not an impartial observer, in early September 1996 described the Taliban as the centre of a wider movement in Afghanistan of armed Islamic radicalism: a coalition of wealthy sheikhs (like Osama bin Laden) and preachers from the Persian Gulf advocating the Saudi's puritanical outlook on Islam which Massoud considered abhorrent to Afghans but also bringing and distributing money and supplies; Pakistani and Arab intelligence agencies; impoverished young students from Pakistani religious schools chartered as volunteer fighters notably for this group called Taliban; and exiled Central Asian Islamic radicals trying to establish bases in Afghanistan for their revolutionary movements.

Although Pakistan initially denied supporting the Taliban, Pakistan's Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar (1993–96) would state in 1999, "we created the Taliban", and Pervez Musharraf, Pakistani President in 2001-2008 and Chief of Army Staff since 1998, wrote in 2006: "we sided" with the Taliban to "spell the defeat" of anti-Taliban forces. According to journalist and author Ahmed Rashid, between 1994 and 1999, an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Pakistanis trained and fought in Afghanistan on the side of the Taliban.

Atrocities
In 1992–93, Kabul, the factions of Hezb-i Wahdat, Ittehad-e Islami, Jamiat-e Islami and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, would regularly target civilians with attacks, intentionally fire rockets into occupied civilian homes, or random civilian areas. In January–June 1994, 25,000 people died in Kabul due to fighting, with targeted attacks on civilian areas, between an alliance of Dostum's (Junbish-i Milli) with Hekmatyar's (Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin) against Massoud's (Jamiat-e Islami) forces.

In 1993–95, leaders of Jamiat-e Islami, Junbish-i Milli, Hezb-i Wahdat and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, could not stop their commanders from committing murder, rape and extortion. Even the various warlords in north Afghanistan descended to such horridness.

Bombardment of Kabul
In 1992–95, Kabul was heavily bombarded and damaged. Some analysts emphasize the role of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin in "targeting and destroying half of Kabul" or in heavy bombardments especially in 1992. But Human Rights Watch in two reports stated that nearly all armies participating in the 1992–95 period of war contributed to "destroying at least one-third of Kabul, killing thousands of civilians, driving a half million refugees to Pakistan": Jamiat-e Islami, Junbish-i Milli, Hezb-i Wahdat, Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Ittehad-e Islami.

As of November 1995, the Taliban also engaged in bombing and shelling Kabul, causing many civilians to be killed or injured.

Timeline

1992

April–May

As of 28 April, an interim government under interim President Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, with interim minister of defense Ahmad Shah Massoud, claimed to be governing Afghanistan, as agreed in the Peshawar Accords.

But soon, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and his Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin again infiltrated Kabul trying to take power. This forced other parties to advance on the capital as well. Already before 28 April, the Mujahideen forces that had fought against Russian troops with help from the US had taken command of Kabul and Afghanistan. Hekmatyar had asked other groups such as Harakat-Inqilab-i-Islami and the Khalis faction to join him while entering Kabul, but they declined his offer and instead backed the Peshawar Accords. Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin entered the city from the south and west but were quickly expelled. The forces of Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar entered the city, with agreement from Nabi Azimi and the Commander of the Kabul Garrison, General Abdul Wahid Baba Jan that they would enter the city through Bagram, Panjshir, Salang and Kabul Airport. Many government forces, including generals, joined Jamiat-e Islami, including the forces of General Baba Jan, who was at the time in charge of the garrison of Kabul. On 27 April, all other major parties such as Junbish-i Milli, Hezb-i Wahdat, Ittehad-e Islami and Harakat had entered the city as well. After suffering heavy casualties, Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces deserted their positions and fled to the outskirts of Kabul in the direction of Logar province.

The Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin had been driven out of Kabul, but were still within artillery range. In May 1992 Hekmatyar started a bombardment campaign against the capital, firing thousands of rockets supplied by Pakistan. In addition to the bombardment campaign, Hekmatyar's forces had overrun Pul-e-Charkhi prison while still in the centre of Kabul, and had set free all the inmates, including many criminals, who were able to take arms and commit gruesome crimes against the population. With a government structure yet to be established, chaos broke out in Kabul.

The immediate objective of the interim government was to defeat the forces acting against the Peshawar Accord. A renewed attempt at peace talks on 25 May 1992 again agreed to give Hekmatyar the position of prime minister, however, this lasted less than a week after Hekmatyar attempted to shoot down the plane of President Mujaddidi. Furthermore, as part of the peace talks Hekmatyar was demanding the departure of Dostum's forces, which would have tilted the scales in his favour. This led to fighting between Dostum and Hekmatyar. On 30 May 1992, during fighting between the forces of Dostum's Junbish-i Milli and Hekmatyar's Hizb-i Islami in the southeast of Kabul, both sides used artillery and rockets, killing and injuring an unknown number of civilians.

June–July

In June 1992, as scheduled in the Peshawar Accords, Burhanuddin Rabbani became interim president of Afghanistan.

From the onset of the battle, Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar controlled the strategic high areas, and were thus able to develop a vantage point within the city from which opposition forces could be targeted. Hekmatyar continued to bombard Kabul with rockets. Although Hekmatyar insisted that only Islamic Jihad Council areas were targeted, the rockets mostly fell over the houses of the innocent civilians of Kabul, a fact that has been well-documented. Artillery exchanges quickly broke out escalating in late May–Early June. Shura-e Nazar was able to immediately benefit from heavy weapons left by fleeing or defecting government forces and launched rockets on Hekmatyar's positions near the Jalalabad Custom's Post, and in the districts around Hood Khil, Qala-e Zaman Khan and near Pul-e-Charkhi prison. On 10 June it was reported that Dostum's forces had also begun nightly bombardments of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin positions.

Particularly noticeable in this period was the escalation of the fight in West Kabul between the Shi'a Hezb-i Wahdat forces supported by Iran and those of the Wahhabist Ittehad-e Islami militia supported by Saudi Arabia. Hezb-i Wahdat was somewhat nervous about the presence of Ittehad-e Islami posts, which were deployed in Hazara areas such as Rahman Baba High school. According to the writings of Nabi Azimi, who at the time was a high ranking governor, the fighting began on 31 May 1992 when 4 members of Hezb-i Wahdat's leadership were assassinated near the Kabul Silo. Those killed were Karimi, Sayyid Isma'il Hosseini, Chaman Ali Abuzar and Vaseegh, the first 3 being members of the party's central committee. Following this the car of Haji Shir Alam, a top Ittehad-e Islami commander was stopped near Pol-e Sorkh, and although Alem escaped, one of the passengers was killed. On 3 June 1992, heavy fighting between forces of Ittehad-e Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat in west Kabul. Both sides used rockets, killing and injuring civilians. On 4 June, interviews with Hazara households state that Ittehad-e Islami forces looted their houses in Kohte-e Sangi, killing 6 civilians. The gun battles at this time had a death toll of over 100 according to some sources. On 5 June 1992, further conflict between forces of Ittehad-e Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat in west Kabul was reported. Here, both sides used heavy artillery, destroying houses and other civilian structures. Three schools were reported destroyed by bombardment. The bombardment killed and injured an unknown number of civilians. Gunmen were reported killing people in shops near the Kabul Zoo. On 24 June 1992 the Jamhuriat hospital located near the Interior Ministry was bombed and closed. Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar sometimes joined the conflict when their positions came under attack by Hezb-i Wahdat forces and in June/July bombarded Hezb-i Wahdat positions in return. Harakat forces also sometimes joined the fight.

August–December

In the month of August alone, a bombardment of artillery shells, rockets and fragmentation bombs killed over 2,000 people in Kabul, most of them civilians. On 1 August the airport was attacked by rockets. 150 rockets alone were launched the following day, and according to one author these missile attacks killed as many as 50 people and injured 150. In the early morning on 10 August Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces attacked from three directions – Chelastoon, Darulaman and Maranjan mountain. A shell also struck a Red Cross hospital. On 10–11 April nearly a thousand rockets hit parts of Kabul including about 250 hits on the airport. Some estimate that as many as 1000 were killed, with the attacks attributed to Hekmatyar's forces. By 20 August it was reported that 500, 000 people had fled Kabul. On 13 August 1992, a rocket attack was launched on Deh Afghanan in which cluster bombs were used. 80 were killed and more than 150 injured according to press reports. In response to this, Shura-e Nazar forces bombard Kart-I Naw, Shah Shaheed and Chiilsatoon with aerial and ground bombardment. In this counterattack more than 100 were killed and 120 wounded.

Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin was not however the only perpetrator of indiscriminate shelling of civilians. Particularly in West Kabul, Hezb-i Wahdat, Ittehad-e Islami and Jamiat-e Islami all have been accused of deliberately targeting civilian areas. All sides used non-precision rockets such as Sakre rockets and the UB-16 and UB-32 S-5 airborne rocket launchers.

In November, in a very effective move, Hekmatyar's forces, together with guerrillas from some of the Arab groups, barricaded a power station in Sarobi, 30 miles east of Kabul, cutting electricity to the capital and shutting down the water supply, which is dependent on power. His forces and other Mujahideen were also reported to have prevented food convoys from reaching the city.

On 23 November, Minister of Food Sulaiman Yaarin reported that the city's food and fuel depots were empty. The government was now under heavy pressure. At the end of 1992 Hezb-i Wahdat officially withdrew from the government and opened secret negotiations with Hizb-I Islami. In December 1992, Rabbani postponed convening a shura to elect the next president. On 29 December 1992, Rabbani was elected as president and he agreed to establish a parliament with representatives from all of Afghanistan. Also notable during this month was the solidification of an alliance between Hezb-i Wahdat and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin against the Islamic State of Afghanistan. While Hizb-i Islami joined in bombardments to support Hezb-i Wahdat, Wahdat conducted joint offensives, such as the one to secure Darulaman. On 30 December 1992 at least one child was apparently killed in Pul-i Artan by a BM21 Rocket launched from Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces at Rishkor.

Kandahar

Kandahar was host to three different local Pashtun commanders Amir Lalai, Gul Agha Sherzai and Mullah Naqib Ullah who engaged in an extremely violent struggle for power and who were not affiliated with the interim government in Kabul. The bullet-riddled city came to be a centre of lawlessness, crime and atrocities fueled by complex Pashtun tribal rivalries.

1993

January–February
The authority of Burhanuddin Rabbani, interim President since June 1992 and also the leader of the Jamiat-e Islami party, remained limited to only part of Kabul; the rest of the city remained divided among rival militia factions. On 19 January, a short-lived cease-fire broke down when Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin forces renewed rocket attacks on Kabul from their base in the south of the city supervised by Commander Toran Kahlil. Hundreds were killed and wounded while many houses were destroyed in this clash between Hizb-i Islami and Jamiat-e Islami.

Heavy fighting was reported around a Hezb-i Wahdat post held by Commander Sayid Ali Jan near Rabia Balkhi girls' school. Most notable during this period was the rocket bombardments that would start against the residential area of Afshar. Some of these areas, such as Wahdat's headquarters at the Social Science Institute, were considered military targets, a disproportionate number of the rockets, tank shells and mortars fell in civilian areas. Numerous rockets were reportedly launched from Haider-controlled frontlines of Tap-I Salaam towards the men of Division 095 under Ali Akbar Qasemi. One attack during this time from Hezb-i Wahdat killed at least 9 civilians. Further rockets bombardments took place on 26 February 1993 as Shura-e Nazar and Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin bombarded each other's positions. Civilians were the main victims in the fighting, which killed some 1,000 before yet another peace accord was signed on 8 March. However the following day rocketing by Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Hezb-i Wahdat in Kabul left another 10 dead.

Afshar
See the main article for more information:
The Afshar Operation was a military operation by Burhanuddin Rabbani's Islamic State of Afghanistan government forces against Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Hezb-i Wahdat forces that took place in February 1993. The Iran-controlled Hezb-i Wahdat together with the Pakistani-backed Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin of Hekmatyar were shelling densely populated areas in Kabul from their positions in Afshar. To counter these attack Islamic State forces attacked Afshar in order to capture the positions of Wahdat, capture Wahdat's leader Abdul Ali Mazari and to consolidate parts of the city controlled by the government. The operation took place in a densely populated district of Kabul, the Afshar district. Afshar district is situated on the slopes of Mount Afshar in west Kabul. The district is predominantly home to the Hazara ethnic group. The Ittehad-e Islami troops of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf escalated the operation into a rampage against civilians. Both Ittehad and Wahdat forces have severely targeted civilians in their war. The Wahhabist Ittehad-e Islami supported by Saudi Arabia was targeting Shias, while the Iran-controlled Hezb-i Wahdat was targeting Sunni Muslims.

March–December

Under the March accord, brokered by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, Rabbani and Hekmatyar agreed to share power until elections could be held in late 1994. Hekmatyar's condition had been the resignation of Massoud as minister of defense. The parties agreed to a new peace accord in Jalalabad on 20 May under which Massoud agreed to relinquish the post of Defense Minister. Massoud had resigned in order to gain peace. Hekmatyar at first accepted the post of prime minister but after attending only one cabinet meeting he left Kabul again starting to bomb Kabul leaving more than 700 dead in bombing raids, street battles and rocket attacks in and around Kabul. Massoud returned to the position of minister of defense to defend the city against the rocket attacks.

1994

January–June
In January 1994, Dostum, for different reasons, joined with the forces of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, along with their new allies of Hezb-i Wahdat and Junbish-i Milli, launched the Shura Hamaghangi campaign against the forces of Massoud and the interim government.  During this, Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin was able make use of Junbish's air force in both bombing the positions of Jamiat-e Islami and in resupplying their men.  This led to greater artillery bombardment on behalf of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin. Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and Junbish-i Milli were able to hold parts of central Kabul during this time.  Junbish forces were particularly singled out for committing looting, rape and murder, for the sole reason that they could get away with it. Some commanders such as Shir Arab, commander of the 51st regiment, Kasim Jangal Bagh, Ismail Diwaneh ["Ismail the Mad"], and Abdul Cherikwere particularly singled out. According to Afghanistan Justice Project, during this period until June 1994, 25,000 people were killed.  Areas around Microraion were particularly bloody. By now the population of Kabul had dropped from 2,000,000 during Soviet times to 500,000 due to a large exodus from Kabul.

July–December
According to Human Rights Watch, numerous Iranian agents were assisting Hezb-i Wahdat, as "Iran was attempting to maximize Wahdat's military power and influence in the new government". Saudi agents "were trying to strengthen the Wahhabi Abdul Rasul Sayyaf and his Ittehad-e Islami faction to the same end". "Outside forces saw instability in Afghanistan as an opportunity to press their own security and political agendas." Human Rights Watch writes that "rare ceasefires, usually negotiated by representatives of Ahmad Shah Massoud, Sibghatullah Mojaddedi or Burhanuddin Rabbani (the interim government), or officials from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), commonly collapsed within days."

The Taliban movement first emerged on the military scene in August 1994, with the stated goal of liberating Afghanistan from its present corrupt leadership of warlords and establish a pure Islamic society. It was reported in the December 2009 edition of Harper's Weekly that the Taliban originated in the districts around Kandahar city. By October 1994 the Taliban movement had according to academic consensus and on-the-ground reports attracted the support of Pakistan which saw in the Taliban a way to secure trade routes to Central Asia and establish a government in Kabul friendly to its interests. Pakistani politicians during that time repeatedly denied supporting the Taliban. But senior Pakistani officials such as Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar would later state, "we created the Taliban"  and former Pakistani President Musharraf would write "we sided" with the Taliban to "spell the defeat" of anti-Taliban forces.

In October 1994 a bomb struck a wedding ceremony in Qala Fathullah in Kabul, killing 70 civilians. No fighting had been witnessed in the area in several days according to reports.

Also in October 1994, the Taliban revolted in Kandahar. On 12 October 1994, the Taliban scored their first victory when they captured the Kandahar district of Spin Boldak. They then captured Kandahar city on 5 November 1994 and soon went on to capture most of the south.

By the end of 1994, Junbish-i Milli and Dostum were on the defensive in capital Kabul, and Massoud's forces had ousted them from most of their strongholds. Massoud more and more gained control of Kabul. At the same time Junbish was able to push Jamiat-e Islami out of Mazar-e Sharif.

1995

January–March
Interim President Rabbani refused to step down at the end of his term on 28 December 1994, and on 1 January UN peace envoy Mahmoud Mistiri returned to Kabul. On 10 January Rabbani offered to step down and turn over power to a 23-member UN interim administration if Hikmatyar agreed to withdraw. On 12 January a cease fire was agreed, but bombing began again on 19 January, killing at least 22. Between 22 and 31 January, Dostum's Junbish-i Milli party bombed government positions in Kunduz town and province, killing 100 people are and wounding over 120. The town fell to Dostum on 5 February. Rabbani further delayed his resignation on the 21st, stating he would resign on the 22nd. In late January, Ghazni fell to the Taliban. Hikmatyar lost hundreds of men and several tanks in the battle, which included a temporary alliance between the Taliban and the forces of Rabbani.

Meanwhile, the Taliban began to approach Kabul, capturing Wardak in early February and Maidan Shar, the provincial capital, on 10 February 1995. On 14 February 1995, Hekmatyar was forced to abandon his artillery positions at Charasiab due to the advance of the Taliban, who were, therefore, able to take control of this weaponry. During 25–27 February clashes broke out in Karte Seh, Kote Sangi and Karte Chahar between government forces and Hezb-i Wahdat, resulting in 10 dead and 12 wounded. In March, Massoud launched an offensive against Hezb-i Wahdat trapping Wahdat forces in Karte Seh and Kote Sangi. According to other reports, the forces of Jamiat-e Islami also committed mass rape and executions on civilians in this period. The Taliban retreated under the bombardment, taking Mazari with them and throwing him from a helicopter en route to Kandahar. The Taliban then continued to launch offenses against Kabul, using the equipment of Hizb-e Islami. While the Taliban retreated, large amounts of looting and pillaging was said to have taken place in south-western Kabul by the forces under Rabbani and Massoud against ethnic Hazaras. Estimates of civilian casualties from this period of fighting are 100 killed and 1000 wounded.

Starting on 12 March 1995 Massoud's forces launched an offensive against the Taliban and were able to drive them out from the area around Kabul, retaking Charasiab on 19 March and leading to a period of relative calm for a few months. The battle left hundreds of Taliban dead and the force suffered its first defeat. However, while retreating, the Taliban shelled the capital, Kabul. On 16 March, Rabbani stated, once again, that he would not resign. On 30 March, a grave of 22 male corpses, 20 of which were shot in the head, was found in Charasiab.

April–September
On 4 April, the Taliban killed about 800 government soldiers and captured 300 more in Farah Province, but were later forced to retreat. In early May, Rabbani's forces attacked the Taliban in Maidan Shar. India and Pakistan agree to reopen their diplomatic missions in Kabul on 3–4 May. On 11 May, Ismail Khan and Rabbani's forces recaptured Farah from the Taliban. Ismail Khan reportedly used cluster bombs, killing 220–250 unarmed civilians. Between 14 and 16 May, Helmand and Nimruz fall to Rabbani and Khan's forces. On 20 May, Hezb-i Wahdat forces captured Bamiyan. On 5 June, Dostum's forces attacked Rabbani's forces in Samangan. More than 20 are killed, and both forces continue to fight in Baghlan. On 9 June, a 10-day truce was signed between the government and the Taliban. On 15 June, Dostum bombed Kabul and Kunduz. Two  bombs are dropped in a residential area of Kabul, killing two and injuring one. Three land near the defence ministry. On 20 June, the government recaptured Bamiyan. On 23 July, Dostum and Wahdat managed to recapture Bamiyan. On 3 August, the Taliban hijacked a Russian cargo aircraft in Kandahar and captured weapons intended for Rabbani. The Government captured Girishk and Helmand from the Taliban on 28 August, but were unable to hold Girishk. In September, Dostum forces captured Badghis. The Taliban were able to capture Farah on 2 September, and Shindand on the 3rd. On 5 September, Herat fell, with Ismail Khan fleeing to Mashhad. Some attribute this to the informal alliance between Dostum and the Taliban, along with Dostum's bombing of the city. Iran followed by closing the border. On 6 September, a mob swarms the Pakistani embassy in Kabul, killing one and wounding 26, including the Pakistani ambassador.

October–December
On 11 October, the Taliban retook Charasiab. The National Reconciliation Commission presented its proposals for peace on the same day. On 15 October, Bamiyan fell to the Taliban. Between 11–13 November 1995 at least 57 unarmed civilians were killed and over 150 injured when rockets and artillery barrages fired from Taliban positions south of Kabul pounded the civilian areas of the city. On 11 November alone, 36 civilians were killed when over 170 rockets as well as shells hit civilians areas. A salvo crashed into Foruzga Market, while another struck the Taimani district, where many people from other parts of Kabul have settled. Other residential areas hit by artillery and rocket attacks were the Bagh Bala district in the northwest of Kabul and Wazir Akbar Khan, where much of the city's small foreign community lived. In the north, Rabbani's forces fought for control of the Balkh Province, reclaiming many districts from Dostum.

On 20 November 1995, Taliban forces gave the government a 5-day ultimatum in which they would resume bombardment if Rabbani and his forces did not leave the city. This ultimatum was eventually withdrawn. By the end of December, more than 150 people had died in Kabul due to the repeated rocketing, shelling, and high-altitude bombing of the city, reportedly by Taliban forces.

1996

January–September
On 2–3 January, Taliban rocket attacks killed between 20 and 24 people and wounded another 43–56. On 10 January, a peace proposal was presented to the Taliban and opposition. On 14, January Hikmatyar blocks Kabul's western route, leaving the city surrounded. However, in mid-January, Iran intervened and the Khalili faction of Hezb-i Wahdat signed a peace agreement that lead to the opening of the Kabul-Bamiyan road. On 20 January, factional fighting broke out among the Taliban in Kandahar. On 1 February, Taliban jet-bombed a residential area in Kabul, killing 10 civilians. On 3 February, the Red Cross began to airlift supplies into Kabul. On 6 February, the road is used to bring in more food. On 26 February, Hikmatyar and the pro-Dostum Ismaili faction of Sayed Jafar Nadiri fought in Pul-i Khumri, Baghlan Province. Hundreds were killed before a ceasefire was reached on 4 March and the Ismaili faction lost 11 important positions.

In 1996, the Taliban returned to seize Kabul.
Analyst Ahmed Rashid considers the Taliban at that time to have been decisively supported by Pakistan; also less renowned sources suspect Taliban to have had support from Pakistan, considering their heavy weaponry.

On 7 March, Hikmatyar and the Burhanuddin Rabbani government signed an agreement to take military action against the Taliban.

On 11 April, the government captured Saghar District in Ghor Province from the Taliban, along with large stores of ammunition. Fighting continues, however, in Chaghcharan, and the Taliban captured Shahrak district. On 4 May, the Iranian embassy in Kabul was shelled and two staff members were wounded. On 12 May, Hikmatyar's forces arrived in Kabul to help defend against the Taliban. On 24 May, another peace agreement was signed between Rabbani and Hikmatyar. On 24 June, Rasul Pahlawan, an Uzbek military leader in Afghanistan, was killed in an ambush near Mazar-i Sharif. This would later have significant impact on the balance of power in the North.

On 3 July, a 10-member cabinet is formed. Hikmatyar's party got the ministries of defense and finance; Rabbani got the ministries of interior and foreign affairs; Sayyaf's party got education, information and culture, while Harakat-i-Islami got planning and labor and social welfare and the Hezb-i Wahdat Akbari faction got commerce. 12 other seats were left open for other factions.

On 8 August government forces captured Chaghcharan, but lost it again. On 11 September, Jalalabad fell to the Taliban, who then marched on Sarobi. On 12 September, the Taliban captured Mihtarlam in Laghman province. On 22 September, Kunar province fell to the Taliban.

Taliban take-over
On 25 September, the strategic town of Sarobi, an eastern outpost of Kabul, fell to the Taliban who captured it from interim government troops. 50 people were killed and the Taliban captured many arms from fleeing government soldiers.

On 26 September, with the Taliban attacking Kabul, interim minister of defense Ahmad Shah Massoud in his headquarters in northern Kabul concluded that his and President Rabbani's interim government's forces had been encircled, and decided to quickly evacuate or withdraw those forces to the north, to avoid destruction. Also Hekmatyar, leader of Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, withdrew from Kabul.

By nightfall, or on the next day of 27 September, the Taliban had conquered Kabul. Taliban's leader Mullah Muhammad Omar appointed his deputy, Mullah Mohammad Rabbani, as head of a national ruling council which was called the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. By now, the Taliban controlled most of Afghanistan.

Aftermath

In its first action while in power, the Taliban hung former President Najibullah and his brother from a tower, after they had first castrated Najibullah and then tortured them to death. All key government installations appeared to be in Taliban's hands within hours, including the presidential palace and the ministries of defense, security and foreign affairs.

On 5 October 1996, the Taliban attacked Massoud's forces in the Salang Pass but suffered heavy losses. On 1 October, Massoud retook Jabal Saraj and Charikar. Bagram was taken back a week later. On 15–19 October, Qarabagh changed hands before being captured by Massoud and Dostum's forces. During 21–30 October, Massoud's forces stalled on the way to the capital. On 25 October, the Taliban claimed to have captured Badghis province and started to attack Dostum's forces in Faryab. On 27–28 October, anti-Taliban forces attempted to recapture Kabul but were unable to do so. On 30 October Dara-I-Nur District in Nangarhar province fell to anti-Taliban forces but was retaken in early November. Fighting also occurred in Baghdis province with no significant gains from either side. Ismail Khan's forces were flown in from Iran to support the anti-Taliban alliance. On 4 November, Dostum's forces bombed the Herat airport and anti-Taliban forces took control of Nurgal district in Konar province. Between 9 and 12 November, Dostum's jets bombed the Kabul airport, and between 11 and 16 approximately 50,000 people, mostly Pashtuns, arrived in Herat province, fleeing the fight in Badghis. On 20 November, the UNHCR halted all activities in Kabul. On 21–22 December, anti-Taliban demonstrations occurred in Herat as women demanded assistance from international organizations, but it was violently dispersed. On 28–29 December a major offensive was launched against Bagram airbase and the base was surrounded.

The United Front, known in the Pakistani and Western media as the 'Northern Alliance', was created in opposition to the Taliban under the leadership of Massoud. In the following years, over 1 million people fled the Taliban, many arriving to the areas controlled by Massoud. Freed from the horrific situation that had stopped his plans for Afghanistan in Kabul, Ahmad Shah Massoud established democratic structures in the areas under his control. The events of this war lead to the Afghan Civil War (1996–2001).

See also
 Sieges of Kabul
 Afghan Civil War (1996–2001)

References

Bibliography

External links
 Afghanistan – the Squandered Victory by the BBC (documentary film directly from the year 1989 explaining the beginning of the turmoil to follow)

 Massoud's Conversation with Hekmatyar (original document from 1992)

 Commander Massoud's Struggle by Nagakura Hiromi (from 1992, one month after the collapse of the communist regime, after Hekmatyar was repelled to the southern outskirts of Kabul, before he started the heavy bombardment of Kabul with the support of Pakistan)

 Starving to Death Afghanistan (documentary report) by Journeyman Pictures/ABC Australia (from March 1996)

1992
First Siege of Kabul (1992-1995)
Warlordism
20th century in Kabul
1990s in Afghanistan
1990s conflicts
Conflicts in 1992
Conflicts in 1993
Conflicts in 1994
Conflicts in 1995
Conflicts in 1996
Government of Benazir Bhutto
Afghan Civil War (1992-1996)
Wars involving the Taliban
1992 in Afghanistan
1993 in Afghanistan
1994 in Afghanistan
1995 in Afghanistan
1996 in Afghanistan

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