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Home » Publications » » Demographics of living alone
Demographics of living alone
David de Vaus and Lixia Qu
Australian Family Trends No. 6 — March 2015
You are in an archived section of the AIFS website. Archived publications may be of interest for historical reasons. Because of their age, they may not reflect current research data or AIFS' current research methodologies.
One in four Australian households is a lone-person household. This fact sheet describes the trends in living alone and the characteristics of people who live alone.
Living alone is slightly more common with women than men, and the chance of living alone increases with age.
Women who live alone are, on average, older than men who live alone.
Separation is a significant driving factor for living alone in middle age.
Women who live alone have higher education levels, are higher income earners and are more likely to be professionals than women living with others.
Men who live alone have lower levels of education, are lower income earners and are more likely to be in less prestigious jobs than those living with others.
Living alone is increasingly on the public radar. One in four Australian households is a lone-person household, and rates have increased sharply since the 1970s. Throughout the Western world lone-person households have become increasingly common, and this trend is spreading to non-Western countries. In some quarters these developments have been interpreted as signifying a decline of commitment to family living, increasing social fragmentation and a rise in loneliness. For others, the growth in living alone has been celebrated as reflecting the greater choice that people have in their living arrangements and lifestyle.
But to appreciate the meaning and significance of living alone we must understand more about the make-up of those living alone. Who is living alone? Which social groups are driving this change? We also must understand more about the nature of living alone, its duration, where it fits into the life course and its links with social connection and wellbeing. Do people tend to live alone for short periods, or is it a long-term arrangement? To what extent do people choose to live alone and like living alone? How lonely are those who live alone? Why do they commence living alone and why do they stop? It is only when we can answer these questions that we can begin to understand its significance.
This paper describes the trends in living alone and describes the characteristics of people who live alone. It will show that within this single category of "living alone" there is tremendous diversity and that living alone has very different meanings within the various sub-groups. It will show that any characterisation of living alone as "fragmentation" or as "freedom" is simplistic.
To explore the nature of living alone, a second paper will look at how long people live alone, when they live alone, and how moving into and out of living alone arrangements affects the wellbeing and social connection of those living alone.
Is living alone still increasing in Australia?
Throughout much of the Western world living alone has become more common since at least the 1970s, and in many countries since the end of the Second World War. Is this upward trend continuing in the 21st century and is it spreading beyond the Western world? This section explores what is happening in Australia. The following section broadens the focus to international trends.
Living alone rates can be expressed in two ways - as the percentage of households that contain just one person and as the percentage of individuals who live alone. Rates expressed as the percentage of households are always higher than the percentage of individuals. In this paper most of the discussion will report the percentage of individuals who live alone. But initially, because of the nature of the available data, the figures report the percentage of one-person households in both Australia and selected overseas countries.
Figure 1 reports the percentage of one-person households in Australia at various points since 1911. Three facts stand out:
There was no growth in one-person households from the First World War till the end of the Second World War.
Since the end of the Second World War the percentage of one-person households has increased in Australia by 300% - from 8% in 1946 to 24% in 2011.
Since at least 2001 the increase has ceased for the first time since the Second World War.
Figure 1: One-person households as percentage of population, Australia, 1911-2011
Source: ABS Census of Population and Housing (various years)
How does Australia compare internationally?
How does the Australian level of lone living and the pattern of growth compare with other countries? Does Australia have lower or higher rates of lone living than elsewhere? Is the Australian slowdown in growth repeated in other countries?
Table 1 reports the percentage of lone-person households in selected countries for 2010 and, where earlier data are available, figures for earlier years also. Where possible, rates of change in living alone are calculated over the last two decades. In the comparison figures, data are provided as close as possible to 2010. Usually the figures are for 2009, 2010 or 2011, depending on the availability of figures in different countries. In some countries the most recent figures are for the year 2000 or 2001.
Table 1: Lone-person households in selected countries, 1990-2010
1990-01 (%)
Change (%) 1990-2010
Change (%) 2000-10
Denmark a
34.0 37.1 38.6 13.5 9.1 4.0
Finland a
31.7 37.3 41.0 29.3 17.7 9.9
Sweden a
Norway a
Netherlands a
29.9 32.6 36.1 20.7 9.0 10.7
Switzerland a
Austria a
Belgium a
Germany a
Italy a
- 24.9 28.6 - - 14.9
Greece a
Spain a
19.3 24.4 24.3 b 25.9 26.4 −0.4
- 22.7 b 22.4 d - - −1.3
Ireland b
Canada a
UK a
27.0 28.5 28.9 7.0 5.6 1.4
Hungary a
Czech Republic a
Poland a
18.3 21.6 24.0 - 18.0 11.1
Croatia a
- - 33.3 - - -
18.0 b 21.9 32.8 b 82.2 21.7 49.8
- 4.0 6.1 a - - 52.5
Taiwan c
13.4 - 22.0 64.2 - -
Japan b
- 15.6 c 17.1 b - - 9.6
China c
1.6 3.6 - - - -
Malaysia b
- 7.1 - - - -
Singapore c
6.6 8.2 11.5 74.2 24.2 40.2
9.0 c 15.5 c 24.0 b 166.7 72.2 54.8
Viet Nam c
- 4.4 7.3 - - 65.9
Sri Lanka c
3.3 - 5.6 70.0 - -
Iran c
5.0 5.0 7.0 - - 40.0
- - 3.7 - - -
Brazil b
Mexico b
Colombia b
- 11.1 - - - -
Chile b
Sources: aUnited Nations Economic Commission for Europe Statistical Database <tinyurl.com/jvkptjn>; bUnited Nations Demographic Yearbook (PDF 900 KB) <unstats.un.org/unsd/Demographic/products/dyb/dyb_Household/4.pdf>; c Living Alone: One-Person Households in Asia conference held 2013 <www.ari.nus.edu.sg/showfile.asp?eventfileid=793>; d 2013 figures obtained from 2013 Census Totals by Topic (XLS 1.5 MB) <tinyurl.com/mx4utf2>
These international comparisons show that:
In 2010, the Australian level of living alone lay between the high level found in Scandinavia and the low level found in parts of Asia and Central and South America.
The Australian rate (24%) is similar to those of other English-speaking countries, which all have rates ranging from 22% (New Zealand) to 29% (the UK).
Scandinavia has the highest rates of living alone, ranging from 39% in Denmark to 49% in Sweden.
Western European countries also have higher rates of living alone than Australia and range from 34% in Belgium to 40% in Germany.
Rates in Eastern Europe are marginally lower than in Western Europe, but are typically at least as high as English-speaking countries.
Lone-person households in Southern Europe are similar to English-speaking countries and range from 23% in Spain to 28% in Italy.
The rates of living alone in Asia and South and Central America are much lower than in Europe, Australia and North America.
Within Asia there are some important differences, with countries such as Japan (32%), South Korea (24%) and Taiwan (22%) having levels very similar to English-speaking countries and parts of Europe. In contrast, countries such as India, Sri Lanka and Vietnam have low rates of 7% or less. The extent to which the variations between Asian countries reflect different levels of westernisation, affluence or simply demographic profiles is difficult to assess.
Rates of living alone have been changing in most countries over the last two decades, but the pattern of change is quite variable between them.
While Australia has experienced substantial growth in lone-person households since the Second World War, there has been an uncharacteristic absence of growth since the turn of the 21st century (a decline of -0.4% since 2001). This stands out from the higher level of growth in most other countries and even the accelerating growth in some.
The absence of recent growth of lone-person households in Australia is similar to patterns in New Zealand (-1%), Switzerland (+1%) and the UK (+1%).
In Scandinavia, although rates of recent growth are higher than Australia, there has been a marked slowdown in the rate of growth of one-person households.
The slow recent growth in Australia is in sharp contrast to the strong growth in lone-person households in Eastern and Southern Europe and a range of Asian countries, where the growth rates in lone-person households in the decade 2000-10 are often in the range of 30% to 50%.
Particularly notable is the growth in one-person households in South Korea where there has been a 54% increase, from 16% in 2001 to 24% in 2011.
These figures cannot explain the different rates of lone-person households in different countries or the widely differing trajectories. However, it is likely that differences in culture, demographic profiles (e.g., age), and patterns of family formation and dissolution, together with differing levels of affluence and the availability and cost of suitable housing, all contribute to the international patterns seen in Table 1.
What sorts of people live alone?
Identifying which sectors of the population are most likely to live alone can provide clues regarding drivers of this living arrangement. Is it mainly older people who live alone? Are women more likely to live alone than men? Is living alone driven by widowhood? How much is marital separation driving rates of living alone? Or is it because people are partnering later and less often? Are people who live alone well off financially and thus live alone because they can afford to, or are they struggling? Do they live alone because they are unable to find or retain a partner? Answering these types of questions can shed light on factors that may be behind the growth and more recent stability in the rates of living alone.
In the sections that follow, living alone is reported in terms of the percentages of individuals living alone rather than the percentages of households. When reporting these figures, it is important to be clear who is included and who is not included in the calculations. Frequently, the percentage of individuals living alone is calculated as the percentage of individuals aged 15 or older. Using this age cut-off results in a lower percentage of people living alone, since very few people aged 15 to 19 are in a position where they can live alone. In addition, rates of living alone are sometimes based only on people who live in private dwellings (i.e., are not living in institutions such as care homes, hospitals, dormitories or prisons). Restricting calculations only to those in private dwellings will inflate the figures. In this publication, unless stated otherwise, the rates at which individuals live alone are based on the percentage of the population aged 20 and older who live in either private or non-private dwellings. Where Census data are used, the figures reflect a person's usual place of residence and not necessarily where they were on Census night.
Is it mainly older women who live alone?
Living alone is shaped by age and gender. While about 13% of adults overall live alone this figure varies greatly according to a person's age and sex.
Living alone is a little more common among women than among men. In 2011, 13% (1,023,042) of women aged 20+ lived alone compared to 12% (852,128) of men. This means that 55% of those living alone are women.
But the age profile of women who live alone is quite different to that of men (Figure 2). Women who live alone are, on average, substantially older than men who live alone. In 2011, 39% of women who lived alone were aged over 70, compared to just 19% of men. Conversely, just 26% of women who lived alone were under the age of 50, while among men who lived alone 45% were younger than 50.
Figure 2: Percentage of population living alone in each age group, by gender, Australia, 2011
Source: ABS Census of Housing and Population, 2011
Overall, the chance of living alone increases steadily as both men and women grow older. For example, of men aged 20-29, 7% were living alone in 2011. By age 50-59, this had almost doubled to 13%, and by the time they were 80 or older, 23% of men lived alone.
Among women, the rates of living alone also increase as they grow older, but much more sharply than for men in the older age groups. In the younger age groups, women are a little less likely than men to live alone, but from the age of 50 onwards the chance of women living alone increases sharply, and from the age of 60 onwards is much higher than for men. By age 80 and over, 40% of women live on their own.
Are the people living alone becoming older?
The age profile of those who live alone has changed substantially over the last quarter century (1986-2011). Figure 3 shows that over this period there has been:
a substantial decline in the proportion of those living alone who are young - in 1986, 14% of those living alone were in their 20s, but by 2011 this had declined to 9%;
a decline in the proportion of those living alone who come from the "young elderly" age groups (60-79);
a sharp increase in the proportion of those living alone who are aged 80 and older - the over 80s made up just 9% of those who lived alone in 1986, but by 2011 this had increased to 15% (an increase of 62%); and
an increase in the living-alone population who are middle-aged (40-59) - in 1986, 22% of those living alone came from this middle-aged group, but by 2011, 31% of those living alone were middle-aged.
Figure 3: Change in age profile of people living alone, Australia, 1986-2011
Source: ABS Census of Housing and Population (various years); 1986 and 1996 figures are from customised data cubes, and 2006 and 2011 figures were produced from Table Builder Pro
Some of these changes in the age profile of those living alone reflect changes in the population structure over the same period. Since the population is ageing, we would expect that young people would represent a smaller proportion of those living alone in 2011 and that older people would represent a larger proportion. It is therefore important to see how the changing age profile of those living alone compares to the changing age profile of the population at large. Do changes in the two age profiles match or is the age profile of those living alone changing in different ways to the population as a whole?
Figure 4 shows the following:
Those in their 20s declined by 5 percentage points as a share of the living alone population from 1986 to 2011 (bottom bar in graph for 20-29 year olds). But since people in their 20s declined by 6 percentage points in the whole 20+ population (top bar in graph for 20-29 year olds), the fact that there were relatively fewer younger people living alone reflects the fact that by 2011 there are relatively fewer young people available to live alone.
In the living alone population, those in their 30s declined by just 1% percentage point (bottom bar in graph for 30-39 year olds) - considerably less than would be expected given the fact that people in their 30s declined by 5 percentage points of the 20+ population (top bar in graph for 30-39 year olds).
Those in their 60s and 70s became less common in the living alone population despite maintaining their share of the 20+ population.
The oldest age group (over 80) increased their share of the living alone population at a much faster rate than they grew in the 20+ population (6 percentage points compared to 2 percentage points).
Figure 4: Rate of change in living alone by age group compared to rate of population change, Australia, 1986-2011
It is worth noting that, consistent with the ageing of the population, the rise of people aged 80+ years among those people living alone has been continuing since 1986 (with an increase of 4 percentage points between 1996 and 2011, and 6 percentage points between 1986 to 2011).
While the changing age profile of those who live alone is partly linked to changes in the population structure, it is also partly due to changes in the rate at which the various age groups live alone in 2011 compared to 1986. Some age groups are now living alone at a lower rate than previously, while others have increased their rates of living alone.
Table 2 shows that since 1986 the rate of living alone:
increased among those aged in their 30s, 40s and 50s, but most of this occurred between 1986 and 1996 (second last column), with very little change since then (last column);
declined among those in their 70s; and
increased sharply among those aged 80 and over, though most of this increase took place between 1986 and 1996 (second last column), with no increase since 1996 (last column).
Table 2: The percentage and change in living alone, by age group, 1986-2011
1986 (%)
Percentage point change 1986-2011
5.6 7.8 7.0 6.3 0.7 −1.5
8.6 10.8 12.2 12.6 4.0 1.8
26.3 27.3 25.1 24.3 −2.0 −3.0
28.0 34.0 35.6 33.8 5.8 −0.2
Source: ABS Census of Population and Housing (various years); figures for 1986 and 1996 are from customised data cubes, while those for 2006 and 2011 were obtained via Table Builder Pro
Does marital status affect living alone?
This section describes the links between marital status and living alone and shows how the marital status of different age groups is linked to living alone.
Wider social changes have meant changes in the marital status of the population. Greater longevity of both men and women means that widowhood is increasingly delayed until later in life. Higher divorce and separation rates since the family law reforms of 1976 have produced a population of people liable to live alone. Similarly, delays in partnering and the rise of cohabitation, coupled with the relative instability of these relationships, increase the pool of people who may live alone.
While having never married, having separated or divorced, or being widowed creates a pool of people who may potentially live alone, these marital statuses do not necessarily result in actually living alone since other living arrangements are available. So how does marital status link to the chance of living alone? Table 3 shows that:
only among widows does a majority (54%) live alone;
compared to widows, relatively fewer (a third) of those who are separated or divorced live alone;
there are two main reasons why divorced or separated people do not live alone:
many have children living with them following separation - 41% were lone parents (50% of women); and
a third were in a de facto relationship; and
fewer than one in five people who have never married (17%) live alone. In part this relatively low rate of living alone is because those who have never married are younger than the other groups. Many of these never married people who do not live alone live with parents (33%) or in group households (16%), and a further 38% are either a lone parent or in a de facto relationship.
Table 3: Living arrangement, by marital status, Australia, 2011
Married (%)
Never married (%)
Separated/ divorced (%)
Widowed (%)
Lone person
Not living alone
Non-private dwelling
Source: ABS Census of Population and Housing, 2011, using Table Builder Pro
Marital status and age are obviously linked. Among younger age groups, living alone is associated with delays in marriage; in the middle age groups, living alone often results from separation and divorce; while among older people, living alone is more often than not the result of the death of a partner (Figure 5).
Figure 5: Marital status of those living alone, by age group, Australia, 2011
While people who live alone in early adulthood mainly have never married and many middle-aged people living alone have never married, relatively few older people who live alone (11%) have never married. Figure 5 highlights the importance of marital separation as a factor behind living alone, and there is no doubt that separation is one of the drivers in the growth of living alone: separations are a significant component of the living alone population among both the middle age group (41%) and the older group (33%). The importance of these separations is likely to be one of the reasons why the growth in living alone is particularly concentrated in the middle age groups.
Since people who are not partnered provide the main pool of people who can live alone, changes in patterns of couple formation and dissolution will have an effect on both overall rates and age-related patterns of living alone.
The different rates of living alone within each marital status category, as observed earlier, go some way to explaining patterns of growth in living alone. Since relatively few never-married people live alone, any increase in people never marrying or delaying marriage will have only a modest effect on living alone. Changes in separation and divorce will have more effect, given that a third of separated people live alone. But since living alone rates are highest among widows, any changes to the timing and duration of widowhood will have the greatest effect on living alone rates.
The marital status of older people who live alone can be examined more closely. It comes as no surprise that in the 60+ age group there is a marked change in the marital status of those living alone with each decade of age. The marital status of older men and women is also somewhat different. Table 4 shows that among the older age groups:
divorce and separation mainly characterise those living alone in their 60s and men in their 70s;
widowhood is the main cause of living alone for women in their 70s and both men and women in their 80s;
increased longevity is delaying widowhood and is shifting living alone in later life from commencing in the 70s age group and delaying living alone until people move into their 80s; and
having never married contributes to rates of living alone in later life - but more so for men than for women. Of men who live alone in their 60s and 70s, over 20% have never married, compared to less than 10% of similarly aged women who live alone.
Table 4: Marital status of older people who live alone, Australia, 2011
Male (%)
Female (%)
26.8 12.7 20.0 6.7 11.1 4.3
Separated/divorced
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
How common is living alone in ethnic groups?
Cultural norms affect living arrangements. These norms affect matters such as childlessness, divorce, multi-family household living and the acceptability and desirability of living alone. Further, cultural groups will have varying financial resources that in turn affect the capacity of people to live alone.
Table 5 reports the percentage of people born in different countries who live alone. A number of patterns emerge. Disregarding age group, it shows that:
The highest rates of lone living are among those who were born in Western and North-Western Europe, Southern and Eastern Europe and the United Kingdom. In general terms, this reflects patterns in these countries of origin where the rates of living alone are relatively high (Table 1).
The percentage of Australian-born people who live alone falls midway between the high rates of those born in various parts of Europe and the United Kingdom and the low rates of most Asian areas and the Middle East.
The lowest rates of living alone are found among those born in Southeast Asia, China and the Middle East.
However, the patterns of living alone are somewhat different when considering just older people born in different countries. Table 5 shows that:
Among older people (60 and over) those born in Australia have the equal-second highest rates of lone living (24%) - a rate that is only exceeded by those older people born in Eastern Europe (30%).
The rate of those living alone among Australian-born people aged 60+ are very similar to those of people born in Western and Northern Europe, the United Kingdom and Ireland.
Older people born in Greece, Asia and the Middle East have relatively low rates of lone living - certainly much lower than among the older Australian-born population. For example, in 2011, while 24% of Australian-born people aged 60 or over lived on their own, just 14% of Greek-born older Australians and 11% of Chinese-born older Australians lived on their own.
Table 5: Percentage of population living alone, by age group and country of birth, Australia, 2011
20-39 years (%)
60+ years (%)
All ages (20+ years) (%)
Southern and South-Eastern Europe (excl. Greece and Italy)
6.7 5.5 14.9 7.1
Chinese Asia a
Note: a Chinese Asia consists of China, Hong Kong, Macau, Mongolia, Taiwan.
Are people living alone renters?
There are good reasons for expecting that people living alone would rent rather than purchase a home.
First, since lone-person households rely on one income, it would be more difficult, at least among younger age groups, to purchase a home. For lone-person households formed as a result of separation, the person living alone will often have financial obligations that make it difficult to purchase again, at least in the short term.
Second, for some people, living alone is part of a lifestyle that enables mobility, change and flexibility. Where these issues are priorities, renting is an attractive arrangement that means that the person is not tied down and can take advantage of the greater freedom afforded by living alone.
These expectations of renting hold for people aged under 60. Figures 6a and 6b show that the older the person living alone:
the lower the rate of renting; and
the higher the rate of home ownership.
Figure 6a: Housing tenure type by age group of those living alone, Australia, 2011
Figure 6b: Housing tenure type by age group of those not living alone, Australia, 2011
The high rate of home ownership among older people who live alone is because many of these people are living alone due to widowhood. In these cases, the home will likely have been purchased by a couple.
A comparison of the two graphs in Figures 6a and 6b indicates that in every age group:
home purchasing and ownership are more common among multi-person households than among lone-person households and;
renting is more common among lone-person households than in multi-person households.
Social advantage and disadvantage
People may live alone because they can both afford to and choose to. For others, living alone may not be their desired arrangement - they may live alone because of difficulties finding a partner, as a result of relationship breakdown, or following the death of a partner.
Is living alone more common among the well-to-do or among the more disadvantaged and marginalised? On the one hand it might be expected that living alone will be more common among the more highly educated middle class. It is an arrangement that is more within the financial reach of people with better incomes, and compatible with the more middle-class values of privacy, independence, freedom and flexibility. The international comparisons (Table 1) indicate that living alone has been much more common among the more economically advanced nations, and the growth of living alone seems to be associated with rising standards of living.
However, those who see living alone more negatively offer a different perspective. In some of the popular discourse, living alone is represented as a failure - as a sign of being unable to develop or sustain relationships, of marginalisation and social fragmentation. By this view, we might expect that living alone will be more common among the more marginalised sectors of the population - among those with less education, without a job and with lower income.
The section below addresses the question of whether living alone is more common among those who are doing well in terms of traditional measures of socio-economic status or whether it is more common among those who are doing less well. The answer is not straightforward and depends on a person's gender and age group.
Are those with higher education more likely to live alone?
The short answer to this question is yes and no. The educational level of women who live alone is quite different to that of men who live alone. Women who live alone stand out for having high levels of education while men who live alone have relatively low education (Table 6).
Table 6: Education by age and gender, and whether living alone, Australia, 2011
Degree or higher
Diploma/certificate
The high education of women who live alone is especially evident for women aged under 60 and clearest among those aged under 40. These women who live alone have higher education than women who do not live alone and higher education than men in general.
Comparing women who live alone with women who do not live alone shows that:
of younger women living alone (aged under 40), 45% have a degree or higher, compared to just a third of similarly aged women who do not live alone;
among middle-aged women (40-59 years), a similar, but less dramatic, difference persists; and
at the other end of the education spectrum, younger women who live alone are considerably less likely than those living with others to have no educational qualifications (27% compared to 38%).
Comparing the education levels of women who live alone with those of men who live alone shows that:
younger and middle-aged women who live alone have considerably higher education than men who live alone;
among younger men and women who live alone, 45% of the women have at least a degree, compared to just 26% of men; and
among the middle-aged, 28% of women living alone have a degree, compared to just 18% of lone men.
While women who live alone have relatively high levels of education the picture is different for men - particularly middle-aged men (aged 40-59) - who live alone. Middle-aged men who live alone stand out for their relatively low levels of education, with:
just 18% of middle-aged men living alone holding a degree, compared to 23% of comparable men who do not live alone; and
46% of middle-aged men who live alone having no post-school educational qualifications, compared to 37% of men who live with others.
Are those with a higher income more likely to live alone?
Middle-aged men who live alone have lower incomes than middle-aged men living with others. Table 7 reports the income quintile into which a person's individual income falls (of those aged 20-59). Quintile 1 is the income range in which the lowest 20% of incomes falls, while quintile 5 is the income range of the highest 20% of income earners.
Table 7 demonstrates the poorer income position of middle-aged men living alone. Among middle-aged men:
21% of those who live alone are in the highest income group, compared to 32% of those who live with others; and
35% of middle-aged men who live alone are in the lowest two income groups, compared to just 22% of comparable men who do not live alone.
Table 7: Income, by age, gender and whether living alone, Australia, 2011
Quintile 1 (low)
Quintile 5 (high)
22.3 20.1 20.2 7.9 21.0 32.4 17.5 11.6
Women show the opposite pattern. Women living alone are higher income earners than women who live with others. For example:
20% of younger women who live alone are in the highest income group, compared to just 8% of younger women who live with others; and
in contrast, of middle-aged women, 25% of those living with others are in the lowest income group, compared to just 14% of those who live alone.
This pattern among women is hardly surprising, and undoubtedly largely reflects the fact that many women living with others will have lower rates of workforce participation, and thus income, due to family responsibilities.
Is labour force status linked to living alone?
The links between living alone and labour force participation are similar to those for income. Unsurprisingly, women living alone have higher levels of labour force participation than women not living alone (Table 8). Among younger women living alone:
67% are employed fulltime, compared to just 38% of those who are not living alone; and
just 12% are not in the labour force, compared to 27% of those who do not live alone.
Table 8: Labour force status, by age, gender and whether living alone, Australia, 2011
Employed, full-time
Employed, part-time
Not in the labour force
As with income, the most instructive pattern emerges with middle-aged men, where men living alone have a lower level of workforce participation than men who live with others. For example, among middle-aged men living alone:
58% are employed fulltime, compared to 74% of those who live with others; and
24% are not in the labour force, compared to 12% of those who live with others.
Which occupational groups are more likely to live alone?
The occupational profile of men and women who live alone reflects a similar picture to the other measures of social advantage and disadvantage. The occupational profile of younger women who live alone reflects greater social advantage than that of young women who do not live alone. It also reflects a more socially advantaged situation than for younger men in general. In contrast, middle-aged men who live alone seem to fare less well than men who do not live alone.
Table 9 shows young women who live alone to be:
more likely than women living with others to be professionals (38% compared to 28%);
less likely than other women to hold a clerical, administrative or sales position (29% compared to 36%); and
more likely to hold a professional position than young men either living alone (38% compared to 24%) or living with others (38% compared to 20%).
Table 9: Occupational group, by age, gender and whether living alone, Australia, 2011
Technicians and trades-workers
24.7 26.1 5.0 5.2 20.9 21.0 4.0 4.2
Community and personal service workers
6.3 6.5 11.5 15.1 5.5 4.7 12.8 13.6
Clerical, administrative, sales
Machinery operators, drivers & labourers
20.7 21.2 4.4 6.4 28.4 22.2 9.4 10.3
Note: Percentages are based on those in the labour force.
Source: ABS Census of Housing and Population, 2011, using Table Builder Pro
The same pattern is repeated, but not as sharply, among middle-aged women.
Among middle-aged men some evidence of the same pattern of relative social disadvantage is repeated. Although there were no differences between men living alone and with others in regard to professional occupations, there were differences in relation to managerial and labouring occupations. Among middle-aged men, those who live alone:
are less likely than other men to hold managerial positions (14% compared to 21%); and
more likely to be employed as a machinery operator, driver or labourer (28% compared to 22%).
In summary, whatever the measure of social advantage or disadvantage, a consistent picture emerges that shows that younger women who live alone are a socially advantaged group in terms of their education, labour force levels, income and occupational group. They stand out in these respects from women who do not live alone and from men in general in the same age group. In many respects these young women who live alone are well-to-do and have options. We can only speculate why these young women are living alone, but four possibilities can be offered:
These young women may live alone because their success provides them with more options, which means they do not need to partner, or their work and career provide more attractions than partnering and having a family.
The success of these young women relative to that of young men may reflect an educational and occupational mismatch between unattached younger men and unattached younger women that makes it more difficult for these highly educated women to find a suitable partner. Given the longstanding pattern of women to "marry up", the shortage of equally or more successful young men may mean that these young women find it more difficult to find a suitable partner who is comfortable with a more successful partner.
Being unattached leads younger women to pursue educational, income and occupational achievement, either because these provide purpose and structure to their lives or because the absence of competing commitments enables young women to pursue these successfully.
Better financial resources may mean that these women are in a "living-apart-together" relationship whereby they have a partner, but for one reason or another both partners live in separate households.
In contrast, all the measures show that middle-aged men who live alone stand out because of their relative lack of success on these aspects of achievement. Compared to other middle-aged men, those who live alone are more likely to have lower levels of education, be less likely to be in the labour force, have lower income and have less prestigious (and lower paying) jobs. We interpret the high levels of living alone among the less advantaged middle-aged men as being due, at least in part, to their being less reliable breadwinners and thus less attractive as partners.
The question raised at the beginning of this section was: Does living alone reflect success and the financial resources that go with success, or does it reflect the living arrangement of the less successful and more marginalised? The answer appears to be that it is both. Living alone appears to be linked with social advantage among younger women but with social disadvantage among middle-aged men.
Authors and Acknowledgements
Professor David De Vaus and Dr Lixia Qu are Senior Research Fellows at the Australian Institute of Family Studies.
Feature photo © istockphoto/rollover
Australian Family Trends
Published by the Australian Institute of Family Studies, March 2015.
de Vaus, D., & Qu, L. (2015). Demographics of living alone (Australian Family Trends No. 6). Melbourne: Australian Institute of Family Studies.
Download printable PDF (765.63 KB)
Download as EPUB (887.63 KB)
Many Australians live alone
A quarter of all Australian households are now lone person households, according to a new demographic trends paper released today by the Australian
Australian households and families
Australian Family Trends— Jul 2013
This facts sheet examines the extent and nature of change in household and family forms.
Singles in Australian society
Historical publication— Nov 1983
The paper suggests there has always been a proportion of people who remain single.
Diverse families making a difference
Research summary— May 2009
The Australian Institute of Family Studies has prepared this Facts Sheet about the diversity of families to support the 2009 National Families Week
Sydney profiles
Historical publication— Dec 1991
This document is comprised of a collection of statistics based on the Sydney metropolitan area.
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Taste test: These potato chips were great.
They were thick and crunchy, and best of all, they had an awesome sour cream and onion flavor. One of the best sour cream and onion tastes ever. I just couldn't stop eating them.
Smell test: Mild, oniony smell.
This snack was discovered by Jeremy at Zathmary's, Needham, Massachusetts. Review published .


Years ahead of her time, Florence Broadhurst created hundreds of beautiful hand screen printed wallpapers and textiles. These were unique and luxurious patterns with rich and vibrant colours, perfectly reflecting Florence's flamboyant personality and style.
Born in rural Australia in 1899, Florence lived a life of mystery, eccentricity and fame. During the 1920's Florence performed professionally on stage in Asia and India. Reinventing herself in England during the 1930's, Florence started her internationally successful wallpaper company in Australia in 1959.
Any of these designs can be printed onto any of our base cloths, print compatible fabrics or commercial wall vinyls with no minimum order quantity.
Please note that designs are not shown to scale and the repeat details do vary from furnishing textiles to wall coverings.
Read more about Florence Broadhurst and the relationship with Materialised over in our blog.


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What you need to know about Winnie The Pooh The Musical
Written by Jamie Griffiths on August 23, 2022
Winnie the Pooh The Musical: UK Premiere Details
Disney's Winnie the Pooh will be coming to the UK for the first time in Spring 2023. The UK premiere will be presented by Rockefeller Productions, in partnership with ROYO, and in association with Disney Theatrical Productions. Theatre, dates and casting are to be announced.
Deep in the Hundred Acre Wood, a new adventure is about to happen. A.A. Milne's beloved characters, Winnie the Pooh, Christopher Robin and their best friends Piglet, Eeyore, Kanga, Roo, Rabbit and Owl (and Tigger too!), will all arrive on stage in a beautifully-crafted musical stage adaptation.
In a new story from the Hundred Acre Wood, this fresh stage adaptation is told with impressive life-size puppetry, exciting new stories and featuring characters that have played iconic roles in the lives of children for generations. Accompanying the modern narrative is an original score by Nate Edmondson, featuring some of the Grammy award-winning songs written by the Sherman Brothers for the original animated features, including Winnie the Pooh, The Blustery Day, The Wonderful Thing About Tiggers and Whoop-De-Dooper Bounce, plus A.A. Milne's The More It Snows (featuring music by Carly Simon) and Sing Ho in a new arrangement.
Winnie the Pooh: The New Musical Adaptation is developed and presented by renowned family entertainment creator Jonathan Rockefeller (whose spectacular puppetry is omnipresent in the acclaimed productions of The Very Hungry Caterpillar Show and Paddington Gets in a Jam).
"The music, the life-size puppets, and the charming performances are the perfect way to introduce (or re-introduce) audiences to live theatre, and this is a must-see show for Winnie the Pooh fans of all ages. I am thrilled to be entrusted to bring this celebrated character to the stage for new audiences as they join our adventure into the Hundred Acre Wood," said Jonathan Rockefeller, creator of Winnie the Pooh: The New Musical Adaptation.
More details available at the official website.
Tagged as Premiere puppets Rockefeller Productions Winnie the Pooh The Musical
Jamie Griffiths
Mamma Mia! The Party Plays On
The Big One-Oh is Out Now
The Bodyguard : UK Tour Details
Casting news: My Fair Lady
The Time Traveller's Wife: casting news
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


... to how hard you move yer pointing device.
All I see is a circle with a rubber band.
Should have known it! Gravity is caused by rubber bands!
I almost broke the sides of my monitor swinging that ball around.
Torsten--Yeah, you can get it swinging around but the orbit decays rapidly and the balloon finally stabilizes at a positive y value. I wonder why? I wonder how it loses kinetic energy? Is it possible to break the rubber band--is the ball really a quark?
Here is an interesting look at gravity through the eyes of Dr. Samuel V. Miensinompe.
Worth a peruse.....Seems the link is dead jkmccrann.
In any case, were you posting this idea here, in the ATM section of BAUT, with the intent of defending Dr. Samuel V. Miensinompe's ideas?


"To know God and make Him known"
Linton Free Church is a member of the United Reformed Church. We have a long standing evangelical tradition with a strong emphasis on worship. The fellowship has a good mix of ages and provides a wide range of cross generational activities throughout the week.
Our aim is to be built into a healthy body of believers who are growing in their discipleship of Jesus Christ. We understand that all people are at different places on the faith journey and welcome all. Those who are simply seeking to discover more about the Christian faith are as welcome as those well established in their faith.


Nearly all devices now used to play digital games are connected to a network. This fact has revolutionized the game development process. Telemetric instrumentation can silently measure and transmit data on the behavior and performance of games and their players. Statistical analysis of the resulting databases can be a powerful tool for refining and verifying the attainment of design criteria.
This course provides experience in devising measurable experience goals, together with the basic techniques and mathematics needed to capture and analyze player behavior. It concludes with a reflection on the ethical implications of data-driven design, and the role of game designers as creators of cultural artifacts imbued with meaning and the potential for influence.


Quick-Change Safety Razor by Razorock | Guido's Fine Grooming Co.
The RazoRock Quick-Change Double Edge (DE) Safety Razor is one of the best bargain values out there. You won't find a better shave for less than $10.
The "turn to open" design makes blade changes fast, easy, and simple. You twist the bottom of the handle and the head opens so you can quickly and easily replace the razor blade.
There's no plastic parts here — it's Chrome-plated alloy — giving it the weighty heft (68 grams) you expect from a quality safety razor handle. It's a mild, not aggressive, shave that pairs well with the sharpest razor blades, such as Feather Hi-Stainless Platinum Blades.
The handle length is 85 mm, so it's shorter than, for instance, the Gillette Fusion. Shorter handles are more traditional.


At the May 10 business meeting, the Board of Education recognized JFK fourth-grader Michael Orgera for being only one of four New York State national-level finalists in the 2016 PTA Reflections arts contest. Also on hand to congratulate him were Superintendent John V. Dolan, Assistant Superintendent for Instruction and Personnel Alise Becker-Santa and Orgera's family.
Orgera's project, titled "Mom," won the New York State Reflections Award of Excellence.


Thousands of students are using PhysioU as their must-have learning guide in the classrooms, and clinical as their go-to visual refresher and board exam prep tool. Get your PhysioU today with a 40% off student rate, and ace through school like an expert clinician!
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i thought that once i gave my notice at work, it would be easier to be there. that i would sail through the next few months, my days brightened by the light at the end of the tunnel. clearing out my inbox/sub-folders and de-cluttering might be kind of fun, and maybe i would even feel sad about leaving (or, at the very least, bittersweet).
but it hasn't really been that way.
i have worked in administration for years. i'm good at it, and have been fortunate enough to always find employment. but two years have quickly turned to five, and then ten. and in the past few months, i have felt a strong, unavoidable calling to stop doing this kind of work for good. (you can read my post 'the email from 2005' for more details on that stark realization.) not surprisingly, clerical work has never fulfilled me creatively, spiritually, or physically. but i was able to ignore all that for years and, for the most part, was pretty ho-hum about it. the pitfall, of course, is that i was never motivated to pursue anything else.
i recently told my boss over lunch that it would be my last few months at the job. i needed to have that conversation – to speak those words aloud, solidify them, make myself accountable. i had to show myself that i was listening and honoring what i was feeling. i had thoughts of quitting for years, but never did anything about it. i consequently got to the place where i didn't take myself seriously and trust myself to do what was best for me to do. i also had to have this conversation without having a plan in place, because there was (is) no plan. only a strong intuition that i could no longer put off the inevitable – and i wanted to be the one in control of how that played out.
on the way back from lunch, i found a five dollar bill on the ground. i immediately viewed it as a sign; an affirmation that i had made the right decision and that i would be supported. i emailed a friend about the found money, and she brilliantly suggested i go to safeway and buy some food for the food bank, to keep the flow going. which i did, and it felt so right.
within days of lunch with my boss, i started my blog. i was feeling pretty euphoric by then. the creativity was flowing and i was receiving many ideas and inspirations. i felt excited and hopeful for the first time in years. it was as though that one conversation over lunch opened up a crack in my psyche, and whatever had been lying dormant for years surged through the crevice. it had been waiting so patiently, watching so vigilantly, and when it finally saw its chance, the floodgates opened.
at first i was enjoying feeling more balanced at work. it actually felt ok to have a job that had become routine, as i was now also engaging in that creative part of myself and feeding my soul in a new and profound (yet totally familiar) way.
but lately something interesting is happening. the pendulum keeps moving in one direction instead of coming back to balance. the more i engage my creative side, the more that part of me that's not living this is struggling. i am living in two different worlds, and my body/psyche knows which one it wants to inhabit all the time. previously, it didn't know what it was missing. now it has discovered a fine, delicious wine, and wants to be drunk all the time. it doesn't want the boring routine anymore, and in fact can't do the routine anymore. this puts the 'bigger picture' me in a very uncomfortable and somewhat surreal place. i could disconnect before, but now i feel fragmented. and my battery feels fast running out of juice.
i realize just how much i have been compromising for years, and this is painful.
the thing with the liminal space is that there's no going back. i took a class years ago that discussed the liminal space in a ritualistic, spiritual context – that it is marks the transition from 'old' to 'new', a rite of passage of sorts. yes, i feel like i've wasted years in an office job, but for whatever reason(s), transition was not previously possible. now it's here. and though there is discomfort, there is also perspective and a knowing that it couldn't have happened a second sooner than it did. and a place of unknowing, surrender, and mystery is (for me) infinitely better than stagnation.
seth godin puts it this way: "the reason that art (writing, engaging, leading, all of it) is valuable is precisely why i can't tell you how to do it. if there were a map, there'd be no art, because art is the act of navigating without a map" ('linchpin', p. 150).
i like looking at my life as my art, and that my process of clearing my canvas allows me to discover new colours. i know i'm not alone in the liminal space; most conscious beings are feeling some sort of unrest at this time. though i am uncertain of what will transpire in my life and on the planet in the coming months and years, i am grateful to have the choice and freedom to paint my piece of the picture.
This entry was posted in musings, personal growth, spirituality and tagged creativity, meaningful work, personal growth, spirituality, transformation, work by alohaleya. Bookmark the permalink.


I pursued my target into a dead end back alley in Denebula City. The fool had run himself into the trap. He was caught in the short end of an "L" shaped alley. On three sides my target was faced with service doors leading into the backs of merchant buildings in the market place, all locked. I stood on the fourth side, the only way out of the alley. There were a few crates stacked about in the dead end alley, and I heard the target as he dove behind one stack of crates to hide, only prolonging the inevitable.
"You'll never take me alive!" he shouted. They always say that, right before they get captured, sometimes kicking and screaming, sometimes meek and whimpering. This guy had seen too many holo dramas and obviously the bad ones for my taste. If he thought he was going to make it out of this spot alive and free, he had to be on some good drugs. I could hear the target moving around behind his crates on my right. I mentally ran down the list of neuro-stimulants and their possible effects in my mind, preparing my self for anything, just in case. The target had no known drug preferences, but that didn't mean he wasn't on something right now. Hell, you had to be off your mental rocker to try and swindle a Kanous crimelord.
"No bottom feeding scum like you will ever catch me Sendahl!"
Yep, there it was, right on cue. I kept my voice calm, loose, in a casual tone and volume. "Alive or dead, doesn't matter to me. You go down and the job is done one way or the other. The only ones who will care if your alive or not are Zenra and the Guild." I clicked the safety on my blaster off, rather loudly for effect too. Now the target would wonder if I was set for stun or kill. "Zenra," I continued, "wants you alive so that she can 'talk' to you about things. The Guild will take a few credits more from the reward for 'paperwork' fees if your dead." I stepped closer to the stack of boxes he was hiding behind. "Either way, I get paid and the customer gets satisfied."
"Never!" he shouted from somewhere above head height. So that's what he was up to. Trying to climb up and get to the roof. This flashed through my mind only briefly though, and boxes came tumbling down at me.


text:
MacCartney, John.
You are here » Convicts transported to Australia » New South Wales. » Layton » 17 June 1829. » MacCartney, John.
Convict name: MacCartney, John.
sentence_details:
Convicted at Lancaster Quarter Session for a term of 7 years on 05 May 1828.
vessel: Layton
date_of_departure: 17 June 1829.
place_of_arrival: New South Wales.
Microfilm Roll 89, Class and Piece Number HO11/7, Page Number 97 (51)
John MacCartney, one of 190 convicts transported on the Layton, 17 June 1829.
publication_details:
Canberra [A.C.T.] :Australian Joint Copying Project,[1948-1990]
original_version_note:
This record is one of the entries in the British convict transportation registers 1787-1867 database compiled by State Library of Queensland from British Home Office (HO) records which are available on microfilm as part of the Australian Joint Copying Project (AJCP).
topical_subject_heading: Convicts--Australia--Registers.
neographic_subject_heading: Australia--Genealogy.
: australia-genealogy
Connected with MacCartney, John.
Anthony, William.
Convicted at Bristol (City) Quarter Session for a term of 7 years on 27 April 1829.
Transported by Claudine (19 August 1829.).
Barton, William.
Convicted at Hertford Assizes for a term of life on 05 March 1829.
Transported by Morley (05 August 1829.).
Cheetham, Samuel.
Convicted at Chester Session of Pleas for a term of 7 years on 13 October 1828.
Transported by America (04 April 1829.).
Cocklin, Patrick.
Convicted at Middlesex Gaol Delivery for a term of 7 years on 11 June 1829.
Transported by Prince Regent (17 August 1829.).
Cross, John.
Convicted at Upper Canada Courts Martial for a term of 14 years on 13 July 1838.
Transported by Layton (09 July 1839.).
Dowd, Michael.
Convicted at Chester Session of Pleas for a term of life on 09 April 1829.
Edwards, John.
Convicted at Lancaster Assizes for a term of life on 07 March 1829.
Edwards, Thomas.
Convicted at Salop Assizes for a term of life on 19 July 1838.
Gibbs, Samuel.
Convicted at Gloucester Quarter Sessions for a term of 10 years on 16 October 1838.
Lowe, Thomas.
Convicted at Stafford Assizes for a term of life on 234 July 1828.
Transported by Surrey (13 July 1829.).
Mier, John.
Convicted at Stafford Assizes for a term of life on 24 July 1828.
Transported by York (30 April 1829.).
Poole, William.
Convicted at Stafford Assizes for a term of 14 years on 06 August 1829.
Transported by Mary (15 December 1829.).
Roberts, Louisa.
Convicted at Montgomery Great Session for a term of 7 years on 15 August 1829.
Transported by Eliza (03 November 1829.).
Saunders, William.
Convicted at London Gaol Delivery for a term of 14 years on 22 June 1826.
Transported by Layton (13 June 1827.).
Singleton, Margaret.
Convicted at Lancaster Quarter Session for a term of 7 years on 19 January 1829.
Transported by Sovereign (15 April 1829.).
White, William.
Convicted at Stafford Assizes for a term of 14 years on 24 July 1828.
About the story
Barossa (1,004)
Bengal Merchant (980)
Eden (1,069)
Isabella (1,021)
John (1,296)
John Barry (1,103)
Layton (1,129)
Lord Lyndoch (980)
Mangles (1,527)
Marion (1,181)
Mary (970)
Moffatt (1,589)
Neptune (980)
Neptune;Scarborough;Surprize (1,071)
Norfolk (1,221)
Royal Admiral (1,041)
Surrey (1,858)
Susan (1,198)
Waterloo (988)
Arrival dates
December 1789. (1,071)
January 1791. (943)
June 1791. (404)
September 1802. (400)
August 1813. (419)
09 October 1816. (401)
April 1817. (398)
December 1817. (469)
July 1821. (380)
06 April 1833. (410)
04 January 1834. (400)
27 September 1834. (479)
05 May 1836. (399)
07 November 1837. (400)
10 August 1842. (390)
Australia--Genealogy. (123,301)
Gibraltar--Genealogy. (559)


Jit Sin High School held its Annual Sports Day on the 30th of March recently. It started off with a march past by uniform organisations and contingents of athletes from all five houses. This was followed by the opening ceremony which was graced by Mdm. Ng Siew Lai, the State Assembly of Bukit Tengah, Penang.
All athletes showed a strong spirit of sportsmanship and competitiveness. They gave their best and attempted to break records. Even the injured one did not give up. The spectators too did not let them down for they cheered incessantly to raise the morale of the athletes from their respective houses. Each time the result was announced, the students from the winning house would cheer to celebrate their victory.
Although the medals and the records seemed to be the leading issue that morning, the true spirit of sportsmanship was evident in the heart of everyone. The winners were cheered, and at the same time losers were given comforting smiles and sometimes a pat on the shoulder indicating friendship is more important than anything else.
After a few hours, the competition and the hot sunlight seemed to take its toll on the spectators. Most of the students retreated to their house booths, while some went to the canteen to have something to eat. The order gradually broke into chaos, but everything was under control, thanks to the dutiful prefects and police cadets.
Finally,was the highlight of the Sports Day. Athletes from other schools who were invited to Jit Sin made their appearance as if to answer the crowd's anticipation. The crowd cheered wildly when the athletes, including our school's,went to the starting line. The event was 4 X 200 metres relay. Our boys won the gold medal while our girls won the bronze medal. It was a moment of pride for all of us.
At the closing ceremony,it was announced that Purple House emerged as the overall champion this year,followed by Brown House and Red House. The event ended with shouts of "Hip Hip Hurray," bringing the spirit of sportsmanship fervour to its pitch.
In conclusion, the spirit of sportsmanship was evident throughout the Sports Day. The rain on the previous did not dampen the students' spirit to make it a success. Besides that, winning or losing was not our main concern. What was important was that everybody had a good time. This spirit of sportsmanship is still burning strong in Jit Sin. Hopefuly, it will never fade.
Interschool 4X200m - "We are the champion."
Pn. Yeoh :"I'm the winner!"


text:
Ammo depot blast kills at least 25 in Garabulli
BY Libyan Express	 Jun 22, 2016 - 00:30 Updated: Jun 22, 2016 - 03:04
At least 25 civilians have been killed in an explosion at an ammunition store in Garabulli, officials have said.
The blast took place in Garabulli (50km east of Tripoli) after clashes between the residents and the forces positioned in the district.
The store was under control of an armed group from the city of Misurata, but the group had left the depot after clashing with local residents, the officials said.
The coastal road was completely blocked and a mix of armed civilians and local militias from the coastal town were manning checkpoints on the edge of the town along the coastal road.
Cars trying to pass through were being searched but it was not clear for what.
The situation is very tense, says Miftah Ali, the Libyan News' correspondent.
For: Ammo depot blast kills at least 25 in Garabulli


text:
Home Columns Lists Football Legends: The Forwards
Football Legends: The Forwards
Victor Li
The game, at its most basic, is about putting the ball in the back of the net. In order to be a great FORWARD, you have to be able to score. Tracking back on defense is nice. Being a great passer and playmaker is good, too. However if you can't score, then you won't be a very effective forward (unless you're Emile Heskey) and you won't be very useful to your team.
That being said, in order to be a legendary forward, you need more than just stats. You need to have an aura of invincibility. You need to score on the biggest stages and under the brightest lights. Your goals must lift your squad to victory or bring them back from the edge of defeat. You need to be the player that strikes fear into the hearts of the opposing squad, the one that they single out and say, "We can't let that guy beat us."
And even then, you might not be as good as these players were. These legends had eye-popping stats, larger-than-life personalities, and boatloads of trophies. They also became national symbols of pride and in some cases, they represented the hopes and dreams of entire continents. These players were more than just great goal-scorers. They became icons.
There were enough players to create this list that I decided not to go with any current players. Brazilian Ronaldo, despite his brilliance (long before the injuries, weight issues, and tranny hookers, O Fenômeno was on pace to be one of the best that ever lived), and Romario, despite his reputed 1,000 goals, weren't on the list. As good as Romario was, I don't think he ranks as a legend quite yet. Plus, would you have taken him, in his prime, over Ronaldo, in his prime? That may be circular logic, but think about it. Romario might not have been the best Brazilian forward over the last 15 years, and he certainly doesn't hold a candle to Pele or Garrincha. As such, he's out.
Anyway, here's the list. In chronological order, of course:
ARGENTINA*
River Plate (1943-1949)
Huracan (loan, 1946-1947)
Millonarios (1949-1953)
Real Madrid (1953-1964)
Espanyol (1964-1966)
(* Born in Argentina, played for Argentina, Columbia, and Spain. Obviously, FIFA rules were more relaxed back then).
It's not uncommon to see someone play for several different clubs. But several different national teams? Di Stefano accomplished that rare task by suiting up for his native Argentina, Colombia, and Spain. In the meantime, he established himself as one of the greatest players in football history, a gifted and versatile player on par with the likes of Pele, Maradona, and Cruijff. Maradona once said that Di Stefano was better than Pele, and he was voted the Player of the Century for Spain, despite the fact that he was born in Argentina.
He was known as an exceptionally versatile player, excelling at both offense and defense. He was most well known for his time at Real Madrid, where he scored 216 goals in 282 league matches, making him the club's all-time leading scorer. He produced a similar ratio at River Plate, scoring 49 goals in 65 appearances, and at Millonarios, notching 88 goals in 102 appearances. For his career, he scored 377 domestic goals in 521 appearances while adding 29 goals in 41 appearances for Argentina, Colombia, and Spain.
At Real Madrid, he formed a deadly partnership with fellow legend, Ferenc Puskas, to help lead the club to glory. He won eight Liga titles, one Copa del Rey, and an impressive five consecutive European Cups with Real Madrid. He also won two Argentine League crowns and four Colombian League titles. He won the Ballon d'Or in 1957 and 1959, and was named World Soccer Player of the Year three times.
His transfer to Real Madrid was extremely controversial as he had initially signed with Barcelona. With doubts over his eligibility causing Barcelona's board of directors to hesitate over completing the deal, as well as rumors that the Franco Government was working to steer Di Stefano to Real Madrid, Los Meringues were able to swoop in and sign him. To add insult to injury, Di Stefano played extremely well during the first meeting of the year between Real Madrid and Barcelona, netting a hat trick and exacerbating tensions between the two clubs.
Di Stefano's uncertain international status meant that he was unable to play in the 1954 World Cup. He acquired Spanish citizenship in 1956 and played in Spain's World Cup qualifiers. His adopted country failed to qualify for the 1958 World Cup. Di Stefano helped Spain qualify in 1962, but an injury ruled him out before the start of the tournament. Despite having never played in a World Cup, Di Stefano accomplished so much in his long and storied career that he remains one of the best goal-scorers of all time.
Alfredo Di Stefano	VIDEO:
Ferenc Puskás
Kispest A.C. (1943-1949)
Honved (1949-1955)
Espanyol (guest 1957)
Like his celebrated teammate at Real Madrid, Alfredo Di Stefano, Puskás was a goal machine who became a naturalized Spanish citizen. Like Di Stefano, Puskás had an enviable goal-to-games ratio, netting 187 goals in 177 league appearances for Kispest A.C., 165 goals in 164 league appearances for Honved, and 157 goals in 182 league appearances for Real Madrid. Throw in his 84 goals in 85 appearances for Hungary, and Puskás was unquestionably one of the most efficient scorers of all time.
He was a deadly left-footed shooter who could set up goals just as well as he could score them. He certainly didn't look the part of a goal scorer, being short, stocky, and unable to shoot with his right foot. However, he was regarded as one of the greatest outside shooters of all time, and, well, the stats speak for themselves.
He was part of the "Mighty Magyars," a talent-laden Hungarian National Team that was favored to win the World Cup in 1954. Puskás did his part in the group stage, scoring three goals in the first two matches before getting injured. He didn't return until the Finals, and was hobbled and out of form as West Germany (who had lost to Hungary by a score of 8-3 in the group stage) upset them. Despite his injury, he scored the first of Hungary's two goals, and he thought he scored the equalizer until he was controversially ruled off-side. He suited up for Spain in the 1962 World Cup, but failed to score any goals.
Puskás was on tour in Spain with Honved when the Revolution of 1956 broke out in Hungary. Puskás decided to defect to Spain, and the ensuing controversy over his immigration status found him banned from football for two years. He played in a few unofficial matches for Espanyol before signing with Real Madrid. There, he teamed with fellow immigrant Alfredo Di Stefano to give the club a dominant strike force. Their dominance was on display during the 1960 European Cup Final, when Real Madrid defeated Eintracht Frankfurt by a score of 7-3, with Puskás scoring four goals and Di Stefano adding three. Puskás won five La Liga crowns and was a member of the team for three out of Real Madrid's five consecutive European Cups. He also won five Hungarian League crowns and was named FIFA World Player of the Year twice.
Despite his defection, Puskás remains revered in Hungary. He was named the country's greatest player of the last 50 years, and the Puskás Ferenc Stadion in Budapest was named in his honor.
Ferenc Puskás	VIDEO:
Botafogo (1953-1965)
Corinthians (1966)
Portuguesa Carioca (1967)
Atlético Junior (1968)
Flamengo (1968-1969)
Olaria (1972)
Considered by many to be the second-best Brazilian forward after Pele, Manuel Francisco dos Santos "Garrincha" ("little bird" in Portuguese) established himself as one of the greatest dribblers of all time. Not bad for someone who was born with several birth defects, including a right leg that bent inwards and a left leg that was slightly shorter than his right and curved outwards. Those physical deformities didn't stop him from becoming a great dribbler, and he supposedly earned his first professional contract by dribbling a ball through the great Nilton Santos's legs during a training session. He was able to use his handicap to his advantage, as opposing players could never tell which way he was going to go when he started dribbling the ball.
In addition to his dribbling skills, he was a great shooter who could score with either foot. He was also a great free-kicker and dead-ball specialists who often took corners for his team, scoring three goals directly from corner kicks. Garrincha operated from the right wing a lot, and he could use his speed and dribbling to get past defenders and set up goal chances for himself or for his teammates. He was also a good header, despite standing 5'7".
He made 612 appearances for Botafogo, scoring 243 times. He won the Campeonato Carioca (Rio de Janeiro Tournament) three times, the Torneio Rio-São Paulo (Rio/Sao Paulo tournament) three times, and the Roca Cup, a tournament between Brazilian and Argentinean clubs.
He had his greatest success on the international stage, where he was a part of the 1958 and 1962 World Cup winning squads for Brazil. He was voted to the Best XI in the 1958 World Cup, despite only playing in 4 matches and not scoring a single goal. He was responsible for setting both of Vava's goals in the Final against Sweden, and he was dominant in matches against the USSR and Wales. In 1962, he continued his success for the Brazilian national team, as he was voted Most Outstanding Player of the World Cup. He carried his team after Pele was injured early in the tournament, and finished with four goals. He scored a number of dazzling goals, including the famed "Banana Shot" against England, and had a brace in the Semi-Finals against Chile.
Garrincha was known for his child-like demeanor and was seen as an idiot savant. He was never a huge football fan and had never dreamed of playing professionally until just before he signed with Botafogo. He didn't understand the rules of the World Cup and was decidedly low-key after they won in 1958. Apparently, he thought they were going to play all the teams again, so he refrained from celebrating until he realized his team had won it all. He was also known as "Mané" (short for "Manuel" but which also means "half-wit/fool") by his teammates. Despite his perceived lack of intelligence, his prodigious talent and natural ability was more than enough for him to attain legendary status.
Garrincha	VIDEO:
Santos (1956-1974)
New York Cosmos (1975-1977)
There are legends, there are icons, and then there's Pele. Without question, Pele is the greatest player of all time, someone whose talent transcended the game. If you don't know anything else about football, you know that Pele was the best. Much like how Jimi Hendrix is considered to be greatest guitarist that ever lived and Michael Jordan is the greatest basketball player of all time, Pele is the greatest footballer ever to walk the planet. Some people might come up with contrarian arguments, just to be different. They might say that Maradona was better, just like how some people claim that Clapton was better than Hendrix or that Oscar Robertson was better than Jordan.
Don't buy it.
Pele scored 1,281 goals, a number made all the more remarkable since these are just the ones recognized by FIFA. By contrast, Romario claimed to have scored 1,000 goals, however some of them came during his days with the youth team and others were in unsanctioned events. He scored 77 goals in 92 appearances for Brazil, and scored 589 domestic goals in 605 appearances. When he came out of retirement to play for the Cosmos, he managed to bag 31 goals in 56 games while doing something that David Beckham couldn't do, namely, turning the Cosmos into an American phenomenon.
He revolutionized the forward position, blending his playmaking skills with his deadly shot to become the ultimate weapon. He was a great dribbler and passer, and was blessed with blistering pace and exception aerial skills. He made the number 10 shirt synonymous with his playmaking abilities, and as a result, he turned what had been a random shirt assignment into a coveted number usually reserved for a team's best player. Whenever teams say that they're looking for a "number 10," they're really referring to Pele.
He was a part of four World Cup squads, winning three of them. He won 25 trophies while playing with Santos, and added to his cabinet with an NASL Title while with the Cosmos. He has a whole slew of individual and lifetime achievement awards, which are too many to name. Suffice it to say that it's a bigger story when Pele doesn't win an award than when he does.
He is a national icon, a global ambassador for the game, and a philanthropist who has used his fame to help those less fortunate than he is. Based on his playing statistics alone, he would be the greatest player of all time. However, his off-the-field activities make him a true legend, and an icon that everyone can embrace.
Pele	VIDEO:
Sporting Lourenço Marques (1957-1960)
Benfica (1960-1975)
Rhode Island Oceaneers (1975)
Boston Minutemen (1975)
Monterrey (1975-1976)
Beira-Mar (1976-1977)
Toronto Metros-Croatia (1976)
Las Vegas Quicksilver (1977)
New Jersey Americans (1977-1978)
União Tomar (1977-1978)
Widely considered to be the greatest Portuguese player of all time, the Mozambique-born Eusebio also gained fame as one of the first great players of African descent. "The Black Panther" spent most of his career at Benfica, where he 319 goals in 313 appearances, including two seasons where he topped 40. However, he also played in other parts of the world, notably the United States, Croatia, Canada, and Mexico, making him one of the true worldwide icons of the sport.
Eusebio won plenty of silverware during his time at Benfica. He won eleven League titles, five Portuguese Cups, and won the European Cup in 1962. He also won titles in the NASL and in Mexico. Eusebio won plenty of individual honors as well, taking home the Ballon d'Or in 1965 and won the very first Golden Boot award in 1968, knocking home 42 goals for Benfica. He won a second Golden Boot award in 1973 with another 40 goals, and led the Portuguese League in scoring seven times.
He continued his goal scoring ways for the Portuguese national team, notching 41 goals in 64 appearances. He led Portugal to a third-place finish in the 1966 World Cup, losing to eventual winners England in the Semi-Finals. Eusebio scored the lone Portuguese goal in that match and finished with a tournament-high 9 goals. Most notably, he scored on a penalty in the consolation match against the USSR by beating the great Lev Yashin, which was no small feat. He finished his Portuguese career as the all-time leading scorer, a record that stood until 2005. He may not be Portugal's leading scorer anymore, but he remains the most beloved and respected Portuguese player of all time.
Eusebio	VIDEO:
Gerd Müller
TSV 1861 Nördlingen (1963-1964)
Bayern Munich (1964-1979)
Fort Lauderdale Strikers (1979-1981)
The phrase "Goal Machine" gets thrown around a lot. Müller, however, more than lived up to his reputation as a goal scorer, finding the net an astonishing 365 times in 427 Bundesliga matches, and 68 times in 62 international appearances. Müller wasn't very tall (5'9"), wasn't very fast, and had short stubby legs that made him look like the last person capable of scoring on the pitch. However, his short, powerful legs allowed him to accelerate past defenders with ease, stay on his feet even after being tackled by defenders, and gave him a surprising amount of leverage in winning headers.
Known as "Bomber der Nation" (the nation's bomber), Müller, along with Sepp Maier and Franz Beckenbauer, was part of the great Bayern Munich teams of the 70's. He won four Bundelisga titles, four German Cups, one Cup Winners' Cup, and three consecutive European Cups from 1974-1976. He led the Bundesliga in scoring seven times and won the Golden Boot twice. He still holds the Bundesliga's single-season scoring record with 40 goals in 1971-1972, and his 66 goals in 72 European Cup matches is still a record. He is, by far, the all-time leading scorer in Bundesliga history, having scored nearly 100 more goals than the person in second place.
His success continued to the international stage, as he was part of the Golden Generation of West German football. He was part of the 1972 European Championship squad and provided the goal scoring that led West Germany to the 1974 World Cup. Playing in his final international match, Müller scored the game-winning goal in the Final against the Netherlands. He finished his World Cup career with 14 goals, a record that stood until Ronaldo passed it in 2006.
He has continued his involvement with Bayern Munich, coaching the reserve team. Unlike his fellow German icons, Maier and Beckenbauer, he has kept a low profile following his retirement, choosing not to voice his opinion on controversial matters relating to German football. Despite his low-key approach, Müller remains one of the most beloved and respected players of all time.
Gerd Müller	VIDEO:
Young Survivors (1981-1984)
Bongrange Company (1984-1985)
Mighty Barolle (1985-1986)
Invincible Eleven (1986-1987)
Tonnerre Yaoundé (1987-1988)
AS Monaco (1988-1992)
Paris Saint-Germain (1992-1995)
A.C. Milan (1995-2000)
Chelsea (2000)
Manchester City (2000)
Olympique Marseille (2000-2001)
Al-Jazira (2001-2003)
Sometimes, calling someone a legend doesn't do that person nearly enough justice. George Weah is an example of that. His on-field accomplishments were impressive, however they didn't come close to measuring his impact on the game. Coming from the tiny and war-torn country of Liberia, Weah used his success and his status as one of the best in the world to improve conditions in his home.
Weah was a great player in his own right. He was big and strong and had a powerful shot. He was a no-frills player who frequently ran straight at opponents, using his strength but also mixing in some excellent ball-control skills. He was a great header of the ball, and he had good speed for someone his size. He scored against Verona after taking a ball from his own penalty box and running through the defense a lot like how Maradona knifed through the England defense in the World Cup.
He was an excellent goal scorer and thrived under Arsene Wenger at Monaco before moving to PSG and AC Milan. He won a French League Title and three French Cups to go with his two Scudetti and FA Cup from his time at Milan and Chelsea, respectively. He never made the World Cup, although he came close in 2002, when a weak and under-funded Liberia missed out by a single point. He remains the only African player to have won the Ballon d'Or and FIFA World Player of the Year, a task he accomplished in 1995. He was also voted African Player of the Century.
Naturally, Weah became a politician and ran for President in 2005 after the second Liberian Civil War and the resignation and exile former President (and indicted war criminal) Charles Taylor. Weah was seen as the "People's Candidate" and he managed to win the initial round of balloting, only to lose in the runoff amid allegations of massive voter fraud. Weah eventually conceded, however he remains popular and committed to improving life in his home country.
George Weah	VIDEO:
Marco van Basten
Ajax Amsterdam (1982-1987)
AC Milan (1987-1993)
His career was cut short by injuries, but what a career it was! Van Basten had an incredible goals-to-games ratio for both club and country. He found the net 218 times in 280 league appearances in both the Netherlands and Italy, and he scored 24 times in 58 appearances for the national team. In all, he scored 301 goals in 428 total appearances for club and country.
His main attribute was his strength on the ball, which allowed him to score in crowded areas. Indeed, he was so big and strong that he seemed to invite hard challenges from defenders, leading to his career-ending injury. Despite his size and strength, he was extremely agile and skilled, capable of scoring off bicycle kicks and overhead kicks. He was also known for his thunderous shot, which allowed him to score from distance as well.
He won three Eredivisie titles, three Dutch Cups, and one UEFA Cup during his time at Ajax, and added three Serie A titles, three Italian Supercups, and back-to-back European Cups (1988 and 1989). Along the way, he racked up a slew of individual honors, including the Golden Boot for the 1985-1986 season when he scored 37 goals in 26 league appearances for Ajax. He won the Ballon d'Or three times (1988, 1989, 1992), World Soccer Player of the Year twice (1988, 1992), FIFA World Player of the Year once (1992), and UEFA Player of the Year three times (1989, 1990, 1992). More amazingly, he led the Eredivisie in scoring every single season he played at Ajax, except for his rookie season, and was the top scorer in Serie A twice (1989-1990, 1991-1992).
He won Euro 88, scoring 5 goals, including a hat trick against England and their legendary goalkeeper Peter Shilton in the group stage. He also led the Netherlands to the semi-finals of Euro 1992, where they lost to Denmark in a shootout. Van Basten only played in one World Cup, which was in 1990. His Netherlands team lost to eventual champions West Germany in the Round of 16.
Van Basten eventually retired because of a serious ankle injury. His career may have been cut short, but his brilliance was unquestionable.
Marco van Basten	VIDEO:
Hristo Stoichkov
Hebros Harmanli (1982-1984)
CSKA Sofia (1984-1990, 1998)
FC Barcelona (1990-1995, 1996-1998)
Parma (1995-1996)
Al-Nassr (1998)
Kashiwa Reysol (1998)
Chicago Fire (2000-2002)
DC United (2003)
The fiery forward was known for his explosive dribbling and shooting and his equally explosive temper on the pitch. He was an excellent free-kick taker and played most of his career on the left side of the field, where his pace and dribbling gave defenders fits and his great crossing skills produced opportunities for his teammates. His on field tantrums and antics didn't detract from his legendary status, though, and he was voted to FIFA's 100 and was named Bulgaria's greatest player of the last 50 years.
Stoichkov's well traveled career saw him star at CSKA Sofia and Barcelona, where he had his best years. He won three Bulgarian League titles, four Bulgarian Cups, and was awarded the Golden Boot in 1989 after scoring 38 goals in 30 games for CSKA Sofia. At Barcelona, he experienced even more success by winning five La Liga crowns, one Copa del Rey, one Cup Winner's Cup, and one European Cup.
Despite Bulgaria's lack of strength on the international stage, Stoichkov was able to achieve some success while representing his country. At the 1994 World Cup, he led Bulgaria to the Semi-Finals, where they lost to Italy, 2-1. Stoichkov was the co-leading scorer of the tournament with six goals, and half of them came in the knock out round. He scored the equalizer against Germany in the Quarterfinals, and scored Bulgaria's lone goal against Mexico in the Round of 16. Along the way, Stoichkov also scored against Argentina, helping to lead his country to a huge upset of one of the pre-tournament favorites (FYI: this was the first match Argentina played after Maradona was thrown out). Bulgaria finished fourth, which was their best World Cup showing.
With Stoichkov, controversy was never far away, and he amassed an impressive resume when it came to on-the-field incidents. He was once suspended for two months after stomping on a referee's foot. He also broke an opposing player's leg while playing in MLS. As a manager, he's continued his controversial ways, clashing with players and getting sent off in matches for arguing with referees. Clearly, he has not mellowed with age.
Hristo Stoichkov	VIDEO:
Vicenza (1982-1985)
Fiorentina (1985-1990)
Juventus (1990-1995)
Bologna (1997-1998)
Inter Milan (1998-2000)
Brescia (2000-2004)
One of the most popular Italian players to play the game, Baggio more than lived up to the adoration and adulation of the fans. With his good looks and charisma, he became a bonafide superstar and ranks as possibly the most famous Italian player of all time. He wasn't just flash, though, as he averaged nearly a goal every two matches despite playing his entire career in defensive-minded Italy, and he scored 27 times in 56 appearances for the Italian national team. Even his playing style was attractive, as he became known for his dazzling runs into the box, his ability to elude defenders, and his skill at flicking passes or shots with either foot.
Baggio won Serie A titles with both Juventus and AC Milan. He also won a Coppa Italia while with Juventus, and added a UEFA Cup title to his haul in 1995. Baggio won the Ballon d'Or and the FIFA World Player of the Year Award in 1993, after leading Juventus to the UEFA Cup and scoring 30 goals in all competitions. In 2002, he was named to FIFA's All-Time Dream Team, alongside players like Pele, Maradona, Beckenbauer, Cruijff, and Platini.
Obviously, he is most famous (or infamous) for missing a penalty kick during the shootout in the 1994 World Cup Final against Brazil. While his miss didn't cost the Italians the match, as Brazil were ahead and would have won if they had converted their next kick, his miss clinched the title for Brazil. The miss overshadowed what had been a great tournament for him, as he named to the World Cup Starting XI and his 5 goals were tied for second-most among all players. He also played well in 1990, scoring the "Goal of the Tournament" against Czechoslovakia, and in 1998, when he became the first Italian player to score in three World Cups.
He accomplished so much and he was such a special player that it's a shame that many people only know about his penalty miss in 1994.
Roberto Baggio	VIDEO:
Text & Career Summaries by Victor Li. Formatting and Image Research by Marco Pantanella.
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text:
package info.noconfuse.springair.rpc.provider;

import org.springframework.stereotype.Component;

import java.lang.annotation.Documented;
import java.lang.annotation.ElementType;
import java.lang.annotation.Retention;
import java.lang.annotation.RetentionPolicy;
import java.lang.annotation.Target;

/**
 * Indicates that an annotated class is a "RpcService".
 * Such classes can be auto-detected by Spring Framework.
 * And will be exposed as Remoting Interfaces.
 *
 * @author Zheng Zhipeng
 */
@Target({ElementType.TYPE})
@Retention(RetentionPolicy.RUNTIME)
@Documented
@Component
public @interface RpcService {
}


The phase diagrams of four graphene-like nanoparticles described by the Ising model are investigated by the use of the effective-field theory with correlations. The particle is represented by a two-dimensional array of spin-1/2 atoms with two types of exchange interactions, J and JS. The effects of surface exchange interaction JS on the phase diagrams are examined. We have found some characteristic behaviours.


You can get the list of all shortcuts in Kanbanize from the "My Account" menu.
Please, access "My Account" at the top right side of your board interface and select the Shortcuts tab. In this tab, you can find the list with all short keys for actions and navigation in Kanbanize.
How to add and configure a process efficiency widget?


Our guide to Monterey Museums and Historical Sites will help you explore Monterey's history.
Click here to search Santa Cruz (30 miles south) or Half Moon Bay (75 miles north).
Built to serve as a public school and town meeting hall, Colton Hall now offers visitors a re-creation of the meeting room where California's first Constitution was drafted in October 1849 and exhibits on early Monterey. Colton Hall is a landmark in the City of Monterey, once the capital of Alta California.
This 8,500 square foot museum is packed with a variety of hands on exhibits, making each visit unique and exciting.
The Museum's important collection of early California paintings and works on paper celebrates the Monterey Peninsula's legacy as an influential art colony.
The Presidio of Monterey Museum exhibits lead visitors through Monterey's various stages of military development – from the indigenous period which highlights the area's native populations; through the Spanish and Mexican periods; and up to present day.
TThe Center is located in John Steinbeck's hometown of Salinas, a scenic 17-mile drive from Monterey, California in the heart of Steinbeck Country. The Museum offers three distinct visitor experiences in literature and history, agriculture and art, as well special events and educational programs.
Historic buildings and spectacular views are found at Point Sur.