text:
Urban transport policy for promotion of electric vehicles in France
Submitted by Soichiro Minami, EHESS on 10 March, 2019 - 13:16
École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales
Alexandre FAURE; Soichiro Minami
Gerpisa colloquium, Paris (2019)
[The purpose of research]
The purpose of this research is to elucidate trend, institutional and social background of Electrification of Urban transport and Automobile. We will focus on promotion of electric vehicles (EV) and plug-in hybrids vehicle (PHV) in France. France has developed an advanced legal system on Transportation and urban mobility planning system. France made decentralization of transportation policy. We will make empirical research on France: intuitional research; Empirical research and case study of some good practice. This research analyze not only projects for electrification but also social background and urban and transportation planning system. We will elucidate the concern with institutional aspect (example urban mobility plan) and implementation of project for Electrification of Urban transport and Automobile.
This report choses 5 city cases and consists in three part. The first part is analysis Concerning Urban plan, mainly PDU (Urban Mobility Plan). The second part is field survey including interview to Urban Transport Authorities or other agencies. The third part is analysis the relation between policies in each cities and the regulation reform of EU or French Law.
[Characteristics of each city]
Authors choses five cities: Lyon; La Rochelle; Tours; Aix en Province; Valenciennes.
Lyon is the second largest city in France. Lyon has ever developed and promoted various innovative mobility means. Recently, Lyon has implemented a demonstration experiment of autonomous mini-bus that is the first case of permanent operation in France. Lyon has a plan for Electrification of Urban transport.
La Rochelle is the birthplace of electric vehicle sharing in France. This city has ever promoted electrification of urban mobility since 1990s. In second PDU (2010-2010), La Rochelle adopted Yélo-Mobility system that is integrated transports system including Bus Network, bicycle, water line and electric vehicle sharing.
Tours is a tourist city along the Loire River, traffic improvement progresses by introducing LRT (Modern Tramway System) in 2013. The PDU established in 2013 incorporates the enhancement of the electric car charging station. Tours city has promoted project of charging infrastructures cooperation with Indre-et-Loire Department.
In Aix-en-Provence, the action plan for electrification of urban mobility is defined in PDU established at 2015. Aix-en-Provence has implemented Car-sharing service of Electric vehicles and development charging infrastructures. And Aix-en-Provence will introduce new electric freight system in City center.
Valenciennes is an industrial city with few elements of tourism in the Nord Department, there is a Toyota factory. Valenciennes set up an e charging infrastructures with PDU established in 2013 and are promoting it as a project under the direct control of Metropole.
[Result]
From analysis of PDU, authors have found those means, development charging infrastructures for EV or PHV, car-sharing service of EV, subsidy to purchase EV, Parking policy for EV and PHV. About Development charging infrastructures for EV or PHV, all cities have project or plan. So this means is the most popular means for promotion EV and PHV on urban transport Policy in France. Aix en Provence has innovative plan called Telewatt Project that is charge system from street light facilities.
But Car-sharing service of EV is done in only one city, it is La Rochelle (In Lyon, there is an E-Car-sharing in certain area, without PDU). EV sharing trends to decline. EV sharing in La Rochelle has long history about 20 years. If the different PDU analysed in this work did not expose the intention to develop car-sharing services, it is perhaps because the PDU is an intercommunal document that need a consensus between all of the cities. The second part of this study will provide precise informations about the diverse car-sharing development in the agglomeration and the local initiative made by some municipality in complement of the PDU orientations. This question implicate a multi-level analyse of public policies from the municipal to the intercommunal political action. Concerning the charging infrastructure, it should be necessary to add a comparison between national, European and local objectives to understand if the 5 PDU analysed integrates only the European of national aims, or if these agglomeration try to be in advance to its. This comparison should be do with the European directive 94-2014 that command the European objectives about charging infrastructure for all of the member-states. In the same time, this methods necessitate to study if the agglomerations studied made an update of their objectives during a period of 2 years after the
1, Purpose of This research
The purpose of this research is to elucidate trend, institutional and social background of Electrification of Urban transport and Automobile. We will focus on promotion of electric vehicles (EV) in France. Indeed, France has developed an advanced legal system on Transportation and urban mobility planning system through the decentralization of transportation policy. This paper shows an empirical research on French local level of administration. The aim of this study is to explore some good practice implemented by municipalities concerning the Electrification of Urban transport and Automobile. This report is based on 5 case study (Aix-en-Provence, Lyon, Tours, La Rochelle Valenciennes).
2, Social Background
2-1 Transport Policy in France
Transportation Code (Code des Transports) forms the basis of French Transportation policy. Transportation Code was enacted by integrating the traffic law in 2010. The Code includes objectives and missions of transportation policy, responsibilities for central and local level of authority, regulations and authorization of transport, cost burdens and fare policy, safety standards and all other provisions. Transportation rights is one of new social rights. This origin is Orientation law of domestic transport (LOTI, Loi d'Orientation des Transports Intérieurs,) enacted in 1982 . Important provisions are as follows :
-Transport system must satisfy needs of users, guarantee the transportation right of all persons including persons whose mobility is reduced or handicapped, the freedom to choose the means also the transportation of his goods to carry himself or to entrust to organization or enterprise that he chooses. The implementation of this objective is carried out in the most advantageous economic, social and environmental conditions for the community and in the respect of the objectives of limitation or reduction of the risks, accidents, nuisances, in particular noise, emissions of pollutants and greenhouse gas. (Article L1111-1, Code des Transports )
-The progressive implementation of the transportation rights allows the user to travel under reasonable conditions of access, quality, price and cost in particular to use of traffic means that is opened to the public. (Article L1111-2, id.)
-The Transportation Rights includes the right for users to be informed about offered means and method of using. (Article L1111-4, id.)
Environmental sustainability is another priority object defined in the transport policy of France. In particular, measures against climate change is emphasized as an important problem. Grenelle's Environmental Laws are others important environmental laws concerning transportation policy (approved between 2009 and 2010). These laws are new environmental laws created by the Sarkozy administration in collaboration committee with environmental NGOs, business and industrial organization and labor unions . France adopts decentralization for transportation policy. Urban transportation policy is done by inter-communes organization that is called "Urban Mobility Authority" (AOM, Autorités Organisatrices de la Mobilité).
2-2 PDU (Urban Mobility Plan)
The PDU (Plans de Déplacements Urbains, Urban Mobility Plan) is a plan that sets the standards for urban transport and forms the basis of urban transport policy in France. Development is obligatory with AOM with a population of over 100,000. PDU is a 10-year transportation plan linked to urban planning and land use planning. It is necessary to go through the process of consensus building that is called Enquête Publique (Public Judgment). Formulate the PDU became the obligation at 1996, LOTI revision. Until then, it was non-binding target, and the PDUs in each city were completed since 1996, when it was mandated by LOTI .
The PDU is positioned as an important plan next to SCOT (Schéma de COhérence Territoriale) that is an urban planning master plan enactment of the SRU Act (Loi relative à la Solidarité et au Renouvellement Urbains) at 2000. In addition, PDUs are positioned in the top plan of district plans (PLU, Plan local d'urbanisme) in each city. In other words, by positioning the PDU as an important component in the city planning system centered on SCOT, the system will promote the supply of transportation infrastructure services while integrating with other policies such as land use planning. The ultimate goal of the PDU is to fundamentally change the urban structure. The aim is to create an easy-to-use city for walking, cycling, and public transportation, and to fulfill environmental protection and traffic rights.
The 11 goals to be achieved by the PDU are defined in Article L 1214-2 of the Transportation Code .
1, Equilibrium between the needs of mobility and Sustainability;
2, Strengthen social solidarity and improving accessibility of public transport;
3, Improving safety of all mobility mood;
4, Reducing car traffic;
5, Enhancement of public transportation and clean modes, pedestrian and bicycle;
6, Improving the main road network in the urban area;
7, Diversification of the parking composition, dividing among various use including disability persons or car-sharing vehicle, taxi or public vehicle etc.;
8, Organize the logistic system in urban area;
9, Improving commuter transport, including public transport and car-pool;
10, The organization and integration of public transport fare including Park & Ride;
11, Develop an usefull environment for electric vehicles or plug-in hybrids.
PDU is Comprehensive local transport plan that can define any traffic service level, might be the basis for regulation to private transport operator and must include consensus-building and public participation procedure. This plan is just a vision for sustainable mobility in that region. Local Government must define comprehensive and systematic Local Transport Network by this plan .
3, Case studies
Authors choses five cities: Aix-en-Provence, Lyon, Tours, La Rochelle, Valenciennes. La Rochelle is the birthplace of electric vehicle sharing in France :Yélo-Mobility system that is an integrated transports system. Lyon has ever developed and promoted various innovative mobility means including Electrification of Urban public transport. Tours introduced LRT (Modern Tramway System), traffic improvement progresses by 2013. Valenciennes is an industrial city with Toyota factory which had set up an efficient e-charging infrastructures. Aix-en-Provence, the second city of a large agglomeration lead by Marseille. This last city is important to understand the link between the different local administration about the question of mobility.
3-1 La Rochelle
(1) Policy context about sustainable mobility
La Rochelle implemented two environmental transport policies in 1990s. The first is the promotion of electric vehicle, especially E-car sharing system. The other is one social experimental "Car Free day" . At Car Free day municipality forbids using automobile in city center. The purpose of Car Free Day is that People experience the city or a life without cars. The first event was done at 1997 by only La Rochelle. At 1998 this became national event in France. From 2000, Car Free Day has been the event of EU. EU launched new event "European Mobility Week" . Despite La Rochelle had done two epochal policies, Usage levels of public transport remained low. Example, passengers per resident is only 48.2 . It seems that transport policy of La Rochelle is incoherent. People have not stopped using cars, as the alternatives remain poor level.
(2) Perspective in PDU
From 2010, La Rochelle launched new mobility policy, "Yelo" as an action of PDU. Yelo is new comprehensive brand including public transportation, Bike and E-Car sharing. The relevant action plan in PDU are as follows; Action 41 Develop the Yelomobile service: The aim is to increase the number of cars available in the car sharing service "Yelomobile" by adding electric and hybrid cars. The study to develop request an invest of 10,000 euros; Action 55 Promote the clean engine and alternative to cars: This action has no budget. The question is about education and promotion of the green and clean mobility. Action 56 Study the possibility to deploy public charging infrastructure: The aim is to study about number and location of public charging station. Budget is 140,000 euros, 2012-2014, to study and build these stations.
(3) Electric Car-sharing service
In the PDU of La Rochelle approved in 2012, the issue of public car sharing system is treated by Yelomobile, including urban transport network. Yelomobile has a network of car sharing initially operating from engines. The PDU proposes to start a transition from these engine vehicles to a fleet composed of a mix of engine, hybrid and electric cars. This combination would make it possible to offer vehicles for inner-urban short trips and vehicles for interurban long journeys. This would simultaneously respond to a demand for daily traffic and long distance traffic. Finally, the study commissioned by the agglomeration of La Rochelle for the development of the Yelomobile fleet induces the addition of electric and hybrid cars. Concretely, in 2019, 28 electric cars were integrated into the Yelomobile fleet. The using costs does not vary between the uses of different types of motorization. The monthly packages vary from 10 € / month for less than 3 trips and 1h20 of use, to 250 € / month for 8 long journeys (<8h) or 100 half-hour trips. B. Desveaux (Vice-President of the Agglomeration of La Rochelle) explains that Yelomobile car sharing service is described as very positive in order to promote the experience of EV driving. Indeed, the experience of it would serve as an experiment for people who may wish to find an alternative to the engine. Yelomobile, in addition to offering a service for people who do not want to own a vehicle, offers people who own a conventional motor vehicle the means to test an alternative through the electric.
(4) Public charge stations
In the PDU, the agglomeration proposes to order a study to analyze how and where to increase the number of public charging stations. B. Desveaux explains in an interview that the city of La Rochelle is worried in two ways for the existing network of charging stations. First, the terminals are old and quickly deteriorate. During the observation of these stations, it can be seen that the terminals are rusted, sometimes very degraded both at the terminal and at the level of the signs indicating the terminals. The second point is that of the aging of the charging system, which is no longer compatible with the new EV's models. For these two reasons, the extension of the network presented in the PDU is limited by the city of La Rochelle to a renovation of the existing terminals. The objective set in the PDU is also constraint by a recent change in the institutional landscape, leading to a reduction in the agglomeration's capacity to act directly in the field of electromobility. In fact, B. Desveaux explains that at the initiative of the Departmental Syndicate of Electrification and Rural Equipment of the Charente-Maritime (SYDEER), all the municipalities of the agglomeration excepted La Rochelle have consented to the transfer of jurisdiction over the charging station network. This means that these municipalities and the inter-communality are no longer able to install terminals without the approval of SYDEER. This union and the city of La Rochelle, however, do not have the same ambitions. The city of La Rochelle wants to build many terminals in and around La Rochelle, but SYDEER does not seem able to pursue the same goal. This shows the difficulty for the agglomeration to implement the PDU, since finally, it is neither Yelomobile nor the municipalities that have the necessary instruments for that.
(5) Brief Summary
The observation of La Rochelle and its surroundings give the feeling of a strong cohesion between the public transport network and the sharing services of bicycles and electric vehicles. The Yelomobile service is used, easily identifiable. This feeling is reinforced by a similar graphic chart to all these services and by a system of counters making it easy to obtain all the information necessary for the use of the different modes of transport. These elements make La Rochelle and its agglomeration a very impressing laboratory of intermodality. It should also note a desire on the part of the town of La Rochelle to promote alternatives to the car. The harbor and the city center are widely thought to give priority to public transport and cyclists. Cars are prohibited.
3-2 Lyon
The question of the bottlenecks exposes the different limitation that have consequences on the individual mobility. By example, the first bottleneck is the difficulties to made the link between two different mode of transport (bicycle and train, car and tramway….). This limitation is caused by multiples problems, in the first place by the bad information system about multi-modality. Moreover, Lyon have a strong system of public transport and this situation give to the PDU a larger scale than the other. The public transport network is linked to the regional influence of the metropolitan area and the invests should be concentrated on the national and regional train line.
(2) Perspective PDU
Action 1.3.3 Conceive the stations of public transport in the aim to be accessible to all of the mode of transport: The action will study the possibility to integrate the electromobility near to the stations. No objective and no agenda. Action 4.3.2 Reinforce the regulation of parking: Give to electric vehicles specific parking reserved to its. No objective and no agenda. Action 4.4.2 Subsides for professional cars: The agglomeration wants to give subsidies during 2 years to help professional to buy electric vehicles. Action 4.4.3 Promote a energetic mix on vehicles in function to the need of the territory: Until 2022, the agglomeration should build 700 new public charging station (200 in 2017). It should be done with a public private partnership.
(3) Subsides for transition to EV's
The PDU Lyon Métropole includes many actions in favor of the electrification of urban transport. These actions are particularly focused on the issue of urban road freight. The Métropole of Lyon proposes to subsidize the purchase of electric vehicles by professionals to replace the fleet of diesel vehicles and petrol with electric vehicles (Action 4.4.2). These grants have been in place since the 1st February 2019 for an amount ranging from 5,000 to 10,000 for electric, hydrogen or natural gas vehicles. This campaign of subsidies would be limited to two years (according to the PDU) so as not to weigh on public finances. Another action (7.2.2) proposes to create tools to help carriers acquire and find low-emission vehicles using more efficient or alternative engines. This should be done by a dedicated website (which does not exist yet). These actions put forward in the PDU are accompanied by the creation of a Low Emission Zone on the entire agglomeration limiting the traffic of trucks and utilities to efficient vehicles. Finally, as in many PDUs, the agglomeration proposes to create for urban freight to create an Urban Logistics Space (ELU) to centralize and streamline the distribution
(4) Car sharing
In the Lyon PDU, car sharing system is only mentioned as existing. There is no particular action in this area. There are electric car sharing service without PDU Framework. They are offered by private company (Bollore, Transdev) .
(5) Public charge station
Regarding public charging stations, the PDU Lyon proposes an ambitious target of 700 new terminals: 200 in 2017 and 700 in 2022. This deployment is presented as having to rely on private public partnerships. However, by observing the streets in Lyon, even helped by the Internet, it appears that accessible public terminals are very rare. The indication of their locations is very uneven, with both a visible layout for the fast charging stations and the absence of markers for slow or medium charging stations located in parking lots. At the end of 2018, the Métropole de Lyon signed a contract to build over 600 public charging stations with two companies (Sodetrel and Demeter). This contract should allow the agglomeration to pursue the objectives it had set for itself.
While the PDU of Lyon is very ambitious in terms of electromobility, the application of the objectives is not yet visible. It should be noted, however, that the Métropole de Lyon has undergone many institutional changes since 2014 and that the electromobility development plan has improve this year with the signing of a major contract with companies, thus respecting the idea issued in the PDU to operate with a public-private partnership. The development of the district of Confluence presented as a model of eco-district, however, reveals the weakness of achievements in terms of electromobility. The built-in rapid charging station is integrated into the planned network to create a Rhone-Channel corridor going from Switzerland to the Mediterranean via Lyon. In this context, electromobility is used as a communication tool before being a tool for the energy transition of mobility.
3-3 Tours
Tours agglomeration decides to promote largely the alternative to engine mobilities. It means that the first mission gives to the PDU is to make pedestrians and cycling mobility more comfortable, efficient and attractive for the population. The aim is at the same time to fight the climate change and to have a healthy transport system. In fact, is the first objective enlighten by this document are the alternatives to cars in general, the central point is the development of public transport. Agglomeration begins to develop a tramway network for a decade (opened in 2013). Stations of tramway should be organized with parking for cars and bicycles to promote inter-modal transports. The agglomeration will subside the people who want to buy an electric bicycle. In addition, the municipalities should be invited to decrease the number of public parking for the public transports and alternatives to cars more attractive. The freight is another problem in the city-center. Traffic jam, pollution, noise, comfort, lot of inconvenient that implies to limit it. The agglomeration wants to promote clean and silent trucks by creating a specific park for these vehicles.
Action 47-49: Promotion of silent and clean vehicles; Study the possibility to create an Centre for Urban Freight; Promote alternative to petrol engine for the freight: The aim of the three actions is to re-organized the circulation of goods in the city center, changing the schedule for freight in the aim to decrease the traffic during peak; creation of a specific place to concentrate and diffuse the freight more efficiently, allocation of public charging station for electric trucks need to be studied. Action 54 Deployed public charge infrastructures: The objective is to have 5% of hybrid and EVS since 2020, building 100 charging stations since 2023, the majority of its should be slow charge and some of its fast. Action 55 Promotion of non-carbonized engine, or engine less polluting: The goal is to give subsidies to municipalities in the aim to buy electric vehicles for the public fleet. The second point of this action is concerning Autociti car sharing system, complete the actual fleet by EVs. The agglomeration should experiment hybrid and electric buses.
(3) Electric Car sharing
Tours has a car-sharing service with motor vehicles (Autociti). In the action 55 of the PDU, it is proposed to increase the number of vehicles on the network by EV. However, the PDU remains very limited about electro-mobility, explaining in particular that electric vehicles even if they do not pollute as much during use as conventional vehicles, its participate in traffic congestion and therefore indirectly to pollution. In this question, the PDU finally favors investment in gas buses to reduce air pollution and noise pollution. However, this network is very small (7 parking areas with several spaces each) and only about fifteen vehicles including city cars and family vehicles.
The aim of the Tours PDU is to increase the number of hybrid and electric vehicles to 5% by 2020. The agglomeration will also have 100 charging stations before 2023, with a few units within fast charge. However, during the field work conducted in March 2019 in Tours, it became apparent that the number of charging stations accessible on roads was zero. Thanks to the internet, it is possible to know the location of terminals in the public and private car parks, but access is limited because of the lack of symbols on the street. In fact, it was only a symbol of EV's charge station in a front of a hotel near the train station, indicated the presence of it in the park.
The agglomeration of Tours is certainly the least advanced on electro-mobility compared to other cases studied. The PDU is focused on the development of non-motorized mobility (walking and cycling), and electro-mobility is relegated in the background as an adjustment variable. Thus, the public charging stations are almost inexistent and the information not easy to access. It seems moreover that the local actors are divided between an energetic syndicate with few means and the city of Tours which has no particular ambitions in this sector of mobility.
3-4 Valenciennes
The particularity of Valenciennes in comparison to the 4 others PDU analyzed are the place of the freight in the regional economy and the low level of traffic jam. Indeed, the city-center is not congesting as in others city because historically, the roads and street are larger and the population of Valenciennes do not had increase quickly during the last decades. Industrialization and first war world produce a city with large street, function of the different activities and destruction the city known. So regulation of car traffic isn't the same solutions than in others case. Firstly, the City of Valenciennes do not suffer of a low number of parking in surface. The solution proposed by the PDU is to reduce the number of parking in the city to promote new comportment and to improve the traffic of public transport as the tramway lines. Concerning the freight, to different approach need to be underline. Firstly, the PDU do not diagnostic a problem with the freight in the city-center. Moreover, the freight at the regional and European level is considered as an opportunity because of the location of Valenciennes in a node of roads. Agglomeration proposes to make easiest the access to the industrial and commercial areas fort freight companies in the aim to create jobs.
Action 23 Promote innovative transportation system: The PDU proposes a low ticket price for parking and the promotion of alternative to petrol engine. In the same time, agglomeration have an objective to replace the old buses by clean one, but without precise agenda. The agglomeration proposes to deploy public charging station without precise agenda.
In the case of Valenciennes, the PDU as well as the interviews we had did not give any idea of the policy in favor of shared vehicles.
Regarding the infrastructure, the PDU indicates a target of 150 terminals installed on the perimeter of the PTU (Perimeter of Urban public Transport) by 2023. This is in addition to the terminals installed by the departmental union (100 on the entire territory of the department before 2013). However, if this objective is modest, it is much more perceptible on the streets than for the other cities studied. Indeed, whether at the exit of the train station or in the other streets of the city center, many charging stations are visible. In an interview with Mr. Marchant, Deputy Mayor of Valenciennes, he highlights the city's policy for electromobility and his belief that future mobility will necessarily be electric. However, he puts forward his feeling that the terminals are not used or very little for the moment. This low usage does not seem to modify the objectives taken when writing the PDU.
The PDU of Valenciennes is certainly the least ambitious for the development of electro-mobility. However, the city has for several years begun a policy of deployment of charging stations throughout the territory, in the center and around that is very present and visible. This shows that the fact that the PDU does not integrate this ambition, does not mean that local authorities do not engage in this path. By investigating with the municipality, one can observe the conviction on the part of local elected officials that electro-mobility represents the most logical solution for the future of mobility. The main lesson of Valenciennes is to show the importance in the analysis of public policies of separating the operational from the political communication in order to better understand how the policy appropriates urban planning documents.
3-5 Aix en Provence
The specificities of the case of Aix-en-Provence are numerous. The city of Aix-en-Provence is divided between an urban center very narrow, where only little streets. That point has a strong influence concerning the political orientation. The PDU of Aix-en-Provence have the strong ambition to decrease the traffic inside the old city. This objective is explained by different arguments that are not linked: air pollution, noise, security, and traffic jam, decrease the social cost of cars. This last point is one of the most important ones. PDU explains that "preservation against a risk of social fracture resulting from the rise in individual transport costs implies policies in favor of public transport and alternative mobilities to the car." Furthermore, the authors of the document did not imagine a city without cars. The question is how to make more efficient the mobility. Firstly, the diminution of the number of cars is a necessity because the urban system of Aix-en-Provence does not have the possibility to support huge traffic. In this way, the diminution is not a disappearance, it is a modal report from car to public transport. At the same time, the authors consider that the cars should be used for the less urbanized areas. For these areas, the traditional petrol engine, need to be replaced step by step by alternatives. To resume, the transition from the actual mobilities that are not sustainable, to a mobility system integrating alternatives, public transport and cars necessitate time. This PDU is written as the first step of the transition. The aims are not only for environmental reason, but also for finance. Infrastructures for car have a huge cost for public authorities. In opposition to the development of cars, the choice is made to increase the invests on the public transport network. Public transport need more comfortable vehicles, a better system of information and new infrastructures. Likewise, fighting traffic jam is crucial to have a more efficient bus service. Finally, the other objectives of the PDU are linked to the question of traffic jam that is the heart of the argumentation against cars.
Action 11 A public policy to develop the electromobility: Before the PDU, the urban mobility authority that is called CPA, has deployed 45 charging stations in different part of the city. In 2014, 11 communes of the CPA signed a public market to buy public charge station. At the same time, the CPA and different public actor bought an electric vehicle for service (a dozen). Adding to these stations, private companies like IKEA or Carrefour, build public stations around their facilities for the consumers. The CPA have a plan to buy 4 or 6 electric vehicles by year, that is more ambitious than the departmental plan for air and climate protection (PPA – Plan de Protection de l'Air des Bouches-du-Rhônes). Moreover, the CPA helps the different commune of the agglomeration by giving a subside to buy electric vehicles and to install a charging station in the technical centre. 1. Subsidies to buy electric car (limited to 10% of the cost, or 1000 euros by people). 2. Installation of 20 public charge station by year (the aim is to have one charging station by 3000 inhabitants). In terms of public finance, this action would cost 200 000 euros (20 000 by year). 3. Projet Téléwatt (Téléwatt project). In 2015, the CPA have initiated a project to experiment a system of charging for electric vehicle through the public light infrastructure. 4. Diminution of the cost of a residential licence for park in the city for hybrids. Free parking for EVs.
The agglomeration of Aix-en-Provence has no car sharing service. The PDU recently voted, also has no ambitions about it. The only singular point is the desire to ask real estate developers and municipalities to provide reserved parking spaces for carsharing cars owned by several private persons simultaneously.
The charging stations are rare in Aix-en-Provence. In the streets, none are visible. The public terminals are installed in the car parks which are very frequented because of the prohibition to circulate in the hyper center of the city. In this context, the car parks have some spaces reserved for electric vehicles with charging stations accessible by subscription. In the PDU, the goal is quite small. It would involve installing 20 charging stations by years with the long-term objective of a public terminal for 3000 inhabitants. The establishment of these terminals is subsidized up to 1000 euros per station in the limit of 20,000 euros per year and 200,000 euros for the entire exercise of the PDU.
(5) Brief Summary The PDU of Aix-en-Provence must be understood from a particular geographical situation. Indeed, Aix-en-Provence is not the center of the urban area to which the city belongs and which is largely dominated by Marseille. As a result, the Aix-en-Provence PDU is part of a group of six cities that are today part of the Marseille metropolitan area. Electromobility holds a very weak place in the ambitions of the politicians of Aix-en-Provence and Marseille, first and foremost because these cities are composed with narrow and largely pedestrian streets in which the car in general is not welcome. Thus, the development of public charging stations is limited to the only development of terminals in parking lots. Information is missing and finally, electromobility is also almost absent.
4, Comparison Analysis among 5 cities
4-1 comparison of Action Plan in PDU
About Development charging infrastructures for electric vehicles or plug-in hybrids, all cities have project or plan. So this approach is the most popular about electrification of urban transport in France. But Car-sharing service of Electric vehicles is done in only one city, it is La Rochelle (In Lyon, there is an E-Car-sharing in certain area, without PDU framework). See Table 1.
If the different PDU analyzed in this work did not expose the intention to develop car-sharing services, it is perhaps because the PDU is an intercommunal document that need a consensus between all of the cities. The second part of this study will provide precise information about the diverse car-sharing development in the agglomeration and the local initiative made by some municipality in complement of the PDU orientations. This question implicates a multi-level analyses of public policies from the municipal to the intercommunal political action.
Concerning the charging infrastructure, it should be necessary to add a comparison between national, European and local objectives to understand if the 5 PDU analyzed integrates only the European of national aims, or if these agglomerations try to be in advance to its. This comparison should be doing with the European directive 94-2014 that command the European objectives about charging infrastructure for all of the member-states. In the same time, this method necessitate to study if the agglomerations studied made an update of their objectives during a period of 2 years after the transposition of the European directive in the national legislation, that is the legal time to be in conformity with it.
Table 1 Comparison of PDU actions for EV promotion in each city
Development of public charge infrastructures for EV / PHV
Telewatt Project (Charge by Street light)
Subsidy to purchase EV for individual
Subsidy to purchase EV for professional use
Reduction of Parking Fare for EV/HV
Priolity Parking for EV
Car-sharing service of Electric vehicles
FS: Only Feasibility Study
4-2 Analysis from empirical study
The authors conducted an interview survey and a field survey for each 5 cities. The following trends were found by comparing the results presented in the PDU with the results of the field survey. There is a gap between goals and results. Example, Valenciennes has the less ambitious project in PDU, but finally, in the field observation, it seems that it is the most advanced city about public charge station. Lyon has a very ambitious PDU, but achievement is poor about public charge station, particularly concerning the access to the information that is at a very poor level. One could only observe a fast station, even with the help of internet. In general, there are never signboard indicating the charging stations, with the exception of terminals that are linked to a shared vehicle service (for example Yelomobile, La Rochelle or Bluely, Lyon). An important fact is the almost total absence of signaling of the terminals on the parking lots even though these parks often have terminals and places reserved. By asking for information in each of the cities at the tourist offices, the town hall or public transport counters, we have never obtained a map, leaflet or information on the charging stations. In general, in each case, there appears to be competition between the municipalities and the departmental energy cooperative (Syndicat in French) for competence regarding the charging stations. In most cases except in Lyon, suburban municipalities transferred jurisdiction to a SIVU / SIVOM (Syndicate inter municipalities for public utilities in France) while the city center has retained jurisdiction. Except La Rochelle, intermodal does not include electric cars. It is however noteworthy that in the case of Valenciennes, the public transport ticket can also be used to charge its electric vehicle on the public terminals available on the road. In general, all PDUs have a goal of building charging stations, but it is very sparse. We do not know if it is public or private (except in the case of Lyon or it is a PPP), and we do not know the situation of the terminal (in a parking lot, on the road, at no modal and so on).
Authors find the four challenging points to social implementation of electric vehicle. The first point is poor information about public charge station. The map or leaflet in not published. Tourist offices don't have any information about public charge station. One can't find station without internet information service developed by third parties. There are not signboard or only small signboard by the charge station. The second point is sectionalism. PDU is established by AOM (Municipality level), but public charge stations are sometimes managed by electricity syndicate of prefectures level in many cities. The third point is the difficulties for including electric vehicle into intermodal project. Only Project of electric vehicle in La Rochelle is including Yelo system that is comprehensive mobility service with public transport and bike sharing and so on. In other cities, intermodal project does not include electric vehicle. The fourth point is the low level of statistics data about public charge station. It is difficult to know the degree of achievement of the goals indicated in the PDU.
As a result of the survey of five cities, the progress of promotion electric vehicles indicated in PDU is different. It can be said that the spread of electric vehicles in France is still at an early stage. At the moment, it is difficult to use an electric car like an engine car. In order to promote electric vehicles, it is necessary to overcome the 4 challenging points found by the authors in this section.
5, Conclusion
From analysis of PDU, authors have found those means, development charging infrastructures for EV or PHV, car-sharing service of EV, subsidy to purchase EV, Parking policy for EV and PHV. About Development charging infrastructures for EV or PHV, all cities have project or plan. So this means is the most important means for promotion EV and PHV on urban transport Policy in France. The difference observed between the ambitions written in the PDU and the reality revealed how politicians consider electromobility. In general, EVs are used for political communication, to show how the city is innovative. The ambition about mobility enlighten the capacity of the cities to lead the sustainable actions. It is possible to analyze this point by a critical approach of the "greenwashing". In another approach, it appears that the specialization of the different level of administration and the high number of player in this field, create lot of constraints. Both approaches explain why in all of the case, the PDU focus initially to promote public charge stations. This action is the easiest one. But in the same time, both approaches can explain why there is few public charge stations: it is primarily a communication tool and secondly an expensive action that concern today very few number of citizens. Beyond the public charge stations program, each city have different approaches, that show a diversity of solutions. The PDU approved during the last five years express a strong will for experimentation as low resources allowed for its. Cities seems to have the abilities to try new mobility. Simultaneously, it seems cities are waiting for a regional, national or European orientation in order to have a coherent plan to organize the transition to electric transportation system.
Daniel Boy, et al. : Le Grenelle de l'Environnement -Acteurs, Discours, Effets-, Armand Colin, 2012.
Certu: Urban Public Transport in France -Institutional organization-, Certu, 2003.
Cerema : Transports collectifs urbains de province Évolution 2010 – 2015 Annuaire statistique, Cerema, 2017. Communauté d'Agglomération de La Rochelle: Plan de Déplacements Urbains de La Rochelle, 2013.
Pays d'Aix (Communaute d'agglomeration du Pays d'Aix-en-Provence) : le Plan de déplacements urbains, 2015.
European Mobility Week: http://www.mobilityweek.eu/ (see 22/05/2019) Légifrance: https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/ (see 31/05/2017).
Soichiro Minami: Sustainable urban transport policy in France –Finance resources and management of public transport-, Doctor Thesis of Graduate School of Economics of Kyoto University, Japan, March 2013, 132 Pages, Language: Japanese.
Shinichi Mochizuki: Tramway Creates the city –French Urban policy at 21th Century-, KASHIMA-SHUPPANKAI, 2001, Language: Japanese.
Ai Nishimura: A comparative analysis on sustainable urban development and new mobility services, 15th International Conference on TRANSED 2018, Taipei International Convention center, Taipei, Taiwan, 14th November 2018.
Siturv (Syndicat Intercommunal des Transports Urbains de Valenciennes) : Plan de Déplacements Urbains du Valenciennois, 2013.
Sitcat (Syndicat mixte des Transports en Aommun de l' agglomération Tourangelle) : Plan de Déplacements Urbains l'Agglomération Tourangelle, 2013.
SYTRAL (Syndicat mixte des Transports pour le Rhône et l'Agglomération Lyonnaise) : Plan de Déplacements Urbains l'Agglomération Lyonnaise, 2017. PDU of La Rochelle, 2013.
List of Interview
Guy Marchant, deputy-mayor of Valenciennes, 13/05/2019
Brigitte Desveaux, councilor of La Rochelle and Vice-President of the Agglomeration of La Rochelle in charge of Transport and Mobility, 10/05/2019.
Olivier SCHAMPION, Agence d'urbanisme de l'agglomération de Tours, 07/03/2019.
Emeric Debouchage, Departemental Syndicat of Electrification (SIEIL), Tours, 06/03/2019.
Thème: 2.	New technologies: electrification, digitalization and beyond
Parallel sessions - 13/06/2019 - Morning - 1st Block - number 10
Hua WANG, KEDGE Business School
Suarez-Forero, M. J.
Electric vehicles charge optimization for the electric system, taking into account drivers behavior
Wangsness, P. B., Proost S., & Rødseth K. L.
Coordinated energy and transport policies for electromobility: The case of Norway
FAURE, A., & Minami S.


text:
POM. Popo, since we visited you last August, which was at the height of the stayaways and the mass action a number of things occurred through the year that were turning point that have had in fact been a factor in bringing the ANC and the government much closer together at the negotiating table. Could you comment on what were the factors that brought that situation about?
PM. I think partly it was as a result of the determination of the ANC to ensure that the process of negotiation does not fall apart and that manifested itself in intensive bilateral discussion between the government and the ANC during which period we were able to identify a lot of commonalities between ourselves and the government resulting in the Record of Understanding, as you will recall, which was signed between President Mandela and President de Klerk on the 26th September last year. But I think apart from the ANC's determination itself, there was also greater recognition on the side of the government that if it delayed the process too long it too would be discredited and that its support was going gradually diminish. And I think for that reason, therefore, the government too sought to ensure that it continues to occupy the high moral ground to do so. It was necessary for them to be seen to be addressing certain key issues of the time such as problems around the cultural weapons, the upgrading of the hostels, increased powers and role of the Goldstone Commission, increased participation by the United Nations Organisation, in particular its observer mission on the issues of violence. I think the government didn't seem to have much choice, it had to move along that direction.
. Nonetheless, Patrick, as you know, it is now common cause that although the Record of Understanding was signed the government has not lived up to all the promises and commitments it had made in that Record of Understanding. It has not addressed decisively the question of the carrying of dangerous weapons in public, it has not seriously addressed the agreement regarding the regular searches on people living in those hostels which are identified as bases from which attacks are being launched against communities. Neither has it fenced off those hostels as it was agreed in the Record of Understanding. Nonetheless, in respect of other matters such as its commitment to an elected constitution making body, the acceptance of a Transitional Executive Council as an interim structure necessary to level playing field, I think in that regard they seem to have performed well.
POM. Just to back up a little. What were the lessons of CODESA? How were they applied to make the negotiating council more transparent?
PM. I think CODESA was seen by many as some kind of a forum where some secret deals were being entered into. The majority of the people appeared to be out of touch with what was happening. But I think that in the new situation the agreement that there would be greater transparency in regard to negotiations, including the regular coverage of the meetings of the Planning Committee or the Negotiation Forum, have helped a great deal in reducing the level of ignorance around that question. But I think there are other lessons also which I wouldn't say we have succeeded in using to correct the situation in the present phase of our negotiations. What has become clear in this negotiation process is that political parties which are essentially the creation of apartheid, surrogate parties, who had been brought into the negotiating process, from no position of strength at all when they commanded no support at all. But once they were inside the negotiating forum they began to command such power, as to even threaten the entire process itself and they could even create a crisis for the whole negotiating process.
. After CODESA 2 we had the resurgence of a number of parties, the Afrikaner Volksunie, then you had the traditional leaders also now coming in, for example the Natal traditional leaders insisting that they want to be separate from all other traditional leaders from elsewhere in the country. And having succeeded in getting that approval, they then form a block between themselves, the IFP, the government of KwaZulu and the far-right white conservatives, like the Conservative Party and so on, including some other right wing black parties like Bophuthatswana and Gqozo of Ciskei. That block is now being used to undermine the whole process. One of the greatest difficulties we are facing and which has been posed by homeland parties, which even in those homelands they don't have the mandate of the majority of the people to govern, there's one in which they are simply refusing to be incorporated into a greater South Africa. The arguments they proffer fundamentally contradict the perspectives and stages, the phases set out in terms of which the negotiation process has to unfold.
. To give you an example, we have reached an agreement that we would set up a Transitional Executive Council that levels the playing field. Then side by side with it, the creation of an independent electoral commission, and an independent media commission to prepare for open political activism, open electioneering, you know, leading up to the election. And during that period we have to deal with the question of the citizenship, the question of voter eligibility and identification. This means that we will have had to make sure that all the people, including those who are now cited to be citizens of the so-called national independent states such as Bophuthatswana and the Ciskei and the Transkei and Venda, should be able to vote in what is supposed to be the first ever democratic election, in which people vote on a "one person, one vote" basis with a vote of equal value. They are now saying that they want to retain their sovereignty, they cannot allow themselves to be incorporated into South Africa. They would want to wait for the final constitution to emerge from the negotiating process. And on the basis of the values contained in that constitution, and how relevant those values would be in terms of their own policies, their own value systems, they would then decide whether they want to become part of that new South Africa. Now, this then means that if they continue their independence and say they would not recognise dual citizenship, it means the people in the homelands would not be able to vote. But secondly, if they agree that those people in the homelands may apply for citizenship of South Africa, they would then say, "You cannot be in the civil service in our country when you are a foreign citizen". They would then create a whole lot of crisis areas for the people in that. That is creating a serious problem for the negotiations.
POM. Now just a week ago we were talking to General Holomisa and he very definitely sees himself as an ally of the ANC but he said he favoured re-incorporation only after an election for the Constituent Assembly. Why would somebody like him who sees himself as an ally of the ANC really go along with the likes of Brigadier Gqozo?
PM. No, he is not really going along with them. His approach is a different one because it's also a debatable question. He is saying, "Look, we are not sure if De Klerk is honest about negotiating a genuine settlement, but somewhere along the way this negotiation can collapse, and if it collapses at a time that we shall have surrendered our sovereignty and we are nothing, what is going to happen to us?" That's the point he makes. And he says, "We are prepared to comply with everything that the independent electoral commission wants us to do, including allowing our people to participate in that election, we are prepared to participate in the Transitional Executive Council and subject ourselves to whatever it wants done, but the question of the independence thing should be rescinded, independence should be rescinded when a Constituent Assembly has been established and we begin to create an interim parliament and interim government of national unity". And it's the same argument held by the Venda government.
POM. Now if, say, most of these organisations really can come under the umbrella of COSAG, if the CP, the IFP, Ciskei and Bophuthatswana stayed outside the process, refused to participate in an election, would that undermine the legitimacy of the election or would it produce of a state of instability in the country as whole?
PM. It would certainly not undermine the legitimacy of the outcome of the negotiation process. Because those parties combined they would not produce even 15% of national vote, all of them, they would not produce that. However, they do pose a serious danger in respect of the capacity to destabilise the country. The IFP has got a number of trained people. It's common cause that they were trained to destabilise the ANC or perhaps even in preparation to destabilise an ANC government. Then you have what is called the Afrikaner Volksfront, which is this new alliance of right wing formations, led by military Generals, army Generals such as Tienie Groenewald and General Constand Viljoen. They draw their support from different echelons of the security forces, the South African Defence Force, South African Police and including the Prisons Service. All these are men who are highly trained, some of whom control the security forces.
. So if you have that sort of a group alienated it may be in a position to destabilise the country, especially when it is not so clear as to what is the extent of the control that Mr de Klerk's government commands over them. That then poses a serious danger and for that reason we would try to persuade them to return to the negotiating process, and we are going to try our best to do so. Of course if everything else we do fails, we would leave everything else to fate. They would have to consider very seriously some kind of intervention by the United Nations Organisation. But, you know, if the National Party would decide to put pressure on governments such as that one of Ciskei and Bophuthatswana, they could be brought into line very easily. We are informed that the government of Bophuthatswana relies for 70% of its budget on the South African government. And 25% of that budget comes from the mining companies there, which are essentially South African companies. Now, part of the 70% that they get from South Africa, say approximately 30% of it, it's something that comes from the customs and excise duty arrangement. So, it's very easy, you can stop that and they are finished. Ciskei is even worse. It probably relies on it's 90% or 100% of its budget from South Africa.
POM. That sounds very rational when one looks at the world, at the conflict situations, they very rarely behave in a rational way. People of Yugoslavia destroyed their own country, I mean they smashed it to pieces. You've got Somalia where there is no government, yet you have warlords. I don't see pulling the financial plug to make people suddenly submit, it may make them more rebellious.
PM. No, but here you see, we have this serious problem if the security forces do not toe the line of the new government. If they do, I mean they have enough capacity to contain whatever happens. And in South Africa they can stop it within a matter of months. Just stop it and flush this genocide in a matter of months.
POM. What do you think happened in the last year? Like this time last year the right wing was seemingly on its last feet following its crushing defeat in the March 1992 referendum. They have now made a fine start, everyone sees them as a real threat; they are more organised and they are more cohesive and it looks as though they have to a certain extent a strategy which is a short-term one. What has accounted for their rise? At the same time what seems be a collapse in the base of support for the National Party which appears fragmented and one recent poll showed that of those who voted for National Party in 1989 only one fourth would vote for them again.
PM. Only?
POM. One fourth, 25%. They are going to retain 25% of their support base. So the weakening of the National Party and the government, seeing the right wing emerging as some kind of threat. How did that happen?
PM. I haven't checked the latest statistics as to whether that disillusion means the right wing movement is getting more support, I haven't checked it properly. But certainly the right wing movement is beginning to get more support amongst the security forces and amongst the rural whites, in smaller towns and so on. But I think that is traceable to the fact that the negotiation process is taking too long. I mean, when it started there was too much excitement. People expected it to deliver too soon.
. Not that ours has been too long a process. I mean, in Namibia people started negotiating in 1978, as I recollect, and they only reached a settlement really in 1989, which was much longer, it took about eleven years. And we can quote a number of other instances where negotiations took much longer than others. But I think the publicity around it, the fanfare with which it started raised the hopes of people very high, but it also created a great deal of uncertainty amongst the whites. The rising levels of violence also clearly presented the De Klerk government as an impotent one, unable to deal with matters of law of order and security. Mistakes from the side of the liberation movements too, the random attacks on the police, the attacks on white people, especially on the farms, by what purports to be the PAC, and some statement made repeatedly by members of the ANC, fairly senior people within the organisation, like in statements such as "Kill the farmer, kill the boer" created a great deal of uncertainty and fear and panic.
. There is another factor which contributes to the declining support for the National Party and it is the state of the economy. The economic situation is going from bad to worse and it is affecting whites as well. The privileges that they were used to are gradually now evaporating, and that too increases their fears. Now, all these factors, therefore, that have created very fertile ground for the right wing movement to organise and to begin to appeal more to the sentiments and the emotions of white South Africans. It is true that never in the history of this country had the right wing movement been able to call a meeting of anything near 10,000 people. But these days when they call a meeting they get 10,000 people, they get 15,000 people turning up. It shows that there is a great deal of anxiety, people want to know what the future holds for them and they'll go to anyone who offers them any security. At the moment the right wing with its paramilitary elements such as the AWB and so on appears to be that movement that is strong and can offer that protection, it can deal with terrorists decisively; thus, they're running to it.
. But I don't think that they enjoy that much support. Most of the discerning South Africans, those who can think, those who understand the signs of the time are increasingly looking for an alternative to the National Party, more to the left than to the right. People who saw the Democratic Party as an alternative to the National Party over the years since the National Party has adopted the same policies and the DP has not been able to move forward, they too are looking for a better alternative, and only the ANC provides that alternative. Because those who are already inside the National Party, some of them are moving towards the IFP now, especially its MPs. But I think it's happening because the National Party is unable to offer leadership.
POM. Is the collapse in support for De Klerk and his ebbing leadership in his own community creating concern in the ANC that your major partner, so to speak, in this whole process may not be able to deliver his own constituency?
PM. Well, it obviously is a matter of serious concern for us and it is a disconcerting matter. We would have liked people with an orientation towards a negotiated settlement such as the National Party to be able to deliver the greatest proportion of the white constituency because their capacity to do so will bring us closer to reconciling our people and lay a firm basis for nation-building. But if they are unable to deliver that constituency the situation will be pretty bad for us. Because it will mean the negotiation with them is not different from black people negotiating among themselves. Because if we can't deliver whites to the process, then we haven't resolved the problem. So that is why it is important that De Klerk must move now, must move fast. This whole question of him now talking about declaring a state of emergency is not going to help him. Because he is going to unleash other forces, and there'll be demonstrations, mass actions, labour strikes, school boycotts.
POM. And negotiations? Walk out of negotiations again?
PM. Yes. So he must just forget about iron-fist methods and begin jackboot tactics and begin to move steadily forward, come, come, get his police to act decisively in dealing with the questions of violence. One doesn't need the state of emergency. What is needed is more decisiveness in terms of the way in which his law and order agencies are dealing with the situation of violence.
POM. But may we not have to find a way to give him a helping hand? To kind of help him win back some of his constituencies or do you think he is so enfeebled that he's no longer a serious negotiating partner? What can you help over?
PM. No we can't. The only way we can help him is to develop strategies and tactics that can move the process rapidly forward. And whether we succeed in doing so is going to depend on how he responds to what we give. We have already done a lot in this regard. We have offered an interim government of national unity. Up to now we grapple with how he can input in that government. They talk of power-sharing but there's no indication that if they had the opportunity to win as many seats as we think the ANC would win that they would have cared to include us in that government; I don't think they would have cared. So those are some of the things we are doing to try and move the process forward rapidly. There was a serious problem regarding the question whether we should be discussing the powers and functions of regions. Our initial scenario was that each of the regions was not to feature, but again we have bent over backwards to accommodate them, to even deal with those issues long before the constitution is drawn up, to try and accommodate them. So, we can't go out and campaign for people to join the National Party. It is really not our responsibility. But we can be as creative as possible as politicians to provide leadership and guidance that would speed up the process.
PM. How would you then, distinguish between power-sharing as the government sees it, and the government of national unity as you perceive it? Is it two languages which really say the same thing or are there fundamental philosophic differences in both concepts?
PM. Well, both of them are power-sharing. The difference is in conceptions. Our conception is of an interim government of national unity which surely means that we share our power with other parties, means that the majority party would continue to call the shots because it has the majority of the votes and therefore majority of the voters. And therefore, it has more legitimacy to make decisions on behalf of the people than a party that has got 5% of the seats. But once you draw in that party, to some extent that party influences the way in which you make your decisions because you want to accommodate them and you can't ride roughshod over their heads on the basis that they've got a minority seat. But this, therefore, means that the party with the majority of the seats should be the party that invites others to join it in what is essentially its own government and that the president would then come from the party with the majority of the seats.
. Power-sharing as proposed by the National Party would mean an arrangement in terms of which there would be a rotating presidency either amongst three or five parties. That when there is problem you can't blame one president, everybody becomes responsible for everyone else's crimes. Now if you have one president, if he messes things up it's him, you can't say someone else is also responsible for that. But they also want to have an arrangement in terms of which minority parties, the losers, would continue to exercise a veto on the party that has got the majority of the seats. You recall that in their two-chamber parliament with the senate consisting of regions, they had expected that that senate should not operate like other senates where they have the effect of reviewing legislation and delaying. But they would actually be the ones who decide whether legislation has passed in an orderly way if one party in that senate disagrees with something, so nothing happens, you see. So, that is where we differ we with them.
POM. But they've moved away. De Klerk, in May I think it was, in an interview with the Financial Times came out very strongly saying that they would insist on enforced and permanent power-sharing and then he dropped the concept altogether. Did anything dramatic happen that they moved from the staunch steeliness support of their original position to completely abandoning it?
PM. I'm not sure if they've completely abandoned it. It's just that they can't win the argument, it's a very difficult argument. But if you watch their statements they keep on returning to it from time to time, you know.
POM. Did they say now that they'd like see in the final constitution that power-sharing in principle should be accepted?
PM. Are they saying in the new constitution or in the interim constitution?
POM. No, they would like to see the final constitution that there'll still be some article that would say "acknowledge power-sharing in principle".
PM. We will not agree to that. We would definitely agree to proportional representation as an electoral system but not to entrench power-sharing such as that one in Zimbabwe. If we do agree to that sort of an arrangement it will be just for the period of transition. And in our view that period should not extend beyond five years.
POM. If you look at again where the ANC and the government were at this time last year, what concessions have each side made to arrive at the position they are now at?
PM. I think if we look at the side of the government, I mean certainly one of the first concessions is that they've now accepted that the constitution-making body should be an elected body as distinct from just an appointed body as opposed to an appointed body of experts. They had rejected the concept of the Transitional Executive Council but they've now agreed to it. They've agreed that there would be multi-party control over the security forces. Of course there are still differences as to what is the content, what does that control really mean. There are still some differences, we're still debating the issue. But they've accepted it, they have accepted that they can't run an election in this country. It has to be done by an independent electoral commission. They have made compromises regarding the involvement of the international community in the process. It is not as much as we would have like it, obviously, it's still a limited one but they have agreed to it.
. Those are some of the concessions that they have made and I think they've also accepted that the incorporation of the homelands is going to occur. In fact they are much more eager than we are, they want it to happen immediately. They had wanted it to happen quickly, quickly before the elections. We are only now beginning to come to terms with the fact that it has to happen before the elections. But otherwise our view was that that incorporation could occur only after the election was held, subject to us being able, of course, to make sure that all the voters regardless of where they are, whether in the Bantustans or in South Africa, that the whole of the so-called white South Africa, that all of them would be able to vote in that election.
. From our side I think there are a number of things that we have done. In many respects we have thrown away many labels that they have had problems with. They have had problems with this question of regions. We've now agreed that we could discuss the role of regions, the boundaries, functions and powers, we are discussing it but subject to the Constituent Assembly retaining the sovereignty and therefore the right to decide the final boundaries and the final powers, functions of the regions. So, the principle of majority rule for us remains firmly in place. But for electoral purposes we're agreeing to deal with the issue of the boundaries, powers and functions of regions. I don't know other compromises, I can't remember.
. No, I must say that initially we did not contemplate a government of national unity that could continue up to five years, that was not our position. For us an interim government was something that was going to just see to the levelling of the playing field and once the constitution has been adopted by the Constituent Assembly, then put in place a democratic government which governs the country based on majority rule. We have now made a compromise to accommodate this arrangement of joint multi-party rule for a period of up to five years.
POM. On a scale of one to ten, if you look at the proposals, constitutional proposals put on the table yesterday, and the second draft of the constitutional proposals, to what extent do they meet your strategic objectives, on a scale of one to ten?
PM. It's difficult for me to remember what is article one to ten. By the way, I've also been out of the country. I'm only going to read these documents tonight, I just got them today. Some of the things that you are saying I have not seen myself yet, I haven't studied them. We're going to have a full discussion on those proposals next week. What specific aspects are you referring to? What is it that is contained there that you think is problematic or you're not sure of?
POM. The major difference between it and the draft is that it actually specifies the powers that the regional governments would exercise and explains what would happen in terms of what powers are being exercised concurrently. They more move towards federalism than towards a unitary state.
PM. Yes, when the negotiation process started we argued on the basis that South Africa should be a unitary state. But we have long moved away from that, it's been three years and in our view those were just labels because in the first place South Africa has always had features of federalism. We have had a country with four provincial administrations. We, ourselves, even before we started the negotiations that produced the draft constitution, in our constitutional guidelines we recognised the need for strong regional governments. The issue of regions, there's nothing new about it. We've always advocated regional government in order to take the government closer to the people, strong regional government structure, strong local government. The critical question regarding that was, "Where should these regional governments be located?" Some parties which have benefited from the system of apartheid want existing boundaries, created by the apartheid system to remain as they are, perhaps with a little bit of addition of land but they should continue to be the ones who run those regions. And we are saying that in dealing with this question you obviously have to look at a number of hectares and potential for development, the economic questions, language questions, etc. Those are some of the issues we have to deal with in dealing with the issue.
. It's true that we do deal with powers of those regions but in what I glanced through today, I did not see anything that is so problematic. There are some aspects which are not clear, which could, of course, could cause problems later such as who decides on the question on cultural affairs, in the language issue, for example, who decides on issues such as broad policy issues such as questions of education, electricity, housing, etc. taking into account the existing situation. So, if you therefore look at those issues you'd realise that why we give them the regions, we refer specifically to delivery of those services, delivery of electricity, delivery of other social services. But I'm sure we would return them to, and place them under, what is supposed to be the concurrence of powers which would therefore mean that they would operate at both national and regional levels. The delivery aspect more to the regional government and any other policy that relates with delivery within the region. But the overall standards regarding that would have to be set by the national government to ensure that if you have 90%, like we do have in this country of the African people who do not have access to electricity, you do not leave it to one region, to a region to deal with it. It's a responsibility of the government to ensure that electricity reaches everyone.
POM. One thing surprises me again in the draft proposals and that is the mechanism that's there to deal with a deadlock. In part, the Nationalist Party kind of pulled out of the talks in CODESA because of the stipulation regarding the deadlock-breaking mechanism where it came down to 51%. [51% of the legislature of the Constituent Assembly would decide here and you've a very similar process that something that arrived at in two years and there's a referendum, 30% of people have voted for this new election and the legislature will about the 51%.] I'm kind of surprised that the government seems to have so easily agreed to that. The very concern before was all you had to do is sit back and do nothing for a couple of years then you present the constitution you want.
PM. No, that is still a subject of debate, they've not yet agreed fully to everything, the matter is still being debated, those at multi-lateral and bilateral levels were still a matter of debate. What we have is the draft presented by the technical committees. So, It does not reflect a consensus position. It's a consensus position amongst members of the technical committee.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Home » Issues » 2014 » 162 » This Month's DVD
openSUSE 13.1 and Mageia 4
On the DVD
Two Terrific Distros
Double-Sided DVD!
Mageia and openSUSE
This month's 64-bit bonanza includes the GNU/Linux-based Mageia and the SUSE-sponsored openSUSE, each offering a choice of Gnome, KDE, and other graphical desktops.
Mageia 4
Mageia 4 is based on Linux kernel version 3.12.8. New to the mix in Mageia 4 are the Cinnamon and Mate desktops, along with a score of improvements, including default Bash autocompletion, udev renaming for predictable network interface assignments, a package management upgrade, and improved handling of WiFi cards and RAID devices. Many packages have been updated from Gtk2 to Gtk3.
openSUSE 13.1
From the openSUSE community, version 13.1 ships with the latest patch to kernel version 3.11. In addition to the usual choices of Btrfs, ext4, and XFS filesystems, a filesystem specifically for SSDs, F2FS, is introduced, along with experimental support for the Lustre distributed filesystem. A lot of effort was put into bug fixing this time around, and some experimental technologies make their debut, including support for Wayland and ultra-high resolution in applications.
Defective Disc?
Defective discs will be replaced. Please send email to mailto:cs@linuxpromagazine.com.
Mageia: https://www.mageia.org/en/4/
Mageia wiki: https://wiki.mageia.org/en/Main_Page
Mageia download: https://www.mageia.org/en/downloads/
openSUSE: http://www.opensuse.org/en/
openSUSE features: http://en.opensuse.org/Features
openSUSE download: http://software.opensuse.org/131/en
This Month's DVD
This month we bring you two great desktop distributions: Mageia 3, from the all-volunteer community that forked the commercial Mandriva Linux distribution, and Linux Mint Debian, a semi-rolling distribution based on Debian Testing.
On the DVD: Mageia Linux
Mageia Linux is a multi-purpose distro based on the Mandriva codebase. A group of former Mandriva engineers started the Mageia project in 2010 as a means to ensure continuing support for the Mandriva community through a non-profit organization free of corporate control.
On the DVD: openSUSE 12.1 & Fedora 16
With this month's DVD, you get to test the latest offerings from the openSUSE [1] and Fedora [2] projects
Mageia Project Announces Mageia 3 Linux
Many package updates and Steam integration highlight the latest from the Mandriva-based community Linux.
On the DVD: openSUSE 12.2
The double-sided DVD attached to this issue comes with 32- and 64-bit versions of the latest release from the openSUSE project. openSUSE 12.2 continues in the long tradition of SUSE Linux, offering a full-featured system that is ready for the server room yet friendly enough for the desktop.


That might not mean Star Wars prequel to most of us, but an accompanying image more or less gives the game away- a red bird wrapped in a tan cloth and goggles casts the shadow of Darth Vader.
The first Angry Birds: Star Wars was released in November 2012 on iOS, Android, and Blackberry as well as Mac and Windows computers. And in keeping with its predecessor, players should expect the new game to remain loyal to both Star Wars and Angry Birds convention.
The game also integrated features from Angry Birds Space. So will this game give us a chance to play the bad guys, like in series spin-off Bad Piggies?


Page 679 - Gallery Design of Interior Architecture | Provence Calanques Round White Coffee Table. Kitchen Cabinet Base. Soap Dispenser For Kitchen.
collection of galleries from Interior Architecture like Round White Coffee Table. Kitchen Cabinet Base. Soap Dispenser For Kitchen. and other designs you might like Black And White Marble Tile. California Closet Cost. Burnt Orange Duvet Cover. Gas Wall Fireplace. Nursery Ceiling Light. Cambria Curtain Rods. Best Trundle Bed.


Most people have never worked with an architect before. We're really not that scary, but people must often hire an architect very early on, often before they really understand the role their architect can actually play in the construction process.
> An architect is someone who will help design your new home or building.
> An architect can take your ideas, budget, need, site and resources and turn them into a physical design. This is the conceptual or preliminary design phase.
> An architect can take the preliminary design and develop the detailed drawings needed for bidding, permits and construction. This includes not only the plans and elevations, but sections, details, structural, mechanical and electrical drawings and specifications.
> An architect can recommend contractors and help obtain bids and provide support as needed throughout the construction.
> An architect can also provide consulting services such as site selection, review of defective work and resolving structural issues.
Does it matter which architect I hire?
Yes. Selecting an architect is one of the most important decisions you'll make in the building process. For each of 10 different architects, you will get 10 different houses, with 10 different plans, elevations, design costs and construction costs.
Some homes will be beautiful and functional, some not so much. Some will go together smoothly and harmoniously, some will have constant delays, overruns and problems. Always pick the architect who will give you the best result.
Why do architects charge so much?
Because the amount of detail involved in designing a home is far greater than people think. It's not that architects make lots of money - they don't, it's just that doing a good job takes a lot of time.
Architects who do incomplete work may get some work in the short term on the basis of price, but are usually out of the business within a few years because of poor word of mouth and lack of repeat business.
Remember the least expensive architect is not the one with the lowest fees, but the one who produces the simplest and least expensive building.
Why can't I just be my own architect?
Perhaps you can for a smaller house, although you would need some technical assistance on structural and building code matters.
If you really want to do all your own design work, go for it. But remember, that while you can do just about any part of the building yourself, you can always find someone who can do that same task better and faster.
For example, if someone brings me a design they have been slaving over for months, I can almost always take the design, simplify it, make it easier to build, more functional and more attractive. It's usually quite easy for me and the cost savings will be far greater than my fees.
Because to build the home you really want, you need people with the skill, experience and passion to make it happen, and that starts with the person you hire to design your house.


text:
Q: Relative URL of background-image causes syntax error I have angular app that is embedded in existing web page.
Main page is running on Tomcat on http://<host>/main and Angular app is embedded on one of the subpages: http://<host>/main/ng#/routing.
All the resources are available at http://<host>/main/assets/
I want to set background-image for one of the containers but I'm unable to find solution that will work for both dev instance (started with ng serve) and distribution build (ng build).

*

*This works only on dev instance but after build CSS computes it to http://<host>/assets/bg.jpg instead of http://<host>/main/assets/bg.jpg and image is not found.

.container {
    background-image: url("/../assets/bg.jpg");
}

*When I change background-image with devtools to this:

.container {
    background-image: url("assets/bg.jpg");
}

background starts referencing valid URL but it is impossible to set this value in SCSS because it causes CssSyntaxError:
 Can't resolve 'assets/bg.jpg' in '<component-directory>'

Images referenced in this way work but background-image is not:
<img src="assets/bg.jpg"/>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Also, I'm participating in Meow March 2013 for the SPCA of Central Florida. If you want to sponsor me (fundraising runs through the month of March), please click the link below.
If you have already given, THANK YOU. If not, please consider donating any amount you can. The shelter cats and kittens really need your financial assistance.


I live with my blind father.
He lost his eyesight maybe 10 years ago and requires a lot of help and assistance – for meals, activities, house chores, etc.
Needless to say, my mom bears the brunt of most of the work, but I help out where I can.
So last weekend, my sister and I flew my mom to Reno (where my sister lives) for a weekend away.
We were also celebrating my mom's 75th birthday!
We slept in. Helped with setting up some furniture for my son (who will be attending UNR in the fall and living with my sister), had an awesome meal at a lovely restaurant, and just generally relaxed.
One thing we did, which we LOVE to do, was paint pottery.
I still have pottery I made in grade school during Mr. Fairman's art class – a mug with a big bulbous nose which holds pens for me.
Honestly, I had a wonderful time.
And considering that I left Reno to host 10 events in 10 days at work, I needed the R&R.
I had a great time with my mom and my sister.
I think too often I take their presence in my life for granted and it was nice to slow down a bit and focus on them for a weekend.
This entry was posted in Activities, Family and tagged family, Girls Weekend, mom, Reno, sister. Bookmark the permalink.


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text:
Slidin' Thru: Summerella
Read the full interview on YoungCalifornia.com!
Summerella is here to bless the masses with her one-of-a-kind charm, personality, and now breathtaking voice. Starting off in the social media space on Vine and establishing an extremely strong fan base through pure authenticity and just being herself, the Atlanta native is ready to showcase her talents as a singer-songwriter in this new era of R&Bass. Read more…
Summerella refuses to call her followers fans, she calls them supporters. Linking with Jacquees on her already buzzing single, "Pull Up," was the cherry on top.
For those who don't know, who is Summerella?
Summerella is a goofy, funny, loveable, sweet young lady. She's 23 years old, and she's the bomb.com. [laughs]
How would you describe your sound?
I would say the R&B Beyonce, not the rap Beyonce. I love Kehlani's music. Who else? Omg, Tierra Whack. Have you heard of her?
The one minute songs? She's so fire!
That makes me so mad, 'cause she's so lit. I would say those.
You're from Atlanta, how does that play into your life and career?
I feel like when people find out I'm from Atlanta, they usually automatically know that I have Southern hospitality. That humility thing, I make you feel like you're at home with your girl. It makes it easier. 'Cause you get caught into a lot of attitudes down here though. Like our Uber driver, omg. I don't think he even greeted us. He didn't even say anything. He made us get out and get our bags out of the trunk. I'm like, "Okay sir, one star for you" And no tip.
How important is it to come to LA as an up and coming artist?
It's important because there is so much more opportunity out in LA. There's more music studios, people you can work with, producers. I would say Atlanta don't have as much as LA. I feel like I should move down here, period.
I love ATL because everyone dances. They like to have a good time.
Yeah, I don't know if I would wanna move here, but I definitely want a place. I won't have to keep staying at the hotels. It'll be one of my cribs, 1 in every state.
At what point did you realize this music thing was forreal?
When I started having concerts and people started singing along to my songs. I'm just like "wow, this is serious. People really listen to me." Moments like that make me realize I gotta get on the grind. I am trying to be the next… nah, I can't even say that. Well, you know how Beyhive is. Any R&B singer wants to be Beyonce 'cause she works so hard. Her craft is so perfect. I would definitely say Beyonce. I am trying to be up there on her level.
Summer is your real name. Is "ella" for Cinderella?
Yeah, that's my favorite movie! Summer is like the season, that's why I named myself Summerella. About 3 years ago, I picked that up. Cinderella with Brandy is my favorite movie, so I just added the "ella" in back of Summer.
Can you talk about how you got your start? How you so poppin?
So it started on Vine. They deleted the app. People wasn't getting on it like that. But it all started on Vine, like the 6 second videos. This was before Instagram even had videos. Then I graduated and moved to Instagram, and that's when I started building my followers up. Now, I have 3 million followers in 3 years.
Was there strategy behind this?
No strategy. The key really was just be consistent. Posting every day, keeping those supporters active. Because I feel like there's somebody new every day, so we gotta keep them satisfied. Vine did it for me. I miss it, don't you miss Vine?
Was it hard to transition from social media star to being taken seriously as an artist?
No, not really. My supporters, I feel like they take me serious because they grew up with me. My first single was on Vine. I was just freestyling on the video. It was actually 11 something at night. I got my piano and just started freestyling on the piano, and everyone was like, "Omg, you should make a single." I made my first song, "11 Something," and it went to #4 on Billboard.
I feel like they take me seriously because they know I'm not just an artist. I've never been known as just an artist, because I came up from just being a personality and being that goofy girl. So I'm just a goofy girl with talent.
What's been the best part?
The best part is just helping people through situations that they may be going through. 'Cause I write off things that I went through or I write about things that people go through around me. I feel like with my songs, I can help people out with the problems in their life. That's the best thing.
Your single with Jacquees is at already over 3 million views. Did you foresee it blowing up like this?
Actually, I can't even say I didn't. Because I made "Pull Up" at least a year or 2 before Jacquees got on it, and it already had at least 10 million plays on the song by itself. People were already begging for a video back then, so since Jacquees got on it and he's featured in it, it just made them want it even more. They been waiting on the video for 2 years since it's been a song. I can't even say I am surprised, they showed out.
Talk about working with him, was it done in the studio?
No, we didn't even get a chance to record it together, but I met him multiple times. He's super cool, down to earth, real chill. I feel like he's not one of those celebrities that try to make himself feel like he's so big, you know? He's super chill. He's dope. We shot it in Atlanta. In the A! I'ma shoot my next video out here though.
You recently released your First Day Of Summer EP. What is it you want fans to get from your story?
Well. I would say the First Day Of Summer EP is not really a story. It's me just stepping my foot into the real world of music. That was my first project, my first time writing songs, first time everything. That project was just to get their feet hot. With the next project, it's gonna be like "oh snap." It's gonna have a story. It's gonna make sense. This is just an intro.
What is your take on the music industry?
I don't know, 'cause I am a newbie. I'm a new artist. I haven't seen too much. What I have seen so far is super cool. But there is a lot of fakeness in the industry, period. So far, I've dealt with a lot of issues already. But that's why you gotta keep your circle small, so you don't have to deal with that. Lots of egos.
What are some goals for yourself as an artist? Are you looking to get signed?
Actually, I don't wanna get signed, unless they are talking a good ole' contract and shmoney. But I would say getting a Grammy. Yeah, getting a Grammy.
How important is social media for your career?
Social media is my career. Without the social media, I wouldn't have anything. I wouldn't be who I am today without Instagram, Vine, all that. 'Cause when artists don't have a following and they are super talented, it's harder for them to get up there. I'm super blessed with my platform and what I can do with it. Because without the followers, where is your music gonna go?
What would you be doing if you weren't doing music?
Acting, in movies. Actually, I'm gonna be doing both… at the same damn time. [Future voice] Recently, I just came out with my own short film. It's called First Day of Summer, to promote my EP. It's not out yet, but it is my first time acting. It was basically a mini-movie, so I am super excited about that. I would definitely say acting though, that was my first dream. I used to see myself being the next Raven Symone — but not that actual Raven Symone. You know That's So Raven? I always wanted my own show like her. She's dope.
3 things you need in the studio?
I would say snacks, a blanket, and I guess water. My mommy be making me drink water. She be like, "Your throat sounds dry." I'm like, "But I don't need a water!"
Mother: I am actually her vocal producer, so I produce all of her vocals. That's where she kind of gets that from. [hair flip]
What's a normal day in the life? Walk us through.
If I make myself go out, I would say it's super fun. Wherever I go, all my supporters recognize me. Sometimes, my mom or sister will have to step in like, "Okay, you guys gotta back up a little bit." Because they will basically tackle me. It gets crazy, but it's definitely cool. It's never overwhelming to me, but it always surprises me that people recognize me and want to take a picture.
Is it more popping in Atlanta than LA?
You know what, it's both. At the airport, they'll be like "Welcome to… hey, I follow you on instagram!" I'm like "heyyyyy." It's cool. I had a lot of people recognize me out here just by getting in the Uber. They'll be like "Summerella!" I'm like "oh, hey girl!" It's real dope.
How's the fame as it gets more intimate? How is it treating you?
I would say it's cool, but it gets scary. Because I had a stalker, it wasn't good, He tried to get into my hotel room. He slept at my sister's job to get to me. He bought me a ring. He sends me videos of him playing with himself.
That's wild. Did you get a restraining order?
Yeah girl. It's crazy. I mean we contacted the police, but they said they can't do anything until he physically touches me. I'm like "what, you want me dead? It's messed up.
What did you do with your first advance or check?
[Laughs]. I would say a house, for me and my family.
Who's the most played artist on your phone?
Drake. I fucks with Drake. I feel like everyone does. If you don't something is wrong with you like come on. That's the one person I wanna do a collab with is Drake.
That was my next question, dream collab?
Drake or Beyonce. I feel like Drake is the male Beyonce. All my people be like "don't you ever say that again in your life," but it's so true!
What advice do you have for an aspiring Summerella?
I would say just being yourself is gonna get you real far. Don't try to be like nobody else, be yourself. Stay consistent. Show people you are working and pray. Just pray.
atlantafomobloginstagraminterviewJacqueespull upSlidin Thrusocial mediaSummerellayoung california
shirju
Taylor Gang's Sosamann Explains Recording With Wiz & Feature On "Carter V"
Jhene Aiko Stays Dangerous And Very L.A. With YG
KARI FAUX' "CRY 4 HELP" RELEASE PARTY SHINED A LIGHT ON MENTAL HEALTH AWARENESS


Danielle has been busying qualifying a number of her horses for the Horse of the Year Show 2011.
At the Derbyshire Festival 'Oathill Take The Biscuit' won the Middle Weight Hunter and took Reserve Champion.
'The Congressman' won the Small Hunter Class at The Yorkshire Sport Horse Show and at the South of England Show 'Eclipse' was 1st and took Champion in the Large Riding Horse.
This means that Danielle now has 4 horses qualified for HOYS, with 3 to go.
The post June Update From Danielle Heath appeared first on Blue Chip Feed | Horse Supplements & Horse Feed Balancers.


The publication addresses the issue of vulnerability, food supply chains, climate change and variability, adaptation strategies and resilience, finance options, and the role of governmental support and international organizations. Published by Vernon Press, the 382-page publication is targeted at students, lecturers, researchers, agribusinesses, marketing firms, agricultural institutions, climate change adaptation institutions, policymakers, and many others with an interest in agricultural development and the global food industry.
Also included in the book is a chapter co-authored by Dr. Avishek Datta, also of AIT. The book's forewords were contributed by Suresh Babu of the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI – Washington, DC), Venkatachalam Anbumozhi of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA – Jakarta), and Prof. Joyashree Roy of AIT.