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Turn It Up ExtraNorman's Rare GuitarsVintageJazz
Tim Pierce
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Subscribe to the Tim Pierce's Masterclass NOW
This program is unlike any other in the world because it combines ongoing guitar training with all the inside information that only a real world professional can provide. Tim Pierce has been a recording guitarist in Los Angeles for over 30 years. His list of credits is astonishing. With over 100 hours, over 1000 videos, you'll hit the ground running. Tim adds new lessons, jam tracks and tabs throughout the year, so your collection will continue to grow. Click the info link and subscribe NOW... Tim's recording discography includes Crowded House, Christina Aguilera, Seal, Avril Lavigne, Tracy Chapman, Joe Cocker, Ricky Martin, Meat Loaf, Rod Stewart, Elton John, Michael Jackson, Bruce Springsteen, Rob Thomas, Rick Springfield, Phil Collins, Madonna, Toy Matinee, Don Henley, Santana, Rascal Flatts, Chris Isaak, Jewel, Faith Hill, Celine Dion, Dave Matthews Band, John Legend, Gavin Degraw, Mika, Carolina Liar, Goo Goo Dolls, Uncle Kracker, Josh Groban, Mylie Cyrus, Demi Lovato, David Cook, Adam Lambert, Daniel Powter, Chris Allen, Jack's Mannequin,The Band Perry,Shinedown, Jason Mraz, Kelly Clarkson,Il Volo,Lana Del Ray, Gloriana, Colbie Caillat, and many others. He works with producers such as: Rob Cavallo (Green Day, Goo Goo Dolls), Warren Huart (Augustana, The Fray), Matt Serletic (Santana, Rob Thomas), Eric Ross (Sara Bareilles), John Fields (Switchfoot, Jonas Brothers), Walter A (Mariah Carey, Marc Anthony, Josh Groban, Celine Dion, Christina Aguilera, Ricky Martin), Bill Bottrell (Sheryl Crow, ELO, Michael Jackson, Tom Petty), Tim James (Mylie Cyrus, Demi Lovato, Sick Puppies), Ron Nevison (The Who, The Rolling Stones, Meat Loaf, Bad Company, Led Zeppelin, Ozzy Osbourne), Michael Lloyd, Howard Benson (Gavin DeGraw, Daughtry, Chris Cornell), Patrick Leonard (Roger Waters, Bryan Ferry, Elton John, Anna Vissi, Rod Stewart, Madonna), Keith Olsen (Fleetwood Mac), Trevor Horn (Seal, Yes, Art of Noise), Dan Huff (Rascal Flatts, Keith Urban, Faith Hill), Randy Jackson (American Idol and others).
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Fab's Music Café
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Fab's Music Café: Fab interviews Blues guitar legend, Josh Smith
In this episode, Fab interviews Blues guitar legend, Josh Smith. Blues rock guitar virtuoso, singer-songwriter and producer, Josh Smith, is hailed the world over as a master guitarist with raw talent and power to spare. Blending his signature mix of blues, rock and jazz into dynamic original songs, Smith is known for his incendiary live performances, whether at the Grammy Awards or the Kennedy Center Honors with Mick Jagger, Raphael Saadiq and others. Born in 1979, Josh started playing guitar at age six. Praised as a blues prodigy by the time he was 12 years old, he began playing at professional blues jams in South Florida, sitting in with such greats as Jimmy Thackery, Tinsley Ellis, Kenny Neal, Lucky Peterson, Matt "Guitar" Murphy, Johnny "Clyde" Copeland, Double Trouble, Joanna Connor and Kim Simmonds, among others. Jimmy Thackery said of the 14-year-old, "Josh is three heartbreaks away from being a true blues guitar genius." That insight from Jimmy Thackery proved true as Josh began releasing CDs at age 14. His first national tour with his power trio, Josh Smith and the Frost, featured Josh as bandleader, vocalist as well as guitarist. The legendary producer Jim Gaines (Santana, SRV, Luther Allison, Steve Miller, Jimmy Thackery) produced Josh's third CD, Too Damn Cold and Woman. By 1998, he had completed four national tours with his band. Josh was then asked to support the great B.B. King on a number of shows. Opening for B.B. King was just the beginning for this in-demand artist and lead guitarist for artists such as Taylor Hicks, Ricky Fante (Virgin Records), Raphael Saadiq, actress Taryn Manning, Universal Music Group hip-hop artists Benny Cassette and Tara Ellis, and more. He has the distinction of inducting Neil Diamond into the Kennedy Center Honors with Raphael Saadiq's band and honoring Solomon Burke at the Grammys with Mick Jagger. Within a year of moving to L.A. in 2002, Josh was retained by Virgin recording artist Ricky Fante and performed nationally and internationally with Ricky for the next two years. In 2006, Josh recorded his fifth CD, Deep Roots and continued to play with a variety of artists such as actress Taryn Manning, Universal Music hip-hop artists Benny Cassette and Tara Ellis, to name a few. In 2007, Josh was hired by 2006 American Idol winner Taylor Hicks to be his lead guitarist. They completed two national tours before Josh was hired as lead guitarist by Grammy Award winner Raphael Saadiq. Josh continues to tour with Saadiq. In 2009, Josh released his 6th studio CD, Inception and in 2010 he was signed to Crosscut Records based in Germany. Crosscut re-released Josh's breakout album, Deep Roots as I'm Gonna Be Ready. In 2013, Josh's CD Don't Give Up On Me was also released in Germany, followed by Over Your Head in 2014. In 2016, Josh's jazz album, Still was released to critical acclaim as was Burn To Grow in 2018. Along with touring the world, recording and performing with renowned artists such as Joe Bonamassa, Eric Johnson, Andy Timmons, Kirk Fletcher and others, Smith is also a producer and owns Flat V Studios in Los Angeles. He has produced artists Reese Wynans (Joe Bonamassa), Artur Menezes (winner of the Eric Clapton 2019 Crossroads Festival) Seth Rosenbloom, Jamey Arent and many more. Josh's latest and 11th album, Live At The Spud, was released January 8, 2020 on Flat V Music, and features Smith and his power trio recorded live over two nights at the legendary Baked Potato in Los Angeles. The new album features Smith on guitar and vocals, Gary Novak on drums and Trevor Carlton on bass. The goal was to present an unedited look at a normal night at the Baked Potato. Compelling, improvisational and explosive. Josh is currently touring worldwide in support of the live album. Josh lives in Los Angeles with his wife and son.
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How to Upload to AGN: Brandon & Dylan show you how easy it is....
So, we're all self-quarantining and social-distancing, there's never been a better time to upload yourself to All Guitar Network using the SUBMIT MEDIA function on the All Guitar Network app. Brandon and Dylan demonstrate just how easy it is. You could be featured on UPLOAD OF THE DAY or even UPLOAD OF THE WEEK.
Meanwhile back At Norm's, Vintage Guitar Minutes
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Norman Harris just got TONS of VINTAGE GUITARS from his HIDDEN WAREHOUSE
We caught up with Norman Harris from Norman's Rare Guitars earlier this week to get a peek at his latest additions to the enormous vintage guitar collection. Check out these new additions recently purchased as well as guitars from Norman's hidden warehouse in LA! For more information on these guitars be sure to call Norman at (818) 344-8300


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Displaying items by tag: feministSF
Review of Misha's Red Spider White Web (1990)
If there was a novel that I regretted not taking up during my time in graduate school, it is Misha's Red Spider White Web. It is a book that has haunted me since I read it two summers ago. Not only is the cover art amazing, the narrative itself is just chock-full of thought-provoking material. I was really happy to come across the new SF Mistressworks blog that aims to gather together reviews of feminist SF in order to better advertise the fact that, yes, women write awesome SF. Seeing an open call for submissions, I finally had my chance to write about Red Spider White Web. My review follows:
There is something profoundly disturbing – and, as equally, compelling – about Misha's post-apocalyptic vision of the world in Red Spider White Web (1990). The novel is unrelenting in its bleak characterization of future humanity, but fascinating in its direct interrogation of race, technology, and the value of art. Whereas non-white characters are often assigned the supporting roles in conventional cyberpunk, Misha places her Aboriginal-others at the centre of the narrative. Red Spider White Web is a tale of the future told from the point of view of people whose history lives only in museums and on genetically-engineered farming colonies.
In his "Pseudo-Introduction" to the 1999 reprint of Red Spider White Web, John Shirley argues that Misha's name should appear next to his on any list of seminal cyberpunk writers. He writes: "Misha's particular interfacing of the artist-character with the streetscene with the cyborgian meat-transcendence revelation, her operatic evocation, her bold juxtapositions, her strangely feminine toughness, her barbed-wire poetic content, and most of the all the sense of an underlying metaphysical reality in Red Spider White Web – well shit, it was just plain ahead of its time." The novel draws on the sub-genres of horror, cyberpunk, and feminist SF, but it is more frenetic, more darkly prophetic, and stranger than any clear-cut genre designation allows.
Two intertwining narratives in Red Spider White Web tell a story of desperate survival in a world fallen apart and the longing for beauty and real human contact. The primary character in the novel is Kumo, a holo-artist who scrapes out a living working in the artists' market, waiting among the other discarded people for a "rich suit" to buy her work. The other narrative is that of Tommy, a mad ex-agent/preacher/junk collector, whose disjointed musings open the book and set up its dark visual imagery: "His circuit is a skull juggler. He's a factory guard who stalks the silent chemical night. Eye guard transluscent aquariums of red agar. This. This is rehabrehabrehab ilit tation. Watch out!" From the book's first sentences, Misha's writing warns the reader that this is no breezy Sunday reading. While the prose verges on being poetically unintelligible at times – a reflection of the disarray and insanity of the world it describes – the majority of Red Spider White Web is captivating slang-thrown dialogue and keen images of a rotting city and its disenfranchised citizens.
The plot revolves around Kumo, as she navigates a cityscape full of gangs, cannibals, "zombies," and groups of well-armed rich kids who prey on the poor and vulnerable for fun. Someone is killing the artists in her community, but with dogged determination, Kumo survives her surroundings and keeps making her holo-art. Misha's world-building does not leave much room for hope: people must shield themselves from UV radiation, they eat synthetic food, contract 15-minute viruses, slap on drug patches, and wallow in perversion. Misha does not give into transhumanist nostalgia or the typical cyberpunk trope of transcendence. Kumo and Tommy are ultimately alone and all too human beneath their masks of metal and cloned-leather.
While Red Spider White Web might not make for ideal bedtime-reading, it is a novel worth attention from anyone who reads SF and understands the inherently critical nature of the genre. Misha's savage world speaks to fears of those already left behind – the rich get richer and the poor get eaten. It is a vision of a world that must not come to be. I've wanted to write about Red Spider White Web for a long time. It has taken two years for me to revisit it. A good story stays with you and Misha's Red Spider White Web refuses to leave easily.
Marginalization of SF in the Academy
When I changed my PhD project to feminist SF, I knew that I was effectively saying "I'm not planning on getting hired in a tenure-track job any time in the near future." This is not to say that everyone who studies feminist SF cannot find a university position, but it is a pretty hard sell. When we discussed the attractiveness of my project to a potential hiring committee, my supervisor did mention that it was "probably a good thing" that I was leaving the academy. From dismissive conversations with male colleagues who wondered why I wasn't reading Asimov to failed grant proposals, it was always obvious to me that I was engaged with literature of a questionable nature.
In the "Introduction" of my thesis, I addressed the issue of the marginalization of SF in the academy [excerpt follows]:
Working in the field of science fiction, I have discovered, is often an isolating and lonely task. When considering my interests in (post-)cyberpunk and feminist SF, the critical community to which I belong is notably small. When I explain to my peers that I am working with current feminist SF writers – Larissa Lai, Nalo Hopkinson, Tricia Sullivan, and Laura Mixon – I usually lose their attention as these names are largely unfamiliar. I try to recapture their interest by mentioning the cyberpunk angle of my project, but, unfortunately, many people have never heard of William Gibson either! Many critics within the SF community have taken up the issue of the marginalization of science fiction in the academy, and Gary Westfahl, in his book, Science Fiction, Canonization, Marginalization and the Academy, does an admirable job of identifying the field's major hurdles. Westfahl argues that science fiction, unlike other "once-neglected" literature, still attracts the "most academic resistance" (2) and that: "Within the field of science fiction criticism, there are debates about the canon of science fiction that run parallel to larger disputes about the canon of literature. Some prefer to focus attention on a few writers of undeniable talents, like Philip K. Dick, Stanislaw Lem, Ursula K. Le Guin, and [William] Gibson, but others have publicly protested about the over attention to these writers and have called for more study of "neglected" authors" (2). Westfahl, observing that SF is unlike other fields of academic study, notes that SF is "subject to another strong influence: the industrious science fiction community consisting of dedicated readers who embody and maintain the traditions of the genre, carry on their own painstaking research, and express their own views concerning the quality and stature of its authors" (2). From my own academic research and experience with the SF community at large, I wholeheartedly agree with Westfahl's explanations of its marginalization. SF is fun to read and watch as a fan, but making an academic career out of it is risky at best.
In her excellent study of the cyberpunk movement and postmodernism, Virtual Geographies, Sabine Heuser adds another difficulty facing SF scholars to Westfahl's list. Heuser argues that "science fiction takes place in a double field of tension: between high and low culture, as well as between the 'two cultures' of the natural sciences and the humanities" (xii). This tension creates further problems for defining science fiction: how much science is necessary for a novel to be considered science fiction and not something else? In Decoding Gender in Science Fiction, Brian Attebery notes that "hard" SF is written for the largest audience possible and that it often iterates conservative gender values, whereas "soft" SF, written for "experienced and venturesome SF readers," is more likely to "challenge rather than to uphold gender norms" (5). With Attebery's tentative distinction in mind then, the feminist post-cyberpunk texts of my project fall (unfairly so in my opinion) into the further marginalized genre of "soft SF," long deemed unworthy of sustained academic attention. Also contributing to the difficulty of working with SF are the myriad distinctions among its subgenres. As Heuser correctly observes: "One problem with science fiction criticism has been the lack of attention paid to genre science fiction, which accounts for the vast majority of works published in the field" (xvii). This lack of attention to "genre science fiction," a category in which the texts of my study are arguably situated, is a definite loss for both the particular field of SF criticism and for literary studies in general. I firmly believe that one of the strengths of SF lies in its multitude of subgenres, which exemplify the culturally-intuitive creativity of its writers and the enthusiastic critical engagement of its readers.
Despite its continued marginalization in the academy, SF criticism manages to attract some excellent scholars who are eager to spread their enthusiasm for the field. Veteran SF critic Jenny Wolmark argues that "SF is increasingly recognized for its ability to articulate complex and multifaceted responses to contemporary uncertainties and anxieties, and metaphors drawn from SF have acquired considerable cultural resonance" ("Time and Identity" 156). Austin Booth and Mary Flanagan, editors of the comprehensive collection Reload: Rethinking Women and Cyberculture, simply state: "Science fiction is a vital source of narratives through which we understand and represent our relationships to technology" (2). In my opinion, no other literary genre comes close to articulating the anxieties and preoccupations of the present day as clearly and critically as SF, as it is a vital source for understanding newly emerging embodiments and subjectivities.
Disability Studies and SF
An excerpt from the Conclusion of my thesis that explains why I want to study representations of disability in SF:
In addition to advocating for more attention to be devoted to reading race in SF, I feel that addressing issues of disability and the suffering body as depicted in SF narratives (feminist or otherwise) is also pressing. As the pace of advancements in prosthetic and other computerized assisted-living technologies quickens, we, as a culture, find ourselves faced with new possibilities for disabled bodies and embodiments. As I have always been interested in disability studies, it is a regret that I did not better engage with theories of disability and the technologically enabled body in this thesis. My own experience with chronic illness and pain has deepened my interest in this line of inquiry, but I also believe that there is a need within the SF community itself to engage with more images of disability.
During my participation at The 67th World Science Fiction Convention (WorldCon) in August 2009, I attended a panel discussion of disability in SF: the room was absolutely packed with people, most of whom identified as disabled. Throughout the hour, people shared their stories of identifying with specific disabled (or bodily limited) characters and insightfully critiqued the technologies imagined within these SF scenarios. I found the communal desire to discuss disability, as it is represented in SF, overwhelming. I would encourage academics working in the field of SF criticism to pay closer attention to the representation of disability in SF narratives (particularly in terms of reimagining the possibility of transcendence from the suffering body), as the SF community has demonstrated its eagerness to engage with the material and it offers a rich site of investigation into questions of embodiment and identity.
WorldCon Newbie
Two years ago, I was able to attend the World Science Conference (WorldCon) in Montreal. It was my first experience being part of a SF gathering and I was completely overwhelmed. My time in academia was quite lonely as SF scholars are few and far between, so it was truly exciting to be amongst people who like SF as much as I do. I only wish I had made contact with more individuals one-on-one, but I kind of floated through the five days in a SF-culture-shock induced daze.
It also didn't help that I was in the middle of my "angry with the PhD" phase and ended up doing a not-so-great job presenting my academic-track paper (to all 6 people who were in the room, my belated apologies). Still, I had a blast and I knew that I wanted to do more SF conferences when health, time, and money allowed.
This year, I am going to Reno for Renovation, the 69th WorldCon in August. My partner and I have been planning on attending for over a year now, so when my paper was accepted in Renovation's Academic Track (Speculative Frontiers: Reading, Seeing, Being, Going), I booked the hotel and started thinking costumes. This time around, I intend to mingle up a storm!
Here is the abstract for my paper:
Technology as Cure? Virtuality, Proxies, and the Vulnerable Human Body
While technology is often considered a "silver bullet" for the multitude of deformities and ailments of the vulnerable human body, feminist post-cyberpunk fiction, as exemplified by Tricia Sullivan's Maul (2003) and Laura Mixon's Proxies (1999), cautions against technophilia and "technology as cure." Sullivan and Mixon position the idea of a virtual "body-free universe" as one that both parallels and conflicts with the reality of the lived bodies that populate and enable it. Drawing on posthumanist and feminist theories, this paper interrogates the relationship between the body and technology, expressing anxieties about physical boundary dissolution and psychic disruption. While technology is often used to disavow the inherent vulnerability of the body, the resulting forms of embodiment are frequently monstrous. This paper focuses on the ways in which gendered, raced, and disabled bodies are simultaneously enhanced and exploited through virtual reality and telepresence technologies. Ultimately, I argue that these texts insist on recognizing the vulnerability of the flesh as a defining trait of what constitutes human being.
Independent Academic
In the past month, I've taken to thinking of myself an "independent academic," a designation that somehow is both laughable and admirable. Regardless of my many complaints and concerns about the academy, I still love the process of researching and writing. The highlights of my graduate education were those times of investigation and analysis. I miss seminar discussions of theory and literature. I even feel nostalgic for the long days spent searching through journals in the library. It took me the last half year to realize that I still wanted to be an academic. Not an academic in the sense of a university professor, but as someone who still pursues knowledge and shares it with like-minded people. I might not want to be a university faculty member anymore, but I still want to keep doing the same kind of work.
Being a science fiction (SF) scholar, I have a unique base of knowledge to start me off. The SF community is well-established and I am hoping that there is room in there for me. Part of the motivation for this blog – aside from a cathartic unburdening of my grad school trauma – is that I want to make connections with people who love SF as much as I do. My dream job would be to do editing work in the morning and write/talk/create SF in the afternoon. I believe that I have something worthwhile to contribute to the field of SF studies and I don't see why I should stop my research just because I'm not employed by an institution of higher education.
My doctoral research was in the areas of feminist post-cyberpunk SF (a genre term of my own making!), post-humanism, technology, and the body. You can read my dissertation, Bleeding Chrome: Technology and the Vulnerable Body in Feminsist Post-Cyberpunk Science Fiction, online if you like. My current area of research interest (when I find the time) is the representation of disabled bodies and disability in SF. I'm particularly keen on notions of the prosthetic at the moment. I hope to document and discuss my on-going research through this site, so please feel free to join me in conversation.
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Questions about example sentences with, and the definition and usage of "ノーマル"
What is the difference between 定番 and 普通 and ノーマル ?
粉砂糖のクランベリー 粉砂糖で包んだクランベリーという好味です。クランベリーは解熱と気付けの採用があります。頭痛に対する効能もあります。また不眠症の時のお勧めです。高血圧症と貧血症とビタミン欠乏... does this sound natural?
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Aren't you curious about this recipe the second you hear it's strange name? Do you imagine Ogre fingers? If you missed our cooking stream on Mixer, continue reading.
This dish was the main one for the stream.
I started off by slicing the breasts in strips of about 1 inch long strips when the breasts were sliced into pieces of similar length we had to prepare 2 different bowls: one for dipping the chicken into the egg mix and the other one for the breadcrumbs.
We prepared the first mix with mustard, flour, salt, and pepper and started dipping the chicken fingers inside while dripping off the excess, the other bowl we prepared by mixing the parmesan, breadcrumbs and garlic powder together with a bit of olive oil and dipped them inside on both sides make our crust.
When all of the strips were ready we got a long baking rack covered with parchment paper or cooking paper on the bottom, we placed inside and put them in the oven afterward at 200°C for about 15- 20 or until they turned slightly brownish. As a side dish for these, we got some potato wedges although the recipe recommended french fries both would go great with these so pick your favorite and don't forget the dip, honey mustard, mayonnaise or garlic sauce the choice is yours.
Simply put these chicken fingers taste great, it really depends on if the crust is well done to add the amazing garlicky flavor to the fingers, pretty good snack for a beer we really liked them.
Fairly easy dish to make, the products weren't hard to find and the end result was pleasing although further experimenting with the crust could be made and without any sauce, they can be a bit dry so don't forget to add some.


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Positions - Marina Otero Verzier - Memory and Oblivion
El Caballo, the equestrian statue of general Francisco Franco, in custody of the Ministry of Defense, with its head covered and sheathed by a metallic case inside the Navy's military arsenal in Ferrol. Photo: Spanish Ministry of Defense.
"El Caballo" (The Horse), a seven-ton bronze equestrian statue of general Francisco Franco, was removed from Ferrol's Plaza de España in 2002. Originally erected as a gift from the Spanish city to the dictator in 1967, the monument presided over its main public space for nearly forty-five years. It had endured demonstrations and soft vandalism, yet after being attacked with explosives, the municipal government of Xaime Bello decided to loan the statute to the army, placing it in indefinite custody. On horseback, jailed by a metallic structure, and perched on the back of a truck, the statue of the dictator led an evening parade through the city center. With the background music of Galician bagpipes, applauses, boos, and cries of "assassin!" hundreds of people waked the sculpture to its new location. The event is still recalled as "el paseo," an eponymous form of execution during the Spanish Civil War by which, under the pretext of a walk, neighbors were murdered in the open and unaware.1
This wasn't El Caballo's last journey. First on display and publicly accessible at the open-air courtyard in front of Ferrol's Navy Museum, it was later moved inside a nearby warehouse and covered by a tarp. When a mighty wind removed the canvas, uncovering the monument, students from the Navy school and neighbors immortalized the event. Images of the bronze sculpture started to circulate in the media, as did allegations against the public display of Francoist symbols. The storm was appeased by means of an architectural solution. In confinement and custody of the Ministry of Defense, the statue of the dictator now stands sheathed by a metallic case inside the military arsenal.2
While in other parts of the world fascist monuments are brought down by citizen's direct action, in Spain they are subject to periodic burial and unearthing. Since the restoration of democracy and the approval of the Spanish constitution in 1978, the country has attempted to construct an inclusive identity with which all its territories and populations identify; a common cultural heritage that includes and recognizes a large part of the population which suffered political repression for decades.
The ongoing struggle for history in Spain is fought above and below ground. Across the country, archives, storages, and warehouses keep the now-illegal codes of fascism's victory over democracy away from public scrutiny. Outside, civic associations, together with teams of archeologists, forensic scientists, and volunteers dig in search of the hundreds of thousand unidentified republican victims murdered by Franco's forces in the killings and summary executions conducted during the civil war and dictatorship. They break the silence of the regime's appalling violence, epitomized by the bullet holes that remain in cemetery walls, the mass graves to be opened, and fascist monuments left standing.
Deciding which symbols should remain written in the collective memory is a contentious endeavor. The 1977 Amnesty Law, promulgated two years after Franco's death, prevented the investigation and prosecution of human right violations during his rule. The impunity of Francoist crimes renders the public presence of the monuments that celebrate them even more controversial.
View of the entrance to the basilica at El Valle de los Caídos, Madrid. Photo: Marina Otero Verzier, June 2017.
El Caballo is not the only vestige of the dictatorship that was erased from the urban space in Ferrol. Having been a bastion for the regime as well as Franco's birthplace, the city has been a disputed field for the display and maintenance of works of art commissioned by and celebrating the dictatorship. The Historical Memory Law of October 2007 marked the removal of a number of Francoist monuments and signs. The aim of the law was to recognize and grant aid to all the victims of the civil war and dictatorship, mobilize support for the tracing, identification, and exhumation of missing persons, and condemn the Francoist regime.3 Yet the right-wing government of the Popular Party (PP), which was ruling at the time, opposed the law and prevented its implementation by not allocating funding for its application. As the Spanish state failed to do so, civil associations, foreign judges, forensic doctors, and even the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) led years-long advocacy campaigns for the removal all symbols of Franco's regime, including his mausoleum, and the exhumation of mass graves of his victims.4 This situation unexpectedly changed some months ago, when the Socialist Party (PSOE) took over in government after a favorable motion of censure. On August 31, 2018, as part of their new policies and political promises, the government of Pedro Sanchez approved a decree that will reform the Historical Memory Law.5 The decree, which has been validated in Congress, provides legal protection to exhume the remains of Franco from the Valle de los Caidos (Valley of the Fallen).
If Ferrol registered the birth of the autocrat, Madrid guards his grave. A monument commissioned by Franco to honor the fallen during the civil war and the site of his own shrine, the Valley of the Fallen occupies a commanding position over the Sierra de Madrid. Strategically and symbolically dominating the territory, the monument overwhelmingly celebrates the victory of fascism over democracy. Built by a workforce that included political prisoners, its walls hide the remains of tens of thousands of victims of the regime, most of which were brought and kept there without the consent of their families.6 Their bodies, according to technical reports by Patrimonio Nacional (the National Heritage Agency), are now part of the architecture that perpetuates their historical repression. Leaks have affected the integrity of the walls, causing parts of the ossuary and the structure of the building to coalesce, making it no longer possible to distinguish one from the other, or imagine their disentanglement.7 Even if the new law allows for Franco's grave to be exhumed of before the end of the year, the debate leading to the transformation of the site and the afterlife of this convoluted architecture has just started. Meanwhile, without the assistance of leaflets, plaques, or an interpretation center informing about the history and significance of one of the most visited historical sites in Madrid, Franco's sympathizers keel in front of his tomb as large numbers of tourists continue to immortalize the Valley of the Fallen
The arguments mobilized around the future of this and other Francoist monuments exceeds the polarization of political parties. "Monuments belong to the people," argues Rosa Mendez, a leftist councilor of cultural heritage of Ferrol.8 Last year, Mendez faced public reprisal for recovering the head of Francoist minister Camilo Alonso Vega from storage and placing it in the courtyard of the cultural center Torrente Ballester. Her decision, she argued, was motivated by the piece's artistic value.9 "We have to look forward. We are just passing through and our traces and history should be preserved, never destroyed." Mendez continued, "we can of course hide some of the monuments, leaving the assessment of their artistic value to future generations."10 The head is now locked inside the so-called "chamber of horrors," a municipal storage room at the Torrente Ballester. It shares space with a bust and three portraits of Franco that were previously located in city hall, as well as works of public art yet to be restored or put back on display. Outside, memories and bullets from the civil war and the dictatorship are an intrinsic part of the urban and social landscape of Ferrol, from the public school I.E.S. Canido to the San Felipe castle.
Whereas the conversation around Francoist relics and traces has been particularly pregnant in Ferrol and other infamous sites such as the Valley of the Fallen, other Spanish cities also struggle under the scrutiny of the Historical Memory Law to decide the future of their street names, plaques, statues, and buildings.
The Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (ARMH) conducts an exhumation of an unmarked mass grave on the edge of Guadalajara's municipal cemetery. Photo: Marina Otero Verzier, June 2017.
Unearthing the past
Historical Memory, according to Andreas Huyssen, used to mark the relation of a community or a nation to its past.11 Not anymore though. The past is now bounded to and intrinsically part of the present. Since the sixties, Huyssen points out, a global shift has taken place from repressing the historical past to amplifying memory. Accordingly, the search for alternative historiographies and the reparation to victims of human right violations that resulted from national liberation movements and decolonization processes was followed by an intensification of the debate around the Holocaust in the early eighties. At the same time, new information and communication technologies began to accelerate time and compress space. Huyssen's hypothesis is that in the wake of an over exposure to and endless circulation of information, there is a tendency towards counteracting the fear of forgetting with strategies of memorization.12 The fear of amnesia, in other words, fosters a memory mania. Huyssen illustrates these endeavors with the proliferation of museums and memorials, primarily in Berlin, and cases of the desaparecidos of Latin America. While he overlooks the comparable situation in Spain, the country with the second-largest number of missing persons after Cambodia, his arguments are instrumental for advancing and shedding light onto the debate around Historical Memory in Spain as well as the future of a great number of architectural works.
Stories conveyed by victims and monuments are found all over the Spanish territory. Not far from Ferrol, the city of Lugo stands as one of the most active in the re-signification of spaces connected to political repression inflicted by the regime. Its former jail for political prisoners has been transformed into the cultural center O Vello Cárcere, which hosts exhibitions and events dedicated to the victims, and that celebrates those democratic values and ideals overthrown by the dictatorship. The country's capital, Madrid, despite the municipal policies aimed at applying the Historical Memory Law, still displays a large number of street names, monuments, and buildings commemorating the victory of fascist forces and the violent repression that followed. A warehouse in Barcelona's Via Favència, which accumulates Francoist vestiges removed from the urban space including an equestrian statue of the dictator, is often referred to as the "dustbin of Francoism." As with the one in Ferrol, the bronze statue had roamed the city and reveals the scars of the journey. Originally placed in the castle of Montjuïc in 1963, with the arrival of democracy it became an object of vandalism until it was hidden inside a room of the Military Museum. The logistical operation of moving it demanded the amputation of the dictator's left leg, which apparently didn't fit through the door. Since March 2008, the leg and statue have been kept in the warehouse in Favència de Canyelles, where it was mysteriously found beheaded in 2013, with no traces from either perpetrator or head.13 Last year, a temporary exhibition in El Born, entitled "Franco, Victòria, República: Impunitat i espai urbà" ("Franco, Victory, Republic: Impunity and urban space"), put the equestrian statue back on public display outside of the old market.14 Protests instigated by the street presence of Francoist symbols escalated in a series of assaults, resulting in the devastation of the statue. Its remains were, once more, retired into a warehouse.15 Other retired statues of Franco are also kept in municipal and military storages in Madrid, Santander, and Valencia. Some are maintained by provincial museums, such as the one in Zaragoza, or on display in private institutions, as it is the case of Melilla.16 Upon being withdrawn from the streets, many of the sculptures have been greeted by hundreds of people giving the Fascist salute and to the cry of "Viva Franco."17
Each region of the Spanish territory reflects the particular character of the imprint of the Francoist regime—from the front lines to sites of repression and cleansing—as well as the current political debate surrounding their memory. Endeavors towards the resignification and removal of monuments are usually part of larger social demands and leftist political municipal programs, including those by the cities of Barcelona and Madrid that involve an increase in stock of social-rented and other affordable housing options and a fight against evictions as well as aggressive speculation on urban development. The dismantling of Francoists monuments goes, many times, hand in hand with that of the legacy of his social and political architecture. Similarly, these actions subvert the understanding of architecture as an asset from which to profit, and cultivate an ethos that aims for reparations for the violence and inequality imposed by the regime and its aftermath, including the neoliberal transformation of the Spanish political economy. In doing so, I would argue, its victims and their ideals can be best remembered.
Site of mass graves yet to be opened in the cemetery of Sarria (Lugo). Photo: Guillem Valle, August 2017.
Yet in order to construct an alternative architecture, the country needs to inspect its foundations. As storages are filled with symbols from the dictatorship, veiled and removed from public space, mass graves yet to be opened are traced by associations. The government in Andalucía, for instance, is working on a report to initiate the exhumation of mass graves in different cities which hold an estimated 12,000 bodies. Mallorca, arguably the forerunner in the advocacy and legislation on Historical Memory, has approved the "Commission of missing persons," a law that applies to the Spanish civil war and dictatorship, and a Democratic Memory Law.18 Under the scope of these laws and the Commission, several exhumations were carried out across the Majorcan territory, including the mass grave in the cemetery of Porreres. A few meters away, in the oratory of Santa Creu, the Associació Memòria de Mallorca has erected a memorial to prisoners from more than thirty villages who were executed. Bullet holes left in the entrance of the church register the crimes. From the oratory, the bodies were thrown into a mass grave inside the cemetery and buried in quicklime. All cases of forced disappearance, there are no registries or court cases. Oral testimonies made it possible to locate the grave, hidden under a columbarium. At less than one meter deep, the team of forensic anthropologists lead by Francisco Etxeberría found the first body.19
By unearthing the past there is the expectation of crafting a new present, one honoring those who were forcefully silenced. Their bodies are treated as monuments to the ideas they defended. "It is important that this debate happens not only in the streets, but in the courts," argues M. Antònia Oliver and Tonina Mercadal, president and secretary of the Associació Memòria de Mallorca. Or, as Huyssen would put it: memory can be no substitute for justice.20 "Spanish judges do not go to the exhumations." Oliver and Mercadal continue: "they argue that the crimes have prescribed, and some of them even denounce the processes carried out by the associations. It is necessary to declare the illegality of the jurisprudence that emanates from the regime and the coup perpetrators. Sentences have to be declared invalid. And monuments have to be dismantled."21 Their demands, however, are not met without struggle.
In 2017, Palma's municipal government initiated the process for bringing down the Sa Feixina monument. The piece was originally designed as a tribute to the fascist forces deployed on the heavy cruiser Baleares and erected in a prominent location in the town. Since 1978, the year that the Spanish Constitution was approved, the site has been the target of demonstrations by citizen movements. In 2010, in an attempt to apply the Historical Memory Law, some of the monument's inscriptions and symbols directly associated with the Francoist regime were removed. Yet, the measure failed in mitigating the political debate. "To keep these monuments is to perpetuate impunity of Francoist crimes," argues Oliver and Mercadal.22 Their thesis is shared by the local government which, following the decision by the Commission of Historical Heritage of the Consell de Mallorca to not declare Sa Feixina as a heritage-listed asset, voted for its demolition. The resolution, which at the time of writing is still pending and facing opposition, was supported by four reports presented to the councilors of Culture, Heritage, Historical Memory, and Linguistic Politics of Palma. One of them, signed by architect and scholar Josep Quetglas, offers a conceptual framework for disputing the logics generally applied to justify the patrimonial value of fascist monuments.23 The architect's report, a reference and asset for future debates in Mallorca, Madrid, and elsewhere, provides a response to the arguments by professionals and institutions in defense of the cultural, formal, and artistic values of the monuments, and the ideological positions that are usually mobilized in similar national and international cases.
In the monument we are not in the presence of any work of art—if by artwork we understand a human work, done at any time, that shows human values and dignity in aesthetic perception.
The monument has no artistic value. Aesthetic pleasure should not supersede human dignity. There is only one way to give the monument an aesthetic dimension, that is to turn its dismantling into a work of art.
The monument does not show any cultural value, if by culture we understand what manifests and stimulates the human values of a social group.
The monument has no architectural value. In fact, for not having interior space, it cannot be considered architecture.
The monument has no civic value. There is only one way to value it from the civil point of view, that is to turn its dismantling into a gesture of education, a collective moment for the construction of civic responsibility.
The monument has no patrimonial value, if by heritage we understand everything which citizens take and feel as their own assets, and will keep to future generations, in memory of those who are no longer there, and of ourselves.
The value of the work cannot be replaced by the value of its "style." The works, in themselves, do not have any "style." "Style" is the label that is placed on the work by those who cannot say anything else. Nevertheless, a "style" is not ideologically neutral.
The monument is not neutral, for it would mean that it is devoid of all meaning.
If is still possible to explain the original aims of the monument, and if it has a meaning that stays in the memory of the citizens, then the work still preserves and delivers all its ideology.
A symbol, like any sign, is always an agreed arbitrary construction. A modification doesn't re-signify or erase the meaning of a monument. The crimes it celebrates are embodied in it, not only in some of its components.
The past cannot be changed. Every product of the past is already a document about the time and society that produced it. What can be changed, and it is changed endlessly, is history, that is to say the narration of the past.24
The involvement of architects in the discussion around Francoist monuments in Spain sheds light into the ways in which the discipline plays a part in the process, from the design and erection of memorials to the assessment of their removal and, more importantly, the design of an architecture that honors those who stand up against fascist forms of living. In this debate Quetglas becomes a reference, as his work deals with the dismantling of monuments as much as the restoration of the memory of the victims. Memory is a recurring theme in Quetglas' architectural books, probably being the most prominent exponent Fear of Glass, where he examines the life and afterlives of Mies van der Rohe's Barcelona Pavilion, as well the silence that emanates from it which, according to Quetglas, anticipated the rise of the Nazi regime in Germany. Having invested his career in publishing works of architectural theory and criticism, his turn to building practice was in the form of the burial site and memorial for the victims of fascism—inevitably evoking what Adolf Loos would famously claimed in his essay "Architecture" from 1910, that the grave is a primordial form of architecture.
Memorial to the Republicans, erected in 1977, re-opened in November 2012 according to a project by Tomàs Bosch, Jaume Mayol, and Josep Quetglas. Photo: Marina Otero Verzier, August 2017.
Mur de la Memòria in Palma's city cemetery, built to honor the republicans murdered by fascist forces in Mallorca, with work by Tomàs Bosch, Francisco Cifuentes, Jaume Mayol, Josep Quetglas, and a text by Llorenç y Margalida Capellà. The memorial includes, engraved in metal plates, the names of more than 1500 victims. Photo: Marina Otero Verzier, August 2017.
Sa Feixina monument in Palma de Mallorca. Photo: Marina Otero Verzier, August 2017.
In a journey with Quetglas through the villages and countryside of Mallorca, the island unveils a territory unlike that which exists in its touristic imaginary; its history an ongoing process of creation, destruction and re-signification. Together with Tomàs Bosch, Francisco Cifuentes, and Jaume Mayol, Quetglas built the Mur de la Memòria in Palma's Ciutat cemetery. Built to honor of the republicans murdered in Mallorca, the memorial includes engraved in metal plates, the names of more than 1,500 victims, and a text by Llorenç y Margalida Capellà: "Time stands still and reminds men and women who died in defense of freedom." Thirty kilometers from Palma, the Memorial to the Republicans stands in the Montuïri cemetery. Designed by Quetglas, Bosch, and Mayol, the memorial consists of a vertical gravestone and twenty two ceramic tiles placed in the ground and engraved with the names of the victims by the hands of their current relatives. "The monument is not delivered, it is made by the people, by the families," the architects explain.25 The gravestone was attacked and destroyed soon after its opening in 2012, to be later rebuilt in concrete.
If architecture is mobilized in the collective reparation for republican victims, Quetglas finds the clue for the re-signification of Francoist symbols in art. He imagines the demolition of Sa Feixina as an artistic endeavor, one that could be commissioned to "Bill Viola or Alexander Kluge."26 According to his proposal, fascist monuments should not be kept for posterity, but rather destroyed by a direct, collective action; a public celebration to bring down the hated symbols, and against the repression that was systematically imposed by the regime on a large part of the Spanish population.
The transitory, the ephemeral, and the popular event as contemporary constructions of public memory in place of the monuments brings this ongoing story back to Huyssen. In his thesis, the monumental has migrated from the real into the image, from the material into the immaterial. Tied to nineteenth-century kitsch and to mass culture, representative of nineteenth-century nationalisms and of twentieth-century totalitarianisms, privileging mode of expression of mass politics, and attempting to overwhelm the individual spectator and tied to narcissistic delusions of grandeur, the monumental is aesthetically, politically, socially, ethically, and psychoanalytically suspect. For Huyssen, monumentality can do without permanence—that is, by taking the form of a cultural event to be circulated and memorialized by the media—but unlike Quetglas, also without destruction.27
In spite of the evanescent, transitory present, the bodies and belongings found in mass graves across Spain are unearthed as archaeologists unbury monuments from the past and vestiges that force the rewriting of history. Silenced over decades, their stories take a material dimension and, visualizing the unequal recognition of part of its population, shatter the grounds of the country and its memory. Simultaneously, the vestiges of Francoists monuments, now largely in confinement, continue to circulate in media. Captured while standing, being removed, or destroyed, their images create new memories as much as perpetuate their presence and legacy.
El Caballo, the equestrian statue of general Francisco Franco, in custody of the Ministry of Defense, sheathed by a metallic case inside the Navy's military arsenal in Ferrol. Photo: Spanish Ministry of Defense.
National specters, communal imaginations
In the military arsenal of Ferrol, the statue of the dictator resists the passing of time. For its veiling, I would argue, makes it visible, restoring it to public debate; uncannily, as a ghost. Certainly, transmitting the fascist spirit to posterity was the aim of the architecture of the Third Reich, best represented by Albert Speer's ruin theory of architecture; an imperialist project for the conquering of time and space.28 It was also Franco's intention in building the Valley of the Fallen. "The dimension of our Crusade, the heroic sacrifices involved in the victory, and the far-reaching significance that this epic has had for the future of Spain," Franco stated in 1940, "cannot be perpetuated with the simple monuments with which the outstanding events of our history and the glorious deeds of her sons are often commemorated in towns and villages. The stones that are to be erected must have the grandeur of the monuments of old, which defy time and oblivion."29
In this context, the fight against the specter of fascism demands a renewed relation between remembering and forgetting. While it is imperative to mobilize resources for the recognition of and reparation to all the victims of the civil war and dictatorship and their families, as well as for the tracing, identification, and exhumation of mass graves, their honoring still demands architecture: one that celebrates the ideas they supported and their capacity to unleash other, possible non-fascist futures. And that might be achieved neither by an archetypal monument nor one's devastation.
In addition to the mass grave and the court, the demolition of monuments, and the erection of memorials, there are other battlegrounds in which architecture has a prominent role. For the lasting architectural traces of the violence and repression inflicted by the regime on part of the population are imbricated in the country's social, political, religious, and economic structures; in gender roles, models of home, family, belonging, and ownership promoted during the dictatorship through its Falangist, Catholic, and nationalist culture; and of course in architectural practices and thought, being one of the most potent vehicles for ideological dissemination.30
Democracy restored and actualized some of the social advancements introduced by the Spanish Second Republic that Franco's rule had removed. Despite advances in and legislation of divorce (1932, 1981), same sex marriage (2005) and abortion (1937, 1985, 2010), the ideology promoted by Franco materialized and gave shape to housing policies and logics of urban development that transformed the Spanish territory, as well as processes of unequal capital accumulation. Inequalities that are still visible today were facilitated by the appropriations, requalification of land, and forced expropriations during the civil war and the dictatorship. The regime, as registered in their inventories, elaborated a system that would classify the population according to their political affiliations and sympathies, dictating who were "enemies" and thus subject to the seizure of their belongings and their lives.31 Families would see how their relatives would be executed, and their properties confiscated. The state-sponsored mass murder and plundering of rights and private and public assets inflated the patrimony of Franco and his supporters, and its impact is still visible today. As mass graves are still to be opened, properties were never given back to their owners.
The memory of those who lost their lives in defense of democracy, social progress, and equal political and civil rights; those who deprived the nobility of special privileges, established the freedom of speech and association, defended the public education and emancipation of women, and introduced women's suffrage, is to be found not only in monuments but primarily in accessible, inclusive, affordable architecture with civic, cultural, and aesthetic value. This is where the ideals of those who sacrificed their life for a democratic culture speak in contemporary terms.
Memory, I argue, is a tool to imagine and unleash strategies for subverting the fascist policies and their aftermath that are still imbricated in the social, political, and urban environment, logics of architectural practice, and unequal capitalist accumulation. If we succeed in such subversions, for which so many Spanish civic associations and movements, municipal policies and, hopefully, the new central government advocate, the presence of fascist monuments' ruins might one day be rendered insignificant.
See ➝.
Information provided by the Spanish Ministry of Defense and the Arsenal of Ferrol.
Historical Memory Law in Spain (Law 52/2007 December 26, 2007), Ministry of Justice, ➝. Translated by the author.
"España / Memoria histórica: La fortaleza de la democracia se mide en la capacidad de atender los reclamos de las víctimas," Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), May 19, 2017, ➝. Translated by the author.
"El Gobierno inicia el procedimiento para exhumar a Francisco Franco del Valle de los Caídos," El País, August 31, 2018, ➝.
See Marina Otero Verzier, "Silent Walls. The Architecture of Historical Memory in Spain," Ed 1, 2017, 109-114.
Luis Gómez, "La mayor fosa común de España," El País, September 21, 2008, ➝.
Rosa Mendez, conversation with the author in Ferrol on August 9, 2017.
Rosa Mendez, conversation with the author in Ferrol on August 9, 2017. The incident was also published in the local newspapers: Pita Parada, Rocío, "Polémico traslado al Torrente del busto del franquista Alonso Vega," La Voz de Galicia, February 4, 2016, ➝.
See Andreas Huyssen, Present Pasts: Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003).
Ramón Suñé, "Reliquias franquistas en un almacén," La Vanguardia, May 1, 2012, ➝.
Meritxell M. Pauné, Quico Sallés, "Una exposición en el Born rescatará de los almacenes dos estatuas simbólicas del franquismo (Born Centre de Cultura i Memòria)," La Vanguardia, August 2, 2016, ➝.
Alfonso Congostrina, "Derribada la estatua de Franco colocada en el Born de Barcelona," El País, October 21, 2016, ➝.
Julia González Ubeda, "¿Dónde están las estatuas que honraban a Franco?," Público, December 17, 2017, ➝; Juan Miguel Baquero, "El Ministerio de Defensa cede una estatua de Franco a una fundación para su exhibición," El Diario, January 31, 2017, ➝.
"PSIB, MES y Podemos, presentan la ley de Memoria Democrática para Baleares que abarca hasta 1983," La Vanguardia, March 30, 2017, ➝; "El Parlament aprueba la ley de Memoria Democrática que contempla un censo de símbolos franquistas para su retirada," Europapress, March 27, 2018, ➝.
Information provided by M. Antònia Oliver and Tonina Mercadal from the Associació Memòria de Mallorca, Palma de Mallorca, August 25, 2017.
Huyssen, Present Pasts, 28.
M. Antònia Oliver and Tonina Mercadal in conversation with the author in Palma de Mallorca, August 25, 2017.
Josep Quetglas Riusech, "Informe sobre la presència de valors formals, culturals o artístics en les restes del monument 'Mallorca a los Héroes del Crucero Baleares," July 10, 2017, ➝.
These paragraphs are a summary by the author of Quetglas's report.
Josep Quetglas in conversation with the author in Mallorca, August 25, 2017.
Quetglas Riusech, "Informe."
Huyssen, Present Pasts.
"Bulletin nº 93," Boletin Official del Estato, April 2, 1940, ➝. Translated by the author.
I refer here to the role that the discipline of architecture played in the survival of Franco's dictatorship, and in particular to María González Pendás, Architecture, Technocracy, and Silence: Building Discourse in Franquista Spain (PhD Diss, Columbia University, 2016). For her analysis on the legacies of the regime in contemporary politics and culture, see "Introduction," pp. 31–39.
Danilo Albin, "Lo que la dictadura robó y la democracia nunca devolvió: así se planificó el expolio franquista," Público, July 29, 2017, ➝.
Memory, Monuments, Historicity & Historiography
This essay is part of the long-term project on the debate surrounding the historical memory in Spain, developed together with photographer and filmmaker Guillem Valle.
Positions in an initative of e-flux Architecture.
Marina Otero Verzier is an architect based in Rotterdam, where she is Director of Research at Het Nieuwe Instituut. She curated of WORK, BODY, LEISURE, the Dutch Pavilion at the Venice Architecture Biennale 2018, and with After Belonging Agency, the Oslo Architecture Triennale 2016. Previously, she was based in New York where she was Director of Global Network Programming at Studio-X.


I know, I'm rubbish at keeping things up to date on here and there is lots to tell – so here I am with part 1 of 2 updates.
I thought I'd start with the Keswick Convention. I was back there this year leading the music with Steve James. It was an incredible year this year. I was in a place personally where God had really been tearing the lid off a lot of issues for me. So I was in a confused and, I guess, a slightly broken place in some respects.
God has been turning things upside down and re-opening 'closed books' for me since we moved to Dorset, He's shaken up everything I thought we (Phil and I) knew. It has been unsettling, terrifying, exciting and ultimately liberating – all at once! It's a journey I'm still on but I know it will end in freedom – total and real freedom.
At Keswick, through the preaching and music, God continued to push my buttons – which was very emotional for me and I found it quite hard, but He carried me through it and brought along a couple of great people to talk to me and encourage me. By the end of the week I was strengthened, renewed and the batteries had been re-charged. I also had a new resolve that things were going to be different. They have been.
Musically and in terms of music and Worship, the convention was such a welcome change for me. Working with the musicians and team there is always just great – I am blessed to have such wonderful opportunities to work with such spirited and talented people who just want to Worship, and to take others with them.
The live worship CD from this year is out now and it's just brilliant ….. I recommend you buy it!
In other news, Phil changed his job over the summer, and he's very happy in his new job – which is good.
We've had visits from our 'besties' from up north too, which has been really great as we miss our pals a LOT.
Family members have been down to visit as well – which is always good!
As always, I'm bursting with ideas about new recordings – just need to get off my backside and do something about it now! My time is freeing up now so hopefully I'll be able to concentrate more on that – but more about that in part 2 of my update!


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We often need to render buttons or other controls just after or before any existing control of the pages, in this lesson we will learn how we can achieve this in M#.
Note: The layout customisation using after and before attribute can only be done in Form Modules.
M# provides two attributes to customize the layout after any form element's input control or its container. You can specify HTML markup or reference module buttons using those attributes.
This attribute is used to customize the layout after the wrapper HTML element of the input control. M# wraps the input control inside a div tag having "input" css class. The markup specified is rendered just after this "div" tag. Below screenshots show that we have referenced a module button in this attribute, which is rendered just after the input control wrapper.
M# provides two attributes to customize the layout before input control and its label. You can specify HTML markup or reference module buttons using these attributes.
This attribute is used to customize the layout just before the input control. M# generates the specified code above the input control.
Markup specified in this attribute is rendered before the label of the input control on a form module. M# wraps label text inside div tag having "label" css class. The markup specified using this attribute is generated before the label wrapper.


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Why do Kosovo citizens still see Serbia as the country's biggest threat?
Although a military confrontation seems unlikely, a recent survey in Kosovo showed that most respondents still consider Serbia as the country's leading danger to national security – and their concerns are far from irrational.
The myth behind the 'best police force in the region'
The new government has a tough road ahead of it when it comes to security and law enforcement, and a long list of issues to address in order to make Kosovo a safer place for all its citizens.
The tense north
The bridge that connects the two sides of the divided city of Mitrovica remains dysfunctional, and while relations between Serbs and Albanians have improved, fears over security persist, largely fueled by political incidents and the threat of organized crime.
Insurance firms profit by delaying payouts
A BIRN investigation into the Kosovo insurance industry reveals flagrant violations of the rules on compensation – and a worrying lack of regulation when it comes to companies not paying out.
Despite Kosovo Serb reservations, President Thaci says no one can veto the army
Discussing the transformation of the Kosovo Security Forces into an army with civil society activists, Kosovo President remained resolute on the initiative.