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A young Scotsman (Kodi Smit-McPhee) shows up in the American west, a land that in the nineteenth century is still made up of wide, open frontiers and very little civilized law. His purpose is to find the homestead of his beloved lass and her father who immigrated there before him, but along the way he picks up a traveling companion (Michael Fassbender), whom he pays to keep him safe from the dangers of the wild west. It isn't long after they team up that these two are heading to their destination with bandits (led by Ben Mendelsohn) on their heels, our naïve hero unwittingly leading the bad guys to a bounty with a high price on its head that has devastating consequences for all involved. The landscape is obviously shot in the lush vistas of New Zealand, but instead of poorly subbing for the actual intended setting, the rich camera work and steady direction transform the location into a bold act of expressionism. The film is at once a realistic drama and a myth, the suspiciously bright colours and overwrought personalities as much an indulgence in the way this aspect of American history has been presented to us as they are a criticism of it. That said, this sort of thing has been done many times before, so while the film is interesting and features a superb conclusion, it won't blow the mind of anyone who is familiar with its highly familiar kind.


text:
Credit: John Munson/Cornell University
Vivian Zayas '94, associate professor of psychology, was inducted into the Ultimate Hall of Fame in October.
Professor chases plastic all the way to Ultimate Hall of Fame
By David Nutt
Some people are transformed by prayer. Others find their lives changed by politics or public service.
Nearly three decades ago, as a sophomore studying psychology at Cornell, Vivian Zayas '94 was transformed by throwing a plastic disc.
She remembers going out on the fields near Helen Newman Hall with Cornell's Ultimate Frisbee team. She enjoyed the camaraderie. The team was supportive. And the sport was addictive.
Vivian Zayas is known for her mastery of a wide range of throws – from lofting a disc that can hover leisurely in midair, giving a downfield teammate enough time to catch up with it, to long-distance throws, or "hucks."
"I got hooked pretty early. It was liberating," says Zayas, now an associate professor of psychology in the College of Arts and Sciences. "You're on this field, you're chasing the plastic. And during that whole time, not once do you think about the work that you have to do at Cornell."
For more than two decades, Zayas chased the plastic – from Cornell's campus to international championships on the semi-pro club circuit, all the way to the Ultimate Hall of Fame, which inducted Zayas in October. In total, she's competed in 18 national championships and five world championships, winning two national and four world titles with her deep-field throws and tireless work ethic.
"To have my community validate me is really great," Zayas says. "There's something really special to see my peers – people who knew me, who played the game – say, 'You contributed, you're a Hall of Famer.' It's amazing."
Ultimate Frisbee merges the nonstop movement of soccer and basketball with the throwing and catching mechanics of football. One of the first rules of Ultimate Frisbee, however, is don't call it Ultimate Frisbee. Since Frisbee is a registered trademark, practitioners of the game refer to it simply as Ultimate.
Perhaps the most distinctive feature of the sport is the absence of referees. Players self-officiate and call their own fouls. When a dispute arises, it must be resolved amicably by the players. This results in what is commonly called "the spirt of the game," where competition is encouraged but never at the expense of other players or the integrity of the game itself.
"I think that instills a sense of respecting your opponent, respecting the game and managing conflict," Zayas says. "And it also changes the game, because the game isn't about getting away with something."
Cornell has one of the oldest Ultimate programs in the country, dating back to the founding of the men's team, the Cornell Buds, in 1973. The women's team, the Wild Roses, followed in 1980. Zayas now joins fellow Cornellians David Blau '86, Tiina Booth '76, Paul Brenner '78, MBA '79, Jim Herrick '76, MBA '77, Chris Van Holmes '80, Daniel Weiss '78, and Jon "JC" Cohn '77 – who founded the Buds – in the Ultimate Hall of Fame.
In 2005, Zayas played with the Seattle Riot at the U.S. national championship finals in Sarasota, Florida.
There are two primary positions in Ultimate: handlers who throw the disc, and cutters who try to break free and catch it, and everyone on the field does both. As a handler, Zayas is known for her mastery of a wide range of throws – from flinging a disc straight down the line to another player with whip-fast speed and precision, to lofting a disc that can hover leisurely in midair, giving a downfield teammate enough time to catch up with it. Zayas has a particular knack for completing long-distance throws, called "hucks," that for some players would be considered high-risk.
"As a first-generation Cuban-American, Vivian has been a leader and inspiration for countless players throughout her storied career," the Hall of Fame organizers said in an announcement for this year's inductees. "Known as one of the greatest throwers in the game, Vivian's deep and break-mark throws made every downfield player a potential target, despite having the world's best defenders assigned to cover her. … Vivian's love and energy for the sport of Ultimate is what makes her a standout leader, player and inspirational teammate."
When Zayas was growing up, she played piano and danced but didn't participate in sports until high school, when she took up skiing and tennis. She had never played a field sport until she came to Cornell and discovered Ultimate.
She credits the game with helping her turn off the part of her brain that was always fixated on coursework and looming deadlines. Once she had a disc in hand, she could focus on what was immediately in front of her. The field. The empty space. The throw.
"It was an environment where you could really learn the game," Zayas says. "The more you work, the better you get. And I continued to meet different people who made me want to get better and play at a higher level."
The sport not only helped her transform herself physically, growing faster and stronger as an athlete. It also changed her as an individual.
"I'm definitely a different person now – physically, socially, emotionally, mentally – because of all the years of playing Ultimate," she says. "As I matured as a player, I learned to better weather the lows and highs, and I became more even keeled. It's not that mistakes didn't bother me, but I didn't get as worked up about them. I also learned the importance of giving your undivided attention, focus and energy to whatever you do. All I can do is be present, and as Ultimate players say, 'leave it all on the field.' The outcome is what it is, though I find that is usually positive when you give it 100%."
Zayas began playing Ultimate Frisbee as a sophomore studying psychology at Cornell. Now she is an associate professor of psychology in the College of Arts and Sciences and has served as faculty adviser for the women's Ultimate team, the Wild Roses.
'You expanded your conception of yourself'
After she graduated from Cornell, Zayas had no job lined up or a career plan in mind. She just knew she needed to escape the Ithaca winter, so she looked to sunny California. She was also lured by the fact that some of the best Ultimate in the world was being played on the West Coast. She moved to the San Francisco Bay Area, where she worked "chasing ambulances" as a paralegal while hucking Frisbees on the club circuit.
"When I was playing the sport at Cornell, my parents were like, 'What is this sport?' And then I graduated, and they thought I stopped, but I kept playing," Zayas says. "Almost every year, they'd ask, 'So when are you going to stop playing this sport?' And at some point, you know you've been playing for a long time when they stop asking."
As a member of the the Boston Brute Squad, Zayas competed in the U.S. national championship finals in Sarasota, Florida in 2009.
In 1997, Zayas moved to Seattle to pursue her Ph.D. at the University of Washington. Throughout her graduate and postdoctoral work, she continued to play competitively at the highest levels – first with Seattle's Women on the Verge, and then with the Seattle Riot – ultimately winning three world championships.
Zayas' search for a tenure-track teaching position brought her back to Cornell in 2007. Still wanting to play competitively, she joined Boston's Brute Squad, in effect hucking herself more than 300 miles for practice and tournaments on the weekends. She also hired a trainer in Ithaca since she couldn't practice with the team during the week.
"I was a professor at Cornell, and my teammates and my competitors were 18-year-olds," Zayas says. "I had to definitely keep up with them."
Tournaments can be particularly grueling. They typically last two to three days, and each team plays three or four games a day, hitting the field as early as 8 a.m. A single game can stretch up to two hours.
And there's also international travel to consider. In 2007, Zayas was invited by the Ultimate Frisbee Association of Colombia to go to Bogota and Medellin to coach and play with the country's national team, Revolution. She also trained youth players in elementary school and high school.
"I'm definitely a different person now – physically, socially, emotionally, mentally – because of all the years of playing Ultimate."
Vivian Zayas
While the idea of teaching full time and commuting long distances to practice and competitions may seem exhausting, Zayas found that it created balance in her life.
"When you say 'I don't have time to go for a run, I don't have time to train, I don't have time to go and play,' the reality is you do have time. You just don't carve out that space. I think that could be a little unhealthy," Zayas says. "In academia, it's not a sprint, it's a marathon. You have to be able to sustain a certain pace. I think having this other activity grounded me.
"Playing also promotes really good mental habits," she says. "If I'm working on something and kind of ruminating on it, I can go out on the field. When I come back, I see that problem in a different way."
Of course, as in any athlete's life, there comes a day when the biggest challenge isn't facing off against a cunning opponent. It's getting out of bed.
After playing with the Brute Squad for four years, Zayas visited Boston in 2011 to look into a new Ultimate organization that was starting up.
"I had to get up in the morning. It was cold. And I was like, 'Boy, I really kind of just want to stay in bed. It'd be nice to sleep in a little bit, just have coffee and relax,'" she says. "I'd played Ultimate for two decades. I milked it as much as I could. There's joy in it. But I was done. I wanted to do other things and spend time with family and travel a little bit more."
But Zayas wasn't quite done. In 2012, she joined the U.S. master's team for the world championships in Japan, which they won.
Zayas still plays the occasional tournament, and she's participated in a summer league and some workshops and clinics in Ithaca, where her arrival is often greeted by "oohs" and "ahs." Before going on sabbatical in fall 2020, she served as faculty adviser for the Wild Roses, helping a new generation of Cornellians learn to dial down their brains, get out on the field and chase the plastic.
When Zayas looks back at her Ultimate career, she experiences her own private highlight reel. There are the triumphant victories, team shenanigans and lifelong friendships. But mostly she remembers sensations.
"It's associated with a feeling," Zayas says. "There's a state of awe, an expansiveness. Because in that moment, you expanded your conception of yourself."
2020 in review: COVID-19 was the story
Celebrating December grads after 'a semester like no other'

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Shortly after joining Soul Mate Publishing, I met Cathy McRae. She's here to talk about her new book The Highlander's Tempestuous Bride, which is Book 3 in The Highlander's Bride series. Check out this beautiful cover.
Cathy enjoys weaving tales of romance in the Highland mists. Her stories feature strong heroes and feisty heroines in pursuit of their happy-ever-afters in medieval Scotland. When not writing, Cathy can be found curled up in a chair with a book or enjoying the outdoors with her corgis and newest member of the family, Freki. A member of RWA and Celtic Hearts Romance Writers, she is currently working on another Highland romance novel and planning her next trip to Scotland.
Set in the Highlands of Scotland in the late 1300's, The Highlander's Tempestuous Bride brings together two young people from different clans who risk everything for a chance to love.
Returning home after a ten-year absence, Ryan Macraig falls for a fiery, red-haired lass from the wrong side of the firth. He can't ignore his need to see her again, even knowing she must be a hated Macrory. Gilda Macrory trespasses Macraig land, but haunting memories of the young man she once met there draw her to the forbidden place. Learning he is Laird Macraig's son threatens her dreams, for her father would never agree to a marriage between his daughter and their enemy's son.
With pirates raiding the coast, bad blood between the Macraig and Macrory clans could cost Ryan and Gilda their love—and their lives.
Even in the moonlight, Ryan saw the deepening shade on her cheeks and knew she blushed.
"This meeting tonight 'twas for the clansmen to decide what to do about the pirates, not for ye to seek me out in my home." Gilda crossed her arms beneath her breasts, shoving them to the squared neckline.
Ryan mumbled the first response that came to his suddenly awkward tongue. "I dinnae know ye would be here." His tone remained reasonable even as he fought the dryness in his mouth.
"Dinnae stare at me like that." Gilda dropped her hands as she spun away, and Ryan's concentration returned with a snap.
Wow, that sounds like a great read. I love the way you've woven the accent into the dialogue. I know how difficult that can be--especially when you're editing! Thanks for stopping by.
Check out Cathy's website for information about the two other books in the series that look pretty interesting to me, updates, writing and author posts, and her thoughts on gardening and dogs. You can also follow her on Facebook. She would love to hear from you!
Sounds like a great book! Loved the excerpt!
Thank you, Penny! There is a lot of fun tension between those two, lol!
Thank you for hosting me today, Carole! Blogs can be such fun. I hope you have a wonderful weekend.
I am going to download all three of the series! I love the linguistic interest. I use that as a device in the Unfinished Business series, but for you that involves every interaction with every character, which is very difficult to pull off.
Thanks for swapping blogs with me.
Well, after a period of writing, I find myself writing emails, etc in dialect, lol! It can be hard to readjust to the 21st century.
Thank you for your interest in the series! I am honored. I have enjoyed being on your blog today!


SmokeLong Quarterly has been churning out incredible stories for more than ten years, and they've never asked for one penny from anyone. They've given so much to the world of sudden fiction. You may have seen my post on Facebook about the Best of the First Ten Years Anthology. It's a must read for anyone interested in the genre.
SmokeLong has just initiated a Kickstarter campaign with the intention of vamping up the site. SmokeLong's going to get even better. Old School's going Future School. And you could do your bit to help it. Please do what you can. The world needs lit, and it needs it suddenly.


We are vessels for Christ.
We carry in us a precious oil.
More costly than anything on earth.
It's a healing oil called the power of Love.
It breaks, it holds, it cradles, it molds.
Touching everyone who comes in contact with us.


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The Superior Magazine # August 2016 digital issue is out now !!! It is also available as print and download.
Many thanks to the photographers & their teams, the interview partners, the editors and everybody who worked hard for this Superior Magazine # August 2016 issue!


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Finding the last two digits of a number by binomial theorem
What are the last two digits of $11^{25}$ to be solved by binomial theorem like $(1+10)^{25}$? If there is any other way to solve this it would help if that is shown too.
elementary-number-theory binomial-theorem number-systems decimal-expansion
MustahidMustahid
$\begingroup$ Well, what happens when you apply the binomial theorem to $(1+10)^{25}$? $\endgroup$ – Gerry Myerson Sep 9 '13 at 9:33
$\begingroup$ Does, "compute the number" count as any other way? The number is 108347059433883722041830251. $\endgroup$ – Douglas S. Stones Sep 9 '13 at 10:21
$$11^{25} = (1+10)^{25} = \dbinom{25}{0} + 10\cdot\dbinom{25}{1} + \sum_{k=2}^{25}\dbinom{25}{k}\cdot10^k =$$ $$ 1 + 5\cdot10 + 2\cdot 10^2 + \sum_{k=2}^{25}\dbinom{25}{k}\cdot10^k =$$ $$\underline{1} + \underline{5}\cdot10 + 10^2\cdot \left(2+\sum_{k=2}^{25}\dbinom{25}{k}\cdot10^{k-2}\right), $$ hence the last digits are 5 and 1:
MherMher
$\begingroup$ You have deprived the author of the joy of working it out. $\endgroup$ – Gerry Myerson Sep 9 '13 at 10:13
$\begingroup$ hahaha...i have not seen the process yet :) $\endgroup$ – Mustahid Sep 9 '13 at 22:40
Here's another way. $11\times11=121$ ends in 21. $11\times21=231$ ends in 31. $11\times31=341$ ends in 41. See the pattern for the last two digits of powers of 11? Now prove that the pattern continues to hold, and then see what that tells you about $11^{25}$.
Gerry MyersonGerry Myerson
A short cut for finding last two digits of any power of a number that ends in 1 .
Last two digits of
$$(\ldots a1)^{\displaystyle\ldots x}$$
TENS DIGIT: unit's digit of ($x$ $\times$ a)
UNITS DIGIT : $1$
so here $$11^{25}$$ last two digits are units digit of $(1*5)$ and $1$ so $$51$$
Harish KayarohanamHarish Kayarohanam
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text:
Phortica eugamma är en tvåvingeart som först beskrevs av Masanori Joseph Toda och Peng 1990.  Phortica eugamma ingår i släktet Phortica och familjen daggflugor. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Daggflugor
eugamma

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Articles & Current Affairs
Role of Foreign Mercenaries in Chechnya
Thread: Role of Foreign Mercenaries in Chechnya
Monday, June 13th, 2005 #1
Ganzfeld
Monday, August 29th, 2005 @ 07:05 PM
Nordid
Agnostic Pagan/Existentialist
A Russian article about the role of (mostly Arab) fortune seekers in Chechnya, and how they deal with them.
Small exerpt:
"(..)In the evening Spetsnaz guys came to the journalists to use their cell phones to call home. We started asking them about the detainees.
- We worked with the closest house, since it was too early to go any further, - they answered willingly.
– We blew up the house and seized six of them, but we don't know how many they were in all.
But you only brought three, where are the other three people? – we wondered.
- They accidentally fell from the helicopter, - the guys laughed.(..)"
The whole article:
Terrorist Act Contract
The practice of using kamikaze was imported into Chechnya by Arab mercenaries. In fact, they prepared and financed the latest act of terror in Tushino. Olga Allenova tells us about those who are fighting in Chechnya, how much they get for it and who trains terrorists there.
There were three Arabs lying on the frozen ground near the trench they had been using for several days to fight off the attacks of federal forces.
The place was littered with shells, used syringes, some pieces of paper and a brochure in Arabic. The Arabs had waxen faces, bare feet and torn trousers. All their other clothes were lying in a pile nearby. It was the fall of 1999 in the Tersky mountain ridge, which had just been recaptured by the federals.
- Mercenaries - explained the army officer who was provided as our escort. – They're lucky to peg out here; if they had fallen into our hands… I guess their Muslim God had mercy on them.
These Arabs came to the Tersky mountain ridge from the nearby Chechen village of Serzhen-Yurt, which had long been the camp of field commander Khattab, the man who opened the way to Chechnya to foreign mercenaries.
War Made Khattab Rich
The mercenary business as a phenomenon appeared in the former USSR in the early 1990s, when the country was being torn apart by local conflicts.
Abkhazia, the Transdniestr region of Moldova, Fergana, Karabakh – wherever yet another international war broke out, there appeared people who were ready to sacrifice their life for money. One of the most notorious was the Ukrainian organization UNA-UNSO: in 1992 it sent several units to defend the Ukrainians of Transdniestr; and in July 1993, it sent its "Argo" expeditionary corps to Abkhazia to fight for Georgia near Sukhumi (the government of Georgia decorated seven UNSO fighters posthumously with the order of Vakhtang Gorgasal); and in 1994, the UNA-UNSO unit "Viking" arrived in Chechnya. The fighters were welcomed everywhere with open arms: everyone knew the UNSO fighters were good and disciplined soldiers, and there was no grudging them money. Ukrainians made up a special division in Ichkeria's regular army and were used as instructors to train Chechen soldiers.
However, by that time the "king of mercenaries" had already appeared in Chechnya; moreover, the Jordanian Khattab brought 200 swarthy fighters, who then became the principle military force of the young Ichkeria. These fighters had fought in the Afghan war and were to teach the inexperienced Chechen soldiers the art of war.
The greatest number of mercenaries came when the second Chechen war began. Large sums of money were sent to the Caucasus to support and popularize Wahhabism, which had taken over Chechnya and the mountains of Dagestan. Several fighter and terrorist (including suicide terrorist) training camps were operating on the territory of Chechnya; all the instructors were foreign mercenaries, chiefly from Arab countries. According to official information, the camps prepared about 40 shakhid women alone. The head of this "concern" was Khattab himself, who was financed by international terror organizations like the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Qaeda. It was because of Khattab that the second Chechen war was especially bloody, well organized and protracted. It was then that the Jordanian became a man of means; according to official information he earned about $20 million, and his mates Abubakar and Abu al-Walid, an estimated $5-7 million.
Photo: GAMMA Mercenaries fighting in the republic are doomed: sooner or later they fall into the hands of federal soldiers and all they can do then is pray to survive until they get to court.
Becoming a mercenary is a deliberate choice. Usually they are people who are not afraid of risk and are basically ready to die, but only for good money. This kind of job is especially widespread in the Middle East, where the standard of living is not high, families are large and few people have the opportunity to provide for their families and ensure them a worthy future.
It all starts like this: a recruiter gathers a little group of recruits, who get a specified sum of money and leave it to their families. It is usually about $1000–2000. "When you become a real mujahid, you'll get a lot of money, enough to last you for your entire life," promises the recruiter. Then the group of future mujahedin is transported "to the base," where they will be molded into fighters. In a number of countries, there are underground mercenary training centers. Nearly all the fighters in Chechnya went through centers like that in Afghanistan, except Khattab and his closest mates, who were "educated" in the USA. Training lasts a couple of months, and by the end of this period the inexperienced recruits become war dogs. They wield all kinds of weapons, can make a landmine from a spent shell and make and read maps. They have the skills of close fighting, sniper and subversive war. They know how to fight in cities and in the mountains, how to ensnare and smash an army convoy and how to survive in a winter forest.
If someone shows technical ability, the instructor moves him to a special group specializing in diversionary activities. Subversive specialists are rated highly by commanders, and they are better paid, since the wages of the whole unit often depend on their work. Blasts and attacks on convoys are generally recorded to assure the client that the work has been done and the money has not been paid in vain. Graduates of the diversionary camp are divided into small groups and secretly conveyed to the conflict zone. In the case of Chechnya, mercenaries use the Turkey-Georgia-Chechnya or Azerbaijan-Dagestan-Chechnya routes.
Mercenaries get weapons, kits and medicines right on the spot. A small first-aid kit must consist of drastic medications: at times they are used to relieve pain of wounds; at other times they are taken to screw up courage before a battle. This ruse is taught in the camp: "If you want to kill fear, make an injection." Later on, many fighters can no longer do without them.
In his first battle, the fighter is still being tested to see whether his hand will falter, whether he will have pity on a wounded enemy, or whether he will run away from the site of the battle or not. Though for those who are scared, awkward and hesitant, the first battle becomes the last: they lose their presence of mind and get in the bullets' way. Those who survive are organized into elements and charged with intricate tasks.
After each successful operation, the commander of a unit gets the money and distributes it among his people, leaving the lion's share to himself as a rule. The unit can get $40 000 for an attack on a convoy, out of which the commander takes $20 000, divides another $10 000 among his assistants, while the other fighters get what is left. An ordinary fighter who takes part in a convoy rout gets about $1000 for his work, and the one who mines the road gets only $100.
After a couple of months, most mercenaries come to realize they will never see the promised money, but then they have nowhere to go, and if they try to escape they will either be shot as traitors or trapped by the federals. However, many fighters in their peaceful life would never earn even a third of all the money they get, which is why the idea of going back home does not occur to them that often.
Survive in Order to Die
In winter of 2000, a group of Arab mercenaries left the mountainous Shatoysky district and was heading for the Russia – Georgia frontier, when it was ambushed by Spetsnaz (Special Forces) of the FSB. After a pitched battle there remained only six badly wounded mercenaries, of whom only one – a Yemenite – made it to the military base in Khankala. His name was Abdusalam Zurka; he had a shattered backbone and a torn-off foot. He did not answer any questions, and beating him was useless: the medical officer who examined the captive said he would live no more than a day or two. That is why the FSB officers put off the usual interrogation procedure. In order to show the Arab mercenary to journalists, they took him out of the tent on a stretcher and put him on the ground. He noticed neither the cameramen fussing about him, nor the journalists staring at him as if at a rare animal – he was just lying there aloof with his hands folded and looking in the sky. Looking him in the face, it was hard to tell whether he was alive or already on his way to another world.
Zurka had been commander of a 50-soldier unit and had served under Khattab. In winter of 2000, his group excelled while fighting for Grozny and left the city only after it was abandoned by field commander Basaev, who had been in command of the capital's defense. Together with Basaev's fighters, the Arabs were entrapped by General Shamanov. Zurka lost half of his unit on a minefield and was wounded. But the Yemenite spent most of his time in Chechnya in the vicinity of Serzhen-Yurt, where Khattab's base was located. Zurka was quite close to the Jordanian: he got money directly from Khattab.
The military learned about these details from the captive Arabs who did not make it to Khankala. They also mentioned the sum that the Yemenite earned in the war – about $500 000. Zurka can be considered a classical mercenary who wanted a worthy life, but found a lingering death. This is something all mercenaries are doomed to in local wars.
Official army soldiers hate mercenaries, and the latter realize they stand little chance of surviving if they fall into their hands. If a Chechen was taken prisoner, his relatives brought money, organized rallies and sometimes arranged an exchange. Nobody stood up for foreign mercenaries, and very often they were taken prisoner because their teammates had left them lying wounded on the battlefield. However, the Chechens always carried their people from the battlefield even after the heaviest fighting. Besides, mercenaries never admitted the cult of death, so widespread in Chechnya; otherwise, they would hardly agree to fight in a foreign country, where people like them were not even buried, but merely piled up in a pit and covered up with a little bit of earth.
There is no retreat for them either. While a Chechen fighter can change his clothes and go back home, where he is difficult to find, a mercenary who decides to take a two-day break in a village will most likely be caught by special services, since it is far more difficult to explain what a foreigner is doing in the conflict zone.
Chinese Cooks
Proving that a foreign detainee (if he is taken without weapons) is a mercenary is virtually impossible. None of the detainees, even under torture, will admit that he has shot at the representatives of official authorities. Moreover, according to Russian laws, a foreign detainee in a combat zone must be released if his guilt is not proved. This especially irritates the military in Chechnya. "We know this nit fired at our guys, and we should let him go?" This is very much how he soldiers and officers reason. That is why so few foreigners ever came back to their homeland: those who the mass media managed to tell about were lucky so far as their embassies became interested in them. But for some of them, returning home only bodes ill.
In March 2000, after pitched battles in the Chechen village of Komsomolskoe, FSB officers detained 11 fighters led by Ruslan Gelaev. Among them there were two citizens of China, ethnic Uigurs. Hassan Saidi and Amirzhan Amuti tried to break through the encirclement under the guise of refugees. During interrogations they said they had worked as cooks in Grozny: Hassan Saidi claimed to be a café owner, and the other Uigur, to be his assistant. When the bombings began in Grozny, they joined the Chechens and went into the mountains and soon found themselves not far from Komsomolskoe. When asked what they were doing in the fighters' unit, the detainees answered: " We cooked food, we cannot do anything else." Journalists were told the same story of a restaurant business in Grozny, and it sounded very credible.
Federal officers failed to prove their guilt even after a week's interrogation, when the Uigurs could hardly move. However, a charge of illegal frontier crossing was still brought against them. It turned out that before Chechnya, Hassan and Amirzhan had lived in Alma-Ata, in a large settlement of the Uigur diaspora, and compatriots recognized them. There they ran a racket of Chinese traders, who worked in the markets of Kazakhstan. There they also joined the underground terrorist organization Liberation of Eastern Turkestan.
After six months of consultations with the Chinese, the FSB decided to hand the Uigurs over to the Chinese Embassy. For both Hassan Saidi and Amirzhan Amuti, it would have been a blessing to remain in Russia, for in their homeland members of criminal organizations face the death penalty.
Trial in Shoulder Straps
Photo: ITAR-TASS A group of mercenaries under command of the Yemenite Abdusalam Zurka was smashed by the federal forces, and the commander with a wounded spine was taken prisoner. He had just two more days to live.
But many of those with whom the Uigurs shared their bread in the Chechen mountains were not that lucky. In the heat of the battle, it was easy to write them off as casualties. During the assault of Komsomolskoe, either Spetsnaz or GRU or maybe FSB officers brought three bloody Arabs to Khankala, where they took them from the helicopter to a special tent functioning as a SIZO (investigation jail). In the evening Spetsnaz guys came to the journalists to use their cell phones to call home. We started asking them about the detainees.
- They accidentally fell from the helicopter, - the guys laughed.
Then I got into a conversation with one of the Spetsnaz men:
- So far as I remember we've had at least four foreigners with whom we worked directly, - he said. – I can't speak for all of Chechnya, since we were engaged only in certain operations: we were told that unfamiliar people had appeared in a certain village, and we were going there. Once during a raid we seized a band of seven people who had come to the village to get some rest and supplies prepared for them. Among them there were two Arabs and a Jordanian. We had them for nearly two months and couldn't get any information out of them. They all tell a memorized story: "We came here to help our brothers in faith, since we thought that Russians oppress Islam, but soon came to realize that we had been mistaken, but it was late to go, because of the all-round bombings." We arranged a cross-interrogation, we threatened them and even made promises, but they understand perfectly: once you've confessed you're a mercenary, you'll never get out of it. To make a long story short, two foreigners were sent home, where their relatives helped them, and the third one died; something happened to his heart. But the most interesting case happened later, near Urus-Martan where we seized three more – two Chechens and a Turk. The Turk insisted that he had come to Chechnya to teach Islam at schools. We collected information and as it turned out, he didn't even know Arabic, so how would he read the Koran? Local residents confirmed that he had taught at school before the war started, though it was a Wahhabi school – there was one in Urus-Martan. When the war started, he went with the fighters into the mountains. It's clear he wasn't reading books there. But you just can't prove it. He also spent several months with us, cringed before us, was ready to crawl on his knees, but he never admitted anything. When we asked whether he had held weapons in his hands, he swore he hadn't. "I'm a scientist," he said. We let him go. Yes, we had to let him go to Urus-Martan. What else could we do with him? We can't pay his way home. He spent several days in Urus-Martan, then disappeared. Where? How do I know? I only know that Gelaev's people came to the town and tried to take him out to Georgia. Must have been a big fish. They couldn't find him though. Somebody killed him most likely.
What if he really didn't fight? – I asked.
- They all say that. Catch someone and he'll tell you he's a construction worker, cook, or even a hostage. It's all very well, only we have information from wireless interceptions. We hear Arab speech, and we know when they're discussing operations. They don't even hush up money matters: minor act of terror – 100 bucks, medium – 500-1000 bucks, and a large-scale one like the bombing of a convoy could earn up to 15 grand.
The End is Just a Beginning
With the death of "the black god of war" Khattab, the mercenary business has been deprived of a leader. The Jordanian's mates tried to get their hands on this lucrative business, but there was not as much confidence in them, the more so as many commanders refused to submit to them because they had their own designs on the vacant seat. Moreover, the acute situation in Palestine and war in Afghanistan and Iraq made the Arab financiers switch to other territories. The Chechen resistance faded. Today, the Chechen mountains harbor less than ten mercenaries, who simply do not know how to get out of Chechnya blocked by federal forces. They do not fall within the amnesty declared for the fighters.
The mercenary business is dead, but not so the war unleashed by the mercenaries. The ranks of the resistance movement have been replenished with "ideological fighters" for the freedom of Ichkeria, and neither starvation, nor cold, nor empty pockets will ever stop them. This has been proved by the latest act of terror in Tushino, where two Chechen women who had been through combat and ideological training by Arab instructors, as the militia stated, blew themselves up in the crowd.
STATEMENT OF SERVICE
The Most Notorious Mercenary of Chechnya
The information on Khabib Abdel Rahman Khattab's life is quite contradictory. He was born in 1963 (by other data in 1965, 1966, or 1970) in Jordan or Saudi Arabia into a wealthy Chechen family.
In 1987, he graduated from school and entered a college in the USA (some media reported that since 1982 Khattab "had been taking part in operations in Afghanistan" and "served in King Hussein's Circassian Guards.") In the 1990s, as the mass media reported, he fought in Afghanistan in (Mujahedin units), in Tajikistan (siding with the Islamic opposition), and Iraq (it is not clear against whom the war was waged). He was wounded several times and lost two of his fingers.
It was then that he became acquainted with bin Laden and the leading theorist of Islamic extremism, leader of Muslim Brotherhood organization Sayyid Qutb. He allegedly graduated from a military academy in Amman, and became an expert on explosives, all kinds of light weapons, and subversive operations. In 1994 or 1995, he arrived in Chechnya and became one of the field commanders there. He became famous in April 1996 for ambushing a convoy of the 245th Motorized Infantry Regiment near the village of Yarish-Mardy in Argun gorge, when 53 soldiers were killed and 52 wounded.
In the summer of 1998, he became close friends with Shamil Basaev while organizing an Islamic Imamat in the North Caucasus. He created a number of diversionary schools for future shakhid women. Together with Basaev, he masterminded the invasion of Dagestan in August 1999. In September 1999, according to information from the General Prosecutor's Office, he organized bombings in Buinaksk, Volgodonsk and Moscow, and was paid about $700 000 for it. This was followed by acts of terror in Minvody, Essentuky, and Karachay-Cherkessia in March 2001. Khattab's largest operation was a break-through of 1500 Mujahedin from Veden gorge in February-March 2000.
Number of Mercenaries in Chechnya
According to information of the investigation department of the North Caucasus military region, Khattab enrolled one large unit of Arab mercenaries, up to 200 people, during the first Chechen war (1994-1996). In addition, the ranks of the armed forces of Ichkeria were reinforced by volunteers from Ukraine and the Baltic states. Moreover, Khattab's unit, called "Indians" by federal forces, carried on diversionary activities even after the Hasavyurt agreement was signed, and these activities were not limited to Chechnya. In 1997, he organized a convoy bombing in North Ossetia.
The most intensive influx of mercenaries into Chechnya was registered in 1998-1999 before and during the invasion of Dagestan. Military analysts believe the interest of foreign mercenaries in Chechnya was connected with the ever-growing role of Wahhabi ideology there. By that time, several training camps, where the instructors were all foreigners, were functioning in Chechnya. The overall volunteer leader was Khattab.
From 1999 to 2000, the number of mercenaries remained unchanged at about 600-700 people. The year 2000 saw a large withdrawal of volunteers from Chechnya due to the successful activities of federal forces and aggravated relations between Khattab and Maskhadov. The escalation in Palestine also played a role, and the main financial flows were redirected there.
In 2001, the number of mercenaries in Chechnya decreased to 200-250 people.
The renewed activities of Afghan Talibs caused a still stronger outflow of mercenaries, while the work of special services, which intensified after September 11th, impacted both mercenary financing and their freedom of movement. Starting in 2000, the volunteers' main base moved to Pankisi gorge, and clashes with Arabs have been registered mostly in the frontier regions.
Today, the number of mercenaries operating in the Chechen Republic is insignificant. After Khattab was liquidated, his close fellow-fighter Abu al-Walid took over command of the units and the cash inflow that had supported volunteers in Chechnya virtually stopped. In addition, part of the mercenaries fighting in Chechnya left Russia as the situation around Iraq worsened.
MURDEROUS CHRONICLE
Suicide Terrorists
Acts of terror involving kamikaze used to be the calling card of Arab extremists. Suicide missions appeared in Russia with the arrival of Arab instructors and Wahhabi preachers.
On June 6, 2000, Chechnya suffered the first suicide attack. The attack was carried out by Khava Baraeva, the niece of Arbi Baraev. She broke through to the commandant's office in Alkhan-Yurt in a truck loaded with trotyl. The guards machine-gunned the truck. Two OMON men and the suicide driver died in the explosion.
On June 11, 2000, a suicide bomber blew up a car at a blockpost in Grozny. Two soldiers were killed, and one was wounded.
On July 2, 2000, suicide bombers carried out five terrorist acts in Chechnya: two explosions in Gudermes and one each in Novogroznenskoe, Urus-Martan, and Argun. Thirty-three militiamen were killed and 84 wounded.
On December 19, 2000, Mareta Dudueva tried to force her way in to bomb the building of the local militia department in Grozny but was wounded and could not accomplish her mission.
On April 9, 2001, an office cleaner was killed in an explosion in the toilet of Government House, and two women were wounded. The deceased was a suicide terrorist.
On November 29, 2001, a shakhid woman blew up herself and the town major of Urus-Martan, Geidar Gadzhiev.
On February 5, 2002, 16-year-old Zarema Inarkaeva carried a bomb into the building of the Zavodsky militia station in Grozny. The only casualty was the terrorist herself.
On October 23, 2003, a group led by Movsar Baraev, including shakhid women, took about 900 people hostage in a theater on Dubrovka Street in Moscow. During the operation, all the terrorists were liquidated and 129 hostages were killed.
On December 27, 2002, a 15-year-old girl and two men detonated two cars near Government House in Grozny, killing 72 people and wounding 210.
On May 12, 2003, two women and a man detonated a truck near the administration building in Znamenskoe village of Nadterechny district, killing 60 people and wounding more than 250.
On May 14, 2003, a woman terrorist blew herself up in a crowd of people at a religious holiday celebration near the village of Iliskhan-Yurt in Gudermes District in Chechnya. As a result, 16 people were killed and over 140 wounded.
On June 5, 2003, a woman blew herself up in Mozdok near a bus transporting military airdrome staff, killing 20 people and wounding 14.
On June 20, 2003, a woman and a man detonated a truck filled with explosives near the building of the investigation bureau of the Ministry of the Interior. Thirty-six people were wounded, but only the terrorists were killed.
On July 5, 2003, two kamikaze women blew themselves up at the Tushino rock festival in Moscow. Thirteen people were killed and 50 wounded.
Source: Kommersant
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Uigurs in China
About the treatment of Uigurs in China :
https://amp.insider.com/china-uighur...ts-nyt-2019-11
Under President Xi Jinping, China has installed a hi-tech police state in the region and detained at least 1 million Uighurs in prisons and camps. Former detainees have described physical and psychological torture in those centers.
Mk 10:18 What do you call me a good master, no-one is good .
German Mercenaries in England in the 1500's
By Soten in forum Genealogy & Ancestry DNA
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Mercenaries, Private Defense, and Genocide
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text:
The Love Bus: Ciborowski
Artist(s)/Author(s): Christina Ciborowskis
Publisher: Longetti on Love
Reference Number: ST.31158.Ci
Location: Stacks
Donated By: Anna Stahn
Longetti's first series is On Love. The intention of this publication is to operate in the both simple and complex landscape of love, and to show different perspectives on a theme that is on everyone's mind in some kind of way. Our three books in this series are about art forms that emanate with love, lost loved ones and about the anxious feeling when you are about to see your loved one. In our books you will find old loves, new loves, revolutionary lovers riding on a motorcycle, the love for detective novels and a bus driver who has devoted her life to the nobel act of riding lovers around.
The Love Bus is Christina Ciborowskis first short story and is also her debut on print. It's a story about the lonesome bus driver Ellen who drives lonely lovers around. In the bus we meet the girl Sam who has just been kissed by her new lover for the first time; a stolen kiss! We meet Ruth who has been together with Harry for ages and now he's drifting away. And we meet Ali, a hardworking man who is crazy about his woman Leila.
Christina Ciborowski was born in 1975. She has been writing prose for many years and has done readings at The National Gallery of Denmark and Øverste Kirurgiske. Christina has worked with the sound artist Tanja Schlander combining text and soundscapes. She lives and works in Copenhagen.
So sit back, enjoy your ride on The Love Bus, and remember: If the light gets in your eyes, please pull down the curtains for your convenience.
the_love_bus1.png


As you all may or may not know, I've been riding my bike alot this summer - and I loved it. I was pleasantly surprised to discover that my commute to work (via Schlecky - my bike's name) was decidedly quicker than walking (35 minutes) scootering (around 15 - 20 minutes depending on traffic) and carpool (same as scootering depending on traffic). So I've pretty much been pedaling to work since this year's Tour de France (or Fleece if you were a participant) in July.
A few weeks ago my tires were getting low, and administering a self-congratulatory pat on the back for actually having a bicycle pump, I promptly released all the air from the tire and now had a complete flat. The pump didn't have a "doo hickey" converter on it, so it was useless - now really - who knew?
So what is all this leading to? This weekend I'm taking a "Weekend Bike Repair Course" at the University which "... leads you through a full bike tune up and teaches you how to repair and maintain your bike."
Wish me luck - grannie-good-wrench here I come!


Deltassist was first accredited in 2006 by the Council on Accreditation (COA), an international body specializing in developing and promoting standards of excellence in organizations that provide child and family services, and community health and social services. This achievement marked an important milestone in the growth of Deltassist as a community resource which is dedicated to supporting and promoting the development of healthy individuals and healthy families in a healthy community.
All who are associated with Deltassist are very proud of this accomplishment. It means that we have been recognized for setting high standards for ourselves and for the services we provide, and that we are an organization that strives to do quality work today and embraces an attitude of quality improvement to do even better tomorrow.
Having achieved accreditation by COA is not an end, but merely a beginning. Going forward, we at Deltassist have set ourselves on a path to strive for, and achieve, new levels of excellence in all that we do. It is that commitment which our community partners – clients, funders, donors, other service organizations – expect of Deltassist and it is also what we at Deltassist expect of ourselves. Information about COA can be accessed on their website.


This year we've talked about God's plan. It's all about getting you home. Ephesians 1.4-6a - God predestined the result of salvation - not the beginning of it. Everything God is doing - has to do with your ultimate salvation … your being at home with Him … for eternity. That… as we'll be reminded of today … is the ultimate application of Jeremiah 29.11-13.
29.11 - plans for welfare and not for evil, to give you a future and a hope. What do the plans of God focus on? Not economic prosperity - but the positive relationship with Him and others.
God is saying, my thoughts of you are always of peace. While they are always good, they may not always be easy.
29.12-14a - This is what the future and hope looked like. God is always looking at the end of the path.
The challenge is to realize that life is still promising, because God has a plan.
This is why we live by faith. The Christian is someone who trusts God's promises for a future and acts upon them in the present.
The Christian acts on God's promises before they are fulfilled.
Hebrews 11.1 - Now faith is the assurance of things hoped for, the conviction of things not seen. We have to trust God.
29.12-14a - God's plans are not just for you - they are for you in relation to Him.
29.13 - God is always accessible. It's an incredible promise!
With all your heart - this is not just emotion.
Long before creation, God knew we would need a Savior - Ephesians 1.4-5.
Romans 8.28-30. 8.28 - God is ordering everything toward a goal. What is it?
8.29 - That we be conformed to the image of Jesus. See 1 John 3.2.
8.30 - God has called you. When you responded you were justified and He is aiming for your ultimate glorification.
43.6b - in His church, God has sons and daughters. You are one of them.
43.7 - we have been called by His name. For what purpose?
I created them for my glory.
Will we take God at His word?
This is our challenge. Do you need a change in perspective?
Jeremiah 30.11a - God is with you to save you.
Is this the hope you currently have?


All that we perceive in the phenomenal world appears to be in a movement of continuity. One thing begets another as also one thought begets another. All phenomena appear to be part of a net of occurrences that are intricately conjoined and co-dependent. As small children when we reach the age where we are able to be self-conscious and look at our situation, we appear to be embedded within this net as an integral part of it. It is as if we are born onto a fast-turning merry-go-round that is not always so merry. When on the merry-go-round it is very difficult to see what is happening because we ourselves, as our center of phenomenal perception, are moving just as fast as the phenomena around us. Thus everything seems to be a spinning blur.
Another way to look at this is to use the metaphor of the spider's web: only when at the center of the web does the structure of the whole web become clear. From any other point of view it appears rather chaotic. That is why seers throughout the ages up to modern seers such as Eckhart Tolle tell us we must "stop" in order to gain a true perspective of our life and of life itself.
When we suddenly enter into the stream of consciousness that presents itself to us when "stopping" happens, we discover an entirely new dimension. This new dimension includes our former perceptions of all phenomena with all of our inter-personal interactions, but there is a marked shift and a new quality. This shift becomes our new view from that place of "cessation," which is free of the compulsive movements of the mind.
This new dimension is a movement of discontinuity. We discover that which all wisdom teachings speak of: each moment is unique and absolutely free of all residue from former moments of NOW. It is only our capacity to re-member that creates a connection between each pristine moment. When we see that it is our mind that holds on to a sense of causality and interdependence of phenomena, we are free of the past.
Not that we no longer experience things as connected or that we do not sense the total interconnectedness of all things, but that we realize this whole dimension of phenomena is part of the conditioned mind-flow and that we are not bound by it. Each moment is then a world, a universe, of its own. We are free to be with it in its fullness, no longer distracted by the compulsion to include it in a complex frame of reference of "past" and "future".
Enough words. I now leave it to you, the reader, to continue this exploration on your own.
The following excerpt from my favorite book on Patanjali's Yoga Sutras speaks to this process termed "stop". I am presently deepening my understanding of this process and it is a central part of my inner momentum. After many years of experimenting with the pointers from the Yoga Sutras I find myself now getting stabilized in this movement of discontinuity that is citta-vrtti.
I hope these comments will encourage you to enter into this author's stream of consciousness and that you may find this text as helpful as I do.
"In Sutra 2, Yoga is equated with three words: citta, vrtti and nirodha. None of these words are defined or explained in the Sutras. In such a case one has to find out the right meanings of these words that are consistent with the central theme of Yoga.
"The word citta is derived from the root cit which means to 'to see, observe, perceive'. Citta is the past passive participle of the verb cit. It, therefore, means 'the seen, the observed, the perceived' – that is, that which has been experienced in the past.
"The word vrtti is derived from the root vrt which means 'to choose, like'. Vritti thus means the form which one's choosing takes.
"The word nirodha is a compound of rodha with the prefix ni. The word rodha is derived from the root rudh which means 'to obstruct, arrest, stop'. And the prefix ni means 'slowing down'. Nirodha therefore means the slowing down of the choice-making movement of the mind (cittavrtti) and its eventual stopping by itself.
"None of the commentators have cared to find out the root meanings of the words citta, vrtti and nirodha. They have followed Vyasa, who in his turn, followed the traditional or conventional meanings. But the fact is that Yoga rejects words with traditional or conventional meanings. It even rejects past experiences and their verbalizations (I-15). Therefore, not conventional but root meanings have to prevail so far as these words are concerned which are used in the Sutras but not defined or explained in them.
"Since the word Yoga is equated with citta-vrtti-nirodha, the precise way in which these words have to be understood becomes a matter of supreme importance. This cannot be left to the sweet mercies of any commentator.
"The Yoga Sutras use the roots vr and vrt, both of which means 'to choose'. The word vrtti also means choosing, along with other meanings not relevant to Yoga. In Sutra 3 of Part IV the word varana is used which also means 'choosing'. Choosing necessarily implies freedom. But to choose and then get identified with choices is to confine freedom to an activity triggered by past impregnations on the mind or the brain cells. Freedom, to be real and meaningful, must not be determined by the past.
"Freedom from the already known, the past, is the third requirement for right understanding of the discipline of Yoga. Freedom from the known, the past, implies freedom from ideational choice-making. To choose is to indulge in ideation. Choosing presupposes a selection between two or more alternatives presented by the factual situation. Actually, the factual situation presents nothing but facts. Not 'alternatives' but only 'facts'. It is the mind (citta) conditioned by past and structured with build-in likes and dislikes, that wavers when confronted with a new situation.
"It is this wavering of the mind that triggers ideation, which refers back to built-in likes and dislikes. And it is this ideational choice-making tendency that indulges in selecting such aspects of the whole factual situation as correspond with its built-in likes, and in rejecting or ignoring those which correspond with built-in dislikes. And it is this ideational choice-making tendency that indulges in selecting such aspects of the whole factual situation as correspond with its built-in likes and in rejecting or ignoring those which correspond with built-in dislikes. This preference for the most likeable and rejection of the unlikeable constitutes the choice-making activity of the mind. It is always based on memory or the remembered past.
"The action of freedom imprisoned in perpetual choice-making is action gone wrong. It is an action that negates freedom, which initially gave birth to it. And freedom is the very breath of life. Caught up in perpetual choice-making, modifying it, from time to time to pamper to his petty likes and dislikes, man finds himself imprisoned in a self-made predicament from which he finds no escape.
"Modern man is painfully aware that every action based on choice negates itself, every profound idea gives rise to another refuting it, and that every revolution leads to inevitable counter-revolution. The question is: is there any action which will not negate itself? Yes, says Yoga. It is a negative action of not-choosing. If there is freedom which enables man to choose, this very freedom must also enable him 'not to choose'. Freedom would be meaningless if it is to remain imprisoned in choices ad infinitum, landing man inevitably in conflict, chaos and misery.
"Therefore, says Yoga, cease to choose and see what happens. Just as a wooden wheel keeps moving on so long as it continues to receive pushes from behind, so also the ideational choice-making movement of the wheel that is mind will keep on moving so long as the choices of man continue to operate as pushes from behind. On the other hand, just as a wooden wheel in motion will begin to slow down and eventually will come to a halt by itself if the pushing is halted, so also if man ceases to choose, the wheel of the mind will naturally slow down and come to a stop.
"This is what the word nirodha implies. It does not mean and imply willful control of vrittis, or their suppression or repression. Willful control, suppression or repression must necessarily result in a derangement, if not the destruction of the psyche. Because any egocentric act of man, already caught up in vrttisarupya, which has conditioned his mind, will be tantamount to exercising his freedom in the same old way, that is, choosing.
"This can never bring about nirodha, but only the death of the psyche if the pressure of willful control, suppression or repression is persisted in beyond the point of endurance. Consequently, as the root of the word vrtti suggests, the only alternative open to man is to exercise his freedom for a change, in not-choosing. After this action of not-choosing, the past propelled wheel of the mind will begin to slow down and naturally come to a stop. That is nirodha in the Yogic sense.
"What happens when man sees the truth and falsehood involved in choice-making, and decides not to choose in the light of this new perception? Says Sutra 3, 'the seer gets established in his existential identity'. What is this existential identity (svarupa-pratistha, indicated by svarupe-vastanam in Sutra 3)? Man, according to Yoga, is no more than a seeing entity (II-20). But, conditioned by the past he tends to see through experiences. Experience is always of the past. When confronted with a factual situation, man turns the pure act of seeing into an egocentric act of experiencing, triggered by the remembered past.
"He must place what he sees, here and now, in the pattern of recognition built up by past experiences, painful and pleasurable. This placing of what is being seen, here and now, into the pattern of recognition, which is always structured by the past, is to see through the colored and curved glasses of past experiences. This is a distortion of 'pure seeing' and hence alienation of man from his existential identity (svarupa). It is distortion and degradation of the existential in favor of the ideational.
"Sutra 4 sums up this distortion and degradation of the 'human' in man in one word, vrttisarupya. When man slips from existential seeing into ideational choosing he lands himself in vrttisarupya, generating tensions, conflict, misery and chaos. On the other hand, realizing in all humility that he knows nothing about life and reality, and opts for non-choosing, he tends to remain established in his existential identity, flowering of itself into total freedom and creativity. In either case it is, initially, exercise of freedom.
"To exercise freedom in the direction of choice-making is to be experience-oriented and remain imprisoned in the past. On the other hand, to exercise freedom in the direction of not-choosing is to be seeing-oriented, or perception oriented, and this tends towards getting one established in a timeless dimension. In either case it is, initially, a cittavrtti. The only difference is that in choice-making triggered by the past, the movement of vrttis invariably results in tensions, ending up in endless misery; whereas in opting for not making choices, the movement of vrttis tends to slow down and get liberated from all tensions, and eventually dissolves itself in a quietude of total freedom and perceptive action, which is creation.
This entry was posted in Exploring Consciousness and tagged Patanjali Yoga Sutras, Yoga Sutras of Patanjali. Bookmark the permalink.


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The Sinai attacks: Dealing with symptoms not causes
Sunday's attack on an Egyptian border post near the Egypt/Israel border has threatened to reconfigure relations between Egypt and Hamas, and Egypt and Israel. Around thirty-five men attacked a border post near the Egyptian town of Rafah, killed sixteen soldiers, and commandeered two vehicles which were then used to cross the border into Israel. Israeli helicopters destroyed the armoured vehicle which successfully crossed the border. It is alleged that some of the men reached the post by sneaking through tunnels connecting Egypt and Gaza and that some Gazan group might have been involved.
Sisi's Egypt: The illusion of stability and the perpetuation of unrest
By Al-Jazeera Centre for Studies
Late on Sunday, 25 January 2015, hundreds of protests broke in various Egyptian cities and towns, followed by attacks on public administration buildings and branches of the Interior Ministry; the burning of dozens of police and security vehicles; blocking of roads and railways all over the country; and even armed attacks on security patrols, with security personnel being ambushed and attacked at roadblocks. Some of these activities continued well into the following morning, with the death toll including more than twenty-five civilians and four security personnel, and with hundreds injured and hundreds more in custody.
This article is an initial reading of the events of that day, and their implications for the futures of both the popular opposition and the regime. It also discusses how regional and global forces view the regime.
Growth of the popular movement
Given the sheer number and spread of protests around the country, it would be nigh on impossible to estimate the number of participants in the popular movement with any measure of accuracy. It is clear, though, that Egypt last week witnessed the largest popular anti-regime gatherings since the sits-in at Rabaa al-Adawiya and al-Nahda squares were quelled in August 2013.
There are various reasons behind this escalation by the opposition, not least of which is the prevailing political climate in the country more than one and a half years after the birth of the 3 July 2013 regime. It has also became apparent just how big a reversal Egypt has suffered, from an unstable but free democratic situation to one of oppression, where the iron fist of security routinely slams down on opposition and strangles political freedom, with no sign of stability on the horizon. The acquittal, and subsequent release, of several figures of the Mubarak regime, including Mubarak and his two sons, only reinforce the general feeling that Egypt is rapidly slipping back under the old regime, even if the names of those at the helm have changed. Moreover, the devaluation of the Egyptian pound and the continuing deterioration of the economy have resulted in the strengthening belief that the regime, despite considerable financial support from certain GCC states, is no longer able to contain the runaway economic crisis.
In this climate, different sectors of the population are increasingly joining the opposition movement. But the situation is not confined to growth in the popularity of the movement. In the larger cities, especially Cairo, there are growing signs that some political groups, such as the April 6 movement, the radical left, and opposition student movements have become more willing to take to the streets and participate with the anti-coup National Alliance Supporting Legitimacy in popular demonstrations.
On the other hand, the successive changes in the leadership structure of the Muslim Brotherhood, both within the country and abroad, have boosted confidence among the Brotherhood's rank-and-file, bolstering the ability of the movement and its sympathisers to mobilise, and reinvigorating its determination to continue its activities against the regime.
However, despite the massive mobilisation, and the sheer number and spread of the demonstrations, it would be premature to suggest that the balance of forces between the opposition and the regime has tilted in favour of the former. A significant majority of Egyptians is still wary of participating in the opposition, either out of fear of the regime and its oppressive machine, out of a collective desire to see a return to stability, or because of support for the regime. Some have been disillusioned by the lack of a viable alternative after the failure of the first attempt at democratic change and the crumbling of the revolutionary masses, while others actually support the regime fearing that Islamists might return to power. In other words, large swathes of the population have yet to reach a sufficient level of discontent to prompt them to go out to the streets and demand the downfall of the regime.
The armed option
The change in the disposition of the popular movement opposing the 3 July 2013 regime is undeniable. Even though the Muslim Brotherhood (the main force behind the anti-coup alliance that has led the opposition throughout the past nineteen months) and its partners in the alliance have adhered to completely peaceful methods in their opposition to the regime, there are some groups in various parts of the country that are resorting to different methods. The subtle indicators of this shift began to appear about a year ago, but by 25 January 2015 they had grown so strong that they can no longer be ignored.
These indicators fall into two main categories:
Vandalism and the destruction and arson of government institutions, police and security stations and vehicles, telecommunications towers, and electric power transformers, as well as the cutting off of roads and railways. More recently, the banking sector was targeted, with calls for people to withdraw their money from various banks.
Organised armed attacks on police and security stations and checkpoints, and attempts on the lives of security officers, judges, prosecutors and informers thought to be involved in the crackdowns.
The goal of the first category is to compromise the regime's ability to govern and to cripple the state, while the motives of the second are revenge and settling of scores.
There are three groups that have openly claimed responsibility for such actions at different times. The first, Ajnad Misr (Soldiers of Egypt), went public a year ago with a black flag that resembles that of the Islamic State (IS) group. If a relationship, whether direct or indirect, between Ajnad Misr and IS can be confirmed, the group, which operates mainly in the governorates along the Nile Valley, would be the second to declare its allegiance to IS and its jihadi-oriented interpretation of Islam. The first was Ansar Bait al-Maqdis (Supporters of the Holy House), which is active in northern Sinai.
The second group, Harakat al-Iqaab al-Thawri (Revolutionary Retribution Movement), announced itself on 24 January 2015, claiming to have active cells in fifteen of Egypt's twenty-seven governorates. Despite the obvious difficulties in verifying that claim, the wording of the announcement seemed free of the usual hallmarks of jihadi discourse, suggesting that the group has no jihadi leanings. However, the sheer magnitude of operations for which the group has claimed responsibility is astounding, since these occurred throughout the country, including in Cairo, Alexandria and cities along the Suez Canal.
Both Ajnad Misr and Harakat al-Iqaab al-Thawri appear to have no qualms about carrying out deadly attacks and bombings using triggered devices and time bombs, either targeting specific people or randomly killing security and police personnel. Despite the glaring contrast in discourse between the two, they clearly share the belief that armed violence is part and parcel of dealing with the regime, and that violence is the only course of action to bring about change in Egypt.
The third group, Al-Muqawama al-Shaabiya (Popular Resistance), emerged about six months ago. The wording of its statements suggests a generally jihadi leaning, with close ties to the popular movement. Al-Muqawama al-Shaabiya is inclined more towards vandalism and road-blocking. To date, it is not known to have executed any armed attacks on security forces, even though it has been known to protect protesters from attacks by groups of thugs and criminal gangs believed to be affiliated with the regime's security apparatus.
Unlike northern Sinai, which has witnessed almost open warfare between the armed forces and Ansar Bait al-Maqdis since the 3 July coup, the magnitude and frequency of vandalism and armed attacks in the governorates along the Nile Valley have not yet reached sufficient intensity to be described as an armed struggle. Unlike in Syria, where the popular movement receded as the armed struggle escalated, armed resistance in Egypt has not even reached a level that it could cripple the state or negatively impact the popular movement. Nevertheless, the magnitude and scale of events that took place on 25 January 2015 did cause the regime's leaders serious concern.
The illusion of stability
The military officers who led the 3 July coup, and most of the civilian politicians who supported them, were hardly oblivious to the fact that they were desecrating the democratic process, nor were they unaware that their actions were – at least at the time – unwelcome to Egypt's US and European allies. Washington and various European capitals certainly wanted to tame the rule of President Muhammad Mursi, but they also wanted the change to come about legally and constitutionally. On the other hand, the leaders of the 3 July regime were betting on the huge financial, economic and political support of some GCC countries, especially Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, as well as Israel's welcoming of the coup. The generals gambled on the probability that these countries would eventually help change the western stance and build legitimacy for the regime. They also wagered that they would quickly be able to establish stability, thus providing a climate for continued Arab support and a gradual shift in the western stance. It would be safe to say that that objective of achieving stability as rapidly as possible became such a high priority for the regime that it made the ill-advised decision to brutally break up the Rabaa and Nahda sits-in in an attempt to end the manifestations of popular opposition and social discord.
During the past eighteen months, the pro-regime GCC governments have pumped more than US$40 billion into the Egyptian treasury and economy. With support from the West, these countries helped the regime to gradually normalise its relations with the USA and Europe. Over the past few months, the regime appeared to be slowly but surely achieving its aim of building an image of stability for the country, despite the repressive actions of the security sector and the tyranny of the judiciary which is aimed at quelling the opposition. But the events of 25 January 2015 demonstrate that the dream of stability is far from being a reality, that the regime is no longer capable of breaking, or even containing, the popular political opposition, and that the country is entering a phase of worsening tension that could be far more destructive than anything it has witnessed over the past year-and-a-half.
Western media outlets have generally displayed substantial interest in that Sunday's events. Spokespersons for the US State Department, the European Union and a number of European countries expressed concern over the death toll among protesters. The impression of instability will make European governments hesitant to offer Egypt direct financial or economic assistance. Likewise, there are growing signs that the enthusiasm with which some Gulf countries offered direct financial assistance to Egypt has waned since a year ago, either because of the proverbial black hole of corruption that exists deep within the structure of the Egyptian state (as the UAE believes), or due to the rapid, successive changes in the country's political leadership (as Saudi Arabia has just experienced), or because of the dramatic decline in oil prices (as Kuwait fears). The decline in direct financial support is the only explanation behind the Central Bank's inability to keep propping up the value of the national currency, and the subsequent dramatic freefall of the Egyptian pound's value against the US dollar.
Since 3 July 2013, the Egyptian regime has repeatedly gambled on the security option to quell opposition and impose stability, and on the financial support of some GCC states to shore up the economy. However, at the fourth anniversary of the uprising, it finds itself staring down the barrel of instability, with more and more segments of the populace trying to cripple the state's control of the country, and with a rapidly dwindling cash lifeline from the Gulf, which has weakened the Egyptian pound, causing buying power to drop and prices of imported goods to skyrocket, and making the lives of ordinary Egyptians increasingly difficult.
The bottom line is that the growing violence of the opposition and the state's dwindling ability to build a popular base will inevitably lead to more unrest and lawlessness, which in turn will chip away at the state's institutions and pave the way for violence to tear into the very fabric of society.
*This article was published in terms of a partnership agreement between Al-Jazeera Centre for Studies and AMEC
Repeating the revolution: The failure of the Egyptian coup
By Rafiq Habib
The 3 July military coup in Egypt had a number of key objectives. By it, the military attempted to entrench its position in the state, regardless of who holds power. It further sought to restore the networks of the previous regime to the political scene. By becoming a key governance partner with the elected power, the military seeks to place the deep state under central command and to ensure a centralisation of the intelligence services. The goal was to establish a secular alliance that was loyal to the former regime. This would enable the networks of the former regime to mobilise under a political veneer provided by secular forces. In order to achieve some of these objectives, the armed forces worked together with friendly western countries, especially the USA.
Mursi's ouster: Implications for Egypt and the region
It is now widely acknowledged that the 3 July ouster of Egypt's first democratically elected president, Mohamed Mursi, constituted a military coup. Events following the coup have sought to reset Egypt's policies back to what they were during the Mubarak era, underscoring the suggestion that a counter revolution was successfully instituted. The Egyptian constitution was suspended, the Shura Council – the upper house of parliament –was disbanded, and various Islamist leaders – from the Muslim Brotherhood and other parties – were arrested. Moreover, media deemed to be sympathetic to Mursi were shut down, and the decades-long state of emergency was reinstituted. Further, the army selected a judge previously appointed to the constitutional court by Mubarak, Adli Mansour, as interim president, and an interim cabinet dominated by Mubarak-era holdovers. The aftermath of the coup also saw a shift in foreign policy: a more belligerent attitude towards the USA, greater friendliness with Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait, and a hardline attitude towards Palestinians – with the Rafah border being almost permanently shut, and ninety per cent of the Egypt to Gaza tunnels being destroyed. In short, the coup has had and is set to have significant domestic, regional and global consequences.
Mursi ousted: Trajectory and consequences
On Wednesday evening, 3 July, after the expiry of the deadline for the forty-eight hour ultimatum given to Egyptian president, Mohamed Mursi, General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the minister of defence, announced Mursi's overthrow. Sisi carefully ensured that, when he made the announcement, he was surrounded by the sheikh of al-Azhar, Coptic Pope, a representatives of the National Salvation Front (NSF) – including Mohamed Elbaradei, two representatives of the Tamarod movement, and the president of the Nour Salafi party, to give the impression that the announcement of the overthrow of the president and the annulment of the constitution did not represent a coup, but was merely an expression of the national will, and a response to the demands of protesters against the president. But the well-planned scene did not succeed in obscuring the fact that Sisi's announcement lacked any legal or constitutional basis.


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Аппе́р () — французьке прізвище:

 Бенжамен Нікола Марі Аппер (1797—1847) — французький філантроп, письменник і публіцист.
 Жорж Аппер (1850—1934) — французький художник.
 Ніколя Аппер (1749—1841) — винахідник консервів.


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Louis C.K. Picture 15 - 66th Primetime Emmy Awards - Press Room
- Louis C.K.
66th Primetime Emmy Awards - Press Room
By WENN
, Louis C.K.
Louis C.K. in Saturday Night Live 40th Anniversary Special - Red Carpet Arrivals
(Louis C.K.)
Justin Timberlake, Louis C.K. in Saturday Night Live 40th Anniversary Special - Red Carpet Arrivals
Louis C.K. in 66th Primetime Emmy Awards - Press Room
Louis C.K., Ellen Burstyn in The Funeral of Philip Seymour Hoffman
Ellen Burstyn, Louis C.K. in The Funeral of Philip Seymour Hoffman
Amy Adams, Ellen Burstyn, Sam Rockwell, Louis C.K. in The Funeral of Philip Seymour Hoffman
Louis C.K. in American Hustle New York Premiere


Where can I find all the others available parameters ?
This is the help for the J2SE adapter. Some parameters are equal in J2EE adapter, that is true, but you cannot count on it.
As I found two interresting paramaters in the OSS note, I told me "maybe there are other parameters which can be interresting also...".


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Home > News and events > Three St George's consultants named in Progress 1000
Three St George's consultants named in Progress 1000
Earlier this month, three St George's consultants were named in the prestigious Evening Standard Progress 1000 list. The list is made up of the top 1000 most influential people in London, so it is a a huge achievement for three St George's members of staff to be recognised.
Our consultants included Mr Zahid Mukhtar, Consultant Paediatric Surgeon; Dr Ruchi Kabra, Consultant Interventional Neuroradiologist and Professor Asma Khalil, Consultant Obstetrician. They were all listed following stories featuring their work in the Evening Standard over the last year.
Mr Zahid Mukhtar helped to save baby Abi Peters who was born four months prematurely and is believed to be the world's youngest ever patient to survive major abdominal surgery. As reported in the Evening Standard here.
Dr Ruchi Kabra – the only female Consultant Interventional Neuroradiologist in London – saved the life of 44 year old Nichola Randall when she came to St George's for a mechanical thrombectomy following having a stroke at home. As reported in the Evening Standard here.
Professor Asma Khalil delivered the first set of quadruplets at St George's in 13 years in June. She also developed an app for pregnant women with high blood pressure to monitor their condition at home. As reported in the Evening Standard here and here.
The full Progress 1000 health list can be found here: https://www.standard.co.uk/news/the1000/the-progress-1000-londons-most-influential-people-2018-social-pillars-health-a3954311.html
Congratulations to Zahid, Ruchi and Asma!
(Pictured: Mr Zahid Mukhtar, Dr Ruchi Kabra and Professor Asma Khalil)
For more information, please contact Pippa Harper, Media Manager, on philippa.harper@stgeorges.nhs.uk or 020 8266 6128.
Tags: Evening Standard London influence Progress 1000
Praise for St George's team after rare cyst removed from newborn baby
A baby with a large rare cyst growing in its mouth has been safely delivered at St George's. Marian Bayley, 31, was transferred to St George's for specialist care from her local hospital after her five month scan when they realised that the baby had a mass growing in his …
St George's maintains requires improvement rating by CQC, and recommends Trust be taken out of quality special measures
Trust commended for 'significant improvement' by the CQC CQC recommends Trust be taken out of special measures for quality of services Services for children and young people rated outstanding St George's University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust has been rated requires …
New episode of 24 Hours in A&E: A life less ordinary…
This episode – A life less ordinary – features three patients who are seen within the same 24 hour period.
New episode of 24 Hours in A&E: In Love and War…
This episode focuses on families who have made extraordinary sacrifices for the people they love.
New episode of 24 Hours in A&E: Go your own way…
This episode features patients and staff members who forge their own path in life and strive to find happiness and fulfilment, against the odds.


Uranium was the glaring exception amid a broad-based rally in metals and minerals in 2016. The price of U3O8 fell 41% in 2016 with the industry tracker UxC's broker average price hitting 12-year lows below $18 per pound in November.
After top supplier Kazakhstan announced in the second week of January that it's cutting output by 5.2 million pounds, equal to 3% of global production, the price rallied, hitting $26.75 a pound by mid-February.
But Japanese utility TEPCO's declaration of force majeure on a key uranium delivery contract from Cameco Corp. (CCO-T), the world's top listed uranium producer, dampened enthusiasm.
And news in April that the US dept of Energy is making cuts to the amount of uranium that it disperses into the market (as much as 1.1m pounds per year less) did little to buoy sentiment, not to mention bad news surrounding nuclear power including the first new reactor to be built in the UK in a generation and risks to the US industry.
Last week Russian state nuclear corporation Rosatom suspended its Mkuju River uranium project in Tanzania for at least three years due to depressed uranium market.


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"I have a number of Exoto models and marvel at their detail and quality."
- Jonathan G., UK
"Love your cars!"
- Rick J., USA
1987 Spa Francorchamps 1000 km, driven by Mike Thackwell, Kouros, Finish Line Plus
Mike Thackwell and the Kouros Racing team run by Peter Sauber's Switzerland-based operation debuted the Mercedes-powered C9 at the fourth round of the World Sportscar Championship at Silverstone. It was an impressive first outing: though unable to last the 1000km race distance, the C9 sat on the first row of the grid. All eyes were on the small team that was putting pressure on the mighty Porsche and Jaguar factory teams!
Paired with co-drivers the likes of Henri Pescarolo, Johnny Dumfries, Manuel Reuter, and Jean-Louis Schlesser, the New Zealander and his Kouros C9 only challenge five WSC events, but the qualifying record was astounding: amongst the fastest three qualifiers except at Le Mans. Mind you, the Kouros C9 did set the fastest race lap at Le Mans that year! All the tremendous efforts finally resulted in a pole at the 1000km at Spa-Francorchamps on September 13, 1987 and a week later the team earned victory in the German Supercup!
Raced at Spa Francorchamps 1000 km
Competed in World Sportscar Championship
Raced at Spa-Francorchamps


In a major recruitment, Bharat Sanchar Nigam Ltd. (BSNL) has invited applications to fill up 300 posts of Management Trainee (MT) (Telecom Operations). Out of these 300 posts, 150 posts will be filled up from open market (External candidates). All candidates fulfilling the prescribed eligibility conditions & possessing requisite qualification are eligible to apply for the posts.
Note: The notification issued by the BSNL is a fresh one. Any candidate, who had applied in response to any previous NOTIFICATION, need to apply afresh.
Educational Qualification: Candidates need to have Bachelor of Engineering/ Bachelor of Technology degree in Telecommunications, Electronics, Computer/ IT & Electrical with minimum 60% marks. MBA or M.Tech can also apply.
Age limit: The applicants's age should not be more than 30 years.
Selection Process: The selection of the candidates will be done through an Assessment process, Group Discussion and Interview of the applicants.
Starting Date of ONLINE Registration: December 26, 2018.
Last Date of ONLINE Registration: January 26, 2019.


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