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Statement on the need for a strong and effective arms trade treaty
The WCC affirms an arms trade treaty as a legal instrument that has three complementary tasks. It must prevent arms transfers to states where the government poses a threat to its own people or to other states. It must improve trade controls so that, where there is a high risk of re-export or diversion to organized criminals or armed groups, arms smuggling and black market sales are reduced or stopped. The ATT must also serve to protect communities and save lives.
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WCC Executive Committee
Bossey, Switzerland
1. Churches are witnesses to armed violence, assist the people it affects and share in the suffering it causes. Millions of lives are shattered or lost in armed violence each year, roughly two-thirds of them in countries ostensibly at peace. Badly regulated exports, imports and transfers of weapons must bear part of the blame. Unlawful and illegitimate use of such arms facilitates many forms of violence, intensifies armed conflicts, and undermines social and economic development.
2. After a century of progress in extending international legal protections to individuals and to peoples, there is still no universal treaty to control commercial transactions of conventional arms. Binding legislation is ever more urgent because, in an era of unprecedented military expenditures and burgeoning international trade, deadly weapons still change hands with less scrutiny than shipments of household appliances.
3. In 2009, after years of discussion, 153 governments including those with the largest trade in arms voted at the United Nations to negotiate "a legally binding instrument on the highest possible common international standards for the transfer of conventional arms". This Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is to be negotiated in July 2012. Many governments have taken part in the preparations and in July 2011 they agreed on a summary of the key provisions to be negotiated into a future Arms Trade Treaty. A handful of important players, however, may obstruct the majority of governments and civil society groups that wish to build on the achievements of the ATT process as of 2011. There are differences over what to include in the term 'arms', what activities count as 'trade', and what details arms suppliers and recipients must report. Factors in play at a deeper level include the international status of states, the commercial benefits of the arms trade and the military influence within governments.
4. A treaty to regulate the arms trade must address which arms change hands, how arms change hands, who the arms came from and where they end up. A treaty can help to reduce armed violence if it improves controls over the whole chain of suppliers, exporters, brokers, importers, recipients, and end-users. The best existing multilateral and national regulations indicate that the arms trade can be reformed.
5. Sovereign governments and the arms industry are essential parties in the development of an ATT. They both bear public responsibilities to populations that share a common destiny within an increasingly interdependent world. The ATT is about trade, yet the arms trade is not a normal business. Most states recognize the fact by imposing national controls. Similarly, more and more industries today are taking responsibility for the impact of their products and the arms industry must do likewise. States and arms manufacturers must recognize that the negotiation of the ATT presents a critical opportunity to protect a global public good.
6. The arms trade raises concerns that lie at the heart of Christian faith including belief in the sanctity of life, the commandment not to kill, and the biblical injunction to love one's neighbours. In that spirit the World Council of Churches has repeatedly called churches to actions such as developing institutions that build security and well-being for all, denouncing militarism and promoting disarmament. In 1978, during the UN First Special Session on Disarmament, the WCC condemned the manner in which arms sales, and the flow of arms from richer countries, fuel conflicts in poorer countries. In 2001, the WCC Commission of the Churches on International Affairs called governments at a major UN conference on the illicit trade in small arms "to control arms transfers in the context of and consistent with the obligations of states, including the obligation not to acquire arms for purposes other than or beyond levels needed for self-defence, to ensure the least possible diversion of resources to armaments, and to the obligation to protect the welfare and rights of its citizens". In 2005, the WCC executive committee called on governments to "negotiate a comprehensive and legally binding treaty" on arms transfers and to "ensure that any such Arms Trade Treaty sets clear criteria for compliance and verification". Member churches were also urged to advocate for "the adoption of an effective international Arms Trade Treaty". In 2011, the WCC central committee endorsed an ecumenical campaign on the Arms Trade Treaty.
7. Churches, church members and related organizations support a treaty that will ultimately save lives and protect communities which current trade practices put at risk. In order to reduce unlawful armed violence such a treaty must be both strong and effective. An ATT that is strong will apply to all categories of conventional weapons. It will also reinforce existing obligations of states to protect life under international law and other international norms. An ATT that is effective will have provisions for reporting, transparency, accountability and enforcement that serve to protect communities, nations and regions affected by poorly regulated transfers of arms.
8. The treaty provisions of key concern to the World Council of Churches are also important to a broad spectrum of civil society organizations and governments. Churches share the conviction that the treaty must include the following human-centered provisions. States must be legally bound to assess whether there is a substantial risk that a specific transfer of arms will be used to facilitate serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The treaty must require states to deny a license or other authorization where there is a substantial risk that the transfer in question will seriously impair sustainable development or will perpetuate a pattern of gender-based violence. The treaty should also address the need for assistance to survivors of armed violence. The ATT must apply to the whole scope of conventional weapons because of the wide array of arms in use today and the fragmented nature of the international arms industry. The scope of the treaty should also be flexible to allow for future revisions to include new armaments.
9. The World Council of Churches affirms an arms trade treaty as a legal instrument that has three complementary tasks. It must prevent arms transfers to states where the government poses a threat to its own people or to other states. It must improve trade controls so that, where there is a high risk of re-export or diversion to organized criminals or armed groups, arms smuggling and black market sales are reduced or stopped. The ATT must also serve to protect communities and save lives.
Therefore, affirming ecumenical engagement and advocacy for robust regulation of the arms trade, the executive committee of the World Council of Churches, meeting in Geneva, Switzerland, 14-17 February 2012:
A. Commends the WCC member churches and related organizations taking part in the Ecumenical Campaign for a Strong and Effective Arms Trade Treaty;
B. Encourages other member churches to join the campaign and to cooperate with like-minded civil society associations and governments in advocacy for the treaty, and invites church representatives to sign the Inter-Faith Declaration on the Arms Trade Treaty issued by the Control Arms Coalition;
C. Emphasizes that the Arms Trade Treaty must cover all types of conventional weapons and their components including small arms, light weapons, ammunition and parts, as well as police and security equipment; and allow for future revisions to include new weapons;
D. Encourages WCC member constituencies and networks to urge their respective governments to adopt an Arms Trade Treaty in which states are legally bound to deny an arms transfer where there is a substantial risk that the transfer: will be used to facilitate serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law; will seriously impair activities related to sustainable development; or will perpetuate a pattern of gender-based armed violence; and states address the need for survivor assistance;
E. Calls on governments to ensure that the treaty provisions for implementation, cooperation, monitoring and evaluation serve to assist all states parties in fulfilling the criteria of the treaty and in implementing its requirements;
F. Commends the July 2011 summary document of the ATT preparatory process as the basis for negotiating the Arms Trade Treaty, with stronger provisions for mandatory and comprehensive record-keeping and transparency, for international assistance and cooperation among states parties, and for survivor assistance;
G. Recommends that important decisions in the negotiation of the Arms Trade Treaty be reached using UN procedures in which consensus is achieved by a large majority after comprehensive deliberations;
H. Insists on the participation of representatives of civil society organizations as observers during the July 2012 Conference on the Arms Trade Treaty and in subsequent treaty conferences, maintaining the practice adopted during the preparation of the ATT or expanding it;
I. Extends support to the United Nations and other multilateral fora in their efforts to recognize and address the adverse relationship between expenditures on armaments and expenditures on economic and social development.
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Equal Opportunity Offender
Senator Sessions' consistent opposition to civil rights makes him wrong for Justice.
As confirmation hearings for Jeff Sessions begin today, some Senators may be tempted to dismiss objections to his elevation as a smear campaign based on ancient history. But, when it comes to Sen. Sessions, the past is prologue. Sessions is the wrong person to be the nation's top law enforcer.
Sessions is a former U.S. Attorney and the first Senator to support Mr. Trump. Given his background, one might have expected Mr. Sessions to advise the candidate that his proposal to ban Muslims from entering the US was unconstitutional. Instead, Sessions insists that Trump merely wants to "slow down immigration" from places with a proven history of terror against the US — even though the President-elect has reiterated that "you know my plans," suggesting that last month's attack on a Berlin Christmas market only buttressed his proposal.
Senator Sessions also could have demonstrated his commitment to the rule of law after Trump's comments about grabbing women by their genitalia became public. But here, too, he failed. When first asked to comment, Sessions observed that the language was "very improper," but, hey, Trump already had apologized. When questioned about whether, if true, Trump's conduct would constitute sexual assault, Sessions faltered:
"I don't characterize that as sexual assault. I think that's a stretch." He later issued a clarification stating that his hesitation was based on the reporter's hypothetical and added that it was "crystal clear that assault is unacceptable. I would never intentionally suggest otherwise."
To call Sessions' response tepid would be generous. He couldn't even bring himself to use the phrase "sexual assault," essentially supporting Trump's efforts to dismiss the comments are "locker room" banter. If Sessions can't even stand up when his candidate blatantly speaks in terms at odds with our founding charter and federal statutes, how can we expect him to enforce the nation's civil rights laws? After all, it's not as if Sessions is unfamiliar with what the job entails.
When he opposed Loretta Lynch, the first Black woman to be named Attorney General, Sessions explained on Breitbart.com that "we need someone at the Department of Justice who will restore fidelity to our national laws…No Senator should vote confirm anyone to this position. . . who does not pledge to serve the laws and people of the United States."
But when Sessions had the power of chief law enforcement officer of Alabama, he used it to prosecute Black people seeking to vindicate their rights under the Voting Rights. As I've written before, his effort was unsuccessful, but the resources and intimidation brought to bear against these defendants in state that continues to suppress the Black vote is shameful and telling. Sessions' supporters note that he also prosecuted the Klan in a lynching case; however, the Atlantic reports that he initially opposed pursuing the case and that he has exaggerated his role in the prosecution.
Sessions has been equally hostile to LGBT rights.
Here's Sen. Sessions' comment on the Supreme Court's decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, holding that the constitutional right to marry extends to same sex couples: "Today's ruling is part of a continuing effort to secularize, by force and intimidation, a society that would not exist but for the faith which inspired people to sail across unknown waters and trek across unknown frontiers." He also supported a measure that would allow discrimination against such couples based on religious beliefs, and sought to prevent an LGBT organization from holding a conference at the University of Alabama, a public institution.
Senator Sessions consistently has trampled on groups that depend on robust enforcement of civil rights laws. Worse, he's used his considerable influence to limit their full participation in society. He's not fit to head the Department of Justice.
Author: Verna L. Williams
Interim Dean, Nippert Professor of Law, co-founder and co-director of Cincinnati Law's Center for Race, Gender, and Social Justice. Professor Williams joined Cincinnati Law's faculty in 2001. She teaches Constitutional Law; Gender and the Law; and Family Law. Her research examines the intersection of race and gender in law and society.	View all posts by Verna L. Williams
Author Verna L. WilliamsPosted on January 10, 2017 Categories Civil Rights, Constitutional Law, UncategorizedTags Department of Justice, Donald Trump, Senator Jeff Sessions, Sessions confirmation hearings
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Q: jQuery: $("#myid").html('inserted portion') Say I am doing the following manipulation using jQuery:
$("#myid").html('inserted portion')

After doing this operation, if I view the page source, the inserted portion of the HTML (the span tag with id "inserted") is not available there and any further operation I do with $("#inserted") simply fails!
This becomes a major issue when we update (we usually use the jQuery html() method to insert new parts) part of the page by AJAX call and try to do more operations in the updated part.
Please anyone explain what am I missing?

A: whatever events you are binding for id inserted ....use live , this will bind for future html elements or html added at runtime
http://api.jquery.com/live/

$('#inserted ').live('click', function() {
  // Live handler called.
});

A: This is because the page source is just that... the source.. which is loaded into the browser.  After the document is loaded, you manipulate the document via the jquery Document Ready function (executes after all images etc are loaded).
If you want to inspect your modified HTML/CSS/Whatever use a debugging tool such as firebug or the Chrome / Safari developer tools.
If $("#inserted) operations are failing I would suggest posting a specific example.  We can't really help you if you don't post any specifics.

A: If #myid exists, then the new element will exist in the document's internal representation in the browser (the "DOM"). It shouldn't show on the "view source", since the source of the page is the original html (and js), but any operation from then on should behave exactly as if it existed in the source.

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le-monastierpinmories » Health / Fitness » Emotion (The Review of Personality and Social Psychology) (v. 13)
Download Emotion (The Review of Personality and Social Psychology) (v. 13) fb2
by Margaret S. Clark
Margaret_S._Clark Psychology_and_Counseling English
Margaret S. Clark
SAGE Publications, Inc; 1 edition (February 25, 1992)
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by Margaret S. Clark (Author). The 13-digit and 10-digit formats both work.
by Margaret S. ISBN-13: 978-0803940727. Why is ISBN important? ISBN.
The functions of emotion regulation include satisfying hedonic needs, supporting specific goal pursuits, and facilitating the global personality system.
It covers the fields of social and personality psychology
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 15 (4), 533-542, 1989.
Record keeping in two types of relationships. Journal of personality and social psychology 47 (3), 549, 1984. Some thoughts and findings on self-presentation of emotions in relationships. MS Clark, SP Pataki, VH Carver. Knowledge structures in close relationships: A social psychological approac. 1996. MS Clark, JR Mills, DM Corcoran. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 15 (4), 533-542, 1989. Providing help and desired relationship type as determinants of changes in moods and self-evaluations. GM Williamson, MS Clark.
According to the 2015 Journal Citation Reports, its impact factor is . 71, ranking it first in the Social Psychology category out of 62 journals.
Personality psychology. According to the 2015 Journal Citation Reports, its impact factor is . 71, ranking it first in the Social Psychology category out of 62 journals
Emotion and social behavior (pp. 1–31). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Kraft, . & Wetzel, . Preferences as expectation-driven inferences: Effects of affective expec- tations on affective experience. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56, 519–530.
Emotion and social behavior (pp. R ECEIVED 9/1/05; R EVISION ACCEPTED 4/24/06; F INAL MATERIALS RECEIVED 5/30/06) 1058 Volume 17-Number 12 Expectation, Consumption, and Revelation. TERM Spring '17. TAGS Timothy Wilson.
Articles published in the section Personality and Social Psychology will benefit from the Frontiers impact and tiering system after online publication.
How emotion shapes behaviour: feedback, anticipation, and reflection, rather than direct causation, Personality and Social . Assessing coping strategies: a theoretically based approach, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 56: 267–83.
Bentham, J. 1789/1970. An introduction to the principles of morals and legislation. Costa, P. T. and McCrae, R. R. 1992. NEO PI-R Professional manual.
Personality traits might also function as belief systems to promote an understanding of oneself and one's emotions (Robinson & Kirkeby, 2005). Clark. Select Format: Paperback. Health, Fitness & Dieting Health, Fitness & Dieting Medical Books Psychology Psychology & Counseling Social Psychology & Interactions Social Sciences Textbooks. More by Margaret S. Clyde A. Hendrick, Margaret S. Recently Viewed and Featured.
Topics central to an understanding of emotion - such as the concept of emotional intensity, cross-cultural specificity in emotion, and the links between emotion and cognition - are discussed in this volume.
Self-perception, manipulating emotions, categorization of theories, the question of whether existing theories are complementary or competing and the usefulness of some well-established models of emotion are among the other topics explored. Distinguished researchers in emotion contribute new ideas and this volume will be of interest to experienced researchers as well as beginning students.
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