text:
Q: remove rows contains a value in all data frames of a list I have a list (L) which some data frames have a value of -9999. How should I remove all rows in any data frame which contains -9999?
the result should be like R list.
L1 = data.frame(A1 = c(1:4) , B1 = c(1,2,-9999,3) , C1 = c(1:4))
L2 = data.frame(A2 = c(1:4) , B2 = c(1:4))
L3 = data.frame(A3 = c(1:4) , B3 = c(1,-9999,2,3))
L=list(L1,L2, L3)
R1 = data.frame(A1 = c(1,2,4) , B1 = c(1,2,3) , C1 = c(1,2,4))
R2 = data.frame(A2 = c(1:4) , B2 = c(1:4))
R3 = data.frame(A3 = c(1,3,4) , B3 = c(1,2,3))
R=list(R1,R2, R3)

A: library(dplyr)
L %>% purrr::map(~.x  %>% filter(if_all(everything(), ~ .x != -9999)))

Result:
[[1]]
  A1 B1 C1
1  1  1  1
2  2  2  2
3  4  3  4

[[2]]
  A2 B2
1  1  1
2  2  2
3  3  3
4  4  4

[[3]]
  A3 B3
1  1  1
2  3  2
3  4  3

A: You could use the following code with lapply that remove rows of every dataframe where we can use apply with any that removes every row containing -9999 like this:
L1 = data.frame(A1 = c(1:4) , B1 = c(1,2,-9999,3) , C1 = c(1:4))
L2 = data.frame(A2 = c(1:4) , B2 = c(1:4))
L3 = data.frame(A3 = c(1:4) , B3 = c(1,-9999,2,3))
L=list(L1,L2, L3)
lapply(L, function(x) {x <- x[!apply(x==-9999,1,any),]})
#> [[1]]
#>   A1 B1 C1
#> 1  1  1  1
#> 2  2  2  2
#> 4  4  3  4
#>
#> [[2]]
#>   A2 B2
#> 1  1  1
#> 2  2  2
#> 3  3  3
#> 4  4  4
#>
#> [[3]]
#>   A3 B3
#> 1  1  1
#> 3  3  2
#> 4  4  3

Created on 2022-07-31 by the reprex package (v2.0.1)


text:
AWS Transfer for SFTP
Overview Features Pricing Getting Started FAQs Customers
Migration & Transfer
AWS Transfer for SFTP customers
Myriota
Myriota was founded to revolutionize the Internet of Things (IoT) by offering disruptively low-cost and long-battery-life global connectivity. Based in Adelaide, Australia, a focal point of the Australian space industry and home of the Australian Space Agency, Myriota has a growing portfolio of more than 20 patents, and support from major Australian and international investors. With deep heritage in telecommunications research, world-first transmission of IoT data direct to nanosatellite was achieved in 2013. Myriota has made this ground-breaking technology commercially available for partners worldwide.
"We depend on Amazon S3 as a critical staging area where we hold data for processing the core of our data platform. AWS Transfer for SFTP has helped us simplify the security of sensor data coming over from our customers' widespread sites over the Myriota Network of satellites to Amazon S3."
Andrew Beck, Director of Service Delivery – Myriota
FINRA regulates a critical part of the securities industry – brokerage firms doing business with the public in the United States. FINRA takes in up to 135 billion market events per day that are tracked, aggregated, and analyzed for the purpose of protecting investors.
"As an organization, FINRA has embraced Amazon S3 as our data lake to help us eliminate storage siloes, maintain one source of data truth, and drive down our infrastructure management costs. However, managing SFTP infrastructure for over 1,000 external users doing 6 million file transfers per month was a bit of a strain. Our solution was to build our new FileX platform on AWS, and use the new AWS Transfer for SFTP service. AWS Transfer for SFTP is helping us reduce our operational burden, keeping S3 as our data lake, while maintaining critical connection to our existing authentication systems for external users – so they don't experience any disruption as we complete our migration of SFTP services to AWS."
Ranga Rajagopal, Senior Director, Enterprise Data Platforms – FINRA
Celgene is a global biopharmaceutical company that seeks to deliver truly innovative and life-changing treatments for patients with cancer and other severe conditions. Celgene's research teams often collaborate with third party universities and research institutions, with whom they share important research data.
"Working with our external partners is key to our research initiatives, and we need to exchange data in a controlled, secure way that doesn't give such third parties access to our critical systems. At the same time, Amazon S3 is the center of our universe for research data; we don't want to buy and manage separate storage stacks to exchange select datasets with partners. That's why AWS Transfer for SFTP was an instant win for Celgene. We can exchange data securely with AWS SFTP, have it live in our locked-down Amazon S3 bucket, and easily manage our external users. AWS SFTP has already saved us—a new collaboration project cropped up on short notice and we didn't have any petabyte scale on-premises storage or SFTP infrastructure that could handle that kind of volume. We stood up our SFTP endpoint using the service within minutes, attached it to our bucket, provisioned users, and were in business in under an hour. That speed and flexibility is simply not possible in a traditional on-prem world."
Lance Smith, Director of Research Computing – Celgene
Kontor New Media is one of the leading digital distribution companies in Europe. Since 2003, the year of its foundation, the company has been one of the first in the market to operate in digital distribution. One of its major strengths is the development of new business models and the use of new distribution channels in this environment.
"We receive large media files for which website uploads time out pretty quickly. The AWS Transfer for SFTP service has worked out really well for us in this case. Large files like music videos or TV series episodes transferred via an SFTP connection – has been secure and performant. Once uploaded to our S3 bucket, in addition to delivering them to our partners as aggregators in the media chain, we store these files for extended periods of time in different storage classes of Amazon S3."
Tobias Gabler, Director IT & Content Operations - Kontor New Media GmbH
Belong started in October 2013 with the purpose of shaking-up the competitive home broadband market in Australia.
"Our engineers were able to implement a near real-time customer usage analytics framework within a week. This timeframe is profound given the Mobile Call Detail Records ingestion comes in varying sizes and frequencies, 3 to 20 MB every 1 to 10 seconds throughout the day. AWS SFTP scales seamlessly and makes the files available as S3 Objects, which is just perfect for our needs. This enabled event driven ingestion of data into our Data Lake. With out-of-the-box integration to S3, IAM, KMS and available as a fully managed service, it immediately aligned with our security & operational policy. AWS SFTP is extremely convenient for near real-time ingestion of files and is now the strategic ingestion capability of our modern data architecture."
Lambros Kallianiotis, Engineering Principal - Belong
ThinkCX
ThinkCX offers advanced analytic solutions for automated, massive-scale detection of consumer switching events in the smartphone OEM and wireless carrier marketplace in North America.
"From setup to operation, AWS Transfer for SFTP provides an easy and reliable solution for exchanging data with our partners."
Patrick Pang, Full Stack Software Developer - ThinkCX
BluTV
BluTV is Turkey's #1 subscription based video-on-demand service.
"Before AWS' SFTP service was available, we were self managing a cloud based SFTP solution for our needs and ran into lots of problems. There are open source projects for mounting Amazon S3 to Amazon EC2, but managing those open source projects and getting good performance from them was not easy. Also, there were scaling issues when we needed more resources. After AWS announced the fully managed AWS Tranfser for SFTP service, we directly started to use that. We moved our DIY setup to AWS Transfer for SFTP and no longer need to monitor for scaling or manage any open source projects anymore. Also in terms of cost, we don't have to pay for unused resources."
Huseyin Yurtseven, CTO - BluTV
Read the user guide
Learn more about the features and capabilities of AWS Transfer for SFTP by reading the documentation.
Instantly get access to the AWS Free Tier.
Start building in the console
Get started building with Transfer for SFTP in the AWS Management Console.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Sat, 11 Apr 2020 20:29:27 GMT
19.1: Dispersion Factors
[ "article:topic", "showtoc:no", "license:ccbyncsa", "authorname:rstull", "ppm (unit)" ]
https://geo.libretexts.org/@app/auth/3/login?returnto=https%3A%2F%2Fgeo.libretexts.org%2FBookshelves%2FMeteorology_and_Climate_Science%2FBook%253A_Practical_Meteorology_(Stull)%2F19%253A_Pollutant_Dispersion%2F19.00%253A_Section_1-
Meteorology & Climate Science
Book: Practical Meteorology (Stull)
19: Pollutant Dispersion
Contributed by Roland Stull
Professor & Director, Geophysical Disaster Computational Fluid Dynamics Center at University of British Columbia
The stream of polluted air downwind of a smoke stack is called a smoke plume. If the plume is buoyant, or if there is a large effluent velocity out of the top of the smoke stack, the center of the plume can rise above the initial emission height. This is called plume rise.
The word "plume" in air pollution work means a long, slender, nearly-horizontal region of polluted air. However, the word "plume" in atmospheric boundary-layer (ABL) studies refers to the relatively wide, nearly vertical updraft portion of buoyant air that is convectively overturning. Because smoke plumes emitted into the boundary layer can be dispersed by convective plumes, one must take great care to not confuse the two usages of the word "plume".
Dispersion is the name given to the spread and movement of pollutants. Pollution dispersion depends on
wind speed and direction,
plume rise, and
atmospheric turbulence.
Pollutants disperse with time by mixing with the surrounding cleaner air, resulting in an increasingly dilute mixture within a spreading smoke plume.
Wind and turbulence are characteristics of the ambient atmosphere, as were described in earlier chapters. While emissions out of the top of the stack often have strong internal turbulence, this quickly decays, leaving the ambient atmosphere to do the majority of the dispersing.
The direction that the effluent travels is controlled by the local, synoptic, and global-scale winds. Pollutant destinations from known emission sources can be found using a forward trajectory along the mean wind, while source locations of polluted air that reach receptors can be found from a backward trajectory.
The goal of calculating dispersion is to predict or diagnose the pollutant concentration at some point distant from the source. Concentration c is often measured as a mass per unit volume, such as µg m–3. It can also be measured as volume ratio of pollutant gas to clean air, such as parts per million (ppm). See the INFO box for details about units.
A source - receptor framework is used to relate emission factors to predicted downwind concentration values. We can examine pollutants emitted at a known rate from a point source such as a smoke stack. We then follow the pollutants as they are blown downwind and mix with the surrounding air. Eventually, the mixture reaches a receptor such as a sensor, person, plant, animal or structure, where we can determine the expected concentration.
In this chapter, we will assume that the mean wind is known, based on either weather observations, or on forecasts. We will focus on the plume rise and dispersion of the pollutants, which allows us to determine the concentration of pollutants downwind of a known source.
INFO • Pollutant Concentration Units
The amount of a pollutant in the air can be given as a fraction or ratio, q. This is the amount (moles) of pollution divided by the total amount (moles) of all constituents in the air. For air quality, the ratios are typically reported in parts per million (ppm). For example, 10 ppm means 10 parts of pollutant are contained within 106 parts of air. For smaller amounts, parts per billion (ppb) are used.
Although sometimes the ratio of masses is used (e.g., ppmm = parts per million by mass), usually the ratio of volumes is used instead (ppmv = parts per million by volume).
Alternately, the amount can be given as a concentration, c, which is the mass of pollutant in a cubic meter of air. For air pollution, units are often micrograms per cubic meter (µg m–3). Higher concentrations are reported in milligrams per cubic meter, (mg m–3), while lower concentrations can be in nanograms per cubic meter (ng m–3).
The conversion between fractions and concentrations is
\(\ q(\mathrm{ppmv})=\frac{a \cdot T}{P \cdot M_{s}} \cdot c\left(\mu \mathrm{g} / \mathrm{m}^{3}\right)\)
where T is absolute temperature (Kelvin), P is total atmospheric pressure (kPa), Ms is the molecular weight of the pollutant, and a = 0.008314 kPa·K–1·(ppmv)·(µg m–3)–1.
For a standard atmosphere at sea level, where temperature is 15°C and pressure is 101.325 kPa, the equation above reduces to
\(\ q(\mathrm{ppmv})=\frac{b}{M_{s}} \cdot c\left(\mu \mathrm{g} / \mathrm{m}^{3}\right)\)
where b = 0.02363 (ppmv) / (µg m–3).
For example, nitrogen dioxide (NO2) has a molecular weight of Ms = 46.01 g/mole (see Table 1-2 in Chapter 1). If concentration c = 100 µg m–3 for this pollutant, then the equation above gives a volume fraction of q = (0.02363/46.01) · (100) = 0.051 ppmv.
Science Graffito
"The solution to pollution is dilution."
– Anonymous.
This aphorism was accepted as common sense during the 1800s and 1900s. By building taller smoke stacks, more pollutants could be emitted, because the pollutants would mix with the surrounding clean air and become dilute before reaching the surface.
However, by 2000, society started recognizing the global implications of emitting more pollutants. Issues included greenhouse gases, climate change, and stratospheric ozone destruction. Thus, government regulations changed to include total emission limits.
19.2: Air Quality Standards
Roland Stull
ppm (unit)


HomeGrad-BlogIs Graduate School Right for You?
Even with a strong undergraduate education, graduate school may still be required to reach your goals. Given the cost of living, tuition, and years of lost income, graduate school is an expensive decision. Understanding your motivation and goals, and how best to reach them, increases your chances of success.
Who should pursue a graduate degree?
• Professional Prerequisite – faculty and research positions at the university level require an advanced degree (e.g. Professor or Research Fellow).
• Intellectual Interest – study of a subject out of curiosity and desire for personal growth (e.g. French Poetry or Philosophy of Religion).
• What doors will graduate school open that I couldn't open via networking, hard work and independent study?
• What other options could help meet my goals (e.g. part-time or online study)?
• If I change my goals part-way through a program, or after completing a program, what other near-term career or degree options are possible?
Your goals will determine the right degree. Requirements and time commitments vary significantly. Future professors and researchers may require 5-10 years for a PhD, while programs for career growth could range from a few months (for a certificate) to five years or more for a PhD. In some fields a master's degree will let you achieve your goals, while in others a doctorate is required. Understanding the optimal (not minimal) requirements to achieve your goals will determine if you should pursue a certificate, masters, doctorate, or even post-doc.
When should I pursue a graduate degree?
There's no "right time." Some will begin immediately after college, others will work full-time before graduate school, or attend graduate school part-time while working. Consult with advisors to help frame the decision. Consider your debt load, your personal situation, and whether programs require or prefer relevant work or internship experience. Prior work experience may improve your chances of admissions by compensating for academic weaknesses and showing commitment to your field. Significant unrelated work experience may hurt you if it indicates lack of focus.
Where should I pursue my graduate degree?
• Which format (full-time, part-time or online) will best fit your goals and lifestyle?
• Are you able to relocate to attend graduate school or will you attend locally?
• Are jobs in your field centralized in certain locations? If so, going to school in that area may be an advantage in hiring.
• Which employers recruit from the programs you're considering?
• Are National or Regional Rankings a consideration, and if so, how do your potential programs rank?
• How does your profile compare to acceptances in recent years?
How do I go about applying to a graduate degree program?
There's no substitute for thorough research and preparation! Make sure you have mentors and advisors who will help define your goals, suggest relevant graduate programs, and even provide letters of recommendation. Be able to articulate your goals clearly, and describe how your experiences prepared you for success. Since graduate programs tend to be smaller, they are often highly selective about the candidates they accept. Understanding your target programs in detail is critical. Thoroughly prepare for and take all required standardize tests (e.g. TOEFL and GRE), with enough time to retake them if necessary. Also research whether there is any required coursework that you may need to complete prior to applying. Proper preparation increases your chances of success in admissions, graduate school and beyond.
There are many factors in deciding about graduate school. While "education is its own reward", educated decisions will help you achieve your academic and professional goals. Solicit feedback from your entire network (faculty, peers, family, mentors and professional advisers) to help inform and refine decisions. Then draft the detailed plan and timeline that you will follow to reach your goals.


text:
MMT Quick Review of THE ASSIGNMENT
Thomasena Farrar April 11, 2017 April 11, 2017 Mind on Movies
Surrounded by controversy from the get, THE ASSIGNMENT – the latest film by director Walter Hill who is best known for the pop cult classic "The Warriors" – does not live up to the hype of some of Hill's earlier works, but it will give action seekers some thrills.
In the film, Michelle Rodriguez takes on the double role of Frank Kitchen and Frank Kitchen – before and after his "involuntary" sex reassignment surgery that is. As a hitman that becomes the victim of a crazed surgeon named Dr. Kay (Sigourney Weaver), who is seeking revenge after her brother is killed, Kitchen spends much of the film in search of his own brand of justice – and to Rodriguez's credit, she does well with most of the action scenes.
But it wasn't the action I took issue with. It isn't even the hotly contested transgender theme that has given me pause – although I can empathize with those who believe its being used as a tool for revenge is inappropriate, as I understood those from the women's advocacy community who took issue with the 2015 psychological thriller "The Gift" and the sexual assault theme, which many believed was a misguided tool used to drive the script. But, unlike "The Assignment," The Gift took the time to deliver a big reveal, which I feel leaves the audience with a more exciting and satisfying pay off.
The "rub" in this film was the fact that the audience knows where it's going from the start, and there isn't a big enough twist or pivot to make this B movie as bad@$$ as it could have been. When the film starts, we find Weaver's character in a psychiatric facility, and we also know she's being blamed for Kitchen's actions. We also know what gripe the protagonist has against everyone he comes up against in the story – except for one of Kay's accomplices he discovers later in the film – but that reveal alone and the fairly decent action scenes aren't enough to elevate the movie to classic or even multiple re-watch status.
And although it was cool to see some solid character actors like Tony Shalhoub (Monk) and Anthony LaPaglia (Without A Trace) in the cast, neither they nor the Alien series icon Weaver were enough to push this film forward.
Currently On-Demand, and in select theaters, THE ASSIGNMENT isn't for those seeking a more complicated thrill, but will do for those who don't mind the storyline and want to enjoy some action.
Michelle Rodriguez, Sigourney Weaver, The Assignment, Walter Hill
Previous GIVEAWAY: 'Girls' Night Out' reception and screening of Unforgettable on Thursday, April 13 (Philly, PA)
Next MMT Quick Review: THE FATE OF THE FURIOUS by contributor Darryl King


text:
Candidate and Election News for December 1
Dec 1, 2017 | Campaign News
Filing for a place on the 2018 continues until 6 p.m. local time on December 11. Please see our Crib Sheets for candidates' filing status.
AGRIC: Spring resident Richard Carpenter established a campaign committee for a potential challenge of Comm. Sid Miller (R) likely as a Libertarian.
HD15 open: The Woodlands environmental manager Ron Keichline established a campaign committee for a potential run for the seat being vacated by Rep. Mark Keough (R-The Woodlands), likely as a Democrat.
HD18: Liberty resident Frederick Lemond established a campaign committee for a potential challenge of Rep. Ernest Bailes (R-Shepherd). We were unable to determine his party affiliation.
Rep. Ron Reynolds
HD27: A three-judge appellate court upheld a 2014 misdemeanor conviction of barratry against Rep. Ron Reynolds (D-Missouri City), who will appeal the ruling. Reynolds has maintained his innocence throughout the legal process. Since the conviction, Reynolds has lost his law license, been ordered to pay a $504K judgment in a civil case, filed for bankruptcy and been sued by the Office of Attorney General for delinquent fines owed to the Texas Ethics Commission for failing to file campaign finance reports and personal financial statements. He also not filed a campaign finance report in nearly two years. Reynolds said he intends to seek a fifth term but has not yet filed for re-election, as far as we can tell. In 2016, he was forced into a primary runoff but prevailed. Missouri City attorney Wilvin Carter has filed to challenge Reynolds in the Democratic primary.
HD133: Houston resident and frequent candidate Sam Tejas filed as a Democrat to challenge Rep. Jim Murphy (R-Houston). We previously reported that he had re-established his campaign committee and incorrectly thought he would run as a Republican. He has run as a Republican three times since 2002 and as a Democrat once.
ED12: Board member Tincy Miller announced she would not seek re-election. She returned to the board in 2013 following a two-year absence. Miller previously served on the board from 1985 until 2011.
CD6 open: Tarrant Co. Tax Assessor-Collector Ron Wright (R) has resigned to run for the seat being vacated by U.S. Rep. Joe Barton (R-Ennis).
CD27: Texas Water Development Board Chair Bech Bruun released a statement criticizing U.S. Rep. Blake Farenthold (R-Corpus Christi) over reports that taxpayer funds may have been used to settle a sexual harassment complaint against him. Bruun added that he would announce his intentions about potentially entering the race next week. Farenthold filed for re-election prior to the news reports about the settlement.
CD29 open: Beaumont health care executive Tahir Javed announced he would seek the Democratic nomination for the seat being vacated by U.S. Rep. Gene Green (D-Houston). Meanwhile, Rep. Ana Hernandez (D-Houston) endorsed Sen. Sylvia Garcia (D-Houston).
Nueces Co.: Former County Clerk Diana Barrera (D) announced she would seek a rematch against incumbent Kara Sands (R). Barrera served for 10 years before Sands narrowly defeated her, 50.6%-49.4%, in 2014.
Webb Co.: Tax Assessor-Collector Patricia Barrera (D) has resigned to challenge incumbent Webb County Judge Tano Tijerina (D) in the Democratic primary.
Alice: Gov. Greg Abbott (R) issued a proclamation permitting the city to hold emergency special elections on January 20 to fill the seats vacated by the recalls of Elida Garza and Yolanda Sosa Moran. Their recalls leave two council members and the mayor, who do not constitute a quorum under the city's charter. Absent Abbott's intervention, the city could not hold the election, and thus not conduct any official business, until May.
©2017 Texas Election Source
Filed under AGRIC, CD27, CD29, CD6, ED12, HD133, HD15, HD18, HD27, Nueces County, Webb County.


text:
Now Playing Flor De Toloache Best Ranchero/Mariachi Album | Acceptance Speech
Flor De Toloache Best Ranchero/Mariachi Album | Acceptance Speech
Flor De Toloache accept the Latin GRAMMY for Best Ranchero/Mariachi Album for Las Caras Lindas at the 18th Latin GRAMMY Awards on Nov. 16, 2017, in Las Vegas.
"Oh my God. Oh my God. Thank you very much. Oh my God, I don't even know what to say. Daddy, Mommy, we did it! Thank you very much to the Academy. Thank you. I want to dedicate this to Puerto Rico, to the lovely faces — Titequere Alonso, to Mahelo. Long live Mexico too, to the tradition. Thank you. Thank you to all the women that came before us. All the women that are coming up — we love and support you. Thank you to all of the beautiful women of Flor De Toloache and my family and friends. We love you all. Thank you [to] our fans. Thank you to the Academy. Thank you [to] our producer. Thanks." — Mireya I. Ramos
18th Latin GRAMMY Awards: Full Winners List
Valerie June: Songs As A Spiritual Journey
Rising country/folk star Valerie June sat down with the Recording Academy backstage at Austin City Limits 2017 to discuss two songs, "Astral Plane" and "Long Lonely Road," from her 2017 album, The Order Of Time.
The War On Drugs: Adam Granduciel On Neil Young's Influence
The frontman of the Philadelphia-based psychedelic-rock band lays out how Neil Young influenced some of the songs and sounds on A Deeper Understanding.
John Cale Looks Back On The Velvet Undergound
Interviewed before "GRAMMY Salute To Music Legends," the Velvet Underground's John Cale talks about the band's sound, "Sunday Morning" and incorporating profanity into their music.
As A Mother, Making Music Means More For Melanie Fiona
Writing her verse for "Fool For You" in the drive to the studio and hopping into a session with Cee Lo Green won her two GRAMMY Awards.
Hurray For The Riff Raff: True Folk From The NY Projects
The Recording Academy's New York Chapter interviewed Alynda Segarra at Newport Folk Festival in 2017. Her Hurray For The Riff Raff persona celebrates people-power, as well as her background growing up Puerto Rican in New York City projects.
Michael Kiwanuka Rejected Pop And Landed A TV Theme Song
Soul/R&B sensation takes a different path with his 2016 album's lead track "Cold Little Heart" and now it's the theme for HBO's all-star "Big Little Lies."
Denver's Nathanial Rateliff Believes In Folk Music's Calling
A broader "rebirth" is what he believes folk music needs but he celebrates contemporary protest songs that relate to present-day issues and ask what we'll do about them.
Nikki Lane Got Aggressive And It's Been Non-Stop Ever Since
It was 2014 when Lane started to take the business side of music more seriously, and she's been causing audiences to take her music seriously everywhere she goes.
Rhiannon Giddens Goes Back In Time To Help Us See Our Present
Fascinated by history and by the music and times of black Americans' past, this multi-instrumental multi-talent finds way to instill lives lived into her songs.
Art Rockers Warpaint On Their Sound, L.A. And Being On Stage
The four women of Warpaint have created a psychedelic musical universe that is minimal, brash and atmospheric.
Declan McKenna, "First On" At Lolla, On Set-Listing And Flow
Winner of Glastonbury Festival's Emerging Talent Competition in 2015 and a charming young singer/songwriter, his 2017 album is extending his range and gaining fans.
London Grammar's Electronic Sound Makes Their Albums Hits In Britain
Together the trio found their way to a sound that caught on, especially spurring their two albums to great sales in their native Britain.
Royal Blood Get A Big Rock Sound As A Drum And Bass Duo
Enjoying the festival scene and playing new songs from their 2017 album, the pair are grateful for their wide recognition, and hope their live gear works as intended.
Highly Suspect Rose From Cover Band To Original Hit-Makers
Massachusetts group started at local joints playing hits and then steadily progressed to be a trio of hitmakers with their own songs.
Rejecting The Dance Label, Justice Follow Their Electronic Muse
Inspiration for Justice comes from the experimental art of electronic music, so the French duo avoid what they see as dance music's conservative structures.


"The PUC II results will be announced on April 15 at 11 am. The students can check the results through the official websites- kseeb.kar.nic.in and karresults.nic.in after 12," said PU education director C Shikha. The colleges will publish the results on April 16, the official mentioned.
The exam was conducted in March 2018.
To check the result, candidates can visit the official website and open the result link. The link will be activated once the result is announced. To clear the PUC exam, candidates need to secure 35 per cent aggregate marks. Students will need to score a minimum of 70 marks in the language papers and 30 marks each in individual subjects for a total of 210 out of 600 marks.
This year, around 8.41 lakh students have registered for the SSLC exam, while 6.73 lakh students for the PU II exam. Last year the PU II exam result was declared on April 30, while SSLC on May 7, 2019.


text:
Q: netbeans maven new module does not show up In netbeans maven project, if I create a new module it does not show up on UI. I have to restart netbeans for the new module to show up. Right click in the projects window and selecting "reload project" does not seam to work either.

A: Reinstall Netbeans. Something must be broken in your installation.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Inventions like Internet, Emails, Mobiles and such has made the world smaller. Because of this ease of communication, companies can now expand their customer base to anywhere in the world. However, communicating with clients around the world can be tricky as they don't live in the same time zone like you. It might be 3 AM in the morning where you live and 11 AM in the morning where your client lives and communicating with such time difference can be hard. And your clients are all around the world and there are 24 time zones and it will be difficult to keep up with every time zone, don't you think?


text:
Financial and economic crisis
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Disasters - Humanitarian and ecological (Australia)
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Which Europe?
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Indonesia & West Papua >
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Abdurrahman Wahid: contradictions of an unsuccessful democrat
February 2010 , by LANE Max
WAHID Abdurrahman
Offside with ruling class
Fear of masses
Consistent values
Abdurrahman Wahid, the president of Indonesia between 1999 and 2001, died on December 30, aged 69. His death was met by a wave of commentary and discussion praising his contribution to Indonesian society, especially from the humanitarian and liberal democratic sectors: intellectuals, NGOS and human rights advocates. These sectors, with some justification, lamented his death as a loss for those struggling against discrimination and for a broadening of civil liberties generally.
Wahid, also affectionately known as "Gus Dur" (elder brother Dur), was at his peak of controversy during his presidency. He took a series of positions that put him at loggerheads with the majority of the Indonesian ruling class and its representatives in parliament. At that time, the president was not directly elected but was chosen by the parliament. The parliament that had elected him in 1999 turned against him by 2001, ousting him on highly dubious charges of corruption.
If we list just a few of the positions he took while he was president, it is easy to see how he would get offside with a ruling class created during the 33 years of the Suharto-led military dictatorship. Wahid ordered police to halt violent dispersals of student demonstrations and appointed to a senior position the lone army commander who was an outspoken critic of military corruption.
Wahid called for the end of the ban on the spreading of Marxist-Leninist ideas, stating that democracy should be a free market of ideas. He called for reconciliation with the victims of the 1965 mass violent repression against the Indonesian left, including the Communist Party of Indonesia, issuing an apology to those victims on behalf of the country. He agreed to the raising of the West Papuan flag in West Papua as a symbol of the region's identity and supported moves for greater autonomy. He agreed to a referendum in Aceh on self-determination (but was unable to carry it out, later backtracking). He also offered a public apology to the people of East Timor during a presidential visit to Dili, something the army never forgave him for.
He further alienated a majority in parliament by continuing his campaign for a more secular culture. This included calling for an end to the use of the Islam-based phrase "assalam mualaikum" as a daily greeting, to be replaced by the Indonesian equivalents of "good afternoon", "good evening" etc, and opposing calls for a state based on Islamic law.
Not surprisingly, the political elite turned against him quickly, even though he remained within generally agreed parameters in economic policy. As the elite's campaign to impeach Wahid increased, so did pressure on him from pro-democratic groups to mobilise mass opinion against the old New Order-created elite. It was in this context that the contradiction that Wahid represented was most starkly revealed.
Wahid was opposed to mass mobilisation as a means of conducting politics. I used to speak with Wahid regularly from 1991-96 during visits to Indonesia. The last time we spoke in depth was in July 1996, at his office in the headquarters of the Nahdatul Ulama religious organisation. He explained his opposition to mass action politics, which was growing in popularity during that period and which was to accelerate in the years to come. He said he feared that the masses would run amok.
In late 2000 and early 2001, pro-democracy activists were calling on him to support a united front against the old New Order forces, including what appeared to be comeback attempts by the army officers. These activists called on Wahid to disband the parliament and call new elections, along with mobilising support against Golkar and the army. It happened once in Surabaya in 2001, when 1 million people mobilised in an anti-Golkar campaign, but he hesitated until the very last minute and tried to resist the forces against him by manœuvre rather than mass mobilisation. When he did issue a decree to disband the parliament, both the army and police declared they would side with the parliament, which then impeached him.
Wahid became famous, not only for his jokes and fondness for gossip, all at the expense of the elite (including sometimes himself), but for numerous zigzag manœuvres, often confusing people and even tripping himself up. This habit, which preceded his presidency, was a direct consequence of a reality of Indonesian politics, not some quirk in his personality. He spoke out in favour of the most progressive and democratic of the values and ideas of liberal democracy.
Post-New-Order Indonesia, however, had produced a culturally philistine capitalist ruling class based on nepotism, corruption, cronyism and political repression, a bourgeoisie that had no interest in liberal-democratic ideas. The only social forces that did have an interest in struggling for them and might be convinced to do so were the poor masses of workers and peasants whom Wahid was so afraid to mobilise.
With no social forces as allies to defend him against a ruling class whose fundamental ideas, at least in politics, he challenged, Wahid was forced to rely on trickier and trickier manœuvres within elite circles. In the 1997 elections, this even led him to act as virtual campaign manager for Suharto's daughter, Tutut, as he tried some kind of "change from within" manœuvre.
Unable or unwilling to try seriously to mobilise mass support for his policies, he failed in implementing most of them. There was no referendum in Aceh; in fact military operations in Aceh intensified during his presidency. The Papuan flag stopped flying in West Papua. The ban on Marxism-Leninism was not lifted — and book bannings continue today. His appointments to the army and police were short-lived. There are more Islamic regulations in place now than ever before.
Despite the unpredictability of his ongoing manœuvres, Wahid remained consistent in the political values he defended after he was dislodged from the presidency. He accepted an invitation to be keynote speaker at the press launch of the first Indonesian language translation of Karl Marx's Capital, published by the Hasta Mitra publishing house, run by a former political prisoner, Joesoef Isak. He accepted a keynote speaker invitation when the newspaper of the left-wing People's Democratic Party was relaunched in 2002. He criticised acts of discrimination against religious minorities, often contradicting directly majority opinion among the Islamic religious elite. He publicly defended the rights of gay men, lesbians and transgender people.
While Wahid failed in turning any of the ideas he espoused into reality, his consistency in advocating liberal-democratic values was a definite contribution to the advance of the pro-democratic movement (just as his reluctance to call for popular mobilisations was a block to the same movement). Without the presence of Wahid and his consistent advocacy of those values, there would have been less political space and more obstacles in the way of the younger activists trying to find a progressive way forward. It is no accident that many youth won to more radical politics have come from a Nahdatul Ulama family background, as Wahid also encouraged a critical outlook among the youth of the organisation he headed for more than two decades.
The contradiction Wahid embodied represents a fundamental contradiction of Indonesian politics today. In a society of 230 million people, where an intellectually philistine bourgeoisie is the creation of a 33-year parasitic, nepotistic dictatorship and where the overwhelming majority are poverty-stricken and deprived of access to even a minimally dignified quality of life, it is impossible to be an effective liberal democrat without going beyond liberal democracy, to a participatory, democracy of the mobilised working people that opens the road to socialism.
By Max Lane
* From Direct Action (Australia), Issue 19: February 2010.
No specific license (default rights)
Finance – The World Bank and the IMF in Indonesia: an emblematic interference
The democratic struggle and the fight for socialism in Indonesia
Book Review: "Unfinished Nation: Indonesia before and after Suharto"
Indonesia as an "Unfinished Nation" and the legacy of Suharto
Exit Suharto: Obituary for a Mediocre Tyrant
Indonesia: Suharto's real legacy
Suharto: an obituary
Suharto (8 June 1921- 27 January 2008) — A career soldier who commanded a country
Compilation of protests commemorating nine years since fall of Suharto
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Taney, Roger Brooke - History
Chief Justice of US Supreme Court
Roger Brooke Taney was born in Calvert County, maryland, on March 17, 1777. His father was a plantation owner in Maryland, and young Taney studied at Dickinson College. Graduating in 1795, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar four years later. Taney was elected to the state legislature in 1799, with the help of family and friends. Remaining active in politics without holding an elected position, he became a skilled orator. Taney also developed an ability to analyze legal technicalities. Taking a special interest in supporting legislation which protected the rights of Blacks in Maryland, both free and slave.
During the War of 1812, he led the minority Federalist faction supporting the government. In 1816, he was elected to the state legislature, in which he focussed on banking and currency policies. He became a Jacksonian Democrat when the Federalist Party dissolved, and worked as President Andrew Jackson's Attorney General (1831-33) and Secretary of the Treasury (1833-34).
Confirmed Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court in March of 1836, he was accused of being prejudiced toward the South. Taney felt that his judgements were based on the Constitution. He held that the Constitution did not give Congress the power to exclude slavery from the territories, although he had freed his own slaves. Taney believed that Blacks and Whites could not live together as equals, and he supported the colonization movement. Preferring a form of compensated emancipation, he nevertheless felt that slavery had to exist in the US as long as there were African Americans in the country.
Taney also opposed efforts by the North to interfere with Southern slavery. In 1857, he wrote the majority opinion in the Dred Scott Case, which overturned a Missouri court decision that had given Scott freedom. When they reversed the ruling, Taney and the majority of the Supreme Court asserted that slaves were not citizens, and, thus, could not sue for freedom in a court. Tanye went so far as to declare the prohibition of slavery in the territories unconstitutional.
Republicans and abolitionsts were angered by Taney's declarations, which made the Missouri Compromise null and void, and took away all rights of slaves. During the Civil War, Taney opposed Lincoln's arrests of citizens for disloyalty. When Taney died in Washington, D. C., on October 12, 1864, President Lincoln appointed Salmon P. Chase to replace him.
Roger Brooke Taney (1777-1864)
Fifth chief justice of the Supreme Court of the United States (1836-64), remembered principally for the Dred Scott decision.
Taney was the son of Michael and Monica (Brooke) Taney. Of English ancestry, Michael Taney had been educated in France and was a prosperous tobacco grower in Calvert County, Md. After graduation from Dickinson College in Pennsylvania, in 1795, Taney studied law with Judge Jeremiah Chase, of the Maryland General Court. He was admitted to the bar in 1799 at Annapolis and served one year in the Maryland House of Delegates before settling down in Frederick, Md., to practice law. In 1806 he married Anne Key, whose brother, Francis Scott Key, later wrote "The Star-Spangled Banner."
He entered politics as a Federalist, and was a member of the Maryland House of Delegates in 1799-80. His faith in Federalism was weakened by the party's opposition to the War of 1812, and he gradually became associated with the Jacksonian wing of the Republican party. He served in the state Senate in 1816-21, was Attorney General of Maryland in 1827-31 and in July 1831 entered President Andrew Jackson's cabinet as Attorney General of the United States. He was the President's chief adviser in the attack on the United States Bank, and was transferred to the treasury department in September 1833 for the special purpose of removing the government deposits. This conduct brought him into conflict with the Senate, which passed a vote of censure, and (in June 1834) refused to confirm his appointment as secretary of the treasury. He returned to his law practice in Baltimore, but on the 28th of December 1835 was nominated Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court to succeed John Marshall. After strong opposition the nomination was confirmed, on the 15th of March 1836, by the Senate.
Throughout his tenure in Washington, Taney had been an outspoken leader in the Democrats' fight against the central bank, the Bank of the United States, which was widely regarded as a tool of Eastern financial interests. Taney believed it had abused its powers, and he strongly advised the President to veto the congressional bill that would renew the bank's charter and wrote much of the veto message he also recommended that government funds be withdrawn from the bank and be deposited in a number of state banks.
As a result of his role in the fight over the Bank of the United States, Taney had become a national figure, and in 1833 President Jackson appointed him secretary of the treasury. But opposition to Taney and his financial program was so strong that the Senate rejected him in June 1834, marking the first time that Congress had refused to confirm a presidential nominee for a Cabinet post.
Taney returned to Baltimore to rebuild his law practice. A year later, Jackson nominated him to the Supreme Court of the United States as an associate justice. Taney's enemies stalled the nomination indefinitely. Then, on July 6, 1835, Chief Justice John Marshall died, and Taney was nominated to fill his place on the bench.
Despite powerful resistance, led by such prominent politicians as Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and Daniel Webster, Taney was sworn in as chief justice in March 1836. Although he had inherited the conservative tradition of the Southern aristocracy and had supported states' rights, the Taney court did not discard John Marshall's ideas of federal supremacy. Taney believed firmly in divided sovereignty, but he also believed it was the Supreme Court's role to decide which powers should be shared. Eventually, many of those who had opposed Taney's appointment came to respect him.
One of the most important decisions for which the Taney court is noted concerned rights granted by charters. The majority opinion in Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge (1837) declared that rights not specifically conferred could not be inferred from the language of a document. In this decision Taney rejected the claim of a bridge company that the subsequent grant by the state legislature of a charter to another bridge company impaired the legislature's charter to the first company.
The majority opinion that Taney delivered on March 6, 1857, in Dred Scott v. Sanford is the one for which he is best known. In essence, the decision argued that Scott was a slave and as such was not a citizen and could not sue in a federal court. Taney's further opinion that Congress had no power to exclude slavery from the territories and that Negroes could not become citizens was bitterly attacked in the Northern press. The Dred Scott decision probably created more disagreement than any other legal opinion in U.S. history it became a violently divisive issue in national politics and dangerously undermined the prestige of the Supreme Court.
Whenever state authorities threatened or interfered with the execution of federal power, however, Taney upheld federal supremacy. His opinion in Ableman v. Booth (1858), denying state power (in this case the courts of the state of Wisconsin) to obstruct the processes of the federal courts, remains a magnificent statement of constitutional federalism. Under Taney's leadership federal judicial power was expanded over corporations, the federal government was held to have paramount and exclusive authority over foreign relations, and congressional authority over U.S. property and territory was vigorously upheld.
During the Civil War, Judge Taney struggled unsuccessfully to protect individual liberty from the encroachments of the military authorities. In the case of ex parte John Merryman (1861), he protested against the assumption of power by the President to suspend the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus or to confer that power upon a military officer without the authorization of Congress.
Taney in History. Roger Brooke Taney is remembered generally for having authored the majority decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857), perhaps the single worst decision in the history of the Supreme Court — a " ghastly error " by the reckoning of one important legal scholar. According to a later chief justice, Charles Evans Hughes, Dred Scott became one clear example where " the Court … suffered severely from self-inflicted wounds. " Yet regardless of that notorious decision, a small but formidable body of judicial scholars in the late twentieth century consider Taney to be one of the great justices of the Supreme Court, ranked alongside John Marshall, Louis Brandeis, and Oliver Wendell Holmes.
Background and Early Career. Taney was born in Calvert County, Maryland, in 1777 to an aristocratic planter family. He was educated in rural schools and by a private tutor before attending Dickinson College, where he graduated in 1795. Taney began to practice law in 1799. He was a staunch Federalist, serving first in the Maryland legislature as a member of the House of Delegates, then as a state senator. He broke with his party during the War of 1812 and eventually switched his allegiance to the Democratic Party, led by Andrew Jackson. By the mid 1820s Taney ' s politics were Jacksonian in nature. He supported states ' rights, opposed monopolies, and was the author of Jackson ' s veto of the act that would have extended the charter of the Bank of the United States. After serving as Jackson ' s attorney general and briefly as secretary of war, Taney became chief justice of the Supreme Court in 1835.
Chief Justice. Taney was attacked by anti-Jacksonians as a " political hack " who was appointed on partisan grounds rather than merit. Others saw him as an unworthy successor to the great John Marshall, who died in July 1835. Taney ' s decisions conformed to the Jacksonian vision of the West, including its philosophy of state sovereignty, belief in the sanctity of private property, and defense of slavery. Taney heard a broad spectrum of cases over the course of his tenure, and some of the most significant reflected the controversial movements affecting the nation during a period of national expansion. In Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge (1837) Taney confronted a conflict arising out of the rapid growth of corporations and the impact of such commercial growth on the rights of communities. " While the rights of private property are sacredly guarded, " he wrote in the majority decision, " we must not forget that the community also have rights, and that the happiness and well being of every citizen depends on their faithful preservation. " The chief justice sought to protect the rights of states to regulate commerce by interpreting the Constitution ' s commerce clause — which empowered Congress to regulate interstate trade — narrowly. He was a staunch believer that the states were best suited to respond to the great questions that faced the nation.
Slavery. No doubt Taney believed in the fundamental inequality of races and that whites deserved to be dominant over blacks. To Taney ' s mind African and European Americans could never peacefully coexist in a nation in which both were free and equal. Such a view placed Taney alongside other white Southerners of his age. Yet however racist he might seem in retrospect, Taney freed his own slaves, which he had inherited though he purchased others, he allowed them to earn manumission through work. He also supported repatriation efforts designed to send blacks back to Africa.
Dred Scott Decision. Taney ' s decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford can be traced to his convictions regarding the inherent inferiority of people of color, his previous record as a jurist dealing with the issue of slavery, and his adherence to the doctrines of state rights and limited federal power. Slavery was the single most explosive issue in the nation in 1857, and Taney ' s intent in drafting the Court ' s opinion was to settle the matter once and for all. He ruled that African Americans could not be citizens of the United States regardless of whether they were slaves or free people and, further, that under the Constitution slaves were property and like all other property could be transported without restriction. Perhaps most significant, Taney struck down the Missouri Compromise and declared that Congress did not have the power to restrict slavery in the Western territories (on the grounds that territories were not yet states). In the wake of Taney ' s opinion, which also had the effect of reinforcing the Fugitive Slave Act, legislators in some Northern and Western states passed personal liberty laws to demonstrate their continued belief that any slaves who made it to such areas could remain free.
Later Career. For what remained of his life, Taney could not escape the consequences of Dred Scott. Sen. Charles Sumner declared that Taney ' s name would be " hooted down the page of history. " His influence on the Court diminished considerably after 1861. He remained with the Union during the Civil War and attempted, mostly in vain, to uphold the Constitution against some of President Abraham Lincoln ' s actions. When Lincoln suspended the writ of habeas corpus in April 1861, Taney ruled that the president had acted unlawfully, reminding him of his oath of office and the executive ' s constitutional duty to faithfully execute the laws. Indicative of both the enormity of the secession crisis and Taney ' s waning power, Lincoln ignored the bitter and ineffective chief justice. Taney also privately opposed the legality of both the Emancipation Proclamation and conscription. Taney died in Washington, D.C., on 12 December 1864.
The first Taney County Courthouse was built on the mouth of Bull Creek at the confluence of the White River by early pioneers in 1837. Its use as a courthouse ended after Forsyth became the county seat it was destroyed in a tornado in 1963.
The county's second courthouse, in Forsyth, was destroyed in a Civil War battle on July 22, 1861. The rebuilt courthouse was destroyed by fire on December 19, 1885. A third courthouse was removed in 1952 to permit the building of Bull Shoals Lake. The fourth, and present, courthouse was occupied on August 1, 1952. An addition was completed in 1991 after two years of construction.
In 1904, the White River Railway was extended through the rugged terrain of Stone and Taney counties. By then, both counties had for years had a sundown town policy, forbidding African Americans to live there. [3]
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of 652 square miles (1,690 km 2 ), of which 632 square miles (1,640 km 2 ) is land and 19 square miles (49 km 2 ) (2.9%) is water. [4]
The county is drained by White River and its affluents. [5]
Adjacent counties Edit
Major highways Edit
National protected area Edit
1860 3,576 −18.2%
1920 8,878 −4.4%
2019 (est.) 55,928 [6] 8.2%
U.S. Decennial Census [7]
1790-1960 [8] 1900-1990 [9]
1990-2000 [10] 2010-2015 [1]
As of the census [11] of 2000, there were 39,703 people, 16,158 households, and 11,052 families residing in the county. The population density was 24/km 2 (63/mi 2 ). There were 19,688 housing units at an average density of 12/km 2 (31/mi 2 ). The racial makeup of the county was 96.22% White, 0.35% Black or African American, 0.87% Native American, 0.34% Asian, 0.05% Pacific Islander, 0.74% from other races, and 1.42% from two or more races. About 2.42% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. Among the major first ancestries reported in Taney County were 20.8% German, 18.9% American, 12.4% Irish, and 12.3% English.
There were 16,158 households, out of which 27.80% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 56.60% were married couples living together, 8.60% had a female householder with no husband present, and 31.60% were non-families. 25.70% of all households were made up of individuals, and 10.00% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.37 and the average family size was 2.83.
In the county, the population was spread out, with 22.40% under the age of 18, 10.20% from 18 to 24, 26.20% from 25 to 44, 25.00% from 45 to 64, and 16.20% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.00 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 90.40 males.
The median income for a household in the county was $39,771, and the median income for a family was $47,664. Males had a median income of $25,431 versus $19,655 for females. The per capita income for the county was $21,663. About 9.40% of families and 12.40% of the population were below the poverty line, including 17.60% of those under age 18 and 8.80% of those age 65 or over.
Religion Edit
According to the Association of Religion Data Archives County Membership Report (2000), Taney County is a part of the Bible Belt with evangelical Protestantism being the majority religion. The most predominant denominations among residents in Taney County who adhere to a religion are Southern Baptists (32.88%), Roman Catholics (12.36%), and Presbyterians (9.13%).
The Taney County Ambulance District (TCAD) is an emergency medical services (EMS) agency established by public vote in 1971. [12] [13]
The Taney County Sheriff's Office and its jail are in Forsyth, which also has a police department.
Firefighting services are provided by Central Taney County Fire Protection District and Western Taney County Fire Protection District.
Of adults 25 years of age and older in Taney County, 81.4% possess a high school diploma or higher while 14.9% hold a bachelor's degree or higher as their highest educational attainment.
Colleges and universities Edit
Public schools Edit
Bradleyville R-I School District - Bradleyville
Bradleyville Elementary School (PK-06)
Bradleyville High School (07-12)
Branson Primary School (PK)
Branson Buchanan Elementary (K-04)
Branson Cedar Ridge Elementary (K-04)
Branson Buchanan Intermediate (04-06)
Branson Cedar Ridge Intermediate (04-06)
Branson Jr. High School (07-08)
Branson High School (09-12)
Forsyth Elementary School (K-04)
Forsyth Middle School (05-08)
Forsyth High School (09-12)
Hollister Elementary School (PK-04)
Hollister Middle School (05-06)
Hollister Jr. High School (07-08)
Hollister High School (09-12)
Kirbyville Elementary School (K-03)
Kirbyville Middle School (04-08)
Mark Twain Elementary School (K-08)
Taneyville Elementary School (K-08)
Private schools Edit
- Hollister - (PK-12) - Non-denominational Christian
Riverview Bible Baptist Church School - Forsyth - (05-08) - Baptist
School of the Ozarks - Point Lookout
Alternative and vocational schools Edit
Public libraries Edit
Local Edit
The Republican Party completely controls politics at the local level in Taney County. Republicans hold every elected position in the county.
State Edit
Past Gubernatorial Elections Results
2016 71.03% 16,579 25.67% 5,992 3.30% 770
2000 60.03% 9,003 37.30% 5,594 2.67% 400
Taney County is divided into three legislative districts in the Missouri House of Representatives, all of which are held by Republicans.
District 138 — Currently represented by Don Phillips (R-Kimberling City) and consists of a small part the southwestern section of the county.
District 155 — Currently represented by Lyle Rowland (R-Cedar Creek) and consists of the eastern part of the county, including Cedar Creek, Forsyth, Kirbyville, Kissee Mills, Powersite, and Taneyville.
District 156 — Currently represented by Jeffery Justus (R-Branson) and consists of most of the western part of the county, including Branson, Bull Creek, Hollister, Merriam Woods, Ridgedale, Rockaway Beach, and Table Rock.
All of Taney County is a part of Missouri's 29th District in the Missouri Senate and is currently represented by David Sater (R-Cassville).
Missouri Senate — District 29 — Taney County (2016)
Republican David Sater 19,825 100.00%
Federal Edit
U.S. Senate — Missouri — Taney County (2016)
Republican Roy Blunt 16,117 69.00% +12.93
Democratic Jason Kander 6,143 26.30% -10.49
Libertarian Jonathan Dine 609 2.61% -4.53
Green Johnathan McFarland 262 1.12% +1.12
Constitution Fred Ryman 226 0.97% +0.97
Republican Todd Akin 11,940 56.07%
Democratic Claire McCaskill 7,834 36.79%
Libertarian Jonathan Dine 1,520 7.14%
U.S. House of Representatives — Missouri's 7th Congressional District — Taney County (2016)
Republican Billy Long 17,569 76.16% +2.99
Democratic Genevieve Williams 4,664 20.22% -1.15
Libertarian Benjamin T. Brixey 836 3.62% -1.84
Republican Billy Long 7,709 73.17% +2.55
Democratic Jim Evans 2,251 21.37% -3.37
Libertarian Kevin Craig 575 5.46% +0.82
Republican Billy Long 14,841 70.62%
Democratic Jim Evans 5,199 24.74%
Libertarian Kevin Craig 975 4.64%
Political culture Edit
Presidential elections results [16]
2020 78.0% 20,508 20.3% 5,339 1.7% 441
2016 77.2% 18,276 18.5% 4,373 4.3% 1,024
2000 63.8% 9,647 33.7% 5,092 2.5% 373
1996 52.0% 6,844 35.1% 4,623 12.9% 1,693
1988 64.2% 7,043 35.4% 3,888 0.4% 46
1984 70.9% 7,082 29.1% 2,912
1948 62.2% 2,361 37.6% 1,427 0.2% 9
1944 72.6% 2,499 27.2% 936 0.3% 9
1928 70.2% 2,319 29.4% 971 0.4% 12
1912 47.8% 852 33.0% 588 19.2% 343
1892 59.3% 791 34.4% 459 6.3% 84
1888 59.0% 827 33.6% 471 7.4% 103
Like most counties in Southwest Missouri, Taney County is a Republican stronghold in presidential elections. George W. Bush carried Taney County in 2000 and 2004 by more than two-to-one margins. Like many other rural counties throughout Missouri, Taney County strongly favored John McCain over Barack Obama in 2008. The last time the Republican Party failed to carry Taney County was in 1860. [17]
Like most rural areas throughout the Bible Belt in Southwest Missouri, voters in Taney County traditionally adhere to socially and culturally conservative principles which tend to strongly influence their Republican leanings. In 2004, Missourians voted on a constitutional amendment to define marriage as the union between a man and a woman. It passed Taney County with 80.04 percent of the vote, and the state in general with 71 percent of support from voters, making Missouri the first state to ban same-sex marriage. In 2006, Missourians voted on a constitutional amendment to fund and legalize embryonic stem cell research in the state—it failed in Taney County with 56.64 percent voting against the measure. The initiative narrowly passed the state with 51 percent of support from voters as Missouri became one of the first states in the nation to approve embryonic stem cell research. Despite Taney County's longstanding tradition of supporting socially conservative platforms, voters in the county have a penchant for advancing populist causes like increasing the minimum wage. In 2006, Missourians voted on a proposition (Proposition B) to increase the minimum wage in the state to $6.50 an hour—it passed Taney County with 77.78 percent of the vote. The proposition strongly passed every single county in Missouri with 78.99 percent voting in favor as the minimum wage was increased to $6.50 an hour in the state. During the same election, voters in five other states also strongly approved increases in the minimum wage.
Missouri presidential preference primary (2008) Edit
Taney County, Missouri
2008 Republican primary in Missouri
2008 Democratic primary in Missouri
John Edwards (withdrawn)
Uncommitted
In the 2008 presidential primary, voters in Taney County from both political parties supported candidates who finished in second place in the state at large and nationally.
Former Governor Mike Huckabee (R-Arkansas) received more votes, a total of 3,850, than any candidate from either party in Taney County during the 2008 presidential primary.
Legal Document, George Schley v. John Deloshmutt
Attorney Roger Brooke Taney prepares this document for a lawsuit against John Deloshmutt. Taney's client, George Jacob Schley, argues that Deloshmutt has failed to pay 3 pounds, 11 shillings, and 10 pence half penny for various services, including food and lodging, between November 4, 1799 to.
Location: I-Friends-1982-8
Time Period: 1800-1819
--> Taney, Roger Brooke, 1777-1864
Roger Taney was Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court.
From the description of Miscellaneous manuscripts, 1853. (University of Pennsylvania Library). WorldCat record id: 191048726
From the description of Autograph letter signed : Baltimore, to J. Kennedy Furlong, 1855 May 25. (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 270574484
From the description of Autograph letter signed : Baltimore, to M. St. Clair Clarke, 1842 May 20. (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 270574480
Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, 1836-1864.
From the description of Interrogatories, 1819 December 17. (Natural History Museum Foundation, Los Angeles County). WorldCat record id: 23366657
Chief justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.
From the description of Papers, 1809-1863. (Duke University Library). WorldCat record id: 39632574
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. Studied at Dickinson College, 1792-1795 read law with Judge Jeremiah Townley Chase, Annapolis, Maryland, 1796-1799 practiced law in Frederick, 1799-1823. Chief Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court, 1836-1864.
From the description of Papers, 1792-1818, bulk 1805-1812. (University of Virginia). WorldCat record id: 704076602
Taney, politician and jurist, served as U.S. Attorney General (1831-1833), Secretary of the Treasury (1833-34), and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (1836-1864).
From the description of Miscellaneous papers, ca. 1810-1864. (Harvard Law School Library). WorldCat record id: 235153963
Studied at Dickinson College, 1792-1795 read law with Judge Jeremiah Townley Chase, Annapolis, Maryland, 1796-1799 practiced law in Frederick, 1799-1823. Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, 1836-1864.
From the description of Papers, 1792-1818, bulk 1805-1812. (University of Virginia). WorldCat record id: 20973596
Roger Brooke Taney was an American politician and jurist.
He was born in 1777. He served as U.S. Attorney General (1831-33), Secretary of the Treasury (1833-1834), and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (1836-1864). Roger Brooke Taney died in 1864.
From the description of Roger Brooke Taney collection, 1811-1856. (Johns Hopkins University). WorldCat record id: 49308210
Fehrenbacker, Don E. 1979 The Dred Scott Case: Its Significance in American Law and Politics. New York: Oxford University Press.
Harris, Robert J. 1957 (1966) Chief Justice Taney: Prophet of Reform and Reaction. Pages 93–118 in Leonard W. Levy, ed., American Constitutional Law: Historical Essays. New York: Harper & Row.
Lewis, Walker 1965 Without Fear or Favor: A Biography of Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Swisher, Carl B. 1935 Roger B. Taney. New York: Macmillan.
——1974 The Taney Period, 1835–64. Volume 5 of The Oliver Wendell Holmes Devise History of The Supreme Court of the United States. New York: Macmillan.
Roger B. Taney Was as Bad as You Think
Roger Brooke Taney, the fifth chief justice of the United States Supreme Court, died late in the evening on October 12, 1864. The following day Maryland voters narrowly approved a new state constitution that abolished slavery. When hundreds of African-Americans marched to the White House to celebrate, Abraham Lincoln observed that "it is difficult to realize that in the state where human slavery has existed for ages . . . by the action of her own citizens, the soil is made forever free." Taney, one of Maryland's most prominent citizens, would not have shared Lincoln's satisfaction. As the author of the Dred Scott decision, he denied that blacks could be American citizens and declared congressional prohibition of slavery in the territories unconstitutional.
On October 13, 2016, the Historic Preservation Commission in Frederick, Maryland, where Taney worked as a lawyer and is buried, voted four to one to remove a bronze bust of Taney from the courtyard of city hall. A recent story in the New York Times recounts the efforts of Frederick residents, both black and white, to transfer the Taney bust to a site that would not convey public approval—a process that has been delayed by the city's inability to find a suitable location. Only last month did Frederick's Mount Olivet Cemetery, which is privately owned, agree to display Taney's likeness. The former chief justice has thus been swept up in a national debate over the future of Confederate images on state and city property throughout the South.
However, Taney's legacy has been particularly controversial, in part because he was not, strictly speaking, a Confederate. Already eighty-four years old when Fort Sumter surrendered, the chief justice did not resign his seat on the Court. Contrary to what some historians have claimed, he did not believe secession was constitutional. And yet his Dred Scott opinion had helped fuel secession by giving the southern position on slavery constitutional validation. Furthermore, while he may have denied the constitutionality of secession, Taney clearly believed it was morally justified. He blamed the crisis on "free state aggression" and denied that the federal government possessed any "rightful power to bring back by force the states into the Union." In a private letter to former President Franklin Pierce, the chief justice expressed his hope that Americans would soon recognize "that a peaceful separation, with free institutions in each section is far better than the union of all the present states under a military government, and a reign of terror preceded too by a civil war with all its horrors." Later, when his wife's grandnephew visited him before heading off to join the Confederate army, Taney expressed approval: "The circumstances under which you are going are not unlike those under which your grandfather went into the Revolutionary War."
As the conflict progressed, Taney's opinions, both public and private, made it clear that he was eager to hinder Lincoln's ability to successfully prosecute the war. He denied the president's authority to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. He considered the blockade, conscription, the Legal Tender Act, and the Emancipation Proclamation unconstitutional. Fortunately for the Union war effort, cases involving habeas corpus, the draft, legal tender, and emancipation never made it to the Taney Court. And by 1863, as Lincoln appointees replaced justices who had died or resigned, Taney, who was frequently ill and absent from the Court in any case, found himself with little power to challenge the administration.
As for Taney's views on slavery, the Times contends that they were "ambiguous." Yet a thorough examination of the evidence fails to confirm this assertion. It is true that some historians have held to the notion that Taney was personally opposed to slavery. The primary evidence they offer—which the Times mentions—is the Gruber case of 1818, in which Taney, as defense attorney for an abolitionist preacher, had denounced slavery as "a blot on our national character" that should be gradually wiped away. Around the same time, he freed most of his own slaves. Yet for the remainder of his life, Taney's views were uniformly proslavery. As Andrew Jackson's attorney general, he presaged his Dred Scott opinion when he announced that free blacks had no legal rights, only privileges. In response to a sympathetic Congregationalist minister who had written him in the aftermath of Dred Scott, Taney made the typical southern argument that slaves were "usually cheerful and contented, and free from any distressing wants, or anxieties. He is well taken care of in infancy, in sickness, and in old age."
In 1857 the chief justice predicated the opinion of the Court in Dred Scott primarily on his own distinctly proslavery interpretation of American history. He devoted twenty-four pages of his fifty-five-page opinion to the question of black citizenship—the issue upon which Scott's owner had challenged Scott's right to sue in federal court. As Lincoln argued in 1858, and as historians have subsequently maintained, Taney's purpose was "to meet every threat to southern stability by separating the Negro race absolutely from the federal Constitution and all the rights it bestowed." Through a highly biased examination of popular animosity toward and legal restrictions placed upon African-Americans at the time of the Revolution, he determined that when the Declaration of Independence was written, and when the Constitution was adopted, blacks had long been regarded as "beings of an inferior order . . . so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." Here, and throughout his opinion, Taney revealed his determination to group slaves and free blacks together in a single legal category based on race. Free blacks and black slaves were equally inferior and equally disqualified for citizenship. He offered the Declaration as proof. It was "too clear for dispute" he insisted, "that the enslaved African race were not intended to be included, and formed no part of the people who framed and adopted this declaration."
It is unsurprising that Taney's legacy engendered controversy soon after his death, given that he had also used his Dred Scott opinion to invalidate the primary purpose of the pre-war Republican Party, which was to prohibit the extension of slavery into the territories. "The right of property in a slave," Taney had proclaimed, "is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution."
In late February 1865, Congress considered a bill to appropriate $1000 for a marble bust of the late chief justice. It was to be placed in the Supreme Court alongside the busts of Taney's predecessors. Republican senators immediately expressed opposition. Benjamin Wade of Ohio declared that his state "would pay $2000 to hang this man in effigy rather than $1000 to commemorate his merits." Charles Sumner dramatically told the bill's sponsor that "the name of Taney is to be hooted down the page of history. Judgment is beginning now and an emancipated country will fasten upon him the stigma which he deserves." In less vituperative terms, Sumner's Massachusetts colleague Henry Wilson noted that a government act erecting a bust of any man in a public place was an indication to the world, and to posterity, that the people honor his memory and "cherish his fame." "If it has not that meaning," he reasoned, "it has no meaning at all."
The Senate did vote to appropriate the funds for Taney's bust—but not until 1874.
The congressional debate over Taney's memory raises an important question. Is the removal of statues and flags, or the renaming of parks, highways, and college buildings, necessary to convey public disapproval of those who were previously honored? Some, including a majority of Frederick residents who spoke before the Historic Preservation Commission, argue that removal whitewashes the history of white supremacy and inhibits discussion and understanding. Others view public monuments to slavery's apologists (and monuments to a slaveholders' rebellion) as a deeply offensive sign of our failure to appreciate the scope and persistent consequences of America's racist legacy. There can be little doubt that American history illustrates both the very best and the very worst human motivations. In so doing, it offers the context in which we can better understand the world around us. The nation's history of slavery and discrimination should not be hidden away. Defenders of American servitude belong in classrooms and museums, and at state and national historic sites—places where that context can be explored. They do not belong in places where their presence is intended primarily as a public honor.
Editor: Matthew Pinsker
Main student contributors: Sarah Goldberg, Rachel Morgan, Becca Stout, Cooper Wingert
Additional student contributors: Sarah Aillon, Lauren Benton, Michael Borsch, Christina Braxton, Trevor Diamond, Amanda Donoghue, Tom Forte, George Gilbert, Frank Kline, Jack Lodge, Jia Ma, Colin Macfarlane, Leah Miller, David Park, Greg Parker, Don Sailer, Ryan Schutte, Abigail Stasior, Naji Thompson, Sam Weisman
Additional faculty and staff contributors: Christopher Bilodeau, Christine Bombaro, Madeline Brown, Ryan Burke, Malinda Triller Doran, James Gerencser, Lynn Johnson, John Osborne, Emily Pawley
People, Locations, Episodes
*Roger Brooke Taney was born on this date in 1777. He was a white-American lawyer and judge who supported slavery.
Born in Calvert County, Maryland, Taney (pronounced Tony) came from a wealthy slave-owning family of tobacco farmers. He studied law in Annapolis and was in the same class with Francis Scott Key. He joined the House of Maryland Assembly in 1799 and became a prominent attorney in that state by 1825. Taney also became the Attorney General of Maryland two years later. President Andrew Jackson appointed Taney Secretary of the Treasury in 1831. In 1836, he was appointed the Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court.
He presided over abolitionist Thomas Garrett's trial in 1848 and the Dred Scott Case in 1857. Taney felt that the police power of a state entitled it to make reasonable regulatory laws even if they appeared to override provisions of the U.S. Constitution. He held that, although Congress alone had the power to regulate interstate commerce, a state might exclude a corporation organized elsewhere. In sustaining fugitive slave laws, however, Taney denied to Free states the power of refusing obedience to federal statutes requiring the surrender of escaped slaves.
His position on the slavery laws was most clearly expressed in the Dred Scott Case (1857). Here he held that slaves (and even the free descendants of slaves) were not citizens and may not sue in the federal courts. He also believed that Congress could not forbid slavery in the territories of the United States. He died in 1864.
The Encyclopedia Britannica, Fifteenth Edition.
Copyright 1996 Encyclopedia Britannica Inc.
Watch the video: Roger B Taney (January 2022).
Copyright 2022 \ Taney, Roger Brooke - History...


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Thomas Jefferson's Blue Coat: Style, Substance and Circumstance
Joshua Bond, Costume Technology, The College of CharlestonFollow
Published in Textiles and Politics: Textile Society of America 13th Biennial Symposium Proceedings, Washington, DC, September 18- September 22, 2012.
Thomas Jefferson is arguably the most highly regarded and studied revolutionary and post-revolutionary politician after Washington himself. And as with politicians today, Jefferson had both a private persona and a well-crafted public image. This public image is encapsulated in his writings and the many portraits for which he sat: dressed and posed in a manner intended to impress for both his contemporary audience and for posterity. However, in the absence of modern audio, photographic, and video recording technologies, we have much less insight into the life of Jefferson the private citizen, particularly after his time serving as President. In this context, we present a detailed examination and analysis of a blue coat (see attached photo) that dates from his retirement period. The fabric details and construction elements of this garment provide a window into textile and tailoring practices of the early 19th century. But more interestingly, the garment's series of stylistic and functional alterations and repairs - it's repurposing if you like - are consistent with a man with a more frugal attitude to private attire rather than public image.


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~ Claire et Pierre A.
"Marie Paule made what could've been a very stressful situation as smooth as it could be, even during more difficult moments in negotiation. Five stars. :-)"
~ Raymond Edward B. and Elizabeth Ruth H.
"Marie Paule excelle dans son domaine. Elle fut une aide précieuse dans l'acquisition de notre duplex et nous a donné de judicieux conseils. Elle est professionnelle, efficace et toujours disponible. Je recommande fortement Marie Paule comme courtier immobilier."
~ Anne-Marie A. et Mathieu S.-S.
"Marie Paule is a true expert in her field. She is honest and forthright. It is not always about the sale. She cares about selling the right home to the right person."
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~ Peter N. and Claire N.
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text:
Dutch Parliament Passes Burqa Ban
Big League National Security
The Netherlands has passed a limited ban on "face-covering clothing," including Islamic veils and robes such as burqas, but not nijabs, which do not cover the face.
Finally, 13 years after a majority in the Dutch Parliament voted in favour of my motion to ban the burqa, it became law yesterday!#stopislam #deislamize #freedom https://t.co/N6R3qgV0mC
— Geert Wilders (@geertwilderspvv) June 27, 2018
The measure can is being largely credited to the work of far-right Dutch politician Geert Wilders, who has pushed for this issue for over a decade.
Sen. Marjolein Faber-Van de Klashorst stated that it was "a historical day because this is the first step to de-Islamize the Netherlands," and went on to state that the next step is to close all Mosques in the Netherlands.
The Dutch law is describes as "politically-neutral," and effects very few people in the country. It is believed that only a few hundred women in the Netherlands wear burqas in the first place.
It doesn't just ban burqas, but any garment that covers the face, including sky masks and full-face helmets. The ban is only effective in public places, and does not extend to private property.
The Netherlands are not the first country to enact a ban on Islamic clothing like burqas. There are burqa bans in at least nine European countries.


Mallory Sullivan is ready to start her new life. After graduating at the top of her class, she's landed one of the most coveted internships in the United States. Hard work and determination have gotten her to this moment of living the life she only dreamed of while growing up in foster care. She never expected Oz to be the greatest culmination of those dreams. But sometimes fate determines who you fall in love with. Who makes you lose control. Who owns your soul. And then you realize it wasn't fate at all.
Sage Mayson had Kimberly Cullen once, and the memory of that brief encounter has tortured him since the moment he pushed her away. He should have followed his gut, but he didn't, and now he's left watching the woman he wants more than anything from afar. Kimberly vowed to protect her heart from Sage, but when her sister is murdered and her world starts to fall apart, he's the one person she finds herself leaning on.
This Aurora Rose Reynold's novel had me falling fast! Gia finds out the grandmother she thought was dead is very much alive and suffering from dementia. She goes to her to help out and finds more than just the grandmother she has missed for years. Colton, a veteran runs the local bar. When Gia comes looking for a job, we can feel the boom! I know it's not the same series, but their instant attraction and chemistry still gives me that feeling! Reynolds creates the best characters. Gia is a sweet woman, very giving and is willing to do anything for her grandmother. Colton is incredible, with a will to survive, succeed and nurture. I loved these two together. The supporting characters add a whole lot of fun to the story too! Gia's best friend, Colton's brother and his parents all add some laughter and love! Add the little underlying suspense, and the story is perfect!
Aurora Rose Reynolds picks her narrators so well. Lacy Laurel portrays Gia to a T. She is able to let us feel her innocence and fear of the unknown as she comes to Tennessee. We see her blossom as the performance goes on and Laurel emotes the love and maturity as her character grows. You can't help but love Gia. Gregory Salinas as Colton lets us feel his physical and emotional scars, yet gives him a confidence and feeling of security just with his voice. I loved this combination of narrators and hope to hear more from them.
This was my first Aurora Rose Reynolds's book. Colton and Gia's story is sweet, fun, fast-paced, filled with a little suspense. They share a strong chemistry, and they are great together. I love how Colton is supportive and protective with Gia. The secondary characters are also great! I love Gia's best friend, and Colton's parents and brothers. I was sad for Gia's grandmother. I love the ending. Lacy Laurel and Gregory Salinas did a great job with the narration. They both have a great voice!, and I love to listen to them together.
The story line was good. Not my favorite ARR novel but not the worst. I wish she added more details in regards to the drama with the ex. It was very incomplete. The narrators SUCKED!!! The male sounded like a perv and the female was too nasally. The narrators have all sucked on the last few ARR novels.


West Coast Eagles midfielder Jack Redden says the battle for the club's No.1 ruck spot is heating up as the JLT Community Series draws near.
Premiership player Nathan Vardy and off-season recruits Tom Hickey and Keegan Brooksby have been locking horns on the training track while 2012 all-Australian Nic Naitanui works his way back to full fitness following his second knee reconstruction.
Naitanui revealed last week that he was hoping to return before West Coast's round 13 bye, but the exact date of his comeback will become clearer once he resumes full training in the coming weeks.
In the meantime the club's other big men have been duking it out in the hopes of getting picked for the club's first pre-season game against Geelong at Leederville Oval on March 1.
Redden said Vardy and Hickey were having some particularly hard-fought encounters during the summer slog.
"It's a bit like Scotty Lycett and Vards last year – they trained really well and pushed each other and that's why they had good years," Redden said of Vardy and the ex-Saint's pre-season clashes.
"Hick's has had a good impact since he's been here. He's a different type of ruckman, he gets on the move a lot.
"He's a really good runner and good endurance runner. He gets around the ground really well and he gets on the move and makes it tricky. He's a good tap ruckman and works his opponent over.
"Vards is an honest competitor and he works really hard, so it's hard to pick (a starting ruckman) yet, but you've seen what Vards has done last year."
West Coast's midfield group is well versed with Vardy's hitout skills, but Redden admitted they were still getting used to Hickey's stoppage work.
"At the start (of pre-season) we were trying to get used to him and get to know him as much as possible, but it's just understanding what his strengths are, where he likes to hit it and adjusting to that as a team," Redden explained.
"We have good conversations about what he wants to do and what he wants us to do.
Redden did not bite when queried about Champion Data recently rating West Coast's premiership-winning midfield as the fourth weakest in the competition ahead of season 2019.
The 28-year-old said playing as a unit, not statistical rankings, would determine how the on-ball brigade performed this year.
"We got the results last year because we were playing good team footy," Redden said.
"We've got some stars through the midfield and then we've got some great role players through there as well, so I think we've got a really good mix.
"We don't mind being in that position, not being (rated as) an A-grade midfield.