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What are we thankful for today? You can click on this link and add to the big list https://www.whatnext.com/media_posts/51384 or just post here.
I'm thankful that another grandchild was born yesterday and we get to spoil her this year.
I am thankful that my son didn't suffer before he passed away.
I am grateful for the grace of faith, as it not only prepared me for and sustained me through, but is also supporting me beyond 10 years of this journey. A relationship of love and being loved which places everything in perspective. Thanks are like love - they cannot be kept and must be given to someone. It is spiritually comforting knowing to Whom I give thanks.
I'm thankful that it looks like my cancer is stable and not moving forward.
I am thankful for my husband who is so good to me today and everyday.
I am thankful for being an 18 year survivor of pancreatic cancer as of Nov 3, 2018.
I am thankful for each new day of my life.


People who haven't been to Walt Disney World or Central Florida sometimes think that it is consistently sunny and comfortably warm year-round.
Well, it isn't. Summer days are typically stiflingly hot and humid. But while winter rarely sees snow, or (more common, but still rare) temperatures below freezing, there's so much variability in winter temperatures that a visit then may be loaded with perfect days or full of shivers.
Officially there's just two seasons in Orlando, the dry season from October through mid-May, and the wet season the rest of the year.
But below, I divide the year into four seasons, based on common and consisted weather patterns.
For convenience, they have the traditional labels—but because they are about Orlando, they don't match the astronomical date of the season! For example, "Fall" below is not September 22 to December 21—it's the latter three weeks of October!
Orlando is dryer—with less rain and less humidity—these months. Temperatures on average are cooler, but are also highly variable.
Typical highs are in the 70s, but highs in the 30s are not uncommon, and record lows are below 20. December, January and February are the coolest and most variable of these months.
Best for: those seeking to avoid the heat and humidity of summer.
Worst for: those for whom extended time at the pools and waterparks is an essential part of their trip—there's too much variability to be sure of lots of great warm days.
During this time of year Orlando is hot, wet, and humid.
High temperatures are typically around 90, and show little variably year to year. High humidity makes the heat tougher to bear, as it limits the ability of sweat to cool the body by evaporating. June through August is the worst. You'll see more comfortable days before and after–particularly in May but also sometimes in later September.
Brief late-afternoon thunderstorms are common, happening almost every day, and multi-day storms are possible.
The hurricane season officially runs from June 1 to November 30, but it has a clear peak from late August to early October.
When the heat and humidity are at the upper end of their typical ranges, it can be so uncomfortable that you don't want to leave your room. The common approach to summer is to hit the parks early and late, and stay out of the mid-day heat.
In years with an early Easter—pushing spring break crowds into March and early April—the second half of April is one of the absolute best times to go to Orlando, from the combined perspective of crowds and weather. The late Easter in 2014 makes these dates unwise.
The peak of the hurricane season ends in early October, and after that October weather is almost as nice as in the spring.
Later October is a little warmer and wetter than April, with some continuing small risk of hurricanes, but still a favorite of many.
I've been getting a lot of questions and comments about the potential impact of Hurricane Katia on Walt Disney World.
As I update this Tuesday morning 9/6, long range forecasts for Katia don't predict an impact on Florida. They show Katia curving away from the US coast and remaining out to sea.
Weather.com has an overview of Katia here, and the Orlando Sentinel has one here.
For its cone of uncertainty for tropical storms and hurricanes, click here.
For more on hurricanes at Walt Disney World, see this, and for some basic precautions see the lower part of my tornado page here.
I've been getting a lot of questions and comments about the potential impact of Hurricane Irene on Walt Disney World.
As I update this Thursday morning, it looks like Irene will cause little to no trouble at Walt Disney World.
Weather.com has an overview of Irene here and an Irene threat level map here.
Over this week, as the projected track has moved further east, the threat level for Orlando has moved from "medium," to "low" to none. The current expectation is for possible rain and wind gusts Friday morning.
Check the links above or below for up to date forecasts.
The local paper, the Orlando Sentinel, also has good info.
Storms like this are usually not a severe issue for Walt Disney World.
Even if they pass right over Disney World, their journey over land to Orlando dissipates their energy and makes them more like a really bad thunderstorm than like what most people visualize as a hurricane.
But things change, so stay up to date with the links, especially with the Irene threat level map and its cone of uncertainty.
Although hurricanes get much more attention, tornadoes are likely an equal threat to central Florida visitors—although neither is a major risk.
Winter/Spring tornadoes are a particular threat.
If you can't go to Walt Disney World the recommended week, or are just curious about weather patterns in Orlando, the following pages illuminate the weather in Orlando in the recent past.


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Thanks for reading my article. Visit my blogs if you are interested in learning more about the gut immune system or other probiotic benefits. Liz Morgan obtained her PhD. in immunology and has fifteen years of research experience. Her specialties are mucosal immunology, inflammatory bowel disease and probiotics. She currently has two blogs: The IBD Immunologist and The Beneficial Bacteria Site.
The Power of Probiotics: What Are They and Can They Make You Healthy?
The traditional meaning of the word "probiotics" is "live microorganisms that may confer a health benefit on the host." A far more helpful definition is probiotics are microbes that help a person stay in optimum health. After growing up within a culture that encourages the usage of anti-bacterial cleaning soap, alcohol-containing hand gel and powerful antibiotics, this could feel bewildering. How does something, which is regarded for some time to be harmful, help with one's health?
Credit: By Feuerrabe (Own work) [CC-BY-3.0-de], via Wikimedia CommonsThe very first report showing that microbes can improve the overall health of humans was in 1907 by Elie Metchnikoff. Dr. Metchnikoff found a correlation amongst populations eating yogurt with an increased life span. A more colorful early tale describing the usefulness of probiotics was the discovery of Bacillus subtilis by Nazi medics. Searching for a treatment for dysentery, they uncovered that neighboring Arabs ingested fresh camel dung to protect themselves from the sickness. Examination of the dung showed that B. subtilis was the protective agent.
How Do They Do Their Job?
Probiotics can make it trickier for pathogenic microbes to survive the microenvironments of the body. They do they by competing for resources, changing local pH and producing substances that can kill other bacteria.
Probiotics can interact with the non-immune cells of your body and make them raise their defenses in against invading microorganisms. An example would be inducing the cells lining the intestinal wall to produce anti-microbial peptides.
Probiotics can greatly enhance the function on immune system cells. Depending on the probiotic, pro-inflammatory as well as anti-inflammatory responses can be induced.
Credit: Riccardoariotti microscopio Olympus 1000 x, colorazione Diff Quik via Wikimedia CommonsIn general, our commensals are harmless. Nonetheless, there are circumstances where they can cause problems. These problems occur when they are permitted to penetrate the interior confines of our bodies where they do not ordinarily reside. When this happens, "sepsis" can occur. Sepsis is when our bodies produce such a strong immune response that it interferes with the normal functioning of the body. If not treated, it can be life threatening. This can happen during an injury or when one has a compromised immune system. The immune system functions as a police department and controls the bacterial masses. It stops their entrance into restricted parts of the body and controls their overgrowth. Sepsis, on the other hand, is similar to using an atom bomb - everything gets destroyed in the persuit of the enemy.
In general, however, normal flora will never cause problems. There are, however, species of microorganisms that are famous for being bad, and these pathogenic bacteria have unique characteristics that normal intestinal flora do not have. Examples are Escherichia coli O157:H7 and Salmonella species, which induce food poisoning. Other examples are Clostridium tetani, which causes tetanus and Klebsiella pneumoniae, which causes pneumonia. These microorganisms have what are called, "virulence factors." Examples of virulence factors are the production of toxic compounds or the power to adhere to tissues internally.
Besides the story of B. subtilis in curing dysentery, you will find quite a few disorders where probiotics are likely to help. They can be pretty effective for infectious diarrhea, such as rotavirus-associated diarrhea and Clostridium difficile-related diarrhea. They are also helpful in antibiotic-induced diarrhea, which is caused when antibiotics destroy the microbial balance in the intestines. There is also evidence that they work for vaginal yeast infections. Other disorders where they are helpful include constipation, irritable bowel syndrome, eczema and the cold.
While fermented foods containing beneficial bacteria, like yogurt, have been consumed for generations, caution is still advised with bacterial supplements. Probiotic supplements are much different than yogurt or other fermented foods. Supplements contain high doses of purified microorganisms and some fillers (very often lactose). Yogurt, in contrast, contains many other nutrients like fat, protein and sugar, which can have the ability to alter how the microorganisms interact with your body. In addition, some investigators have proven that the inflammatory status of an individual person influences probiotic function. For instance, people with chronic inflammations or a weakened immune system may not react in the same way to probiotics as a healthy person. Therefore, it is always wise to speak to a health practitioner or nutritionist and first assess your personal health before engaging in daily regimen of potent probiotics.
An excellent introduction, well done!
Bron, P. A., van Baarlen, P., & Kleerebezem, M. " Emerging molecular insights into the interaction between probiotics and the host intestinal mucosa. ." Nature. 10 (2011): 66–78.
Quigley, E. M. "Gut microbiota and the role of probiotics in therapy." Current Opinion in Pharmacology.. 11 (2011): 593-603.


text:
What does UFS stand for? - UFS stands for University Faculty Senate.
What is a "CGL"? - A CGL is short for Campus Governance Leader. CGL's are the leaders of the senate body on each individual campus.
What is a Senator? - A senator is a representative from one of the the 4 university centers, 5 health science centers, 13 colleges of arts and science, and the 5 colleges of technology that serve on the senate.
How many Senators serve on the senate? -56 senators serve on the University Faculty Senate.
How many senators are there per each campus? - The number of Senators from each campus is determined by a weighted formula.
What is a Plenary? - Three Plenary Sessions of the University Faculty Senate, each lasting two days, are held each academic year, in the fall, winter, and spring. Rotation among the campuses as sites for these meetings with each campus hosting a meeting approximately every tenth year, provides an opportunity to visit other campuses. Senators receive electronic and/or paper materials prior to each Plenary session. The host institution also provides information about the campus and surrounding area. The Senate Office provides information on accommodations, directions, parking, etc. The host campus also makes provision for taping the entire Plenary.
Senate meetings include a session with the Chancellor with a question and answer period.
The Plenary Session agenda usually includes:
Chancellor's Report
Executive Committee Report and Action Items
Reports of the other Standing Committees and Action Items
Presentations on important higher education issues
Sharing of Concerns
The Fall Plenary typically includes reports on the Fall Planning Meeting, Members of the Board of Trustees are invited to Plenary meetings and often engage in discussion with the Senate.
What is a Fall planning meeting? - Each September, the University Faculty Senate holds a planning meeting attended by members of the Executive Committee, members of standing committees, and others by invitation. The Planning Meeting provides new committee members with an opportunity to be introduced to members of the Executive Committee, and initiated into the policies, procedures, and operations of the Senate and its Committees.
The agenda for the meeting also includes meetings between the Executive Committee and each of the Standing Committees. The purpose is to review the activities of the Senate planned for the year. The Committees plan their activities for the year according to a set of priorities determined in consultation with the Executive Committee.
Prior to adjournment, all committees meet together for a summary session with the Executive Committee. The chair of each committee reports on its major activities and priorities for the year.
Who was the first President of the UFS? - J. Murdock Dawley was the first president of the University Faculty Senate.
When was the UFS founded? - The University Faculty Senate was founded in 1953.
What is the Executive Committee? -The Executive Committee prepares the Senate's agenda, acts for the Senate (whenever possible) if the Senate is not in session, reacts to items submitted by the Chancellor, individual campuses, and undertakes such other responsibilities that are in the best interests of the Senate, It meets approximately seven times a year.
Within the Executive Committee, discussions, including review of all resolutions that come before the University Faculty Senate, take place. All formal votes by the Executive Committee are taken only by the members identified above and in the Bylaws.
Who makes up the Executive Committee? - The Senate's Executive Committee is chaired by the President of the Senate. Other members include the Vice-President/Secretary and five elected Senators, chosen in accord with Article VIII, Section B of the Senate's By-Laws, and one Senator from System Administration chosen by the Chancellor.
How many committees are there are what are they? - There are 8 committies, in order of the Organization, Governance Committee, Graduate Programs and Research Committee, Student Life Committee, Undergraduate Academic Programs and Policies Committee, University Operations Committee, University Programs and Awards Committee, Committee on Diversity and Cultural Competence, and Committee on Ethics and Institutional Integrity.
What does the Graduate Committee do? The Committee shall concern itself with University-wide governance and shall provide guidance on matters of campus governance. The Committee shall interact with local governance leaders of the University. The Committee shall undertake a comprehensive review of the Governance Handbook every 4 years (with the next revision scheduled for 2016-17).
What does the Graduate Programs and Research Committee do? The Committee serves as a source of professional advice and guidance to the Senate on matters relating to the quality, operation, and encouragement of graduate programs and research. To these ends, the Committee may be concerned with the procedures, criteria, and support of existing and new graduate programs within the University. The Committee may review and recommend policies and procedures relating to moral and ethical concerns of research and graduate studies and other matters involving the furtherance of research and graduate studies within the University.
What doe the Student Life Committee do? The Committee will he concerned with significant educational, developmental, social, cultural, and recreational policies, programs, issues and services that affect the quality of student life and the campus environment of the State University of New York.
What does the Undergraduate Academic Programs and Policies Committee do? The Committee provides advice and guidance to the Senate on matters relating to undergraduate programs and policies throughout the University. To these ends, the Committee may review such areas as existing and proposed curricula, standards for academic degrees, teaching techniques and evaluation, special undergraduate programs, articulation among units of the State University of New York, and the various aspects of international education and development.
What does the University Operations Committee do? The Committee shall be concerned with the effective participation of the professional staff in University personnel policies including equal employment practices and affirmative action, The Committee shall also be concerned with the development and administration of the budgetary and planning activities of the University, and to provide advice and guidance on matters related to libraries, computing, and telecommunications.
What does the University Programs and Awards Committee do? The Committee will concern itself with the enhancement of intercampus educational and scholarly interests of the faculty through the development and strengthening of University-wide programs, grants and awards.
What does the Committee on Diversity and Cultural Competence (EID) do? The Committee on Diversity and Cultural Competence will concern itself with issues pertaining to equity, inclusiveness and access, as they are reflected in the curriculum, student body, and personnel of the State University. Among the activities of this committee will be collecting and disseminating information, organizing periodic meetings and workshops, and providing guidance and recommendations to the Senate so that it may act with the best intentions of all people in mind.
What does the Committee on Ethics and Institutional Integrity do? The committee will study and make recommendations to the SUNY University Faculty Senate President regarding issues of professional behavior, ethical conduct and institutional integrity as they relate to faculty, students, administrators and other personnel in SUNY and higher education. The committee will gather information and serve as a resource for the Senate and the University. The Committee will not serve as a disciplinary body nor will it take part in judicial proceedings.
Who finances the Senate? - The Senate budget is derived from assessments made against the campuses. Each campus assessment is based upon the number of senators from that campus. The Senate budget supports the Senate Office, the committee structure, Senate Plenary Meetings, the Fall and Summer Planning Meetings, and other Senate activities and workshops. The President receives full released time from campus responsibilities. The salary for the UFS. President is shared by the Senate budget and the home campus of the President. Expenses of Senators to attend plenary sessions are the responsibility of their respective home campuses.
What does the President of the Senate do? - The President has final responsibility for Senate Plenaries, the Fall Planning Meeting, Summer Planning Meeting, the operations of the Senate Office, and the day-to-day running of the Senate, The President represents the faculty and professional staff at all meetings at which the faculty and professional staff are officially represented. These include, but are not limited to, meetings of the Faculty Council of Community Colleges, The President has ongoing responsibility to monitor the effectiveness of the implementation of policies and practices which originated with the Senate and its Standing Committees.
What does the Vice President do? - The Vice President/Secretary serves as President in the absence of the President at the Fall Planning Meeting, Senate Plenaries, or Executive Committee meetings.
In the absence of the President, the Vice President/Secretary serves as a representative of the President at meetings as the President of the Senate requests. The Vice President/Secretary represents the Senate on Committees (e.g. Senate Committees) as requested by the President of the Senate, The Vice President/Secretary assists with preparation of the agenda for Executive Committee Meetings and Plenaries if requested by the President, The Vice President/Secretary assists the President with policy/procedure issues as requested, At the end of her/his term, if not reelected, the Vice President/Secretary serves as immediate past Vice President/Secretary of the Senate until a new past Vice President/Secretary is identified, by virtue of the completion of the Vice President/Secretary's term of office.
What do Committee Chairs do? -
Chairs attend all Plenary Sessions.
Committee Chairs send copies of meeting minutes to the Senate President, the Vice President/Secretary of the Senate, and to other Standing Committee Chairs. Action items need to be received by the Senate Office at least seven working days in advance of the Plenary Session.
Chairs are appointed annually by the Executive Committee. A chair need not be a Senator. It is customary to appoint a member in good standing of a committee as that committee's chair.
Chairs normally serve no more than three consecutive years; after their last year as chair of a committee they may be invited to serve one year on the same committee as the immediate past chair.
Co-chairs are appointed when special circumstances warrant.
Chairs may request special appointments to their committees where particular expertise is needed.
Prior to the annual meeting where committees are constituted, the Chair prepares and sends to the Senate President a summary report and a confidential evaluation of each member's performance and willingness to be re-appointed.
Meetings with the Chancellor or correspondence to the Chancellor or to the Trustees are made through the Senate President.
Committee chairs enjoy parliamentary privileges at Plenary sessions but no voting privileges.
How do I get reimbursed for travel? - Travel expenses of Senators to the three Plenary Sessions are provided through local campus budgets; therefore Senators must adhere to campus budget procedures to secure reimbursement for travel and lodging. Senators who simultaneously serve as Committee Chairs have their travel to the Plenary Sessions funded through their local campus.
Travel to Plenary Sessions by Executive Committee members and Committee Chairs who are not Senators, as well as Campus Governance Leaders, is supported by the Senate. Those requiring air travel for Plenary Sessions need to contact the Senate Office. Necessary approvals will be obtained and arrangements made by the Senate Office.
Expenses for travel in connection with meetings of Senate Committees or the Fall Planning Meeting are paid by the Senate. Travel must be in a cost-effective manner consistent with State policies, rules, and regulations. Travelers need to keep all receipts, including those for lodging, meals, transportation, and tolls. Reimbursement rates and travel restrictions change frequently; The Faculty Senate website and Campus business offices have information on current rates.
Use of rental cars is encouraged for travel supported by the Senate. The State of New York has a contract with Enterprise Rent A Car. Contact the Senate Office or refer to the Faculty Senate website for more information
At the completion of the trip, a New York Stare Travel Voucher and a Statement of Automobile Travel (if applicable), are filed with the Senate Office. These forms are available on the Faculty Senate website and usually at meetings. Please see instructions on the Faculty Senate website and complete the forms accordingly. Contact the Senate Office with questions and concerns about travel.
Other travel expenses for those committee members who are appointed by the Executive Committee of the University Faculty Senate are funded through the Senate's budget and will be reimbursed by the Senate Office. Likewise, expenses of persons invited as consultants to committees shall be paid by the Senate. The Senate will also assume responsibility for funding the travel expenses of its representatives who are observers at meetings or committees of other agencies or constituencies if approved by the President of the Senate.
Travel expenses of observers at meetings of the University Faculty Senate or its committees shall be funded by the agencies or constituencies that the observers represent.
You can read more about UFS and its procedures here:

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
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The Formation of the American Colonization Society:
Electronic Edition.
Sherwood, Henry Noble, 1882-
Funding from the Library of Congress/Ameritech National Digital Library Competition supported the electronic publication of this title.
Text scanned (OCR) by Richard Musselwhite
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Text encoded by Sarah Reuning and Jill Kuhn
First edition, 2000
ca. 60K
Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
Source Description:
(caption title) The Formation of the American Colonization Society
Henry Noble Sherwood, Ph.D.
209-228 p.
Lancaster, Pa.; Washington, D. C.
The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc.
From the Journal of Negro History 2, no. 3 (July 1917), 209-228.
Call Number E185 .J86 v. 2 1917 (Davis Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)
The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH digitization project, Documenting the American South.
This electronic edition has been created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). OCR-ed text has been compared against the original document and corrected. The text has been encoded using the recommendations for Level 4 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines.
Original grammar, punctuation, and spelling have been preserved. Encountered typographical errors have been preserved, and appear in red type.
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Spell-check and verification made against printed text using Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs.
Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998
Languages Used:
LC Subject Headings:
American Colonization Society -- History.
African Americans -- Colonization.
Free African Americans -- Colonization.
Freedmen -- Colonization.
African Americans -- Missions -- Africa.
African Americans -- Africa.
Revision History:
Celine Noel and Wanda Gunther
revised TEIHeader and created catalog record for the electronic edition.
Jill Kuhn, project manager,
finished TEI-conformant encoding and final proofing.
Sarah Reuning
finished TEI/SGML encoding
Richard Musselwhite
finished scanning (OCR) and proofing.
THE FORMATION OF THE AMERICAN
COLONIZATION SOCIETY
What to do with the Negro population has almost always been a question before the American people. Since the early date of 1714 its removal to some territory beyond the limits of the United States or to an unsettled area of our public lands has been advocated. During the century which followed the earliest mention of deportation, its advocates published their plans as individual propaganda, sought the approbation of religious and humanitarian organizations, and in one or two instances tried to secure favorable State or national action on them. But throughout this long period of one hundred years no concerted action was taken: the period is characterized by sporadic origins and isolated efforts; and these early projectors of plans to remove the Negro were the trail makers in a pioneering movement which culminated in a national organization.1
1 For an extended account of the plans proposed before 1816, for removing the colored population, see H. N. Sherwood, "Early Negro Deportation Projects," in the Mississippi Valley Historical Review, II, 485 ff.
Obviously private enterprise alone could make little headway in the actual colonization of the Negroes in a territory sufficiently distant to be beyond the pale of the white population. The one item of expense was too serious a handicap for individual initiative to overcome. Besides the case of Captain Izard Bacon of Virginia, who temporarily
removed his fifty two freedmen to Pennsylvania to await a favorable time for sending them over sea,2
2 Niles' Register, XVII, 30. Some of the slaves of James Smith, a Methodist preacher of Virginia, had accompanied their quondam master to Ohio in 1798. Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society, Publications, XVI, 348-352.
and of Mary Matthews of king George's County, Virginia, who by will emancipated her slaves and provided for their removal to a place where they could enjoy their liberty,3
3 Documentary History of American Industrial Society, II, 161, 162.
there is but one significant example of actual colonization under individual auspices. This occurred in 1815 when Paul Cuffe took thirty-eight Negroes to the western coast of Africa.4
4 This story has been told by the writer, "Paul Cuffe and his Contribution to the American Colonization Society," in Mississippi Valley Historical Society, Proceedings, VI, 370-402.
This dramatic event in Negro deportation, owing to the wide publicity given to it, stimulated activity anew in colonization ventures.
We shall now review these new schemes and show how representatives of the transportation movement assembled in Washington city, and having enlisted in their cause men most distinguished in the councils of the nation, formed the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States, an organization still in existence but now known as the American Colonization Society and having as a monument to its checkered career, the free Negro republic, Liberia, on the western coast of Africa.
To begin with, it is well to point out that Thomas Jefferson, whose advocacy of Negro colonization dates from 1773, replied in 1811, to a request for his opinion on Ann Mifflin's proposition to make a settlement of colored people on the west coast of Africa under the auspices of the different States, that he considered it "the most desirable measure which could be adopted for gradually drawing off" the black population; and he added: "nothing is more to be wished than that the United States should themselves undertake to make such an establishment on the coast of Africa."5
5 Thomas Jefferson, Writings (Ford ed., New York, 1892-1899).
It requires little effort to appreciate the weight of this Ex-President's
opinion, and colonizationists later gave wide publicity to it in order to strengthen their cause.6
6 American Colonization Society, First Annual Report (Washington, 1817), 6,7.
Additional deportation sentiment is found in the recommendations of the Union Humane Society, an antislavery organization founded in 1815, in Ohio, by Benjamin Lundy. Two planks in the program of the Society are noteworthy: first, it emphasized the necessity of common action by all forces interested in the amelioration of the Negro race; and, second, it recommended as a basis for common action the removal of the Negroes beyond the pale of the white man.7
7. "The Life of Benjamin Lundy" (Philadelphia, 1847), 16. The manuscript record is in the archives of the Ohio Historical and Philosophical Society.
While the Union Humane Society was silent on national aid, the Kentucky Colonization Society came out in strong terms for it. Taking advantage of the close of the War of 1812 and of the existence of vast tracts of unappropriated lands in the United States, and realizing that the number of free blacks daily increased, and that the territory open to them for residence was greatly restricted owing to the prohibitory legislation existing in many States, this Society, at its annual meeting, held in Frankfort, October 18 and 19, 1815, petitioned Congress that a suitable territory "be laid off as an asylum for all those negroes and mulattoes who have been, and those who may hereafter be, emancipated within the United States; and that such donations, allowances, encouragements, and assistance be afforded them as may be necessary for carrying them thither and settling them therein; and that they be under such regulations and government in all respects as your wisdom shall direct."8
8 American State Papers, Miscellaneous, II, 278, 279. The Petition reached Congress January 18, 1816. It was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands and reported on adversely. Annals of Congress, 14th Cong., 1st session, 691.
Another manifestation of sentiment for removing the Negroes to a distant territory is found in a series of resolutions passed by the Virginia Assembly on December 21, 1816. These resolutions were introduced and sponsored by
Charles Fenton Mercer, a slaveholder. In the spring of 1816, he accidentally discovered the secret action of the Assembly, taken in 1800, just after the Negro insurrection of that year, the upshot of which was two resolutions directing the Governor to correspond with the President of the United States for the purpose of securing somewhere a suitable territory for the colonization of emancipated slaves and free Negroes.9
9 These resolutions are printed in American State Papers, Miscellaneous, I, 464.
It was too near the end of the session when Mercer found these resolutions for him to present a program to the Assembly. In the interim, however, Mercer broke the bar of secrecy, interviewed Francis S. Key, of Georgetown, and Elias B. Caldwell, of Washington city, and with their advice drew up some resolutions to introduce in the Assembly at its next session. Moreover, while in the North that summer for the purpose of the recuperation of his health, having made known his plan, he received "promises of pecuniary aid, and of active cooperation."10
10 Archibald Alexander, A History of Colonization on the West Coast of Africa (Philadelphia, 1846), 75-76; Niles' Register, XI, 275, 296; James Mercer Garnett, "Biographical Sketch of Charles Fenton Mercer" (Richmond, Va., 1911), 15.
At the next session of the Virginia Assembly, Mercer introduced his resolutions, the purport of which asked the national government to find a territory on the North Pacific on which to settle free blacks and those afterwards emancipated in Virginia. These resolutions having been amended by the Senate to read on the North Pacific or the African Coast were passed by the Assembly on December 21, 1816, the very day on which the first public meeting of deportationists was held in Washington and out of which grew the American Colonization Society.
A year later, speaking before this organization, Mercer stated his reasons for supporting deportation. "Many thousand individuals in our native State, you well know Mr. President, are restrained from manumitting their slaves, as you and I are, by the melancholy conviction that they can not yield to the suggestions of humanity without manifest
injury to their country." He held that the rapidly increasing free black population endangered the peace of the State and impaired in a large section the value of slave property.
11 "Mercer's resolutions were passed by the House of Delegates, December 14, 1816, passed with amendment by the Senate, December 20, and concurred in by the House, December 21. Annals of Congress, 15th Congress, 1st session, II, 1774. Indiana, Georgia and Tennessee, all a little later, passed similar resolutions. American Quarterly, IV, 397.
What banditti, consisting of the degraded, idle, and vicious free blacks, "sally forth from their coverts, beneath the obscurity of night, and plunder the rich proprietors of the valleys. They infest the suburbs of the towns and cities, where they become the depositories of stolen goods, and, schooled by necessity, elude the vigilance of our defective police."12
12 American Colonization Society, First Annual Report, 8.
Thus a Virginia slaveholder saw in Negro colonization a means to relieve the State of a dangerous population, to increase the value of slave property and to make possible manumission by that class of slaveholders in which he put himself.
A concurrent expression on Negro deportation, but apparently an independent one, is connected with the name of Robert Finley, of Basking Ridge, New Jersey. A graduate of Princeton, a teacher, a Presbyterian pastor, Finley was in 1816 made president of the University of Georgia, at Athens, where he died the following year at the age of forty-five. As early as 1814 he wrote "a very particular friend in Philadelphia" his ideas on Negro colonization.13
13 Isaac V. Brown, "Biography of the Reverend Robert Finley, of Basking Ridge, N. J." (Philadelphia, 1857), 60.
On February 15, 1815, he wrote a letter to John 0. Mumford, of New York City, in which he argued for the removal of the free blacks. He said in part: "Everything connected with their condition, including their color, is against them; nor is there much prospect that their state can ever be greatly ameliorated, while they shall continue among us. Could not the rich and benevolent devise means to form a colony on some part of the Coast of Africa, similar to the one at Sierra Leone, which might gradually induce many free blacks to go
there and settle, devising for them the means of getting there, and of protection and support till they were established? Ought not Congress to be petitioned to grant them a district in a good climate, say on the shores of the Pacific Ocean? Our fathers brought them here, and we are bound if possible to repair the injuries inflicted by our fathers. Could they be sent to Africa, a threefold benefit would arise. We should be cleared of them; we should send to Africa a population partially civilized and christianized for its benefits; our blacks themselves would be put in better condition. Think much on this subject, then please write me again when you have leisure."14
14 Printed in Brown, Finley, 60, 61. See also African Repository, II, 2, 3, and Matthew Carey, "Letters on Colonization and its Probable Results addressed to C. F. Mercer," Philadelphia, 1834, 7.
Reverend Mr. Finley participated in a colonization meeting held in Princeton, New Jersey, November 6, 1816, which drew up a memorial urging the legislature to use its influence in securing the adoption of some deportation scheme by Congress. The memorialists recognized that many slaves had been emancipated; that the same principles that prompted past manumissions would gradually effect the freedom of all others; that freedmen should be able "to rise to that condition to which they are entitled by the laws of God and nature"; therefore, they should be separated from the whites and placed in a favorable situation, possibly Africa.15
15 Niles' Register, XI 260. Colonel Ercuries Beatty president at the meeting. The committee appointed to secure signatures to the memorial consisted of the following names: Elisha Clark, John G. Schenck, Dr. E. Stockton, Dr. J. Van Cleve, and Robert Voorhees. Byron Sunderland in his "Liberian Colonization," Liberian Bulletin, No. 16, 18, says this meeting was virtually a failure. The memorial may be found in the Cuffe manuscripts. It was sent to Paul Cuffe by Robert Finley when the latter was in Washington seeking to bring about some general deportation movement.
A third concurrent manifestation of colonization activity is connected with the name of Samuel J. Mills, whose indefatigable energy and unselfish devotion to all causes missionary are scarcely paralleled in history. Whether as an undergraduate at Williams College or as a graduate student at Yale or Andover Theological Seminary, he was feverishly
active in projecting plans for Christian missionary work. His mother said: "I have consecrated this child to the service of God as a missionary,"16
16 Gardiner Spring, "Memoir of Samuel John Mills" (Boston and New York, 1829), 10.
and surely he was faithful to death to this dedication. He was the leader of the Society of Inquiry Respecting Missions, founded in 1810, an organization which favored African colonization.17
17 Sunderland, "Liberian Colonization," Liberian Bulletin, No. 16, 18.
As soon as his college work was over he made a missionary tour through the Middle West and South, under the auspices of the Society for Propagating the Gospel,18
18 Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, Second Series, II, 1.
and in 1814-15 he made a second tour.19
19 Report of a missionary tour through that part of the United States which lies west of the Allegheny Mountains (Andover, 1815).
He is credited with having originated the American Bible Society, the United Foreign Missionary Society, and the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. He took a deep interest in the movement which about this time sent men to India, Ceylon, the Sandwich Islands, and to the various tribes of the American Indians. He had a hand in the formation of the Foreign Mission school at Cornwall, Connecticut, and the establishment of the African School at Parsippany, New Jersey, is directly attributed to him.
When Mills made his tour through the West and South he not only preached the Gospel and distributed Bibles, he studied the condition of the Negro as well. "We must save the Negroes or the Negroes will ruin us," he concluded. He was convinced that if some disposition could be made of the free Negroes, many slaveholders would gladly emancipate their slaves. With this in view, he sought to procure a district in Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois where the blacks might be colonized. In this way he could test his principle and develop leaders for a more extended settlement in the far West or in Africa.20
20 Thomas C. Richards, "Samuel J. Mills, Missionary, Pathfinder, Pioneer and Promoter" (Boston, 1906), 190, 191; Spring, "Memoir of Mills," 129.
This plan did not mature, but he continued to recommend emigration both to the blacks and whites and
to provide for the training of Negro teachers and preachers. The young missionary established a school under the care of the synod of New York and New Jersey at Parsippany in the latter state, which was to "qualify young men of color for teachers of schools and preachers of the gospel, in hope of exerting an influence in correcting morals and manners of their brethren in cities and large towns; and also to raise up teachers for these people, should an effort be made to settle them by themselves, either in this country or abroad." Some gave to aid the school as an auxiliary to the colonization effort, who would not have given, had not that view been presented. "I am confident," Mills wrote (in 1817), "that the people of color now in this country, that is, many of them, will be settled by themselves, either in this country or abroad. The teachers who may be raised up will promote this object. Whether they remain in this country or not, much must be done to qualify them for living in society by themselves."21
21 Spring, "Memoir of Mills," 125, 126; African Repository, I, 276. A school based on these principles was established in New York also, in October, 1816. While the above quotation was written by Mills in July, 1817, it is a fair representation of his idea for several years previous.
One of the earliest movements in which an effort was made to adopt some particular plan of operation was at Georgetown, District of Columbia, in March, 1816. The meeting was called by a resident of Georgetown, then a little village, and several citizens of the neighboring States were present and took part in the discussion.22
22 An editorial in the North American Review, XXXV, 126.
Other expressions favorable to the deportation of Negroes were made about this time. At a meeting in Greene County, Tennessee, composed of delegates of the Manumission Society, emancipation was recommended "and if thought best, that a colony be laid off for their reception as they become free."23
23 Niles' Register, XIV, 321. Thomas Doan, Aaron Coppock, James Boyd, Joseph Coin, and Elihu Embree signed such a statement.
Dr. Jesse Torrey, Jr., a physician, writing a few days before the passage of the Virginia resolutions, advocated the transfer of the Negroes to some distant
American Territory. He thought, since Congress had done nothing toward such a movement, public subscriptions from beneficent societies and individuals should be solicited with which to purchase a suitable site for a colony and meet the expense of transportation.24
24 Jesse Torrey, Jr., "A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery, in the United States: with Reflections on the Practicability of Restoring the Moral Rights of the Slave, without Impairing the Legal Privileges of the Possessor; and a Project of a Colonial Asylum for Free Persons of Colour: including Memoirs of Facts on the Interior Traffic in Slaves, and on Kidnapping" (Philadelphia, 1817), 27-30.
Hezekiah Niles, the great compiler, said he had thought on colonization from his youth up.25
25 Niles' Register, XIII, 180.
An editorial in a Georgia newspaper dated January 1, 1817, said deportation was seriously agitated in different parts of the country. The Georgia editor believed that free blacks were dangerous to the welfare of society and that the gradual reduction of the number of slaves was imperative to the public good. "We must choose between our own destruction and general emancipation," said the Georgian. "If the government will find means of conveying out of the country such slaves as may be emancipated and would likewise purchase annually a certain number, particularly females for transportation, it is believed our black population would soon become harmless if not extinct. To the importance of such an object, the expense will bear no comparison; and a more favorable period than at present for its accomplishment can scarcely be expected."26
26 "Documentary History of American Industrial Society," II, 157, 158.
The Georgia editor was right. On the very day that his editorial went to press, a representative body of men were in conference on this subject at Washington city; and as a result of their deliberation the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States (later known as the American Colonization Society) was organized. The leading advocates of Negro deportation looked to the city of Washington as the strategic place to advance their cause. The earliest arrival was Robert Finley, who reached the capital about the beginning of the month of December,
1816. He had spent the greater part of the fall maturing plans for bringing the cause before the people. It is highly probable that he knew nothing about the plans of other advocates nor of the action of the Virginia Assembly. Upon his arrival at Washington he immediately began to call on Congressmen, the Cabinet officials, the President, and, in fact, on any one whom he could interest.27
27 African Repository, I, 23.
Finley was in communication with Paul Cuffe, the only practical colonizationist in America. His expeditions to Africa and England, and especially the transportation of Negroes to Sierra Leone, in 1815, were noted in the press as far west as Louisville, Kentucky,28
28 See the Western Courier (Louisville, Kentucky), for October 26, 1815.
and those interested in further efforts along this line were in touch with him. Samuel C. Aiken, of Andover, had written him on July 23, 1816, and Jedekiah Morse four days later.29
29 Paul Cuffe manuscripts in the Public Library, New Bedford, Mass. Paul Cuffe to Samuel C. Aiken, August 7, 1816; Paul Cuffe to Jedekiah Morse, August 10, 1816.
Finley wrote Cuffe, December 5, on the back of the printed memorial to the New Jersey Legislature, undoubtedly the work of the Princeton meeting of the previous November, for information about Sierra Leone, information to be used by him and others interested in the free people of color. He also asked if Cuffe thought some other part of Africa more desirable for a settlement than Sierra Leone and stated that "the great desire of those whose minds are impressed with this subject is to give an opportunity to the free people of color to rise to their proper level and at the same time to provide a powerful means of putting an end to the slave trade and sending civilization and Christianity to Africa."30
30 Ibid., Robert Finley to Paul Cuffe, December 5, 1816, Finley asked that the reply if mailed to him at Washington be sent in care of his brother-in-law, Elias B. Caldwell.
Cuffe was unable to reply to this letter before January 8. He gave Finley the information he desired and recommended in the event of a general deportation the Cape of Good Hope as a location for a settlement.31
31 Ibid., Paul Cuffe to Robert Finley, January 8, 1817.
In a printed pamphlet, "Thoughts on the Colonization of Free Blacks."32
32 Printed in Brown, Finley, 66 ff. The pamphlet was written before he came to Washington.
which Finley wrote about this time and which he was distributing in Washington, is contained the line of argument he was using. He said: "At present, as if by divine impulse, men of virtue, piety and reflection, are turning their thoughts to this subject, and seem to see the wished-for plan unfolding, in the gradual separation of the black from the white population, by providing for the former, some suitable situation, where men may enjoy the advantages to which they are entitled by nature and their Creator's will." He argued for the practicability of establishing a colony either in the "Wild Lands" of America or in Africa, but he thought Africa the more desirable as this location would prevent conflicts with the remaining slave population, and avoid foreign intrigues. He held that Africa had the advantage of being the real home of the Negro, of having the existing settlements in Sierra Leone formed by English philanthropists and by Paul Cuffe. On the other hand, requiring explorations, diplomatic negotiations and great expense, it offered greater obstacles than a location within America. But Finley was not disheartened, believing, as he did, in the justice of the cause and in the wisdom of Congress to devise some means to lighten, perhaps to repay, the cost. He continued by saying: "Many of the free people of color have property sufficient to transport, and afterward to establish themselves. The ships of war might be employed occasionally in this service, while many Negroes themselves could be induced to procure a passage to the land of their independence. The crews of the national ships which might be from time to time at the colony, would furnish at least a part of that protection which would be necessary for the settlers; and in a little time the trade which the colony would open with the interior, would more than compensate for every expense, if the colony were wisely formed." The Negroes, Finley thought, would gladly go, for they long after happiness and have the common pride
and feelings of men. Already, he pointed out, an association of free blacks existed in Philadelphia whose purpose was to correspond with Sierra Leone and investigate the possibilities of an immigration. Finley held that colonization would gradually reduce slavery, because provision being made for the emancipated slaves, masters would manumit them.
Samuel J. Mills, "having been providentially made acquainted"33
33 Spring, "Memoir of Mills," 131.
with this movement, about the close of November left New York, where he was working among the poor, immediately for Washington. What he, as well as the other workers, did there, is pretty well indicated by Congressman Elijah J. Mills of Massachusetts in a letter to his wife, under date of December 25: "Among the great and important objects to which our attention is called, a project is lately started for settling, with free blacks which abound in the South and West, a colony, either on the coast of Africa, or in some remote region in our own country. It has excited great interest, and I am inclined to think that in the course of a few years it will be carried into effect. I enclose you an address which is in circulation here upon the subject. Agents are attending from different parts of the United States, soliciting Congress to take the subject up immediately, and I was this morning called upon by a Mr. Mills (a young clergyman who was at New Orleans with Smith), who is very zealously engaged in the work. He is an intelligent young man, and appears completely devoted to the great work of diffusing the blessings of Christianity to those who are ignorant of it."34
34 Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, First Series, XIX, 20.
The first general conference that the colonization workers had in Washington was in the nature of a "prayer meeting"35
35 African Repository, I, 2, 3. Referring to Caldwell in an address at an annual meeting of the Society, January 20, 1827, Clay said: "It is now a little upwards of ten years since a religious, amiable and benevolent resident of this city, first conceived the idea of planting a colony, from the United States, of free people of color, on the western shores of Africa. He is no more, and the noblest eulogy that could be pronounced on him would be to inscribe upon his tomb, the merited epitaph, 'Here lies the projector of the American Colonization Society.'" Clay was historically mistaken. Similar things were said of Mills and Finley. This speech may be found in pamphlet form in the Library of the Ohio Historical and Philosophical Society.
held in the home of Elias B. Caldwell, a brother-in-law
of Finley, clerk of the United States Supreme Court, and afterward secretary of the American Colonization Society. This meeting, which both Mills and Finley attended, was "for the purpose of imploring the divine direction, on the evening of the following day, when the expediency of forming a Colonization Society was to be publicly discussed."36
36 Spring, "Memoir of Mills," 131, 139, 140.
The enthusiasm of Finley at this time was almost boundless; he would give five hundred dollars of his own scanty means to insure its success; when some, thinking the project foolhardy, laughed at it, he declared, "I know the scheme is from God."37
37 Brown, Finley, 65, 66.
The efficacy of prayer bore the traditional fruit, for whereas persons "were brought there from curiosity, or by the solicitation of their friends, viewing the scheme as too chimerical for any national being to undertake [nevertheless] a great change"38
38 Ibid., "A Respectable Resident of the District of Columbia to Brown," 64, 65.
was produced on them.
According to their plans, Congressman Charles Marsh, of Vermont, having made the necessary arrangements,39
the colonizationists held on the next evening, December 21, 1816, in the Davis Hotel, a public meeting, attended by citizens of Washington, Georgetown, Alexandria, and other parts of the country. Among the men of note present, not heretofore mentioned, were Henry Clay, Francis S. Key, Bishop William Meade, John Randolph, and Judge Bushrod Washington.40
40 Virginia Historical Society, Collections, VI, 26; Niles' Register, XI, 296.
Niles reports the attendance "numerous and respectable, and its proceedings fraught with interest."41
41 Niles' Register, XI, 296.
The avowed object of the meeting was for the
"purpose of considering the expediency and practicability of ameliorating the condition of the Free People of Color now in the United States, by providing a Colonial Retreat, either on this continent or that of Africa."42
42 Manuscript Record of the Meeting, Library of Congress. Copy furnished by the American Colonization Society.
Henry Clay, the chairman of the meeting, pointed out in his remarks that no attempt was being made "to touch or agitate in the slightest degree, a delicate question, connected with another portion of the colored population of this country. It was not proposed to deliberate upon or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or that which was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upon that condition alone he was sure, that many gentlemen from the South and West, whom he saw present, had attended, or could be expected to cooperate. It was upon that condition only that he himself had attended."43
43 The National Intelligencer reported the meeting. The substance of Clay's remarks is printed in Archibald Alexander, "A History of Colonization on the Western Coast of Africa" (Philadelphia, 1849), 77-82; in J. Tracy, "A View of Exertions Lately Made for the Purpose of Colonizing the Free People of Color in the United States, in Africa, or Elsewhere" (Washington, 1817), 4 ff.
The principal address was delivered by Elias B. Caldwell, the Princeton schoolmate of Charles Fenton Mercer. He argued for the expediency and practicability of African colonization. It was expedient because the free blacks have a demoralizing influence on our civil institutions; they can never enjoy equality among the whites in America; only in a district by themselves will they ever be happy. To colonize them in America would invite the possibility of their making common cause with the Indians and border nations, and furnish an asylum for fugitives and runaway slaves. Africa seemed the best place to send them: there was a settlement already in Sierra Leone, the climate was agreeable to the colored man's constitution, they could live cheaply there, and above all other reasons, they could carry civilization and Christianity to the Africans. While the expense would be greater than that connected with a settlement on the American
Continent yet, in order to make atonement for the wrongs done Africa, America should contribute to this object both from the treasury of the national government and from the purse of private individuals. With the promise of equality, a homestead, and a free passage, no black would refuse to go. In concluding his speech he said: "It is for us to make the experiment and the offers; we shall then, and not till then, have discharged our duty. It is a plan in which all interests, all classes, and descriptions of people may unite, in which all discordant feelings may be lost in those of humanity, in promoting 'peace on earth and good will to man.'"44
44 Alexander, "A History of Colonization," 82-87; Tracy, "A View of Exertions," 4-11. For a criticism of all the speeches before this meeting see David Walker, "An Appeal" (Boston, 1830), 50 ff.
Robert Wright of Maryland, having pointed out some difficulties, gave colonization his approbation with the hope that there would arise for gradual emancipation some plan in which slaves would be prepared for freedom, and slave-holders would be remunerated out of the funds of the nation.45
45 Torrey, "A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery," 69.
It appeared to John Randolph of Roanoke that "it had not been sufficiently insisted on with a view to obtain the cooperation of all the citizens of the United States, not only that this meeting does not in any wise affect the question of Negro Slavery, but, as far as it goes, must materially tend to secure the property of every master in the United States over his slaves." He considered the free black "a great evil," "a nuisance," and "a bugbear to every man who feels an inclination to emancipate his slaves." "If a place could be provided for their reception," said Randolph, "and a mode of sending them hence, there were [sic] hundreds, nay thousands of citizens" who would manumit their slaves.46
46 Torrey, "A View of Exertions," 9, 10; Walker, "Appeal," 57.
Randolph's characterization of the free black was generally approved by the leaders in this movement. Caldwell used "degraded" and "ignorant" in describing this class of people. Mills said: "It
will transfer to the coast of Africa the blessings of religion and civilization;, and Ethiopia will soon stretch out her hands to God."47
47 Spring, "Memoir of Mills, Samuel J. Mills to Ebenezer Burgess," July 30, 1817,136.
One finds it difficult to explain how the colonizationists could argue that one of their objects was to remove a dangerous element from our population and at the same time take civilization and Christianity to Africa. No doubt it was expected that the Negroes who attended the schools, established principally by Mills, would become efficient leaders of their fellows. It is highly probable also that the arguments were designed for different sections of the country and different classes of people--to remove the dangerous element would make a strong appeal to the slave-holder and the South, for it was believed that the free black contaminated and ruined the slave; to civilize and Christianize Africa would appeal to churchmen and religious bodies, and this argument could be used in the North. To return to Africa people who could contribute to her betterment; indeed, to return to Africa the descendants of her enslaved sons and daughters improved by contact with the civilization of the whites would be a recompense to that continent for the wrongs perpetrated, during a period of two hundred years, on her population. It was only America's moral obligation, said the colonizationists, to return the black population to Africa.
Another object the deportationists had in mind was to stop the slave trade. They believed that the existence of a settlement in Africa would deter the slaveholder from securing his cargo in human beings. It would also furnish the opportunity needed to develop a commerce in legitimate articles of trade between Africa and America and other parts of the world. It was also hoped by the leaders of this deportation movement to remove the great obstacle to the abolition of slavery. Now that provision was made for the freedmen the slaveholder felt at liberty to manumit his slaves. To quote Mills again: "It is confidently believed
by many of our best and wisest men, that, if the plan proposed succeeds, it will ultimately be the means of exterminating slavery in our country."48
48 Ibid., 136.
The charge was made later, especially by the Abolitionists, that the movement was a deeply laid device for making slavery more secure than ever. They took great delight in referring to Randolph's, remark, made at the first public meeting of the deportationists, that colonization would tend "to secure the property of every master in the United States over his slaves." Subsequently the management of the Society itself recognized the force of this remark as a quotation from the eighty-second report will show: "It was this ill-omened utterance of a solitary member of the Society, who appears to have taken very little if any part in its subsequent proceedings, that afterward gave the impracticable abolitionists a text for the most vituperative and persistent assaults upon the Society and its purpose."49
49 American Colonization Society, Eighty-second report, 7.
Randolph's remark is not only qualified by the fact that he took "very little if any part in its subsequent proceedings" but also by his prediction that thousands of slaveholders, when assured of a place to send the Negroes, would emancipate their slaves because they would then be relieved from their care. With all this, however, Randolph claimed the colonization movement had nothing to do with abolition.
And it must also be remembered that the eccentric Randolph was only one man among a large group of men who were interested in the deportation movement. In this large group two, Mills and Finley, religious patriots, stand head and shoulders above all the others, both of whom, Mills, particularly, hoped to provide a method for the abolition of slavery. Moreover, the Abolitionists should have observed that the name of Daniel Webster appeared among the signers of the constitution as well as the name of Ferdinando Fairfax50
50 See the American Museum, December, 1790, 285-286, for his plan.
and especially that of William Thorton.51
51 Thorton's activities have been related by H. N. Sherwood, "Early Negro Deportation Projects," in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, March, 1916, 502-505.
Fairfax and Thorton were excellent representatives of deportation schemes, proposed in the eighteenth century and deliberately designed to remove from our country all Negroes both free and slave. It seems, therefore, safe to conclude that the colonization movement of 1816-17 was at that time sincere in its purpose and straightforward in its aims.
Therefore with humanitarian aims the colonizationists at their first public meeting, December 21, 1816, passed resolutions favorable to the formation of an association for the purpose of deporting the free blacks to Africa or elsewhere, and appointed a committee to draw up and present a memorial to Congress requesting measures for securing a suitable territory for a settlement, and another committee to prepare a constitution and rules to govern the association when formed.52
52 The committee for the memorial consisted of: E. B. Caldwell, John Randolph, Richard Rush, Walter Jones, Francis S. Key, Robert Wright, James H. Blake and John Peter. The committee for the Constitution: Francis S. Key, Bushrod Washington, E. B. Caldwell, James Breckenridge, Walter Jones, Richard Rush, and W. G. D. Worthington.
Having taken this action, they decided to adjourn until the following Saturday, December 28, at six o'clock.
According to this arrangement "citizens of Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, and many others" met in the Hall of the House of Representatives of the United States and adopted a Constitution.53
53 Mills wrote Cuffe, December 26, 1816, informing him of the activities in Washington and asked for information about Africa. He added a postscript: "If the general government were to request you to go out for the purpose of exploring in your own vessel would you engage in this service if offered proper support?" Cuffe Manuscripts, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, December 26, 1916.
By provision of the Constitution the Association was "The American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States" and its exclusive object "to promote and execute a plan for colonizing (with their consent) the Free People of Color residing in our Country, in Africa, or such other
place as Congress shall deem most expedient." Every citizen of the United States was eligible to membership upon the payment of one dollar, the annual dues, or as amended a few days later, thirty dollars for life membership. Provision was made for the usual officers and for the formation of auxiliary societies to this parent organization.54
54 The signers of this Constitution are given by Sunderland, "Liberian Colonization," Liberian Bulletin, No. 16, 20, as follows:
Signers of American Colonization Society, December 28, 1816.
H. Clay
E. B. Caldwell
Thos. Dougherty
Stephen B. Balch
Jno. Chambers, Jr.
Thos. Patterson
John Randolph of Roanoke
Rob't H. Goldsborough
Wm. Thornton
George Clark
James Laurie
J. T. Stull
Dan'l Webster
J. C. Herbert
Wm. Simmons
E. Forman
Ferdinand Fairfax
V. Maxsy
Jno. Loockerman
Jno. Woodside
Wm. Dudley Diggs
Thos. Carberry
Samuel J. Mills
Geo. A. Carroll
W. G. D. Worthington
Richard Bland Lee
Robert Finley
B. Allison
B. L. Lear
J. Mason
Mord. Booth
J. S. Shaaf
Geo. Peter
Overton Carr
P. H. Wendover
F. S. Key
Charles Marsh
David M. Forest
Nathan Lufborough
William Meade
William H. Wilmer
Geo. Travers
Edm. I. Lee
John P. Todd
Bushrod Washington
The first annual meeting was fixed for Wednesday, January 1, 1817.
On this date the colonizationists met in Davis's Hotel, Henry Clay again presiding. Bushrod Washington was elected President of the Society, equally noted men were chosen for the other officers,55
55 The other officers were as follows:
William H. Crawford of Georgia
Henry Clay of Kentucky
William Phillips of Massachusetts
Col. Henry Rutgers of New York
John E. Howard of Maryland
Samuel Smith of Maryland
John C. Herbert of Maryland
John Taylor of Caroline, of Virginia
Andrew Jackson of Tennessee
Robert Ralston of Pennsylvania
Richard Rush of Pennsylvania
John Mason of the District of Columbia
Robert Finley of New Jersey
These were the thirteen vice presidents.
Elias B. Caldwell, Secretary
William G. D. Worthington, Recorder
David English, Treasurer
Francis S. Key
Walter Jones
John Laird
Rev. Dr. James Laurie
Rev. Stephen B. Balch
Rev. Obadiah B. Brown
James H. Blake
John Peter
Edmund I. Lee
William Thorton
Jacob Hoffman
Henry Carroll
These composed the Board of Managers.
and on motion of the Honorable
John C. Herbert of Maryland, Reverend Robert Finley was "requested to close the meeting with an address to the Throne of Grace"56
56 Manuscript Records of the Meeting.
which he did, it being "his last public act in the last public meeting"57
for the organization and success of the American Colonization Society.
STATE NORMAL SCHOOL,
LA Crosse, WIS.
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John McGee joined Warwick Business School in 1994. He is currently Associate Dean for the MBA Program and Professor of Strategic Management. John McGee is also a former President of the Strategic Management Society. He has been Head of the Marketing & Strategic Management Group (1998-2001) and was Director of the Center for Corporate Strategy & Change (1995-1997). John McGee was educated at Manchester University in England, where he obtained a first class honors degree in economics, and at Stanford University in California where he obtained his doctorate at the Graduate School of Business. From 1970 to 1985 he was at the London Business School seeing it in its formative years. He was the founding Director of the Alumni Association in 1972. In 1982 he was the Founding Director of the Centre for Business Strategy. He then moved to Templeton College, Oxford. At Templeton he had major client management responsibilities including Thames Water, Merck Inc., British Aerospace, and Andersen Consulting. He was closely involved in the planning of the Oxford MBA and became Dean of Templeton in 1992.


text:
Poljanski Lug  falu Horvátországban Zágráb megyében. Közigazgatásilag Vrbovechez tartozik.

Fekvése
Zágrábtól 35 km-re keletre, községközpontjától 7 km-re délre, a Vrbovecet elkerülő  A12-es autópálya közelében fekszik. A falun folyik át a Lónya folyó, mely mellett több kis halastavat alakítottak ki.

Története
A falu 1917-ben kezdett betelepülni Eugen de Piennes márki egykori, eladott birtokán. Egy időben a telepet egyszerűen "baraka", azaz barakk néven nevezték. Kezdetben valóban fából épített barokkok álltak itt, ahol a közeli erdőkben dolgozó favágó munkások éltek. Mai hivatalos nevét csak a második világháború után kapta, mivel egykor Vrbovec város ligetes területe volt.
A falunak 1910-ben 120 lakosa volt. Trianonig Belovár-Kőrös vármegye Kőrösi járásához tartozott. 2001-ben 453 lakosa volt. A faluban ma négyosztályos alapiskola működik. Kápolnája, önkéntes tűzoltó egylete, horgász egyesülete, két vadászháza van.

Lakosság

Nevezetességei
A Fatimai Szűzanya tiszteletére szentelt kápolnája 1961-ben épült.

Külső hivatkozások
Vrbovec város hivatalos oldala

Jegyzetek

Zágráb megye települései

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


How to measure distances of two walls one behind other.
> How to measure distances of two walls one behind other.
In our school project we have to measure distance of two walls one behind other, for example tube, cubic and etc... Which ARDUINO is the most suitable for measuring distance of two echos and at the same time results are display or transfered to computer.
To measure distance of the first wall is not problem but other wall behind (its distance) has to be measure as well.
Re: How to measure distances of two walls one behind other.
Any Arduino can be used to control a ranging sensor.
Do you mean the back wall is hidden by the front wall?
Measuring a distance between walls through one of the walls sounds like a tall order to me, if possible at all (and if so almost certainly way out of reach of a school project) so more details and sketch of the general setup are in order.


text:
You are here: Home > Search hotels > Park Plaza Sherlock Holmes London
Park Plaza Sherlock Holmes London From GBP 116.32,-
108 Baker Street W1U 6LJ, London, United Kingdom
On the world-famous Baker Street, just a few minutes walk from Oxford Street, this boutique-style 4-star hotel offers luxurious air-conditioned rooms, award-winning cuisine and a spa and health club.
The Park Plaza Sherlock Holmes London has a great location, just minutes from Madame Tussauds and within walking distance of many of London's top attractions, including Bond Street and Hyde Park.
Flawlessly combining tradition with modern style, this deluxe 4-star hotel consists of two 18th century buildings housing 119 stylish and contemporary rooms, all of which are beautifully designed and luxuriously refurbished.
All rooms have cable TV, movies-on-demand, minibars, high-quality hairdryers, work desks and laptop safes.
High-speed wireless internet access is available throughout the hotel at an additional cost.
The hotel also boasts the AA-Rosette-award-winning Sherlocks Grill restaurant and bar, as well as the Aurora Spa and health club, which has an extensive gym, a sauna and a steam room.
Nr. rooms: 119.
The hotel?s leisure club and spa is great for some luxurious pampering and a little well-earned indulgence. The experienced and highly trained staff offer a range of relaxing and therapeutic treatments, including aromatherapy treatments using products from the hotel?s exclusive aromatherapy associates.
Other hotel facilities include the intimate executive lounge, famous for its modern fireplaces and serving a light menu of snacks and sandwiches.
The Park Plaza Sherlock Holmes also offers 7 private function rooms perfect for meetings and events for up to 70 guests.
All of the hotel's luxurious rooms are beautifully decorated and feature state-of-the-art technology, including telephones with 2 lines, international power sockets and modem dataports.
Each room has a stylish bathroom designed with a unique touch - frosted-glass sliding doors that maximise the light and the sense of space in the bathroom.
Sherlock's Grill has received the prestigious AA Rosette award 3 times for the outstanding preparation of its food and the good quality of the ingredients it uses. The restaurant offers a varied menu of modern European cuisine, made using fresh, seasonal organic products. The restaurant uses a mesquite-wood-burning oven as the main cooking method, alongside the charcoal grill.
Please note that Sherlock's Grill is closed Sunday evenings. However, great food is still served at Sherlock's Bar
Elegant, yet lively, Sherlock's Bar offers a variety of cocktails and wines accompanied by an exciting range of home-cooked food. Sherlock's Bar offers delicious food and great value for money, including the special Sherlock's Burger, with complimentary topping and French fries. The bar's signature dish is the wood-fired pizza.
Park Plaza Sherlock Holmes Hotel is close to London's key tourist attractions including:
Madame Tussaud's (200 m)
London Planetarium (200 m)
Regents Park and London Zoo (400 m)
Oxford Street, Bond Street, Regent Street (500 m) and Marylebone High Street (200 m) for shopping.
- Follow the signs for central London and Marylebone.
- Turn off Marylebone Road (A501) onto Baker Street (A41).
- The hotel is on the left-hand side, after approximately 300 metres.
By London Underground:
The nearest London Underground station is Baker Street, which is on the Circle, Hammersmith & City, Metropolitan, Bakerloo and Jubilee lines. The hotel is a 2-minute walk from the station, on the left-hand side of Baker Street, about 300 metres from the station's exit.
By Train:
Marylebone Railway Station is a 10-minute walk from the hotel. Paddington, Kings Cross and Euston are all a short taxi ride from the hotel.
By Air (from London Heathrow Airport):
The hotel is approximately 15 miles (24.1 km) from London Heathrow Airport. The Heathrow Express train service runs approximately every 15 minutes from the airport to London Paddington station and takes just 15 minutes to reach Paddington. The hotel is just a 10-minute taxi ride from Paddington station and taxis are readily available from just outside the station.
By Air (from London Gatwick Airport):
The hotel is approximately 28 miles (45 km) from London Gatwick Airport. The Gatwick Express train service runs regularly between the airport and London Victoria Station. This journey will take approximately 30 minutes. The hotel is just a 15-minute taxi ride from Victoria station and taxis are readily available from just outside the station.
By Air (from London Stansted Airport):
The hotel is approximately 40 miles (65 km) from London Stansted Airport. The Stansted Express train service runs regularly between the airport and London Liverpool Street Station. The hotel is a 20-minute taxi ride from Liverpool Street and taxis are readily available from just outside the station. Alternatively, you can take the Circle or the Hammersmith & City London Underground lines to Baker Street.
Please note that Sherlock's Grill is closed every Sunday in the evenings. Breakfast and lunch will be served as usual.
The hotel's bar and executive lounge will be offering the usual food menu and room service will still be available for all residents.
Cancellation Policy: If cancelled up to 1 day before the date of arrival, no fee will be charged.
If cancelled later or in case of no-show, the first night will be charged.
All children under 2 years stay free of charge for cots.
Extra beds are not available.
Maximum capacity of babycots in a room is 1.
VAT and city/tourist taxes: VAT is included.
Service charge is included.
City/tourist tax is included.
Internet: Wireless internet is available in the entire hotel and costs GBP 2.00 per hour.
Meal Plan: Continental breakfast costs GBP 14.50 per person.
Full English breakfast costs GBP 16.50 per person.
Parking: Private parking is possible at a location nearby and costs GBP 24.00 per day.
Pets: Pets are allowed on request. No extra charges.
Children older than 13 year are considered adult for room occupancy.
Children no older than 12 year can stay for free.
American Express, Visa, Euro/Mastercard, Diners Club, Maestro, Switch


Filters are pieces of glass or plastics inserted in the light path to alter the picture recorded. The filter most often used is the UV Filter. These reduced the amount of ultraviolet light reaching the sensor. Back in the film days, this was important since UV light affects some film. UV light has no impact on Digital camera sensors. UV filters protect the front element of the lens.
Each filters inserted in the light path will affect the light and will deteriorate the resulting image. Depending on the quality, the deterioration could be minimal. On most lenses, it is cheaper to replace the front element of the lens than buying a very high quality filter. On most lenses, a small imperfection on the front element of the lens is not visible and will not alter the image quality recorded. Filters on the other hand will cause reflection that will negatively impact the image recorded.
The polarizer help cut haze and reflections and makes for better colors. By rotating the front of it you can increase or cut the effect of polarizing. Make sure to buy a Circular Polarizer on Digital Camera. Linear polarizer could mess with your focusing system.
Neutral Density help reduce the shutter speed. A good one will not alter the light. It will only cut the light. The picture in this article used a neutral density, allowing for a slower shutter speed. This renders the flowing water silkier.
Gradual Neutral Density are usually rectangular in form and need a filter holder in front of the lens. Using these, dim the light that is often too bright in the sky compared with the landscape or subject. These filters stay in position in the filter holder. Positioning them precisely in the filter holder according to the needs of the scene help achieve a better exposure of the scene.
Buy filter for your biggest lens. Step down ring to use the filter with smaller lenses are affordable.
As a rule of thumb, you should pay from 1 to 3 times the number of millimeter of the filter. Good MRC/Slim Circular polarizer of 77 mm are between 154$ and 210$.
Good Neutral Density of 77mm are between 77$ and 154$.
Finally, the best protection for your lens AND your pictures is your lens shade. Putting your lens shade on will prevent side light to reduce the quality of your image, will protect the front element of the lens and will not interfere with the light path.


It's such a gorgeous painting! YOu have such talent, sis .. I hope you continue with it because I know it's a great outlet for you, but it speaks volumes too that you're so darn good at it!
Faye, I thought I had left a comment on this already, but I guess it didn't go through.
You should post your mountain painting! That was gorgeous work and I wish I could paint mountains like that!


The winner of various prestigious international awards, the young lirico spinto Irina Churilova emerged as the leading soprano at the NOVAT Opera Theater in Novosibirsk. Since her debut in 2013 as Marguerite in a new production of Faust under the baton of Maestro Valery Gergiev, she is a permanent guest soloist at the Mariinsky Theatre in St Petersburg and since her debut in 2014 also at the Bolshoi Theatre in Moscow.
Her repertoire includes Tatiana in Eugene Onegin, Liza in The Queen of Spades, the title roles in Iolanta and Aida, Amelia in Simon Boccanegra, Amelia in Un Ballo in Maschera, Zemfira in Aleko, Elisabetta in Don Carlos, Leonora in Il Trovatore, Liu in Turandot, Fevronia in The Tale of the Invisible city of Kitezh, Tsaritsa Militrisa in The tale of Tsar Saltan, Urusova in Boyarina Morozova, Katya in The Passenger, Marguerite in Faust, Micaëla in Carmen, Mimì, Musette in La Bohème, Nedda in I Pagliacci, Gerda in The Story of Kai and Gerda and Bernstein's Mass, as well as chamber repertoire such as Shostakovich's Seven Romances on Poems of Alexander Blok, Mussorgsky's The Nursery, Respighi's Il tramonto, and a solo part in Britten's War Requiem.
Ms Churilova made her stage debuts in Teatre Liceu in Barcelona and the Teatro Real in Madrid upon a personal invitation of Monserrat Caballe in tribute concerts dedicated to the grand opera diva. With the ensemble of the Novosibirsk Opera and the Mariinsky Theatre, she toured in Japan, South Korea, Thailand and Baden Baden.
Ms Churilova's upcoming engagements include the title role of Norma at the Opera Graz, Aida, Elisabetta in Don Carlos, Liu in Turandot, Marguerite in Faust, Amelia in Simon Boccanegra at the Mariinsky Theatre and Aida at the Novosibirsk Opera.