We pitiful, lowly scum do not deserve Masahiro Sakurai. Time and time again, he and his team work nearly to death to deliver yet another masterpiece in the fighting game series of the ages: Super Smash Bros. Every entry is bigger and more impressive than the last, and yet, fans clamor for more, more, MORE!
And thus brings us to the upcoming incarnation of one of the most hotly anticipated games of any console generation: Super Smash Bros. Ultimate. No other subtitle would have been appropriate, as this truly seems to be the ultimate and definitive edition of the series, including LITERALLY EVERY SINGLE FIGHTER FEATURED IN THE SERIES AND MORE—WITHOUT DLC!
Fans knew to expect the regulars: Mario, Link, Kirby, Pikachu, Samus, Fox, Captain Falcon, Donkey Kong, Yoshi, Luigi, and Ness. These 12 staples have been in the series from the beginning, featured in each entry. But this time, even characters who've come and gone, or ones who seemed like single-appearance roster choices, are making a comeback. Characters range from Nintendo's roots, including Mr. Game and Watch and Duck Hunt Dog to modern classics, like Olimar of Pikmin and Villager from Animal Crossing, and even include third-party characters, such as Bayonetta, Solid Snake, and Cloud from Final Fantasy VII—A GAME THAT'S NEVER BEEN ON A NINTENDO CONSOLE.
As if these inclusions weren't enough, the new game features new characters, as well, including Ridley from Metroid, King K. Rool from Donkey Kong Country, Inklings from Splatoon, and Simon Belmont from Castlevania. I love Masahiro Sakurai, that madman.
The series deserves particular recognition for the progression system. Characters don't level up or get gear, such as in Injustice 2, but the roster expands based on the amount of games played. It doesn't matter how good or bad of a player you are, once you play a certain amount of games, you will have earned and unlocked each of the base characters, of which there is an impressive amount.
The most recent Smash for Wii U and 3DS did include DLC, though each piece was fairly priced and felt to be of equal quality with any other character on the roster, ultimately coming across as actual additions rather than locked content that should have been included from the beginning. Further solidifying that goodwill is the fact all DLC characters from that entry are also available in the base game for Ultimate.
Super Smash Bros. Ultimate is truly set to be the ultimate entry in this legendary series. As more information is released, the gift that Sakurai is providing the community becomes greater and greater.
I played "Super Smash Bros. Ultimate" with some of my friends over the weekend and I really liked it. I think that the multiplayer version is better since it allows you to compete against other people.


To make this entry 5 stars, I need to know that the final entries for the Navigation Icons will be white or a very light grey. We also need to have the rotate icon as the specific colour #272727 and not green. We also need the hips and waist of the male figure to be a lot smoother as one curve instead of three. The ankles of the female figure also seem to be a bit too large.
please check #14 ready to work if you want modification.


text:
I'm Not Ashamed movie: Columbine victim's inspiring story
Home » I'm Not Ashamed movie: Columbine victim's inspiring story
The 1999 Columbine High School massacre became etched in a nation's collective consciousness. Shooters Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold murdered twelve fellow students and one teacher. Rachel Joy Scott was their first victim. This new film tells her inspiring story.
And what a touching and powerful story. A young woman with typical middle-class teenage struggles morphs into a beacon of caring, faith, and – eventually – international impact for good.
I'm Not Ashamed opens in US theaters October 21. Stars include Masey McLain as Rachel, Ben Davies (Courageous), Sadie Robertson and Korie Robertson (both of TV's Duck Dynasty; Sadie of Dancing with the Stars), singer Jaci Velasquez, and Jennifer O'Neill (Summer of '42).
Love, hormones
(Spoilers ahead.)
At first, boys and dating consume Rachel's conversations with her girlfriends. Will she win her idol's heart? Well, yes, sort of. Err, at least she wins his hormones.
Can she sneak out at night without her parents knowing? Yes…and nope. She escapes through her bedroom window, but guess who's waiting when she returns.
Will she ever adjust to her parents' divorce and mom's new husband? This one's going to take some time.
Why do some of her classmates bully a disabled teen? What's her purpose in life? How does faith fit in?
Compassion chain reaction
Rachel's personal journals inform much of the film. "If one person could go out of their way to show compassion, it could start a chain reaction," read one entry. She's especially kind to the marginalized at school and beyond, befriending a homeless teen who becomes her "big brother."
Her journals authentically portray her struggle with personal faith. One entry reads, "I don't understand why having a walk with God is so hard for me. I'm so weak. At school, with friends, at work."
A cousin helped clarify for her something that many – myself included – have confused. Genuine faith involves a personal relationship with God. Rachel establishes this, and becomes known at school for her faith and compassion. Her dedication echoes a New Testament statement: "I am not ashamed of this Good News about Christ. It is God's powerful method of bringing all who believe it to heaven."
Diabolical plot
During all this, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold developed their diabolical plot. According to some reports and research, Harris was a brazen psychopath with global infamy dreams, while Klebold was hotheaded, depressive and suicidal. They placed homemade bombs in the school cafeteria, to be ignited by timers.
When the bombs didn't ignite, the two approached the cafeteria, first shooting Rachel and a male friend (who survived) as they sat outside. The film depicts what became an iconic scene. Harris asks the not-yet-dead Rachel if she still believes in God. When she responds, "You know I do," he replies, "Then go be with Him." He shoots her in the temple.
Questions exist about whether the encounter really happened that way. For instance, the Denver Post reported that the closest witness to her murder later expressed uncertainty about what had been said. Yet evidence exists of that witness shortly after the shooting recounting a story similar to the film's. (So far as I know, no one alleges Rachel denied her beliefs; concerns focus on items like whether Harris mentioned faith when he killed her.)
I Am Hope
I won't attempt to resolve that debate. Rachel's life impact doesn't hinge on this point. She had prayed, "Father, use my life to touch the world and let your light shine through me." Through her life, plus postmortem publications, family speaking and media appearances, millions have been pointed toward faith and compassion. Now, with this movie, millions more will be.
The film's related "I Am Hope" movement aims to mobilize students for outreach and service.
Rated PG-13 (USA) "for thematic material, teen drinking and smoking, disturbing violent content and some suggestive situations."
www.ImNotAshamedFilm.com Opens October 2.
www.ImNotAshamedFilm.com/IAMHOPE
— by Rusty Wright
Wright is an author and lecturer who has spoken on six continents. He holds Bachelor of Science (psychology) and Master of Theology degrees from Duke and Oxford universities, respectively. www.RustyWright.com
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Last night Nine rushed to air an episode from its crime documentary series, Australian Families of Crime, that featured Carl Williams.
It was an astute programming move, to capitalise on the news-making death of the convicted killer yesterday.
Narrated by Vince Colosimo, it included interviews with Age journalist John Silvester (Leadbelly), investigative journalist Adam Shand, broadcaster Derryn Hinch plus archival footage and dramatic re-enactments.
Join Vince Colosimo as he presents the torrid details of the notorious Milat family. Some members of the family continue to support Ivan Milat, the nation's worst serial killer, but Ivan's brother Boris sheds light on the real Ivan.
This pushes V back to 10:30pm. This will be the third new starting time for the sci fi series.
The movie Underworld is not out with the 11:30pm timeslot TBA.
How do you think go! is going to find the space for v, gosh golly, they are only in there 5th rerun of bewitched/jeanie/frasier/seinfeld/greenacres in 12 months going to air…there is no time slot available.
There's only six episodes left in this season, so Nine better show them all! I'm really enjoying the new V. Just as good as the first miniseries, and waaaaaaaaay better than the eventual weekly version.
V should be on Fox 8 (and Fox 8 HD).
Why channel 9 took on V in the first place is typical of 9's arrogance. But what would you expected from a company who's response to me when i asked why they were showing the dragons/storm game on 2 hours delay was to tell me that if i didn't like it to not watch 9.
@Craig(Buzz): You forgot to mention how modest you are, too!
Squirrel : Yes, she did eat up that yummy morsel but the rodent scene in the original was witnessed by humans and had bigger shock value. I still like the show though.
Sooooo not surprised. Despite the fact that V is kinda slow. Because you know, channel 9 is known for its stellar handling of science fiction. Not.


As you age, you will need to change from your fully independent living to assisted living homes. These homes can either be within Gulf Breeze or in an area where you are close to a loved one. For a fact, most seniors who relocate to retirement homes develop a preference for them in the long run. In addition to the elegant, all-inclusive comfort and luxury that these homes offer, here are the three primary reasons why.
Residing in a retirement home gives seniors the opportunity to develop friendships and social circles, says an expert from Watermarkofgulfbreeze.com. These social connections are exceedingly important as we get older since various life experiences could trigger isolation. In these communities, the elderly get to share meals as well as relish memorable occasions together.
There are a variety of social activities at a senior living home in Gulf Breeze that the elderly can get to enjoy such as yoga classes, cooking classes, thrilling movie-nights, puzzles and long walks on the Pensacola Beach Gulf Pier to mention a few. Additionally, the art lovers can visit the Pensacola Museum of Art.
Putting an end to home repairs and maintenance instantly carves a smile on your face because fixing unwarranted home repairs which usually incur substantial costs can be stressful. Bearing that in mind, moving to retirement communities eliminates these unanticipated costs. As such, this also proves to be significantly economical because, by getting rid of these home maintenance costs, you get to save money.
In retirement communities, the residents no longer need to worry about their meal preparation, not to mention grocery shopping. The meals are not only highly nutritious but also delicious. As a result, most of the elderly tend to notice a significant improvement in their health.
From attentive servers, warm and friendly housekeepers to skilled maintenance technicians, retirement communities are important.


text:
Q: JavaFX Task Waiting I am not sure if what I am trying to do is possible. But if anyone has any ideas, that would be great.
Here is a scenario. I am trying to task A with a progress bar showing the progress, and after task A is completed, I am trying to do task B. Here is the example in code:
private void func() {

    // Task A
    class CustomTask extends Task<Integer> {
        @Override
        protected Integer call() throws Exception {
            for (int i = 0; i < 5; i++) {
                try {
                    Thread.sleep(1000);
                } catch (Exception e) {
                    e.printStackTrace();
                }
                updateProgress(i, 4);
            }
            return null;
        }
    }

    // Executing Task A
    // CustomProgressBar is a class I made that just binds the progress Property,
    // And the progress bar appears to work.
    CustomTask customTask = new CustomTask();
    CustomProgressBar customProgressBar = new CustomProgressBar(customTask);
    Thread thread = new Thread(customTask);
    thread.start();

    // Task B, For example, just a simple print statement
    System.out.println("After task A is finished");

}

In this example, I need Task B to execute after Task A is finished. However, I can not use thread.join() because that will block the JavaFX thread, and the progress bar will not update.
Is there a way to accomplish this without putting Task B in customTask.setOnSucceeded()?

A: onSucceeded seems one of the most convenient options for doing that. However there are alternatives:
Run both tasks yourself from a background thread
The following code will always trigger the second task, unless you add in a check. Basically you call Task.run on a background thread yourself executing the logic of both threads from that thread. You may need to use Platform.runLater, if you want change some bindings when changing tasks.
Thread t = new Thread(() -> {
    firstTask.run();
    secondTask.run();
});
t.start();

Use ExecutorService
You could use a single threaded ExecutorService to basically do the above.
ExecutorService executor = Executors.newSingleThreadExecutor();
executor.submit(firstTask);
executor.submit(secondTask);

...
// Make sure the ececutor is eventually shut down
executor.shutdown();

A: You can add a ChangeListener to the state property of taskA, and if the state changes to SUCCEEDED, you can begin taskB.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
What Rising Temperatures May Mean for World's Wine Industry
Warming temperatures associated with climate change are already affecting vineyards from France to Chile, often in beneficial ways. But as the world continues to warm, some traditional winemaking regions are scrambling to adapt, while other areas see themselves as new wine frontiers.
Fifty years ago, English wine was something of a national joke. "Wine making was for the very eccentric. It was drunk as a curiosity and often spat out," says Richard Selley, Emeritus Professor of Geology at Imperial College, London and author of the book The Winelands of Britain. Wine has been made in Britain since the Romans imported it 2000 years ago. But production declined starting in the 17th century, due in part to cooling temperatures, and all but disappeared after World War I. Modern England's chilly, rainy climate didn't provide the minimal number of days of warmth and sunlight that even cooler-weather grapes need to ripen properly and make a commercial product.
Then came climate change. Between 1961 and 2006, temperatures in southern England increased an average of 3 degrees Fahrenheit. English wine came roaring back.
Today, there are about 400 commercial vineyards. English sparkling wines are beating their French rivals in international competitions. "We've noticed the climate has improved consistently. The weather has improved, the ripening period has become longer, and year after year we're getting quality fruit," says Chris White, the general manager of the Denbies Wine Estate in Dorking, England's largest vineyard at 265 acres. Denbies is anticipating an even warmer future. In 2010 it planted seven acres of Sauvignon Blanc vines, a grape originating from the warmer Bordeaux region of France.
Few products are more sensitive to changes in temperature than wine. So the rising temperatures and associated with climate change are already reshaping the industry.
A French winemaker says over the last 25 years his harvests have moved from late October to early September.
Production as a whole is moving north (or south in the southern hemisphere) as opportunities open up in once-inhospitable areas. Meanwhile, vineyards in warmer climates are facing mounting problems as it gets hotter. Assuming projections of much hotter world prove true in the next 50 to 100 years, many winemakers will be forced to change their signature products, move, or go under. Many will go under no matter what they do.
Scientists have been analyzing the influence of climate and weather on wine since long before global warming became an issue. Over the past two decades, dozens of studies have mapped the emerging impacts of warming temperatures on vineyards in Europe, the Americas, Australia and elsewhere, and modeled the possible effects over the next 100 years. They paint a picture of accelerating change unlike anything seen before.
"If we look at the best data we have — there's some data that goes back 500 or so years, and some paleoclimate stuff going back much further — on balance, changes underway today are as big or bigger than anything in those records," says Gregory V. Jones, a climatologist at the University of Southern Oregon who specializes in climate's effects on wine.
The wine industry's early encounter with climate change is a window on the upheavals global agriculture will face over the coming century. It shows how even modest temperature and weather changes can have effects that reverberate through crop yields, business strategies, and economies — and on into culture, traditions, and even the subtle flavors that define national identities.
So far, interestingly, rising temperatures have been mostly good for wine. A 2005 study led by Jones found that the average growing-season temperature in 27 prime wine-producing regions around the world had risen 2.3 degrees Fahrenheit in the previous 50 years. In the vineyards of Spain, Portugal, southern France, and parts of California and Washington state, it rose a dramatic 4.5 degrees. But Jones also found that, in general, wine quality ratings rose with the temperature.
Warmer temperatures in general tend to produce more consistent grape harvests. The heat also hastens ripening, producing grapes with bolder flavors, more sugar, and wine with more alcohol. (This trend has coincided with rising popularity of robust, fruitier wines.)
French wine maker Philippe Bardet who produces Merlot, Cabernet Sauvingon and Cabernet Franc grapes in the Bordeaux region, says that over the past 25 years his harvests have moved from late October to the beginning of September as grapes ripen ever faster. Concerned that this may be affecting the wine, Bardet has tried planting different, slower-ripening grape varieties to push it back. In fact, Jones, in his study, found that some warmer regions were already reaching a heat threshold beyond which quality began to decline.
In Spain, changes are now coming rapidly, says Miguel Torres, the president of Bodegas Torres, the country's largest winemaker, headquartered in Catalonia. "In the last four years, temperatures have increased 1 degree [Celsius] in the vineyards," he says. "The quality has not changed so far. Our concern is for the future. They say the temperature could go up 2 degrees — or 5 degrees. So we are moving vineyards from sea level to central valley, and from central valley to mountain areas." Ten years ago, Bodegas Torres began planting vines at vineyards in the Pre-Pyrenees mountain range at an elevation of 1,000 meters as a hedge against climate climate change.
Another looming problem lies not in the vines, but culture and tradition. In many European countries including Spain, Portugal, France, and Italy, wine production is governed by "appellation" systems that tie specific wines to their geographical locations.
Some regions will become inhospitable to winemaking, while new areas will continually open up.
This is based on the concept of terroir, a French term that ascribes a wine's uniqueness to the soil, landscape, climate, and viticulture practices of the place where it's produced. A genuine French Sauvignon Blanc must come from Bordeaux, for instance. But as temperatures climb, it will get increasingly difficult to grow the "right" grapes.
Another study by Jones projected that by 2049, Bordeaux will have reached the upper temperature limits for growing red varieties and will be outside the ideal climate for its white grapes. No more Sauvignon Blanc. The appellation system will put growers in impossible situations — even as it disintegrates.
"Climate change will affect Europe more than other places," Torres says. "The map of the European appellations will have a dramatic change. If there is a change of 2 or 3 more degrees, where do you place a Burgundy, or a Rioja? What are you going to do? In places like Chile or Argentina, in the Southern hemisphere, you can still go south. Here in Europe, we are demarcated by appellation of origin. If you are from Rioja, the grapes have to come from Rioja."
For the global wine industry as a whole, the challenge is not merely warmer temperatures, but the oncoming, unending rush of change. Another study by Jones projected that the geographical bands suitable for winemaking would shift on average between 170 and 340 miles toward either pole in the next hundred years — a geographically small yet momentous shift. Some regions will become inhospitable to winemaking. Others will have to keep swapping in new varietals. And new frontiers will continually open up.
"If that ground is the best in the world for Pinot Noir, will it be the best for something else?" Jones says. "If Burgundy warms to the point where Pinot Noir and Chardonnay are not longer the best grapes for that region, will people buy a new product? … At some point a grower in a region that has become too warm has to make a decision. It's like if you're selling widgets, and widgets don't sell anymore, what do you do? You have to come up with widgets 2.0."
In North America, there's no 1,000-year tradition of winemaking, so such transitions may not be as difficult. "Emerging regions in the U.S. are trying to grapple with what is the best variety," says Colman, the wine blogger.
A study suggests higher temperatures could end up shrinking Northern California's prime vineyards by half.
"Long Island, for example. It [the wine industry] has been there only 30 years. They went with reds and thought Merlot was their calling card. But now they're trying white wines."
But heat is still heat. A recent climate model co-authored by Stanford climatologist Noah Diffenbaugh, Jones and two other scientists suggested that rising temperatures could end up shrinking Northern California's prime vineyards by half over the next 30 years.
Such dire projections have become a sensitive issue; the Napa Valley Vintners, the wine industry trade association, commissioned a scientific temperature survey to demonstrate that the effects of climate change were being exaggerated. "The results, overall, provide good short-term news that consumers are not 'tasting' climate change in Napa Valley wines," the association said earlier this year. However, the study did show that temperatures had risen an average of 1 to 2 degrees, mostly at night from January to August — a change that Jones says could indeed affect the taste of wines.
Even in Oregon, where the wine industry is expected to benefit from warmer temperatures, climate change is viewed with a mixture of anticipation and dread. Vintners point out that weather is variable — the past few years have been cool and wet — and that climate change is expected to bring more extreme weather events. "It's a much more complex picture than, 'on average temperatures are rising.' If they rise at the wrong time or if weather patterns disrupt the growing season, then the increased degree days are not going to help," says Don Crank, a winemaker at Willamette Valley Vineyards in Turner, Oregon. Climate change is expected to put other stresses on vineyards as well, including pests and rising competition for fresh water.
Yet Diffenbaugh's study also suggested that it's possible to make viticulture far more adaptable, preserving some vineyards and traditional grapes, even as the temperature rises. "We know growers can use pruning practices to increase shading. The orientation of the vines on a given piece of land can help reduce excess heat. Irrigation and trellising practices can be used to cool the plants," Diffenbaugh says.
Tara Holland, an environmental scientist at the University of Guelph in Ontario, Canada, is studying the ability of vintners to adapt to the demands of a changing climate, focusing on the emerging, 10-year-old wine industry in Prince Edward County near the northeastern end of Lake Ontario. There, Holland says, freezing temperatures are currently a problem: vintners must bury vines in the winter. If frost threatens the growing season, they now have to light fires and set up fans to blow smoke through the vineyards to create a warming thermal inversion. So winemakers in Prince Edward County are eagerly anticipating more warming.
Still, one of the principal problems wine makers everywhere will face is basic biology: Vines typically take several years to mature and then produce grapes for decades. Replacing them is both a disruption and a major investment. "I hear all the time, if the temperature goes up, it's great, we'll plant Shiraz," Holland says. "But once you plant a vine, it's in the ground for 50 years. It's not an adaptation that's really possible if you have all your fields planted."
But overall, Jones says, there's reason for optimism because the world is a big place, with many potentially suitable sites for vineyards. "Where there is cash involved, people will make it happen," he says. "Whether they make it happen historically as we've known it, or relative to some new system in the future, remains to be seen."
If the temperature increase is catastrophically extreme, though, all bets are off. "If by 2080 it's too hot to make wine in southern England, what's the rest of Europe going to look like?" asked Selley, the British author. "You'll have to switch to making palm wine."
Story by John McQuaid
Courtesy of Yale Environment 360
e360.yale.edu
This entry was posted on December 21, 2011 by The Oenophiliac in Education, News. and tagged bordeaux region, denbies wine estate, imperial college london, national joke, rainy climate, richard selley.
https://wp.me/p1urLE-EH


text:
\section{Introduction}

The Occupy and 15M movements are recent examples of self-organized social
movements that appeared in  developed countries in response to a widespread
perception of social and economical inequality \cite{Hughes2011,
Castaneda2012}. While these movements address a wide range of problems in
different countries, they share a common factor, their usage of social media
to communicate, organize, and deliberate about the purpose of the movement and
its actions \cite{Zuckerman2014, Tufekci2014}.  Social media allow the
participants of these movements to circumvent their lack of influence on
state-and private-owned mass media \cite{Herman2008}, creating an emergent
structure without a central actor or decision group. As a side effect,  these
movements leave public digital traces of their activity, which allows us to
analyze their formation, behavior, and organization up to unprecedented scales
and resolutions.

Collective actions pose a classical paradox of the tragedy of the commons
\cite{Olson2009}: A purely rational individual would choose not to participate
in a movement it agrees with, as it would receive its collective benefits
without the associated costs and risks of taking part on it.  Thus, the
existence of collective actions and social movements requires considerations
beyond rational decisions, including emotions \cite{Garcia2013} and social
influence \cite{Mavrodiev2013} between the participants of a social movement.
In this article, we present a detailed quantitative analysis of the digital
traces of the 15M movement, the Spanish precursor of Occupy movements across
Europe and America \cite{Castaneda2012}. This decentralized movement emerged in Spain in the aftermath of the so-called Arab Spring as a reaction to public spending cuts and the economic crisis.  It was mainly nucleated in online social networks before massive offline demonstrations ended up in several camp sites in many city squares. From that point on, the movement consolidated and lasted for months. Even today the foundations of the 15M movement drives the political agenda of some new parties and associations in Spain.

Our analysis covers its online social structure and the content of the public messages exchanged in
\texttt{Twitter}, the main online medium used by the movement.
\texttt{Twitter} users create directed links to follow the messages of other
users and communicate through short public messages called \emph{tweets}. We
analyze the content of a large set of tweets about the 15M movement,
extracting sentiment values and semantic content related to  social and
cognitive processes. Our aim is to explore the role of social emotions in
group activity and collective action. We address how emotional interaction
supports the creation of social movements and how emotional expressions lead
to the involvement of the participants of the movement.

According to the theory of collective identity of Emile Durkheim, group
gatherings contribute to the creation of collective identity by means of
rituals and symbols that produce an atmosphere of emotional synchrony
\cite{Durkheim1915}. These rituals are often emotionally charged and show  an
inverse relation between emotional intensity and frequency
\cite{Atkinson2011}.  The emotions experienced by the participants of these
gatherings contribute to social inclusion and identification with the
collective, as empirically shown in a variety of experiments \cite{Paez2013}.
This also holds for the 15M movement, for which survey results show that
participants of the large demonstrations across Spain in 2011 felt a stronger
emotional communion with the movement, in comparison to those participants who
did not attend to  the demonstration \cite{Paez2013b}. In this article, we
provide a quantitative analysis of how collective identity and action emerged
in the 15M movement, through the analysis of the digital traces of  its
participants in the \texttt{Twitter} social network. We pay special attention
to emotional expression in tweets, social inclusion in the follower network of
the participants of the movement, and sentiment polarization in the creation
and social response to the movement.

Online media offer large datasets to explore political activity at a large
scale, to find out about popularity and mobilization in political campaigns
\cite{Garcia2012}, and political alignment based on public messages
\cite{Conover2011, Garcia2013c}. Analyzing online social networks, for example
by means of the k-core decomposition method, can also reveal  relevant
information about  the role of influential individuals
\cite{Kitsak2010,Banos2013}  and the social resilience of an online community
\cite{Garcia2013b}.   Users of online social networks communicate through
public messages that provide the breeding ground for collective emotional
states, which have the potential to create the identity and mobilization of
the movement. Previous states of collective emotional persistence were
detected in the short messages of IRC chats \cite{Garas2012} and spread
through social networks as cascades of emotions \cite{Suvakov2013}, forming
patterns in which happy individuals are likely to be connected to other happy
ones \cite{Bollen2011}.

In our analysis we follow a top-down approach, from the collective level of
the movement to the actions of its individuals and their relations. We start
by analyzing the dynamic aspect of the 15M movement, identifying cascades of
tweets as in previous research \cite{Banos2013}.  We measure the size of these
cascades in terms of the amount of participants communicating in the cascade
(spreaders), and the amount of participants exposed to the cascade
(listeners).   We analyze how cascade sizes depend on  collective emotions and
the use of terms related to cognitive and social processes. Finally, we zoom
into the microscopic level of individuals and their interactions, creating an
additional dataset of tweets of each participant of the 15M movement. We
relate their expression of emotions, cognitive, and social processes to their
activity and social integration in the movement, as quantified by their k-core
centrality within the social network.

\section{Results}

\subsection{Sentiment analysis in Spanish}

Our adaptation of SentiStrength to the Spanish language \cite{Thelwall2013},
explained in the Materials and Methods section, reaches accuracy values above
$0.6$ for two test datasets (See SI table II). These results are comparable to
state of the art unsupervised techniques of sentiment analysis for the Spanish
language \cite{Diaz2013}. Furthermore, the quality of the sentiment analysis
tool does not differ for tweets related to politics and economics (See SI
table III). This  result shows that our application of SentiStrength is valid,
as 15M tweets appear in a context of political protests related to economic
measures.

\subsection{Activity and information cascades}

Previous research has shown a positive relation between retweeting and
emotional content \cite{Pfitzner2012}.  Here, we go beyond  a plain retweeting
behavior and analyze cascades  associated with the 15M topic.
We quantify emotions in the tweets related to the 15M movement through
sentiment analysis  on a dataset of tweets selected by the hashtags related to
the 15M movement, as explained in the Materials and Methods section.
We focus on the analysis of  tweet cascades, also defined in
Materials and Methods,  to detect how the content of tweets influences both
the activity and the volume  of information perceived by the participants of
the movement.

We define the size of an activity cascade as the number of
unique \texttt{Twitter} users that produce a tweet in the cascade, also known
as the number of spreaders, $n_{sp}$. The associated size of an information
cascade corresponds to the amount of unique users who receive some  tweet of
the cascade in their tweet feeds. This concept, commonly known as exposure of
the tweets in the cascade, is the sum of the amount of participants who follow
at least one spreader, denoted as $n_c$.

We characterize the collective emotions in a cascade, $c$, using the ratios
of positive, neutral, and negative tweets:
\begin{equation}
r_p(c) = \sum_{m \in T(c)}\frac{\Theta(e_m==1)}{N(c)} \qquad r_u(c) =
\sum_{m \in T(c)}\frac{\Theta(e_m==0)}{N(c)} \qquad
r_n(c) = \sum_{m \in T(c)}\frac{\Theta(e_m==-1)}{N(c)}
\label{eq:emo}
\end{equation}
where $T(c)$ is the set of tweets on cascade $c$, $e_m$ is the emotional
content of tweet $m$ as given by the sentiment analysis tool, and $N(c)$ is
the total amount of tweets related to the 15M movement comprising cascade $c$.
The collective emotions expressed by the participants of a cascade have the
potential to activate additional participants, influencing its activity
size and information spreading. To test this possibility, we classify cascades
according to their ratios of positive, $r_p(c)$, and negative, $r_n(c)$,
tweets and  compare these  with the total ratios of positive tweets, $\mu_p$,
and negative tweets, $\mu_n$. If both $r_p(c) \leq \mu_p$ and $r_n(c) \leq
\mu_n$, we label the cascade as \emph{neutral}. If $r_p(c) > \mu_p$ and
$r_n(c) \leq \mu_n$, we label it as \emph{positive},  and if $r_n(c) > \mu_n$
and $r_p(c) \leq \mu_p$, we label it as \emph{negative}. When both  $r_p(c) >
\mu_p$ and $r_n(c) > \mu_n$, we label it as \emph{bipolar}. From the total of
$96065$ cascades we analyzed, $43415$ are positive ($45.19 \%$), $20989$ are
negative ($21.85 \%$), $30664$ are neutral ($31.92\%$), and $997$ are bipolar
($1.04 \%$).

  \begin{figure}[ht]
  \includegraphics[angle=-90,width=0.95\textwidth]{Figure1.eps}
  \caption{Complementary cumulative density function for activity
cascade sizes (left) and information cascade sizes (right). In this case,
cascades have been classified according to their aggregate sentiment into
positive, negative, neutral and bipolar.\label{fig:casc_agregated_sentiment}}
 \end{figure}

Figure~\ref{fig:casc_agregated_sentiment} shows the complementary cumulative
density function (CCDF) of activity cascade sizes, $P(x>n_{sp})$, and of
information cascade sizes, $P(x>n_{c})$. Bipolar cascades are likely to be
larger than positive, negative, and neutral, but  we do not observe extremely
large bipolar cascades, since they are less frequent in general.  We apply
the  Kolmogorov-Smirnov test  (KS)  with a tail correction factor, as
explained in \cite{Clauset2009}, to test the equality of information and
activity cascades across emotion classes. The KS tests validate the
observation that cascade sizes (both $n_{sp}$ and $n_c$) in bipolar cascades
are different from in any of the other three classes (details in SI Table V).
Furthermore, the test rejects the null hypothesis that positive cascade sizes
are distributed as their negative and neutral counterparts, and only fails to
reject the null hypothesis for the case of negative versus neutral information
cascades.

To further compare these cascades classes, we fit power law distributions
of the form $p(x) \sim x^{-\alpha}$  for $x \geq x_{min}$, to the empirical
distributions of $n_{sp}$ and $n_c$.   The power law distribution is
characterized by a skewed right tail that starts at a minimum value of
$x_{min}$ and scales with exponent $\alpha$.  The estimated value of $\alpha$
can reveal important properties of how the mean and variance of the
distribution scale with system size, which in our case is the amount of users
in the network. For example, $\alpha \leq 2$ implies that both the mean and
the variance of $x$ increase with the size of the sample \cite{Newman2005},
and thus the expected cascade size would increase for larger movements. Power
law distributions were fitted using the Python package \textit{powerlaw}
\cite{Alstott2014}.  Power law fits reveal  that $n_{sp}$ for positive
cascades decays with an exponent $\alpha=2.44\pm 0.07$ (see Table VI of the SI
for details). This means that the distribution of $n_{sp}$ decreases faster
than negative and neutral cascades,  with exponents $\alpha=1.92\pm 0.07$ and
$\alpha=1.95\pm 0.09$ respectively, but slower than bipolar ones, which are
best fitted with an exponent of $\alpha=2.74\pm 0.32$. The exponents of
positive and bipolar activity cascade sizes, right above $2$, imply that their
expected size  does not scale with system size, i.e. they do not become larger
with  larger populations. This is not the case for negative and neutral
activity cascades, with exponents too close to 2  to arrive at any conclusion.

We also  investigate the goodness of the fits by comparing them to fits to
other distributions.  In this way we are able to identify if a power law
behavior is a good description of  our data. Specifically, we calculate the
likelihood ratio, $R$ (see SI Table VI), between the  power law and a
lognormal  distribution, and the corresponding $p$-value indicating the
significance for the observed likelihood direction. Positive  values of $R$
suggest that the most likely model is a  power law distribution. However, when
these values are obtained in combination with high $p$-values ($p>0.05$),  the
evidence of a power law versus a lognormal distribution is moderated
\cite{Alstott2014}.

For the case of information cascades, the distributions of negative and
neutral cascade sizes are similar  (KS p-value $0.285$),  but the null
hypothesis that they have the same size as the positive ones could be
rejected. The fit of  power-law distributions reveals that the scaling of
positive and bipolar cascade sizes are similar, $\alpha=2.01\pm 0.02$ and
$\alpha=1.99\pm 0.08$ respectively, while negative and neutral information
cascade size distributions decay with $\alpha=1.80\pm 0.01$ and
$\alpha=1.84\pm 0.01$ (see SI Table VI for details). The exponents below 2
imply that the expected size of the audience of negative and neutral cascades
increases with system size, while bipolar and positive have exponents too
close to $2$ to arrive to any conclusion. Furthermore, the log-likelihood
analysis indicates that data is better described by a log-normal distribution
for positive and bipolar cascades.  Although this evidence is  moderated
($p$-values $0.34$ and $0.67$ respectively), it suggests that positive and
bipolar information cascades  are more likely to follow a lognormal
distribution than a power law distribution and thus do not scale with system
size.

The above results highlight the role of emotional expression inside a social
movement: cascades with positive emotions (including bipolar ones) do not seem
to trigger more activity nor spread  more information than those with more
objective and negative expression. This difference for distinct collective
emotions  opens the question of the role of the first tweet in the cascade. To
test if this effect is due to the sentiment of the first tweet in the
cascade, we extend our analysis to compare the distributions of cascades
sizes for cascades that started with a positive, negative, or a neutral tweet
(SI section IV). We find no consistent differences  on cascade sizes
depending on the emotions expressed in the first tweet of the cascade. This
highlights the role of collective emotions in spreading processes: it is not
the emotion of the tweet that triggers the cascade what matters, it is the
overall sentiment of all the people involved in the cascade.

In addition to the sentiment, the semantic content of tweets can be analyzed
with respect to social and cognitive content through psycholinguistic methods
(see Materials and Methods). In particular, the content of tweets in relation
to social and cognitive processes have the potential to determine the success
or failure of the spreading process. To check this we perform an analogous
analysis of the distribution of the cascade size for different cascades types.
In particular, we  apply the same method as in the previous section to
classify the collective emotions in cascades, comparing their ratios of
social and cognitive terms to the mean values of the whole dataset. This way,
each cascade is classified  having either high social content or a low social
content, and having either a high cognitive content or a  low cognitive
content.

\begin{figure}[ht]
  \includegraphics[width=0.95\textwidth]{Figure2.eps}
  \caption{ CCDF of activity (left) and information (right) cascade
sizes for cascades of high and low  social content (top) and high and low
cognitive content (bottom). Dashed lines show the result of power-law fits. \label{fig:casc_LIWC_soc}}
      \end{figure}

The influence of social processes becomes evident when analyzing the
distributions  of cascade sizes depending on their social content, shown in
Fig~\ref{fig:casc_LIWC_soc}. The distributions of both information and
activity cascade sizes are different for high and low social content,  as
validated by a KS test (see SI Table IX). Power-law fits indicate that the
distribution of the size of activity cascades with high social content have an
exponent of $\alpha=1.87\pm 0.09$, while  the distribution for low social
content has an exponent of $2.33\pm 0.07$. This  difference highlights the role
of social processes in cascades during the formation of the  15M movement.
Cascades with social expression had an expected size that scaled with the size
of the movement, while those that did not include such language were
subcritical. For the case of  information cascades, the same result seems to
hold. In this case, however, information cascades with high social content
exhibit a power-law behavior with exponent $\alpha=1.66\pm 0.01$, which
indicates that the expected size scales with the system size. The outcome is
not so clear for low social content information cascades, for which
$\alpha=1.98\pm 0.02$ is compatible with $2$. However,  the latter are best
described by a log-normal distribution, as suggested by the log-likelihood
ratio $R$,  and the expected size of the audience does not scale  with the
system size (details on these fits can be found in SI Table X).

The above results indicate that the behavior of cascades (both of activity and
information) having high  social content is different from those where the
social content is lower.  On the contrary, words associated with cognitive
processes did not play such an important role in cascade sizes. The lower
panel of Fig~\ref{fig:casc_LIWC_soc}  shows the CCDF of cascade sizes
classified depending on their cognitive content. The cognitive content of the
tweets in an information cascade does not make it larger, as validated with a
KS  test (see SI). For the case of activity cascade sizes, a KS test rejects
the hypothesis that  they are the same, indicating that high cognitive content
have a slightly larger likelihood of  involving more spreaders, but not more
listeners. Power-law fits show that the exponents of  both types of cascades
are above $2$; while both exponents of information cascades are below $2$.

\subsection{The movement at the local level}

The above analysis shows how expression related to social processes and
emotions leads to spreading of activity and information through the social
network of 15M. The cascades present in the movement are not just large groups
of tweets; participants contribute repeatedly in these, and show heterogeneous
levels of engagement in the movement.

In this section, we test the principle of Durkheim's theory that social
integration in a movement leads to higher levels of participation, followed by
feelings of emotional synchrony with other participants in group actions.  The
main group actions of 15M were physical meetings in the center of towns,
demonstrations, and assemblies. But other kind of group activities took place
in the online medium. Tweet cascades created pockets of interaction within
\texttt{Twitter}, such that participants were aware of the large attention
that the movement was receiving online.  To quantify  the social activity of
each participant, we compute a vector of user features that quantifies the
integration in the movement, its level of activity, and its expressed emotions
and levels of social and cognitive content. We estimate participant
integration in the movement in terms of the follower/following network, i.e.,
a network in which a link from user $u$ to user $v$ is created when the latter
follows the former. Thus, the direction of links goes from a user to its followers,
indicating the direction in which information flows.
We measure the $k$-core centrality of a user, $k_c(u)$
(explained in Materials and Methods), where the higher $k_{c}$, the better
integrated the user is. We also control for its amount of followers,
$k_{out}(u)$, and the amount of participants followed by $u$, $k_{in}(u)$.
The level of engagement in the movement is approximated by the total amount of
tweets about 15M created by the participant, $n(u)$. We measure the expression
of emotions by means of the ratios of positive, $pos(u)$, and negative tweets,
$neg(u)$, and the ratios of words related to social processes, $soc(u)$, and
cognitive processes, $cog(u)$.

\begin{table}[ht]
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{l l l l l l l l l l l}
\hline
         & $n(u)$        & $k_c(u)$      & $k_{in}(u)$  & $k_{out}(u)$  & $pos(u)$    & $neg(u)$      & $soc(u)$       & $cog(u)$  &  R$^2$ \\ \hline
$n(u)$   &               & $0.193^{***}$ & $0.015^{**}$ & $0.032^{***}$ & $0.010^{*}$ & $0.026^{***}$ & $-0.022^{***}$ & $-0.005$  &  $0.048$ \\
$k_c(u)$ & $0.094^{***}$ &               & $0.676^{***}$& $0.090^{***}$ & $0.005$     & $0.012^{***}$ & $-0.012^{***}$ & $-0.003$  & $0.537$  \\ \hline
\multicolumn{5}{l}{\scriptsize{$^{***}p<0.001$, $^{**}p<0.01$, $^*p<0.05$}}
\end{tabular}
\caption{Linear regression results for individual activity level and integration in the movement. \label{table:individualLM2}}
\end{center}
\end{table}

We analyze the correlations between normalized versions of the variables using
a series of linear regressions. Table~\ref{table:individualLM2} shows the
results only for the regression of $n(u)$ and $k_c(u)$,  the rest is reported
in the SI Table XI. As proposed by Durkheim, the level of engagement in the
movement increases with social integration, estimated through the coreness of
the user. Other metrics, such as in- and out-degree, are also positively
related to the activity of a user, but with weight much smaller than the
weight of coreness.  The right panel of Fig~\ref{fig:centrality_activity}
shows the CCDF of $n(u)$ for different participants by their coreness.
Integration in the movement is correlated with activity, showing that
participants with higher integration in the movement are clearly more active.
It must be noted that this analysis does not test the causal nature of this
relation, but clearly rejects the null hypothesis of the independence between
activity and integration.

\begin{figure}[ht]
  \includegraphics[angle=-90,width=0.95\textwidth]{Figure3.eps}
  \caption{Left: probability density function of the ratio of
positive tweets of participants, for three ranges of $k_c$. Right: CCDF of the
engagement of participants, measured by their amount of tweets about 15M, for
three intervals of $k_c$. Participants with higher integration in the movement
are more engaged and active in the online medium. \label{fig:centrality_activity}}
 \end{figure}

As visible in the left panel of Figure \ref{fig:centrality_activity}, positive
expression  has no significant effect on engagement. Participants with
different $k_c(u)$ do not have significantly different ratios of positive
tweets about 15M. Negative expression has a positive but small weight in both
activity and coreness, as reported in Table \ref{table:individualLM2}. We can
reject the hypotheses that negative expression is uncorrelated or negatively
correlated with integration in the movement, but the size effect of negative
expression in both integration and engagement is very low, as shown by the
weight in Table \ref{table:individualLM2}.

We do not find any significant relation between coreness and cognitive
expression. But we find a significant negative weight of social expression in
relation to both activity and coreness. This is consistent with our finding
that cascades with higher social content activate larger amounts of
participants. These cascades potentially start in the core and reach
participants with lower integration in the movement. Tweets about topics less related to
social processes do not reach the periphery of the movement. In conclusion,
less integrated users appear to be driven more by social processes.

An alternative condition for the emotions and the ratios of social and
cognitive terms of each participant is the assortativity with other
participants.  Members of the 15M movement  might be more emotional due to the
emotional expression of their immediate neighbors, in addition to their social
integration within the movement as a whole. To test this, we measure Pearson's
correlation coefficient of the ratios of positive, negative, neutral, social,
and cognitive tweet ratios of the participants, with the same ratio calculated
over the set of users that each participant follows inside the movement. We
replicate this analysis for two datasets, one based only on the tweets about
15M, and the other using an independent sample of 200 tweets per participant
(detailed in Materials and Methods). To test the significance of our results
against spurious correlations due to the network topology, we also computed
correlation coefficients in 1000 shuffled datasets in which the emotion,
cognitive, and social scores were permuted \cite{Fowler2008}.

\begin{table}[ht]
 \centering
 \begin{tabular}{|c | c c c c c|}
  \hline
    Dataset  &  $pos(u)$  &  $neg(u)$  &  $neu(u)$  &  $soc(u)$  &  $cog(u)$ \\
  \hline
 15M           &   0.063               & 0.068             & 0.065            & 0.035             & 0.128 \\ \hline
 15M shuffled  &   0.00002 (0.008)   & -0.0001 (0.007) & 0.0001 (0.007) & -0.0002 (0.008) & -0.0002 (0.007) \\ \hline
 individuals   &   0.261               & 0.364             & 0.315            & 0.336             & 0.358 \\ \hline
 ind. shuffled &   0.029 (0.01)     & 0.014 (0.009)    & 0.017 (0.009)    & 0.028 (0.009)    & 0.022 (0.009) \\ \hline
 \hline
 \end{tabular}
 \caption{Pearson coefficients of neighborhood correlations and means and two standard deviations of 1000 shuffled datasets. All coefficients have $p<10^{-10}$ in the empirical data. \label{tab:assort}}
\end{table}

Table \ref{tab:assort} reports the correlation coefficients for each dataset.
All correlations are significant and positive, indicating that the emotions
and semantic content expressed by a participant are correlated with  its first
neighbors, and thus emotions and psycholinguistic content are shared along
social links within the movement.  It should be noted that the correlation
coefficients for the 15M data are much weaker than for the 200 tweets from
each individual, indicating that the latter sample has more power to reveal
correlations in psycholinguistic analysis. While the 15M data is sparser and
noisier, the conclusions of the analysis of 15M data are consistent  with the
analysis of 200 tweets per individual, and robust with respect to the shuffled
datasets. Furthermore, these results are in line with previous research
\cite{Bollen2011} on emotional expression of subjective well-being,  and
extend the analysis with the presence of correlations for social and cognitive
terms beyond emotional expression in \texttt{Twitter}.

\section{Discussion}

The present work analyzes the evolution of the 15M movement through sentiment
and linguistic analysis of the participants' communication in the
\texttt{Twitter} social network. Using a dataset of tweets related to the 15M
movement, we track the activity of 84,698 \texttt{Twitter} users. Our
analysis includes 556,334 tweets during a period of 32 days, providing an
illustration of the structure of the movement in two ways: (i) at the dynamic
aspect of cascades in the discussion between connected users, and (ii) at the
individual level of social integration and participation of each user.

We combine psycholiguistics, sentiment analysis, and dynamic cascade analysis,
to understand the role of tweet content in the size and reach of collective
discussions in \texttt{Twitter}.  In line with previous works in social
psychology~\cite{Christophe1997}, we assess the role of emotions in social
interaction and collective action. We test the hypothesis that collective
emotions fuel social interaction by analyzing cascades according to their
emotional, cognitive, and social content.  We find that the sentiment
expressed in the first tweet of a cascade does not significantly impact the
size of the cascade. Instead, the collective emotions in the cascade are
responsible for its size in terms of spreaders and listeners. In particular,
cascades without positive content tend to be larger, and their size follows a
qualitatively different distribution. The cognitive content of the tweets of a
cascade play no role in their spread.  On the other hand, our analysis of
social content in the cascades reveals a clear pattern: cascades with large
ratios of social-related terms have distributions of listener and spreader
sizes that scale with system size,  in contrast with cascades with low ratios
of social-related terms, which follow distributions that have bounded means.

Our analysis at the individual level reveals that  users  are more integrated
in the movement, measured by their k-core centrality, if they exhibit higher
levels of engagement and express stronger negativity, in line with the overall
negative context of the movement (indignants). Our analysis also reveals that
highly integrated and influential users have  a lower tendency to express
social content in tweets. This indicates that social activation became salient
in the periphery of the movement rather than in its core. We emphasize that
our findings  are consistent with theories in sociology and social psychology
and confirm their statements by quantifying, for the first time, social and
psychological influence in collective action at large scale.

Our results have implications for research on social movements. The
differentiation between social and cognitive processes is evident
when analyzing the size of cascades. Larger cascades have higher amounts of
social terms, invoking the participation of other users. This is also
consistent with our findings at the individual level: social  integration is
clearly  related to activity levels, showing the relevance of nonrational
factors in collective action. The members of a movement are not
deterministically defined by their demographic background and income. Instead,
the amount of social connections they have in the movement and their synchrony
with the emotions expressed by the movement as a whole are predictors of their
involvement.

Our findings show the added value of including additional psycholinguistic
classes into our analysis, i.e. the consideration of  social and cognitive
terms beyond sentiment analysis. Furthermore, our sentiment analysis
adaptation to Spanish demonstrate the relevance of sentiment analysis in
languages other than English, offering new opportunities to compare collective
phenomena in a wide variety of societies and political systems.

Beyond social movement analysis, our work has implications for studying other
online phenomena, such as memes or viral marketing campaigns. Our findings on
cascade sizes for different psycholinguistic classes suggest that  words
related to social processes  lead to  larger collective responses in
\texttt{Twitter}, pushing the virality of content above a critical threshold
that produces qualitatively different cascading behavior.

\section{Materials and Methods}

\textbf{15M tweets and network.}  Our dataset comprises activity from
\texttt{Twitter} related to the 15M movement in Spain, which brewed for some
time in several online social media, and mainly rised with the launch of the digital platform
\textit{Democracia Real Ya} (\textit{Real Democracy Now}). Twitter and Facebook were utilized to
organize a series of protests that took off on the 15th of May, 2011, when demonstrators camped in several
cities \cite{borge2011,borge2012}.  From that moment on, camps, demonstrations and protests
spread throughout the country, and the 15M became a grassroots movement for
additional citizen platforms and organizations.
As many of the adherents are online social media users, the growth and stabilization of the movement was
closely reflected in time-stamped data of twitter messages. Some of these tweets were extracted from the
\texttt{Twitter} API according to a set of pre-selected keywords (see SI Table
I), and the collection comprises messages exchanged from the 25th of April
at 00:03:26 to the 26th of May at 23:59:55, 2011.  The sample of tweets was filtered by the Spanish startup company
\textit{Cierzo Development LTd.},  which exploits its own private SMMART
(Social Media Marketing Analysis and Reporting Tool) platform,  and therefore
no further details are available. According to previous reports, the SMMART
platform collects 1/3 of the total \texttt{Twitter} traffic. From  the sample
of tweets we obtained, the follower/following network is  extracted: for the
active users, i.e. those who posted at least one tweet in the sample
collected, the set of  followers is retrieved, and the resulting network is
filtered to include only the active followers. The resulting network is
composed of nodes that represent users, and edges with directionality
corresponding to the information flow in \texttt{Twitter}. This way, if a user
$u$ is a follower of user $v$, there will be a directed link from $v$ to $u$
in the network.

\textbf{Sentiment analysis.} To detect the sentiment expressed in each tweet,
we apply the Spanish adaptation of \texttt{SentiStrength} \cite{Garcia2013c},
a state-of-the-art sentiment analysis tool for short, informal messages from
social media \cite{Thelwall2013}. \texttt{SentiStrength} is used in a wide
variety of applications, from the sentiment analysis of stock markets
\cite{Zheludev2014}, to reactions to political campaigns \cite{Garcia2012},
and interaction in different social networks \cite{Thelwall2013}. We tailored
\texttt{SentiStrength} to the Spanish language based on a sentiment corpus of
more than $60000$ tweets and evaluated it on an independent corpus of more
than $7000$ human-annotated tweets \cite{Diaz2013}. More details about our
application of \texttt{SentiStrength} and the results of this evaluation can
be found in the Supplementary Information. After sentiment detection, for each
tweet $m$, we have an emotion value $e_m$ associated with the tweet.
$e_{m}=1$ if the tweet is positive with respect to its emotional charge,
$e_{m}=0$ if the tweet is neutral, and $e_{m}=-1$ if the tweet is negative.
We abbreviate these as \emph{positive}, \emph{neutral} and \emph{negative}
tweets, always referring to their emotional charge.

\begin{comment}
\textbf{News data.}
Media coverage was assessed by querying the database Nexis and Google News for
headlines in Spanish for three main keywords linked to the protests ("15-M" or
"indignados" or "Democracia Real").
\end{comment}

\textbf{Linguistic content analysis.} We analyze the content of tweets based
on frequencies of terms from the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count lexicon
(LIWC) \cite{Chung2011}.  This lexicon is a standard technique for
psycholinguistics, including terms associated to affect, cognition, and social
processes. LIWC has been used to predict suicides \cite{Stirman2001}, and to
analyze collective mood fluctuations \cite{Golder2011}. For each tweet, we
apply a simple dictionary detection technique based on the lemmas of the
lexicon, stemming the tweets and detecting the use of terms in the LIWC
classes of social and cognitive processes. This way, for each tweet $m$ we
have two counts of social, $soc_m$, and cognitive, $cog_m$, terms as well as
the amount of words,  $w_m$, in the tweet.

\textbf{Cascade detection.} Cascades in online networks may be defined in
several ways with respect to the variety of  online platforms, discussion
topics, or interaction means between users. Here we adopt the definition first
described in  \cite{borge2012} which is based on \textit{time-constrained}
cascades. Time is discretized according  to a window width, and tweets posted
at consecutive  time windows are considered to be part of the same piece of
information if users emitting them show a follower/following relationship.
Specifically, user  $u_j$ posting the tweet at time $t_1$ must follow user
$u_i$ sending the tweet at time $t_0$. Previous works showed the robustness of cascade statistics for different time
windows \cite{borge2011, borge2012}. Here we choose a $24$ hours-window to
minimize the eventual correlations due to the effect of circadian activity
in human online behavior. The  content being sent is not required
to be the same. This is motivated by three main facts: first, our sample,
i.e., the set of tweets,  has been previously filtered by topic, allowing us
to safely assume that the information circulating is limited to a restricted
topic, the 15M movement. Second, the 15M movement is a deliberative process,
characterized by discussions and debates about the  political and social
situation of the country, the organization of protests and demonstrations, and
conversations about the strategies to  follow. Finally, \texttt{Twitter} is
considered to be both a micro-blogging service and a message interchange
service, as  suggested by the high values of link reciprocity $\rho \sim 0.49$
and the \texttt{mention} functionality.  Time-constrained cascades allow to
take into account these frequent situations  in which people discuss about
particular topics using their own words to express their ideas, rather than
forwarding a restricted piece of  information.

A cascade is then an ordered set of consecutive activities of a set of users
having follower relations. This way we know who started the cascade and when,
and the seed tweet triggering the  cascade. We can additionally distinguish
between activity cascades and information cascades. The  first ones involve
only the set of active users, i.e. those responding to the message, whereas
information  cascades also comprise listeners, i.e. users receiving the
message but not participating in the discussion. We want to first investigate
if the initial tweet determines the size of  the cascade. For instance, one
could argue that positive messages can trigger larger cascades, or  vice
versa, negative messages trigger a debate that can last over several time
windows.

\textbf{k-core centrality.}
The $k$-core value is an individual measure of importance based on the core
structure of the network.  A $k$-core is defined as the largest subnetwork
comprising nodes of degree at least $k$. Note that to compute this measure
we consider the undirected network, i.e., we consider every link as if
it was undirected, and therefore a node of degree $k$ is a node whose total
degree is $k=k_{in}+k_{out}$. The $k$-core decomposition method
assigns an integer number to every node in the network, obtained by a
recursive pruning of their links. The procedure  starts with isolated nodes,
which are assigned a $k$-core value $k_c=0$. Then, nodes with degree $k=1$ are
removed along with their links,  and assigned $k_c=1$. If any of the remaining
nodes is left with $k=1$ connections it is also removed and contained in the
$k_c=1$ core. The process continues with $k_c=2,3, \dots$ until every node has
been assigned to a $k_c$ shell. This metric  goes beyond degree, as it takes
into account the centrality of the neighbors to define the centrality of a
node.

\textbf{200 tweet timeline data.}
An extended dataset of tweets from the participants was also extracted. It
comprises the last 200 tweets (if available) posted by the set of active
users. It consists of a sample of 15,411,025 tweets (see SI Table IV)
retrieved the 20th of October, 2013.

\begin{backmatter}

\section*{Competing interests}
  The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

\section*{Author's contributions}
RA and YM gathered data; RA and DG analyzed the data;
RA, DG, YM, FS designed research and wrote the article.

\section*{Acknowledgements}
DG and FS acknowledge financial support by the Swiss National Science Foundation (CR21I1\_146499).
RA, FS, and YM acknowledge financial support by EU-FET project MULTIPLEX 317532.

\bibliographystyle{bmc-mathphys}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaArXiv


text:
Police: DNA technology connects man to Florida serial rapes
Jun 7, 2022, 1:50 PM | Updated: Jun 13, 2022, 10:58 am
BY FREIDA FRISARO ASSOCIATED PRESS
MIAMI (AP) — Advanced DNA technology helped detectives link the cases of six women to a man accused of being the "pillowcase rapist" for a string of rapes back in the 1980s.
Robert Koehler is currently jailed in neighboring Miami-Dade County, where he faces charges for assaulting a woman in the early '80s as well, Broward County Sheriff Gregory Tony said in a Tuesday morning news conference.
Authorities believe Koehler, 62, may have committed 40 to 45 rapes, terrifying victims by breaking into their homes at night, the sheriff said. The assailant used a pillowcase or other fabric to cover his face — or the face of his victims — before assaulting them, tying them up and stealing items from their homes.
The assaults by the pillowcase rapists attracted extensive media attention in South Florida and the creation of a task force to investigate the sex crimes, sheriff's officials said.
But the trail eventually turned cold and the cases ended up in the cold case unit. However, sheriff's officials said the meticulous record-keeping on the original cases provided detectives the ability to test the evidence decades later.
They dug through 500 boxes of evidence and thousands of sexual assault cases to link the cases to Koehler, said Sgt. Kami Floyd.
Floyd began looking through the files in 2019 and found the case of a woman who was assaulted in her Pompano Beach apartment in June 1984. That led her to several other similar crimes in Broward County.
"It was a hunch," Floyd said linking the first case she found to Koehler. "It was a hunch based specifically on this case, that he used a pillowcase to cover his face, and at no point was she able to identify who he was because she didn't know what he looked like."
Around the same time, in 2020, prosecutors in Miami-Dade County announced Koehler's arrest and said he was thought to be the "pillowcase rapist" whose knifepoint attacks put women across South Florida on edge beginning in 1981.
Floyd got a search warrant for Koehler's DNA and testing done by the sheriff's office crime lab found it matched the evidence in the cases she was investigating, she said.
Detectives worked with prosecutors to bring six sexual assault charges against Koehler.
"When I found my first case, it actually saddened me to have to reach out to that victim and have her relive what had happened so many years ago," Floyd said.
It was heartbreaking in many cases, she added, because some women had not even told their families what had happened to them. She said some of the victims told her they would need to talk it over with their families before discussing it with her.
"But when they did decide to come back and were brave enough to discuss it with me, I was very proud of them," she said.
Their stories were all similar. They lived alone. They were assaulted at night, and the attacker apparently knew their habits, including in some cases the layout of their apartments.
Now, those victims are very relieved to know the man who attacked them may be brought to justice, she said.
"Several of them have commented that they hope more women will come forward," Floyd said.
Floyd explained there are so many sexual assault cases in the cold case files, many from a time before records were computerized, making it difficult to match them.
"For those who haven't come forward yet, this will bring you some closure," she said.
Olga R. Rodriguez and Jocelyn Gecker, Associated Press
Suspect in Half Moon Bay farm killings faces 7 murder counts
A farmworker accused of killing seven people in shootings at two Northern California mushroom farms has been charged with seven counts of murder.


text:
With the Surfers on Costa Rica's Untamed Coast
HomeAll PostsNewsBill Beard's Costa Rica Newsletter June 2015With the Surfers on Costa Rica's Untamed Coast
SOME vacation destinations attract tourists. Others attract disciples. The surfer town of Puerto Viejo de Talamanca and the tiny beach communities southeast of it, on the Caribbean coast of Costa Rica, are of the latter variety.
This wild, often overlooked coastal stretch, an 11-mile-long necklace of small sandy coves located in southern Limón province, may be in one of Costa Rica's poorest areas, but it's also one of the most diverse, populated by a blend of Costa Ricans, English-speaking Afro-Caribbeans, indigenous Cabecar and Bribri Indians, and plenty of expatriates, from French fashion designers to old German hippies.
Drive south beyond the small village of Puerto Viejo, a tiny grid of streets lined with scrappy surf bars and cafes with names like Peace & Love and EZ Times, and you'll find pristine beaches where palm trees bend and sway over the water's edge. Reggae music emanates from cheerful pastel-painted shacks that line a rutted, mostly dirt road. An old-growth forest, often just yards from the shore, is alive with sloths, toucans and monkeys.
For soul-searching world travelers who tend to plant roots and stay, it's this laid-back, untamed vibe that has made the Caribbean-side strip, between Puerto Viejo and the equally tiny town of Manzanillo, an attractive alternative to Costa Rica's more touristy Pacific coast.
"Coming here is about living with nature," said Nicolas Buffile, a French expatriate who owns the Shawandha Lodge, a chic "neo-primitive-style" property. "We're not like the Pacific side, where everything is air-conditioned and tamed." His daughter Paola, who manages Residencia Las Casas, a luxurious holiday rental in the area, added: "People who go to the Pacific side don't want their life to change. The people that come here want to change their life."
Even the local surfers tend to be particularly fanatical about the area — and, more specifically, the famous wave known as Salsa Brava (Wild Sauce), which breaks a few hundred yards from Puerto Viejo's shore. When this Hawaiian-style barrel swells, it's considered the most powerful wave in Costa Rica. It's also an appropriate analogy for the surrounding area: beautiful and wild. The surfers who ride it tend to be hardcore adrenaline addicts.
Needless to say, neither Salsa Brava nor Puerto Viejo is for the traveler who likes to be pampered. In fact, for years, careful travelers and tour operators avoided the region thanks to its reputation as a frenetic, rough-and-tumble kind of place. And while petty theft is still an issue, a boom of new restaurants and hotels catering to a more sophisticated traveler has softened the edges some. And upscale tour operators like Wildland Adventures have decided that the Caribbean Costa Rican coast is now safe enough to begin tours in the area.
The Costa Rican government is also investing in the region. Over the next few years about $80 million has been allotted for development in the province, focused on Puerto Limón, its shabby main port town, about 35 miles northwest of Puerto Viejo. And attention is already turning to the town. Last year it served as the finish line for the Transat Jacques Vabre yacht race; this year four cruise lines — Royal Caribbean, Princess Cruises, Holland America and Carnival Cruises — added Limón as a port of call.
An example of this new luxury is Le Caméléon, the area's first luxury boutique hotel located just south of Puerto Viejo, which was inaugurated a year ago by the president of Costa Rica, Óscar Arias, himself. The property has 23 all-white rooms spread out among three two-story glass and wood buildings that embrace a palm-lined pool. Another low-lying building behind the lobby houses a trendy bar and restaurant, and across the street is an exclusive beach club, with curtained day beds and bar service. Although the complex is designed to blend into the landscape, its Miami-style design sticks out like an Armani-clad banker among barefoot bohemians.
More characteristic to the scene is Jungle Love, an intimate open-air restaurant owned by two American expatriates, Yamu Myles and Poppy Williams. Situated behind some thick foliage across the road from Playa Chiquita, at night it gives off a cozy glow. The soundtrack tends toward soul and funk tunes, while the menu offers healthy comfort food like chipotle chicken and tuna in a tamarindo sauce with wasabi and brown rice.
Mr. Myles, who hails from Oakland, Calif., was once a successful D.J. Now he's the chef at Jungle Love. "There's a spark to this place," he said. "I loved it the moment I got here. I always say 'Get in where you fit in.' "
Paul Johnson and his wife, Jeanne, both originally from Minnesota, are two other born-again Puerto Viejo residents. Every Saturday, you'll find Mr. Johnson at the town's weekly farmers' market selling organic coffee beans, dairy products and chocolate from a cooler and a rickety card table. He and his wife came down about six years ago when, after 10 years of trying to have a child, they decided to "live an adventurous life focusing on doing things for other people."
A year after they moved to Puerto Viejo, Mrs. Johnson became pregnant — but they stayed anyway and founded Caribeans, a fair trade organic coffee company (they've since added cocoa to their offerings). It's headquartered in the colorful and always buzzing Caribeans Café, a seaside shack painted a sunny shade of yellow. Coffee beans are roasted in the back and then served up in an excellent brew, along with organic ice cream, up front.
Farther south down the coast in Manzanillo, the tree trunks are painted with Rasta colors and many of the residents still fish for a living. The undeniable heart of the town is Maxi's, a slapped together, locally owned two-story bar and restaurant that looks over the waves and serves as a meeting place for locals and tourists.
The town also serves as an entry point to the Gandoca-Manzanillo Wildlife Refuge, more than 12,000 acres of jungle, beaches and coral reefs. Florentino Grenald, a charismatic local guide better known as Tino, offers a four-hour hike into the refuge. Keeping up a lively and informative dialogue, Mr. Grenald points out so-called Velcro plants (after their ability to stick to passers-by) and bullet ants; tracks red-eyed tree frogs; and calls out to the howler monkeys that scramble in the trees overhead.
"In the last few years I've noticed things disappearing," he said. He stopped in front of a slender gray tree covered with multiple small growths and added, "But I've also noticed new things coming in." He touched the tree and suddenly the bumps came alive. Small gray cicada-like insects flew into the air and hovered; they all had long, feathery white tails, like tiny boas. Much like the evolving Puerto Viejo, their presence seemed both transcendental and a little fierce.
Multiple airlines fly from New York to Juan Santamaría International Airport in San José, Costa Rica (SJO). A Web search found nonstop flights in mid-April on Continental, leaving from Newark, starting at about $540. (Flights with stopovers were as low as $330.) While there are puddle jumper flights to Puerto Limón, it's easier to rent a car (four-wheel drive recommended) and take the four-hour trip by road. Daily shuttle buses run by companies like Interbus or Gray Line also make the trip. Expect to pay about $35 per person each way; there is sometimes an additional $10 charge for luggage. (United States dollars are widely accepted in Costa Rica.)
The 23 rooms at Le Caméléon (between Puerto Viejo and Cocles Beach) are spread among three glass and wood buildings that embrace a foliage-lined pool.
Azania Bungalows. Caribbean Coast – Exotic thatched roof bungalows surrounded by Tropical Rainforest, Just a few steps from the Caribban sea, with the tropical rainforest in background, the spacious and tastefully decorated bungalows are privately set apart amidst lush gardens full of color and natural beauty.
Jungle Love (Playa Chiquita) serves Caribbean and California-style comfort food and tropical drinks. Dinner only.
For good, well-priced local fare, head to Restaurante Elena Brown (Puerto Viejo) and order the pollo à la Elena: chicken fajitas with a spicy coconut milk sauce.
The lively but rustic Caribeans Café (Puerto Viejo) is a great place for breakfast or an afternoon milkshake.
The ceviche may be a little rubbery but the vibe at Maxi's Bar and Restaurant (Manzanillo) is always authentic and sea-breeze fresh. On Saturday night the place is hopping.
If you tire of casual beach fare, make a reservation at the elegant Italian restaurant La Pecora Nera (near Cocles Beach).
Have you seen our new DVD on scuba diving, fishing & adventure in Costa Rica? If not: GO HERE
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Categories: Bill Beard's Costa Rica Newsletter June 2015