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text:
Nikki & JD
Productions Dates About us Contact Newsletter
ProductionsDatesAbout usContactNewsletter
Contemporary Circus
What are we about
We are an acrobatic duo with a unique blend of skills in circus and contemporary dance. Since the beginning of our collaboration we have sought to push and refine our use of hand-to-hand acrobatics, dance and storytelling.
Our mission is to achieve strong storytelling while dancing what needs to be danced. We believe that acrobatics and movement are two ingredients that should support, and not distract, from the stories we tell.
With support from the Jerwood Choreographic Research Programme (JCRP II) in 2016-2017, we discovered new ways to combine hand-to-hand and dance within choreography. We continue to innovate with our acrobatics and movement to increase their usefulness in telling tales.
In 2016, our first show, Knot, premiered as a 20-minute piece at The Place's Resolution festival, London, and was selected by Crying Out Loud to join a 2016 tour with the Circus Evolution Programme. Since then, Knot has been awarded a place at the prestigious CIRCa Festival in Auch (Oct 2017), and 2018 Avignon OFF Festival, France, as part of the Spotlight UK programme.
In 2018, Knot was extended into a full-length piece and has received international acclaim as part of the Seoul Circus Festival in South Korea and Bird Theatre Festival in Tottori, Japan. Knot is available in French and English.
We have also performed with Barely Methodical Troupe in the company's production, Kin, which premiered at the Roundhouse's Circus Fest 2016. We performed with Taiwan's circus company, FOCA, in April 2017; and became finalists in 2015's Circus Maximus Udderbelly competition.
We are Associate Artists at Deda, Derby & Jacksons Lane, London.
Nikki Rummer
Nikki trained for 10 years as an artistic gymnast in Washington State, USA, and has since trained hand-to-hand and acrobatics with teachers from the National Centre for Circus Arts (NCCA)
Jean-Daniel Broussé
Jean Daniel (JD) Brousse has 8 years' performance experience with companies including Roundhouse Circus Company & Square Peg circus. He studied BA (Hons) Degree in Circus Arts at the NCCA.
Ellis Saul
Ellis trained at London Contemporary Dance School. She was awarded the Peggy Hawkins Scholarship for outstanding potential in 2013 and has been alumni choreographer in Youth Dance England Creative Programme and company member of Edge and Avant Garde Dance.
Axel Satgé
Born in France, he has worked internationally in the physical and visual theatre sector at an international level for the past 10 years. He first discovered contemporary circus and artists like Circa Tsuica, Cie XY and Phia Ménard, when he was a producer at Les Halles de Schaerbeek, a multi-disciplinary venue in Brussels, Belgium.
In 2014, he moved to London to work with Crying Out Loud. Recently, Crying Out Loud has produced Circus Sampler at Somerset House, London – two free weekends of site specific contemporary circus, hip hop dance and music to celebrate the 250th anniversary of modern circus; a large-scale tour in a big top by French musical acrobats, Circa Tsuica; an international showcase of British work at three international festivals; and a four year programme entitled Circus Evolution, the aim of which was to present more circus at more venue to more people across the UK.
During his time at Crying Out Loud, Axel met with Nikki & JD. Together, they brought Knot to several UK and international venues, including Seoul (Korea) and Tottori (Japan). In 2019, Axel left Crying Out Loud to join the Nikki & JD team as a producer.
Nikki & JD Contemporary Circus
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Monelata rozieri is een vliesvleugelig insect uit de familie van de Diapriidae. De wetenschappelijke naam van de soort is voor het eerst geldig gepubliceerd in 1939 door Maneval.

Diapriidae

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Panel board
The CAC is made up of five members, from which a president and a vice president are elected. The members of the Council are elected by the Parliament of Catalonia by a two-thirds majority, at the proposal, at least, of three parliamentary groups. The President of the Council is elected by the Parliament of Catalonia, by a two-thirds majority, from among the members of the Council. The vice president of the Council is elected by the same Council from among their members.
The mandates are, in all cases, of six years, non-renewable. The members of the Council are subject to the system of incompatibilities of the senior officials of the Administration of the Generalitat of Catalonia. The Law prevents them from having direct or indirect interests in audiovisual, film, video, press, advertising, IT, telecommunications or the Internet.
Roger Loppacher i Crehuet
president.cac@gencat.cat
Carme Figueras i Siñol
cfigueras.cac@gencat.cat
Daniel Sirera Bellés
Council's Secretary
dsirera.cac@gencat.cat


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text:
Email: support@supremepapers.net
Psychological Theories of Poverty
December 22, 2020 /in Uncategorized /by Mary Smith
Kelly Turner Amanda J. Lehning
ABSTRACT. Social work education, practice, and research are heavily influenced by theories developed by psychologists. A review of the liter- ature was conducted to identify theories of poverty emerging from the field of psychology. In general, until 1980, psychological theories of poverty emphasized the role of the individual or group to explain the causes and impact of poverty. Between 1980 and 2000, psychologists began to consider the structural and societal factors that contribute to poverty and moved beyond the explanations of individual pathology. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, an increasing number of psychological theorists acknowledge the role of social, political, and economic factors in the creation and maintenance of poverty. Implica- tions for social work education, practice, and future research are dis- cussed. doi:10.1300/J137v16n01_05 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: <docdelivery@haworthpress.com> Website: <http://www.HaworthPress.com> © 2007 by The Haworth Press. All rights reserved.]
KEYWORDS. Poverty, psychological theory
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the number of individuals living in poverty in 2004 rose to 37 million, an increase of 1.1 million from 2003 (DeNavas-Walt et al., 2005). Such an alarming statistic is of par-
Kelly Turner and Amanda J. Lehning are doctoral students at the School of Social Welfare, 120 Haviland Hall, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-7400.
Address correspondence to: Amanda Lehning (E-mail: AJLehning@berkeley.edu).
Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, Vol. 16(1/2) 2007 Available online at http://jhbse.haworthpress.com © 2007 by The Haworth Press. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1300/J137v16n01_05 57
ticular concern to the social work profession, whose primary mission has always included enhancing the well-being of those who are vulnera- ble, oppressed, and living in poverty (NASW, 1999). The applied field of social work incorporates the theories of a wide array of social science disciplines, including psychology. It is important, therefore, to identify and assess the various psychological theories used to explain poverty. How do these theories inform social work practice with individuals and communities struggling with poverty?
This literature review examines the theories of both the causes and impacts of poverty emerging from the field of psychology. The first sec- tion includes a historical look at theories concerned with the study of the mind and behavior of an individual or group. The next section presents a brief overview of the debates and changes within psychology from 1980 to 2000, as the field of psychology sought to create more of a balance between the understanding of human behavior and the impact of the social environment of poverty. The third and final section examines psychological theories of poverty that have emerged from this more bal- anced point of view. The conclusion addresses some of the implications of these theories for the social work curriculum, especially regarding human behavior and social environment.
This literature review included keyword searches in the most popular social science databases, including PsycINFO, PsycARTICLES, PubMed, Social Service Abstracts, Social Work Abstracts, and Sociological Ab- stracts. Each database was searched using the keywords "poverty," "poor," "socioeconomic," "economic," or "class" in combination with the terms "theory" or "analysis" and "psychology." Once an article or chap- ter was selected, the reference section was searched to identify addi- tional sources.
The limitations of this literature review include the small number of articles devoted to theories of poverty within the psychology literature, the authors' limited experience with psychological theories related to poverty, and a reliance upon published reviews of theories in psychol- ogy. A more comprehensive review of psychological theories of pov- erty is yet to be found in the literature.
58 JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT
PATHOLOGIZING THE POOR
Theories on the Causes of Poverty
Over the course of the second half of the twentieth century, psycholo- gists developed a number of theories that reflected either the field's bi- ases about poor people (Carr, 2003; Allen, 1970) or its tendencies to view them in terms of their pathologies (Carr, 2003). These theories tend to locate the source of poverty within the individual (e.g., Pearl, 1970; Goldstein, 1973) or within an impoverished culture (e.g., Pearl, 1970; Rainwater, 1970), and do not address the larger societal or struc- tural forces affecting the poor.
One theory, known variously as the naturalizing perspective, constitu- tionally inferior perspective, or nativist perspective, holds that intrinsic biological factors lead directly to poverty, an argument often supported by psychologist-designed intelligence tests (Rainwater, 1970; Pearl, 1970; Ginsburg, 1978). While this perspective has historically reflected public attitudes (Rainwater, 1970), it appears that this perspective was held by some psychologists as recently as the 1970s (Rainwater, 1970; Pearl, 1970; Ginsburg, 1978). Although IQ tests produce quantifiable evidence that has been used to support this theory, many argue that intel- ligence is not a measurable construct (Pearl, 1970) and even researchers disagree about the exact definition of the word (see Ginsburg, 1978), therefore calling into question the validity of these intelligence test results.
A related theory involves the role of language development and the accumulated environmental deficits that can lead to poor academic achievement and the continuation of the cycle of poverty (Pearl, 1970; Ginsburg, 1978). Based on the inadequate development of the language skills poor children in comparison with their middle-class counterparts, researchers claim, have cognitive deficiencies (Pearl, 1970; Ginsburg, 1978). There is very little research, however, that substantiate any signifi- cant class-based differences in language abilities (Ginsburg, 1978) and this perspective has been denounced as based on middle-class arrogance, rather than science (Pearl, 1970; Ginsburg, 1978). As an alternative the- ory, Ginsburg (1978) proposed a developmental view that acknowledges that there may be class differences in cognition but that children share cognitive potentials and similar modes of language.
Intelligence-based psychological theories of are not the only theories that suggest that individual deficiencies contribute to an individual's in- ferior social and economic status. For example, Carr (2003) describes
Kelly Turner and Amanda J. Lehning 59
the McClelland approach, which gained popularity in the 1960s and the 1970s. This approach suggests that the poor have not developed a par- ticular trait, called Need for Achievement (NAch), which therefore pre- vents them from improving their situation. This approach was embraced as a way to help the poor escape poverty, and researchers sought to test this theory on populations in third world countries (Carr, 2003). Simi- larly, in the 1980s psychologists viewed attribution theory as a prom- ising explanation of poverty (Carr, 2003); namely, the poor tend to attribute their failures to internal factors, while attributing successes to external, uncontrollable factors. On the other hand, the rich take the op- posite view. Both of these theories drew criticism for maintaining the status quo and failing to produce real results (Carr, 2003).
Other psychological theorists identified poverty as a manifestation of moral deficiencies (Rainwater, 1970) or psychological sickness (Rainwater, 1970; Goldstein, 1973). While a rare view among profes- sional psychologists, the moralizing perspective, labels the poor as sin- ners who need to be saved (Rainwater, 1970), and the medicalizing perspective views the behavior of poor people in terms of psychological disturbance (Rainwater, 1970). A number of studies reveal a high con- centration of schizophrenia and other psychopathologies among the poor. The social selection hypothesis posits that these mental illnesses actually determine one's economic position (Goldstein, 1973; Murali & Oyebode, 2004). The social drift variant of this hypothesis suggests that most schizophrenics are born into middle- or upper-class families, but their illness prevents them from earning enough money to maintain this social status and they eventually drift into poverty (Goldstein, 1973). There is considerable debate surrounding this hypothesis, however, and the author of one theoretical piece concludes that social selection is one of many different factors explaining the concentration of schizophren- ics in the lower class (Goldstein, 1973).
Many social service workers employed by public welfare agencies in the 1950s also relied on psychological theories to explain the economic dependence of the poor on the state (Curran, 2002). They subscribed to Freud's theories regarding the ego and psychosexual development by perceiving welfare recipients as victims of psychologically abusive his- tories resulting in character disorders that kept them in poverty. In essence, inadequate socialization and broken homes led to a poorly de- veloped ego and low levels of self-sufficiency (Pearl, 1970). Feeling overwhelmed by sexual and aggressive drives, this theory suggests that the poor acted out this psychic conflict, much like a child (Curran, 2002). The appropriate role of the caseworker was to act as a parent
substitute, setting limits and assimilating welfare recipients into the dominant culture (Curran, 2002). This theory was embraced by a pros- perous postwar America concerned with the rising numbers of African Americans on the welfare rolls, and disinclined to entertain the idea that the same society that led to their own financial success could also con- tribute to poverty (Curran, 2002). Looking back almost 50 years later, Fraser commented that this approach reflected "the tendency of espe- cially feminine social welfare programs to construct gender-political and political-economic problems as individual, psychological prob- lems" (1989, p. 155, as quoted in Curran, 2002, p. 382).
Social work's earlier characterization of the poor as children seeking to satisfy their aggressive and sexual urges (Curran, 2002) supports the once-popular culture of poverty thesis. Although the culture of poverty theory developed by Lewis (1975) emphasizes the role of the social en- vironment in "creating" a culture of poverty, he still "describes" that culture in pathological terms, claiming that the poor suffer from flat affect, family tension, a brutal nature, and a lack of refined emotions (Carr, 2003). The cultural-relativistic perspective suggests that while the poor have a different culture from the rest of society, it is not neces- sarily inferior or superior (Rainwater, 1970). Similarly, the normalizing perspective includes middle-class stereotypes that lead to pity or con- cern for the poor. For example, the poor were perceived as having their own culture that serves them quite well, and it would be best to insulate them from the outside world, rather than force them to integrate with the larger society (Rainwater, 1970). As noted in the next section, the ten- dency to emphasize the individual's culpability for being poor occurs not only in theories of causation, but also in theories on the impacts of poverty.
Theories on the Impacts of Poverty
Historically, psychologists tended to neglect larger structural forces when exploring the impacts of poverty, especially when treating psy- chological distress (Goldstein, 1973; Javier & Herron, 2002; Luthar, 1999). Some critics attribute this to the profession's middle-class bias (Pearl, 1970; Javier & Herron, 2002).
One of the potential impacts of poverty is the prevalence and incidence of psychiatric disorders. Many studies have shown that psychiatric dis- orders, such as depression, alcoholism, anti-social personality disorder, and schizophrenia, are more common in urban, poverty-stricken neigh- borhoods than in more affluent communities (Murali & Oyebode, 2004).
A counter-argument to this social selection hypothesis is the social causa- tion hypothesis, which holds that a patient's economic situation actually causes psychopathologies, rather than the other way around (Goldstein, 1973; Murali & Oyebode, 2004). The conditions of poverty produce in- tolerable amounts of stress, which can lead to mental illness. For exam- ple, stress can occur when there is a wide gap between an individual's achievements and their ambitions, a situation that is familiar to those living in poverty (Goldstein, 1973). While this hypothesis places part of the blame for the plight of the poor on society (i.e., not providing suffi- cient opportunities for achievement), Goldstein also suggests that indi- viduals play a role in their own psychopathology by noting that:
All of these dimensions of rearing, socialization, and personality development, which seem quite appropriate for adequate adjust- ment to a lower-class environment, also ill-prepares the individual for adequate coping and development in an essentially middle- class society–and especially for adequate coping with the stresses of this society. (Goldstein, 1973, p. 66)
In other words, lower-class individuals are perceived to have fewer coping skills compared to their middle-class counterparts. While the au- thor also calls for social legislation to improve the conditions of pov- erty, his primary recommendation for psychologists is to improve the social and personal skills of poor clients (Goldstein, 1973).
Psychoanalysts also view the poor through a middle-class lens, which could disrupt the therapeutic process (Javier & Herron, 2002). Psycho- analysis has historically been identified with white, middle class, Anglo- Saxon, male values, focusing on the nuclear family and intra-psychic conflict (Javier & Herron, 2002). Some therapists also believe that poor people do not have the proper skills to make use of insight and other therapeutic processes. This lack of understanding, often based on lim- ited contact with those living in poverty and a belief that certain behav- iors (e.g., discipline, hard work, and the ability to delay gratification) will necessarily lead to success, results in countertransference, in which the psychoanalyst's personal feelings about the patient interfere with therapy and often discourage the patient from continuing with treatment (Javier & Herron, 2002). Some critics believe there are more sinister impulses at work, such as a fear that curing the poor of their psychologi- cal distress will hand them the tools to revolt against the middle and up- per classes (Javier & Herron, 2002). There is, however, an effort among psychoanalysts to provide better treatment of the poor, and the first step
might be to acknowledge this countertransference before it becomes counterproductive in therapy (Javier & Herron, 2002).
Moreira (2003) expresses concern about what she calls the "medi- calization of poverty," a process involving psychologists and psychia- trists prescribing psychotropic drugs to treat the impacts of poverty, while ignoring other socio-political factors in the process. She accuses the psychology profession of maintaining the status quo by keeping the poor drugged and therefore docile (Moreira, 2003). Without a compre- hensive view of the impacts of poverty that acknowledges external, structural factors, the poor will continue to suffer (Moreira, 2003). Psy- chologists in the 1980s began to embrace this view, recognizing the in- tegral role that social, economic, and political forces play in the causes and impacts of poverty.
UNREST IN THE PROFESSION: 1980-2000
In the 1980s, psychologists began to criticize the overly pathological view of poverty held by their profession (Carr, 2003). They argued that applying McClelland's NAch theory to poor people (i.e., they remain in poverty because they lack motivation) completely disregarded the ex- ternal, societal factors that contribute to the epidemic of poverty (Carr, 2003). Similarly, various prominent psychologists also disagreed with the widespread application of Feagin's popular attribution theory as a way to explain poverty, believing that it inappropriately blamed a poor person's lack of self-esteem for his/her plight, without taking external factors into account (Carr, 2003). Mehryar, another prominent psychol- ogist of the 1980s, noted that psychological theories had no effect on reducing poverty and possibly had the opposite impact, namely that "psychologizing poverty was liable to pathologize the poor rather than the system that constrained them" (Carr, 2003, p. 5). Mehryar went a step further by blaming the individualistic view of psychology towards poverty as contributing to keeping the wealthy in power and the poor in poverty (Carr, 2003).
The psychologists of the 1980s, therefore, proposed a return to the cul- ture of poverty theory (Lewis, 1975) that suggests that civilization it- self (compared with pre-literate, tribal cultures) inevitably creates two cultures: one of wealth and one of poverty (Carr, 2003). While some psy- chologists in the 1980s rejected purely psychology-based theories in fa- vor of society-based ones, they did not discount psychology entirely (Carr, 2003). Rather, they believed that psychology could make a positive
contribution toward a new understanding of poverty "if" it was used to describe the psychological processes of the "wealthy" (i.e., not the poor) and how the biases of the wealthy helped to maintain the condi- tions of poverty (Carr, 2003).
IMPACT OF SOCIAL FORCES
Theories of the Causes of Poverty
Taking a broader perspective on the impact of the social environment on human behavior, Moreira (2003) sees globalization (including the spread of capitalism) as the major cause of both wealth and poverty. Specifically, she explains that, "globalization works in a selective fash- ion, including and excluding segments of economies and societies from information networks, giving us pockets of rich and poor" (Moreira, 2003, p. 70). Moreira particularly condemns globalization for dissemi- nating Western culture's greed for material goods, which she considers to be responsible for a particular kind of poverty called "Consumerist Poverty" or "Consumerist Syndrome."
Drawing upon theories from other social science disciplines, some psychologists have adopted the Empowerment Theory of an economist (Sen, 1999) to explain the existence of poverty (Moreira, 2003; Carr, 2003). Whereas traditional definitions of poverty use "extremely low or no income" as the sole criterion for the term, Sen proposes that poverty is more than just low income: It is a lack of political and psychological power (Sen, 1999). More specifically, Sen suggests that modern society deprives "certain" citizens of power and control, which then results in poverty for those citizens. In order to escape from such poverty, Sen believes that a society must provide all of its citizens with three things: (1) political, economic, and social freedom; (2) security and protection; and (3) transparent governmental activities (Sen, 1999).
The World Bank Development Report for 2000-2001 expanded upon Sen's Empowerment Theory to develop a three-pillar theory of poverty related to the absence of security, empowerment, and opportunity (World Bank, 2001; Carr, 2003). Carr (2003) and other psychologists view this as an extremely solid theoretical foundation from which the profession of psychology can proceed to investigate poverty. As Carr (2003) ex- plains, "Without all three pillars together, there is no real foundation for concerted development out of poverty. One pillar does not carry the roof" (p. 8).
The World Bank's concept of "security" includes factors such as clean water, adequate food and housing, and the reduction of vulnerability to natural disasters (World Bank, 2001). The concept of "empowerment," similar to Sen's definition, entails providing the poor with the means to acquire a greater voice to help them fight for justice within their soci- ety (World Bank, 2001). When applied to psychological treatment, "empowerment" encourages psychologists to work "with" the poor, not "for" them (World Bank, 2001; Carr, 2003). Of course, a society in which only a portion of its citizens (i.e., poor persons) lacks empowerment im- plies that discrimination and prejudice is at the root of the problem (Carr, 2003). Finally, the World Bank's third concept is "opportunity." Poverty exists, in part, because the poor are deprived of opportunities to participate independently in the global economy (World Bank, 2001). Such opportunities range from a lack of an affordable education to a dearth of living-wage, entry-level jobs (World Bank, 2001). The World Bank's three-pillar view of poverty seems to be a comprehensive theory from which psychologists can proceed with both research and interventions.
Instead of focusing on empowerment, psychologist Lott (2002) ap- proaches poverty by focusing on discrimination linked to a theory of classism that explains the preservation of poverty in our society. As she defines it, classism is what results from the combination of three nega- tive sentiments: stereotypes, prejudice, and distancing. Similar to dis- crimination, "distancing" describes how the wealthy distance themselves emotionally and physically from poor people. Although classism is considered to be an impact of poverty, Lott also states that, "Barriers erected by classist bias maintain inequities and impede access to the re- sources necessary for optimal health and welfare" (Lott, 2002, p. 100). In other words, Lott sees class-based discrimination as both a cause and effect of poverty.
Lott (2002) bases her views on Williams' 1993 theory that the upper class purposefully categorizes people into lower, middle, and upper classes "in order to maintain its power" and to prevent the lower classes from receiving an equal share of resources (Lott, 2002). This approach has been described as "social poverty" (Lummis, 1991), which occurs when the upper class purposefully keeps the lower class in poverty via economic control, thereby keeping themselves in power (Moreira, 2003).
Lott (2002) describes two theories that examine the mechanisms behind such unfair discrimination: Moral Exclusion Theory and Dehu- manizing Theory. Moral exclusion theory, developed by Opotow, suggests that upper-class citizens incorrectly assume that lower-class citizens are less moral than those in the upper classes, thereby causing or passively
allowing poverty to become more acceptable in the minds of upper- class citizens (Lott, 2002). Similarly, Bar-Tal, and Schwartz and Struch both propose that the upper classes dehumanize poor people, believing that lower-class citizens have different (i.e., unacceptable) values and emotional tendencies (Lott, 2002). This dehumanizing process makes it easier for upper-class citizens to reduce their empathy as well as dis- criminate against poor people (Lott, 2002).
The most recent comprehensive discussion of poverty within the field of psychology is found in the Resolution on Poverty and Socioeco- nomic Status by the American Psychological Association (APA, 2000). Intended to represent the collective opinion of psychologists nation- wide, it clearly states, "perceptions of the poor and of welfare–by those not in those circumstances–tend to reflect attitudes and stereotypes that attribute poverty to personal failings rather than socioeconomic struc- tures and systems" (APA, 2000, p. 2). Thus, the APA acknowledges that both structural forces in society as well as discriminatory practices contribute to the perpetuation of poverty.
In 1979, Urie Bronfenbrenner, one of the field's most influential de- velopmental psychologists, proposed his now-famous ecological theory about how an individual is influenced by "systems" of interaction that include family and friends, community, and society, and constantly change and influence each other over a lifetime (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). This was one of the first developmental theories that took into account the effects that the social environment can have on human behavior and life course development. This theory of interacting systems was used to explain the experiences of children and adults living in poverty, espe- cially the causes and impacts of poverty (Fraser, 1997).
For example, whereas psychologists of the 1960s and the 1970s tended to attribute the relatively low IQ score or sub-standard scholastic achievement of the poor to inherent moral or genetic deficiencies, most psychologists today recognize that the multiple systems of a person's life can have an impact on such scores or performance (Fraser, 1997). As a result, psychologists have moved from blaming the individual vic- tims of poverty to incorporating the social environment into their under- standing of people in poverty.
Lott (2002) views discrimination directed toward poor people by the upper classes as yet another negative product of a poor person's
circumstances. Lott (2002) calls this particular type of discrimination "Distancing," which she divides into the following three subcategories:
1. Cognitive Distancing. Herein the upper classes hold onto nega- tive, unjustified stereotypes about poor people's characteristics and behavior by blaming the condition of poverty on a person's individual failings,
2. Institutional Distancing. This involves "punishing members of low-status groups by erecting barriers to full societal participa- tion" (p. 104), such as the disparity between suburban and inner city public schools.
3. Interpersonal Distancing. Herein the middle or upper class indi- viduals directly ignore, insult, or discriminate against lower-class individuals to their face (e.g., a shop owner forcing poor children to wait outside the store while their mothers shopped because they might steal if allowed to enter the store).
In summary, Lott (2002) views all these forms of distancing as sig- nificant in their negative impact on people living in poverty.
Moreira (2003) has identified other negative impacts such as the loss of culture, whereby dominant Western culture obliterates regional cultures. For example, cultural rituals are disappearing from poverty- stricken areas, such as a community ceremony to grieve the death of an infant (often related to poverty and malnutrition). The loss of such cul- tural rituals that serve to ease the grief of the surviving mother are re- lated to increasing rates of depression among poor women who have lost children (Moreira, 2003).
In a similar vein, Moreira blames the invasion of Western society's consumerist ideology (i.e., assigning great value to the accumulation of material goods) for causing consumerism syndrome in poor people; namely, an unrelenting desire to own more and more material goods. Since poor people do not have the financial resources to satisfy such a desire, she believes it unnecessarily exacerbates a self-perception of be- ing poor and can lead to mental health problems (such as depression). As Moreira (2003) explains, "it is more probable to find someone who thinks he is poor without really being poor, and who is, in fact, just the opposite" (p. 73, emphasis added). Lummis (1991) expands upon this view and notes that when consumerist ideologies dominate a society, people perceive that the only things of value are those that are purchased with money. For example, poor people from regional cultures no longer
want to plant vegetables because they prefer to buy them in grocery stores (Moreira, 2003).
Depression and misplaced low self-esteem resulting from a consum- erism syndrome are not the only psychological problems that poor peo- ple face (Moreira, 2003). Moreira (2003) notes that globalization and consumerist ideology can cause multiple psychopathologies, ranging from anhedonia (i.e., no longer taking pleasure in activities that were previously pleasurable) to nihilism and suicidal ideation. The invasion of Western culture is particularly damaging to a poor person's self- esteem, since it imposes the belief that Western culture is superior to the cultures it is supplanting (Moreira, 2003). The APA supports Moreira's view that the condition of poverty increases one's chances of experienc- ing mental illness. As reported in the Resolution on Poverty that "pov- erty is detrimental to psychological well-being, with [National Institute of Mental Health] data indicating that low-income individuals are 2-5 times more likely to suffer from a diagnosable mental disorder than those of the highest socio-economic-status group" (APA, 2000, p. 1). While psychologists have recognized that poverty can increase one's chances of developing mental disorders, today they attribute such illnesses to broader societal forces as well as intrinsic, personal characteristics.
While societal forces can overwhelm the poor, there are also poverty- stricken individuals who have overcome the negative impacts to suc- ceed in school or the workplace. Explanations for this form of success emerged from the study of risks, which Fraser (1997) defines as any fac- tor that: (1) increases the probability of a problem, (2) makes a problem more serious, or (3) helps maintain a problem. Not surprisingly, poverty is a risk factor for child abuse, illness, family stress, inadequate social support, depression, and delinquency (Fraser, 1997). Furthermore, be- cause poverty is typically long lasting, it accumulates and magnifies such risks, whereby problems like mental illness are magnified (Fraser, 1997).
Despite all of the risks and negative consequences associated with poverty, some individuals succeed despite living amidst such risks (Garmezy, 1985). According to Fraser (1997), one of the first theorists to tackle that question was E. J. Anthony, who called such individuals "psychologically invulnerable" (p. 14). Subsequent theorists criticized this label, saying it gave the false impression that the successful individ- uals were completely unaffected by risk factors. As an alternative, theo- rists such as Garmezy (1985) suggested the term "resilience," which he defined as "risk factors in combination with positive forces that contrib- ute to adaptive outcomes" (Fraser, 1997, p. 14). Garmezy and others
went on to propose three different types of resilience: (1) success de- spite numerous risk factors, (2) sustained coping despite chronic stress- ors, and (3) recovery from a trauma (Fraser, 1997).
According to Garmezy (1985), a person achieves such resilience with the help of positive forces or "protective factors" which can be any internal or external force in a person's life that helps him/her avoid risk. Garmezy (1985) divides these protective factors into three categories: (1) dispositional attributes (e.g., positive temperament), (2) family milieu (e.g., solid family cohesion), and (3) extra-familial social environment (e.g., extended social supports). According to the theory of resilience, a protective factor can function in one of four ways: by reducing the impact of a risk, by reducing a negative chain reaction that might have actualized a risk, by developing a person's self-esteem, or by creating opportunities through social reform (Fraser, 1997). It is not surprising that resilience theory is the most recent psychological theory to emerge, given psychol- ogy's own self-criticism for having been previously too disparaging of the inherent abilities of the poor.
From this literature review on psychological theories of poverty, two themes emerged: those that emphasize the role of the individual, and those that emphasize the role of society. Theories that emphasize the role of the individual attribute poverty to one's intrinsic deficiencies, while theories that focus on society find fault in its broader, structural forces. Based on this brief literature review, it appears that the field of psychology now favors the more ecologically-based theories as re- flected in the APA's Resolution on Poverty (2000) calling for more at- tention to the social environment and the nature of resilient human behavior. For example, the APA (2001) calls for the support of any pub- lic policies that will help eradicate poverty, such as those that provide equal public education, living-wage jobs, and affordable housing. The APA (2000) also calls for further psychological research into the causes and impacts of poverty, especially economic disparity, classism, and prejudicial stereotypes.
The conceptual map found in Figure 1 illustrates the major concepts covered by this literature review. The map is divided into two compo- nents: The top half represents psychological theories of poverty that focus solely on human behavior and the bottom half contains theories
of poverty that address the social environment. The theories on the "causes" of poverty that focus on the individual include such personal failings as: inferior genes, the absence of a NAch, inherent mental ill- ness, sinister morals, and/or internal ego/superego conflict stemming from an unhealthy childhood. These theories focused primarily on in- ternal deficiencies, whereby individuals bring poverty upon themselves and contribute to their own mental illness.
The bottom half of the conceptual map illustrates an entirely different picture, where causes of poverty are attributed to aspects of the social
FIGURE 1. Psychological Theories of Poverty
environment: Civilization itself, the spread of a consumerist ideology, structural forces of society (e.g., lack of living-wage jobs), lack of power, security, and opportunity for certain groups, and/or discrimination by the upper classes toward the lower classes. Such theories focus on both the behavioral impacts of poverty (mental illness, consumerism syndrome, or resilience) as well as the environmental impacts (a loss of culture, low-paying jobs, a risk-filled environment, and discrimination).
One of the implications for understanding human behavior and the social environment is to recognize the historical trajectory of the devel- opment of psychological theories and the recent efforts to balance the impact of societal forces with the resilient behaviors of poor people. Further research is needed in order to understand the interaction be- tween individuals and their social environment, and how this interaction is exacerbated by the condition of poverty. It is equally important to gain a more in-depth understanding of how psychological theories were used to explain poverty and thereby "blame the victim" while ignoring the impact of the social environment, which has been and will be the pri- mary arena for eliminating poverty.
American Psychological Association (APA). (2000). Resolution on poverty and socio- economic status. Retrieved on November 21, 2005 from www.apa.org/pi/urban/ povres.html
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by na- ture and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Carr, S. (2003). Poverty and psychology: An introduction. In S. Carr & T. Sloan (Eds.), Poverty and psychology: From global perspective to local practice (pp. 1-15). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers.
Curran, L. (2002). The psychology of poverty: Professional social work and aid to de- pendent children in postwar America: 1946-1963. Social Service Review, September, 365-386.
DeNavas-Walt, C., Proctor, B., & Lee, C. (2005). U.S. Census Bureau, current popula- tion reports: Income, poverty, and health insurance coverage in the United States: 2004. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Fraser, M. (1997). Risk and resilience in childhood: An ecological perspective. Washing- ton, DC: NASW Press.
Garmezy, N. (1985). Stress-resistant children: The search for protective factors. In J.E. Stevenson (Ed.), Recent research in developmental psychopathology (pp. 213- 233). Tarrytown, NY: Pergamon Press.
Ginsburg, H. (1978). The myth of the deprived child. In H. Bee (Ed.), Social issues in developmental psychology (pp. 178-197). New York: Harper & Row.
Goldstein, A. (1973). Structured learning therapy: Toward a psychotherapy for the poor. New York: Academic Press.
Javier, R. & Herron, W. (2002). Psychoanalysis and the disenfranchised: Counter- transference issues. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 19, 149-166.
Lewis, O. (1975). Five families: Mexican case studies in the culture of poverty. New York: HarperCollins Publishers.
Lott, B. (2002). Cognitive and behavioral distancing from the poor. American Psychol- ogist, 57, 100-110.
Lummis, C. (1991). Development against democracy. Alternatives, 16, 31-66. Luthar, S. (1999). Poverty and child adjustment. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Moreira, V. (2003). Poverty and psychopathology. In S. Carr & T. Sloan (Eds.), Pov-
erty and psychology: From global perspective to local practice (pp. 69-86). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers.
Murali, V. & Oyebode, O.A. (2004). Poverty, social inequality and mental health. Ad- vances in Psychiatric Treatment, 10, 216-224.
National Association of Social Workers (1999). Code of ethics. Retrieved on November 17, 2005 from http://www.naswdc.org/pubs/code/default.aso
Pearl, A. (1970). The poverty of psychology: An indictment. In V. Allen (Ed.), Psycho- logical factors in poverty (pp. 348-364). Chicago: Markham Publishing Company.
Rainwater, L. (1970). Neutralizing the disinherited: Some psychological aspects of un- derstanding the poor. In V. Allen (Ed.), Psychological factors in poverty (pp. 9-28). Chicago: Markham Publishing Company.
Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press. World Bank (2001). Attacking poverty: Opportunity, empowerment, and security
(World Development Report, 2000/2001). Retrieved on November 21, 2005 from http://econ.worldbank.org/wdr/
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Structural-Cultural Theories Comparing Individual-Related and Structural/Cultural-Related Theories


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An automobile accident is a scary and stressful situation regardless if it's your fault or not. I talk to a lot of people after they've been in an accident and they are so shaken up that they have difficulty giving me the details of how the accident happened. I can't blame them. I have never been in a car accident (knock on wood), but I do consider myself somewhat of a professional when it comes to what needs to be done following an accident. Here are five steps to help you get back on track.
1. Notify the police. Always contact the police so a report can be filed in case there is a dispute about liability. Most people would tell you not to move your car until the police arrive but there are situations when you might have to move your car to prevent further problems.
2. Take photos. Pretty much everyone carries a cell phone that can take photos, so snap a few for documentation of the damage to both your vehicle and the other vehicle or vehicles involved. If you don't have a cell phone with a camera, I suggest keeping a disposable camera in your glove box for situations like this.
3. Exchange insurance information. This will help speed up the resolution of your claim. If the other party is a bit slow turning the claim into their carrier, you have the information to make that call and put the other carrier on notice.
4. Stay calm. I know, that's easy for me to say right now, but it doesn't do anyone any good to take your frustrations out on the driver of the other vehicle. Chances are they feel bad enough the way it is.
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I surrender my heart and my mind to the Light of the I AM Presence within. May this message be filled with the Light of Truth and help the healing of all Life Forms.
We are being informed from various Interplanetary Sources in the Family of Light that there are ways the Forces of Light are intensifying our Planetary energies, resulting in increased physical and emotional challenges for many Humans on the Planet. Please give us your wisdom on this matter.
Indeed, using your terms of third dimensional concepts, the Forces of Light are working overtime!
As we have told you on numerous occasions, when Light increases, so is the presence of the shadow intensified. Such is the experience for many Humans at this time. You are being filled with the energies of Light, healing the fear and doubt within your mind, your heart, your emotions. However that does mean Life may become challenging for those Humans who are loathe to let go the control of what they may believe is the only way they can live their lives.
The choice to surrender to the Light is always just that – a personal choice, though it sometimes may feel that you have none! Indeed – we say to you – you may not have a BETTER choice than to surrender, Beloved Ones! When you let go the control you believe you have, you will be able to relax into comfort! You have control only over your choices and with every choice you make from your heart, your Life will be simpler. Your heart will feel lighter. Your mind will relax and your body will heal itself of the stress you hold inside each cell.
We wish for you that healing experience, and, what's more, you CAN have it! We remind you once more and at this time especially, "Accept and Allow" must be your mantra during your brief but frequent meditation times. Even five of your minutes will allow you to accept whatever is occurring in your fleeting moments of fear and frustration, moving the energy of that dense feeling into the Light of Truth. Your body will appreciate your kindness to it! Your heart will open once more! Resist not the various fear sensations. Feel them as they appear. Only at that time will they pass through you so that you become Light. Resist your resistance, and resistance will push back with greater intensify. Allow the feelings and they will transmute into Light. Lightness of Being is the result and is your Soul's ultimate desire.
While there are many shadow-like forces on the planet intending to generate the energy of human fear on which these forces dine so generously, there are many more Light Beings whose intensions are ever more active to take away the food for the shadow! As you have often seen wars sometimes fought first in creative minds, then on your television screen, the conflict is hard fought but the Light Warriors ultimately and always win. Yet for those sensitive Souls on the Planet who resonate and are influenced by what they have seen on the screen, the battle depicted outside is also transpiring within their mind. The war of light and shadow rages within sometimes in its overwhelming fury.
Fear begets more fear and Light seems far away for these troubled Souls. The Beings of Light and the fear-inducing intention of the shadow is caught in an inner battle some Souls seem to be unable to conquer. Such is the case when a soul is inexplicably consumed with actions that are completely against any former patterns within their personality. Suddenly their outer behavior is the antithesis of their past life style or inner mode of thinking. During these very challenging times, especially in pockets where darkness seems to rule on the Planet, these observations are often noted in your news media and press reports.
Be clear, Dear Ones, that the evidence of such behavior is merely the clearing of karmic debts incurred by all those souls concerned in the incidents. Judge them not as you have no idea of the Light Forces that are also at work in these incidents. While We understand that such an attitude of non-judgment is difficult for you because you make up your minds based on "the seen and known facts", you know not the facts as they are seen in the Light of Truth!
You, Dear Human, DO have control! You have control over your own action and behavior. You have control over your judgments and criticism. You have control over your mind and its thinking. You cannot control the destiny of another Soul but your own.
We encourage you to notice when you are wanting to do just that. Consider the consequences of your "meddling in the Mind of God"! Within the Universal Law of Action and Reaction, one response you may have is the meddling of other minds in your personal decision making. All of these situations you judge are merely the fulfillment of a Soul Contract and the lessons each Human receives for his or her own Life.
Remind your Self – and each other – these times are not normal as you define "normal".
Be constantly vigilant of your own heart, your mind, your senses and your actions.
Notice when you are caught up in fear and do not act or make decisions based on that fear.
Meditate several times daily even for a few minutes, to "intend" your mind into Light.
Invoke or sing your new mantra: Allow…Allow…Allow…especially when feeling fear.
Know that "this too, shall pass" and feel gratitude for the Light ever within you…..
And that is our Message for Humanity today. May you always know this: the Light is ever within you. Our Love is always with you. You are never left alone. You have the power to Love your Self…..and each other.
We assure you of this: Light and Love and Power is now restoring the Plan on Earth..
This entry was posted in Light, Raising Consciousness, Surrender and tagged accept and allow, Light vs Shadow, Light workers, Lightness of Being, Uinversal Laws on August 3, 2012 by Inger.
Wow! So many of these sentences I need to read and re-read and take to heart.
that have controlled our very thoughts. I am grateful for that Counsel!


Someone in Concord, N.H., was making life miserable for several refugee families from Africa, scrawling hostile, racist graffiti in magic marker on the sides of their homes. The families were all friendly and law-abiding and never experienced trouble with neighbors, so ever since the hate-filled writings first appeared in September of 2011, the identity of the writer stumped police.
That is, until one clever police investigator had a hunch. Would the author of the racist diatribes be likely to also be a gun owner? Concord detective Wade Brown figured it was worth a shot, so he combed trough 1,500 concealed-carry handgun permit applications looking to see if any of the gun owners had handwriting that looked like the hateful scribblings.
The answer, he found, was yes — yes it did. An application filed by Raymond "Raynard" Stevens of Pembroke, N.H. contained handwriting whose letters bore a strong resemblance to the repugnant graffiti.
Stevens, it turned out, was an amiable-seeming tattoo artist and owner of the Tattoomb shop in Nashua, N.H. His picture is at right. Watch a video of Stevens introducing his shop, below.
Two forensic handwriting tests matched the racist scrawlings to Stevens handwriting. Then a search of Stevens social media activity demonstrated that he held personal beliefs similar to those expressed in the harassing graffiti.
On Stevens Facebook page, cops found racist cartoons and "disturbing and violent" comments about black people an other minority groups.
An ex-girlfriend of the tattoo artist told cops that Steves belonged to white supremacist groups he came in contact with when he resided in Connecticut. She also said that he bragged about spray-painting Nazi swastikas on a Jewish synagogue, breaking the window of a shop owned by a minority businessman and other racist acts.
Stevens was arrested Tuesday morning on felony criminal mischief charges and is held in lieu of $8,000 bail.
Concord Police Chief John Duval was careful to note that Stevens was not being prosecuted because of his personal views, however repulsive those views may be.
Kids Drawing on Sidewalk with Chalk Labeled "Graffiti Artists"


In Episode 83 of the Entertainment Law Update Podcast, Tamera and Gordon discuss the latest news and cases involving copyright, trademark, film, TV, and other entertainment law issues.
Is There Plenty of Room for Trademarks at the Hotel California?
Can A Desert City be a Trademark?
Did You Get The Right Visa To Play SXSW?
Amish Mafia - Disparaging Trademark?
Not every trademark application filed with the US Patent and Trademark Office is approved for registration. In the case of "Amish Mafia" for a television series, the trademark examining attorney determined the mark was disparaging to members of the Amish religious sect and issued an office action and final refusal barring registration by owner Discovery Communications, LLC. Discovery appealed the decision to the Trademark Trial and Appeals Board.
Interestingly enough, clothing featuring the "Amish Mafia" brand must not be disparaging. A registration issued for "Amish Mafia" for t-shirts in 2012. Discovery acquired this trademark registration from Daniel A. Wiesner. Discovery offers a full line of "Amish Mafia" t-shirts and other merchandise at the Discovery website.
You can learn more about potentially disparaging trademarks from the Trademark Trial and Appeals Board's recent ruling regarding the Washington Redskins trademarks.
Also, Texas trademark lawyer Tamera Bennett and Los Angeles TV lawyer Gordon Firemark discuss both cases in the 53rd episode of the Entertainment Law Update Podcast.


21/08/2011 · Publishers or authors if you would be willing to let me review your books you can contact me at: becca9@gmail.com I live in the UK and am an avid reader, and like to keep up with new releases and old favourites.... The Princess Diaries Summary & Study Guide Description. The Princess Diaries Summary & Study Guide includes comprehensive information and analysis to help you understand the book.
Princess on the Brink (Princess Diaries Series #8) by Meg Cabot in CHM, FB3, TXT download e-book. Welcome to our site, dear reader! All content included on our site, such as text, images, digital downloads and other, is the property of it's content suppliers and protected by …... Princess Diaries Series The story of Mia Thermopolis' adolescent turmoil as an average teenager and a princess of royal descent is chronicled in her on-going journal, where she explores topics of teenage angst, love, and betrayal through an opinionated eye.
John Paul Reynolds Abernathy IV or J.P., as Mia and her friends like to call him, was known as The Guy Who Hates It When They Put Corn In The Chili (before the seventh book). He got this name when people started noticing that his hobby included taking out the corn from the chili the cafeteria... application of google glass pdf 21/08/2011 · Publishers or authors if you would be willing to let me review your books you can contact me at: becca9@gmail.com I live in the UK and am an avid reader, and like to keep up with new releases and old favourites.
The Princess Diaries Summary & Study Guide Description. The Princess Diaries Summary & Study Guide includes comprehensive information and analysis to help you understand the book.
Princess Diaries Series The story of Mia Thermopolis' adolescent turmoil as an average teenager and a princess of royal descent is chronicled in her on-going journal, where she explores topics of teenage angst, love, and betrayal through an opinionated eye.
The Princess Diaries, Volume VIII: Princess on the Brink, released in the United Kingdom as The Princess Diaries: After Eight, is a young adult book in the Princess Diaries series. Written by Meg Cabot , it was released in 2007 by Harper Collins Publishers and is the eighth novel in the series.
If looking for a book by Meg Cabot Princess on the Brink (Princess Diaries, Vol. 8) in pdf form, in that case you come on to the faithful website.


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Q: Trying to add items to localStorage but stuck in an endless refresh hell So I was following a video of an online course just fine when a "books.push is not a function error" appeared on the console, and I just can't get rid of it! I even downloaded the author's code and it's there as well. Whenever I try to add a book the page just reloads and nothing happens, it won't even be added to LS.
Btw other methods are empty because I stopped after this silent nightmarish bug came to life.
Update: to make things even more weird, on CodePen it works just fine, the data is added to localStorage, but when running it on live server @ Firefox the bug is there anyways. Is this a browser bug then?
Please check the link below
https://codepen.io/mateusmlo/pen/JZKbar
    static addBook(book){
    const books = Store.getBooks();

    books.push(book);

    localStorage.setItem('books', JSON.stringify(books));
}

static removeBook(){

}

Update 2: ok so it really turned out to be a browser issue, sorry I didn't say it was Firefox DEVELOPER Edition, on normal Firefox it didn't happen. But everyone gave me some precious insights that I will indeed take notes in the future. Thank you guys!

A: I get that in a book you don't want to introduce too many things at once and the author had to take some shortcuts, but if your code expects something to be an array then it should in fact check (or have a static typechecker check) that it is in fact an array. The getBooks method should be rewritten as follows:
static getBooks () {
  const stored = localStorage.getItem('books');
  let books = []; // default to empty array

  // need the try-catch here because the parse can fail
  try {
    const parsed = JSON.parse(stored);
    if (Array.isArray(parsed)) { // check that it's an array
      books = parsed;
    } // else leave books as default
  } catch (e) {
    // no-op, leave books as default
  }

  return books;
}

Now the code will

*

*Always return an array and nothing else

*Always succeed. There's a very strong convention that a getter should never throw, and the parse can fail in the original method.

If you are in to pointless micro-optimizations, you can also add an early return to skip the try/catch if stored is null or undefined.
The original is almost certainly failing because something like this happened:
localStorage.setItem('books', JSON.stringify({})); // NOTE: {} not []

Now when it's retrieved:
if (localStorage.getItem('books') === null) { // this will be false, because it's not null

Then later
books.push(whatever); // oops! books is {} not []! No push method for you

Which would explain why refreshing doesn't fix it, and why the same code runs just fine on a different page (e.g. the codepen). If you opened the console on that page and typed localStorage.setItem('books', '[]') you might suddenly see your problem vanish.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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What's the secret to Apple's brand? Boiled down to one word, it's sex.
"An iPhone is saying to the opposite sex, or a potential mate, 'I have good genes. You should mate with me.'"
By Eric Johnson@HeyHeyESJ Updated Sep 12, 2017, 6:30am EDT
If you buy something from a Vox link, Vox Media may earn a commission. See our ethics statement.
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Justin Sullivan / Getty
No matter what Apple announces today at its fall product event in Cupertino, millions of people will buy it. And consciously or subconsciously, NYU professor Scott Galloway says, they're doing it because Apple has figured out how to advertise to their genitals.
On the latest episode of Recode Decode, hosted by Kara Swisher, Galloway previewed his upcoming book, "The Four: The Hidden DNA of Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Google," in which he argues that business and biology are more closely linked than you might think.
"You're either appealing to the brain, the heart or the genitals, and as you move down the torso, the margins get better, because the decision-making becomes more irrational," Galloway said. "Ideally, you want to be in the business of appealing to people's sex organs."
"The Four" comes out on Oct. 3 and you can preorder it on Amazon. Below the embedded audio, Galloway explains just what he means when he says, "Apple is sex."
You can listen to Recode Decode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Pocket Casts, Overcast or wherever you listen to podcasts.
Galloway sees Apple as a luxury brand like Louis Vuitton, characterized by an iconic founder and "temples to the brand" (Apple Stores). And product events like today's, he explained, are nothing more than a "fashion show."
"Your No. 1 instinct is survival and, once that box is checked and you think, 'I'm going to make it through the day,' your No. 2 instinct is procreation," Galloway said. "The No. 1 signal of wealth, the No. 1 signal of power, the No. 1 signal of your likelihood of a random sexual encounter in a greater selection set among potential mates is the iPhone."
"This is the new signaling device, 'I have good genes,' just as having ad-supported Pandora radio or paying with a Discover card is like saying, 'I have bad genes,'" he added. "An iPhone is saying to the opposite sex, or a potential mate, 'I have good genes. You should mate with me.'"
If you like this show, you should also sample our other podcasts:
Recode Media with Peter Kafka features no-nonsense conversations with the smartest and most interesting people in the media world, with new episodes every Thursday. Use these links to subscribe on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Pocket Casts, Overcast or wherever you listen to podcasts.
Too Embarrassed to Ask, hosted by Kara Swisher and The Verge's Lauren Goode, answers the tech questions sent in by our readers and listeners. You can hear new episodes every Friday on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Pocket Casts, Overcast or wherever you listen to podcasts.
And Recode Replay has all the audio from our live events, including the Code Conference, Code Media and the Code Commerce Series. Subscribe today on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Pocket Casts, Overcast or wherever you listen to podcasts.
If you like what we're doing, please write a review on Apple Podcasts— and if you don't, just tweet-strafe Kara.


Advanced Tactical Pistol Training - Getting Faster!
Welcome to Advanced Pistol – Getting Faster! The drills and skills you developed to get yourself to the point where you can attend this course are what builds a tactically sound, safe and proficient shooter. What separates top-tier professionals from the rest of the pack is their ability to identify and correct the minor discrepancies in their technique. None of us can see it in ourselves and it requires professional assistance. The cumulative effect of these minor discrepancies is where you save time. We'll help you ID those discrepancies!
500 rounds of factory-produced ammunition required.
Rental fee includes equipment and ammunition.
Ammunition may be available for purchase at the range.
Prerequisite: Tactical Pistol Three or Pass the Skill Check.
This course is specifically focused on improving your practical pistol speed and reducing your times. Ultimately, this really means improving the efficiency of your manipulation. Efficiency and consistency are what will reduce your split times. Find and push the limits of your pistol shooting speed and improve your capability to hit quickly. After a quick review of the fundamentals and a skills check, we spend the day reviewing key aspects of manipulation, gear, and equipment set up and making slight modifications to improve your technique. That which gets measured gets improved. Speed is not genetics or inborn ability – it's simply doing some things differently. This is where you can find out if that difference is right for you! Access to our professionally programmed practice drills is included with the course, and will be available online in our E-Learning Portal upon completion. We look forward to seeing you on the range!
My old football coach used to tell me: Amateurs will practice until they get it right, professionals will practice until they can't do it wrong... Today, we're going to start the process of making sure we can't do it wrong!
Be the first to review this course!


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Renato Tavares: Nationals win stepping stone to No-Gi Worlds gold
The American Nationals showcased some great talent last weekend, and Renato Tavares of Renato Tavares Association was no exception. The senior 2 lightweight black belt division had two Gi matches at weight on Saturday. He won the first on points and the second and final contest against Samuel Joseph Yamasaki of Yamasaki Academy by armbar, earning him a gold medal.
Renato Tavares / Photos: Deb Blyth
Renato then registered for the open class and had another two matches, there. He won both of them, defeating Mario Devault of Gracie Barra in the final, making him a double gold winner for the day.
On Sunday, Renato came back to compete at weight in the No-Gi tournament. He had just one match and won it on points by 12 – 4. In total, Gi and No-Gi, Renato had five matches at the American Nationals. He says he wanted to do the No-Gi absolute but felt his back wasn't up to it, so he opted out.
Atop absolute podium
"I compete a lot," Renato says, "My next tournament will be the Miami Open. I took 22 students there last year. This year I'm going for 50 and I want us to be in the top three. We have a big kids program and we're winning everything. We've only been around the last couple of years."
Renato does everything he can for his students, and brings in big names, like Rafael Mendes, for example, to do seminars at his school. "I try and get my students better any way I can," he says, "It helps me, too. It speeds up my game."
As for Renato personally, the 43-year-old says he pushes himself as much as he can. He is looking forward to competing in the Miami Open and wants to win it. He wants to make 2011 even better than 2009. "In 2009 I won the Pan, the States and the Miami Open. I want to do the same this year." Renato is off to a good start, already winning the 2011 Pan as a Senior 1 featherweight and now picking up two gold medals at the American Nationals.
Renato will be back in California in November to fight the No-Gi Worlds, where he will be looking to pick up his first gold medal in the event. If you would like to learn more about Renato Tavares and his association, go to: www.rtbjja.com.


This article is for Generation 2 zSpace STEM PCs.
HD: SSD 128GB SATA III internal SSD.
Back panel Student PC showing Wireless antenna, Display Port, HDMI, DVI, and Audio connections. The serial number is also located on the back panel just under the antenna. Note. Discrete graphics (the Display Port and HDMI connections in the lower left) which are not labeled are disabled and cannot be used.
The Teacher PC has 4 Display Port connections.


text:
Opinion: The future of affirmative action
by Henry Bowditch February 6, 2018
Dr. Richard Keen teaches ATOC 1050 in Duane Physics on October 12, 2010.
(Eric McCune/CU Independent File)
Opinions do not necessarily represent CUIndependent.com or any of its sponsors.
Affirmative action as we know it is on its last legs.
Public opinion polls show a growing condemnation. Eight states, including California, have made race-blind admissions policy state law. The Supreme Court's 2013 opinion on affirmative action delivered the ultimate paradox: Support racial diversity and end racial preferences. Seven to one, the Court ruled that colleges should develop and promote "race-neutral alternatives" to existing admissions policies.
Whether it's defeated in a future Supreme Court case or in your local ballot box, the future of race-conscious affirmative action is dubious at best.
But this isn't a death sentence to our shared ambition of making college campuses more inclusive for all Americans. In fact, it's an obligation to do exactly that.
CU Boulder should be an engine of opportunity. Our student body should reflect and serve our state's college-age population. So, how do we secure a race-neutral future for affirmative action?
Consider one of diversity's many virtues: it is educationally beneficial. A plurality of perspectives interrogating new, unorthodox, even offensive ideas lends students an improved ability to criticize those ideas they denounce and defend those they support. More importantly, engaging with different perspectives often changes and broadens one's own. This is, essentially, the same message contained in the inscription above the entrance to Norlin Library, "Who knows only his own generation remains always a child."
Intellectual diversity confers obvious benefits, but there is a contradiction in assuming racial diversity guarantees intellectual diversity: members of the same race do not all think alike. Perspective is consequent of identity, of which race is only one part.
If racial diversity isn't necessarily prerequisite to intellectual diversity, the latter and (perhaps indirectly) the former, are achievable through a race-neutral approach.
One popular alternative to race-conscious affirmative action is class-conscious affirmative action. Under threat that race-conscious measures would become prohibited in Colorado via a ballot initiative in 2008, the University developed a fairly forward-thinking admissions metric that was class-conscious and race-neutral. While the ballot initiative failed, CU Admissions moved forward with testing their metric anyway. CU Boulder employed class-conscious affirmative action that increased both intellectual diversity and racial diversity.
In 2009, CU Boulder found that a class-conscious, race-neutral admissions metric was 20% more likely to admit applicants from severely disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds and 9% more likely to admit applicants from underrepresented minority groups than a race-conscious approach. Simply put, "[b]lack, Latino, and Native American applicants were more likely to be admitted under the class based approach." It is worth noting that the class-conscious approach did not affect academic qualifications for admissions by any measure of statistical significance.
Perhaps it is conceptually convenient to assume that racial diversity is most directly and appropriately attained through a race-conscious approach. However, it is important to consider the inadequacies of race-conscious affirmative action (a position this University partially reoccupied in 2011), which I classify as threefold.
First, admissions policies shouldn't strive for conceptual convenience; they should strive toward a fair, holistic review of every student. If the ambition remains oriented toward holistic, intellectual diversity, it is wise to consider additional markers of identity to promote more than just racial diversity.
Second, the legal future of race-conscious affirmative action is uncertain. Class-conscious approaches are on firmer legal ground because socioeconomic status is not a protected class under the 14th Amendment.
Third, admissions metrics that too heavily advantage any non-academic criteria (legacy status, athletic ability, class or race) over the potential for academic success do not move the University towards supporting opportunities for sustainable social mobility. Every student should thrive at CU Boulder.
Every student should be supported in his/her pathways to success. Access without success is not sustainable. There are broad enough ways to interpret qualifications to both diversify our campus and consider each student's potential for success — the class-conscious method is one such approach.
So where can CU Boulder go from here? This institution and its student body should consider our unique position as Colorado's flagship university. We will produce many of our state's leaders — in politics, business and many other professions. Do we want to be an "engine of inequality" or an engine of opportunity?
The education and income disparities between the rich and poor have become far more pronounced than those between whites and minorities. Perhaps it's time we re-consider what affirmative action should achieve accounting for these new contingencies.
Our forthcoming diversity plan should value a holistic vision of diversity. Our admissions policies should continue to reward resilience, resolve and work ethic — qualities that are remarkable indicators of success both in college and in life. Studies show that college applicants who are disadvantaged by socio-economic status possess a higher predisposition to exhibit these qualities than their privileged counterparts.
It's time our state's flagship university start capturing more of those applicants' potential. It's time we more seriously implemented class-conscious approaches for their dual benefits of improving racial diversity and social mobility. Because in America, income inequality is only acceptable when social mobility is always possible.
Contact CU Independent Staff Writer Henry Bowditch at henry.bowditch@colorado.edu
Henry Bowditch
Perspective: Deion Sanders will bring life back to Colorado...
Perspective: 2023 recruiting class proves Tad Boyle deserves more...
Perspective: Fight climate change, for your dog's sake


The quickest and easiest method of attaching driveaway awnings to a vehicle. Simply attach the Limpets through the pre-cut holes and fasten to a smooth surface. Allows the vehicle to be disconnected from the awning by simply releasing the Limpets.
3 meters of 150mm wide connection strip.


Members of the Georgia Green Party, from Savannah to Atlanta, gathered at the Capitol Building, alongside Common Cause Georgia as part of Citizen's Lobby Day. People from all walks of life joined together for one common purpose — to fix the broken, rigged election system in Georgia. These concerned citizens, and almost exclusively first-time lobbyists, agreed the biggest obstacle to election integrity in this state is gerrymandering.
After every census, the party in power (Democrat or Republican) uses techniques known as 'stacking, cracking and packing' to ensure lopsided, oddly fabricated districts have no more than 30% of constituents who support the opposing party, allowing for an easy, incumbent victory.
After identifying the threats our democracy is facing from establishment politicians and their unethical stronghold on our 'districts,' the group dedicated their focus to the Reapportionment Committee and the redistricting, anti-gerrymandering legislation, Senate Resolutions 6 & 7, proposed by Senator Elena Parent, District 42. These resolutions propose to establish an independent, bipartisan, Citizens Redistricting Commission, as well as provide a list of five specific, anti-gerrymandering practices to be adhered to when developing the maps.
"There's nothing wrong with the current system," said Senator Ben Watson, Chair of the Reapportionment Committee, on Citizen's Lobby Day. Watson added that he did not intend to allow a vote on the proposed resolutions. And despite a packed room at the hearing and dozens of calls and letters from his constituents, a vote was not granted. The resolutions will be up for additional hearings during the next legislative session.
The Green Party has more in its crosshairs than just gerrymandering when it comes to election reform. John Fortuin, a Georgia Green Party member esteemed for his days lobbying against the electronic voting machines in the early 2000s, warned there are more than 20 documented vulnerabilities permitting hacks of Georgia's electronic voting machines. Efforts to develop fixes to these vulnerabilities have been blocked at every level, he added.
It is critical Green Party leaders and members fight for mandates on paper ballots as the only legal ballot in the state, and eliminate hackable/error-prone electronic records. Currently, SB59: Georgia State Senate Bill on Direct Recording Electronic (DRE) Voting Systems would require a verifiable paper trail for recounts in Georgia's elections. Without Republican authors or co-sponsors, SB59 is unlikely to receive a hearing, and further analysis of the bill is required. Georgia Greens and our allies must persuade Republicans who believe in the Constitution to introduce paper ballot legislation.
Sara Henderson, new policy director of Common Cause Georgia, a non-partisan, not-for-profit organization working to ensure the highest level of election integrity, who attended Citizen's Lobby Day, said she is driven by the clear need for better governance, and grassroots pressure is exactly what is needed. The Georgia Green Party looks forward to forming these much-needed alliances to affect change at the ballot box for Georgia's citizens.
"I am proud to be part of this collective voice of activists, uniting across all dividing lines, both within and without the Green Party," said Oates. "And, according to a gold-dome insider who will remain anonymous, the establishment around here is scared. They see what is happening in the streets." Watch Christi Oates of Savannah asks Senator Matt Brass about gerrymandering.
On February 26, Cobb Greens & Friends attended the in-person town hall of Georgia State Rep. Stacey Evans (D), representing House District 42 for the cities of Smyrna and Marietta. When asked about the many bills circling the Georgia State House attempting to restore election integrity, Rep. Evans said she is in favor of all the democratic measures.
Evans said she supports an independent commission, and admitted that when Democrats were in the majority at the capitol, her own party was guilty of gerrymandering. Evans added, that if Democrats were to gain the majority in Georgia's state house again, she commits to supporting this same legislation on restructuring the redistricting process.
As the onslaught of attacks from establishment, political corporatists continue to mount, the 99% must unite to fix the broken, rigged election system. Without fair, democratic elections, the life and death issues fought for by the Georgia Green Party can not be won. If election integrity is also your top priority, please TURN YOUR PASSION INTO ACTION.
As a member of the Georgia Green Party, I demand that Georgia legislators fix our broken, rigged election system in this state. I firmly support SB59, as well as Senate Resolutions 6 & 7, and their attempts to stop gerrymandering by creating an independent commission on redistricting, as well as ensuring a paper trail to audit our elections. I am very disappointed no votes or actions were taken this year to address these constitutional issues. The Georgia Green Party demands this issues be a priority during next year's legislative session. It is time to stand up for American democracy and the rights of Georgia's citizens!
Thank you for writing and posting this article! I look forward to doing more work like this as we move forward in this important work!
Fantastic to see and hear Georgia Greens speaking Truth to Power at the General Assembly! We need more opportunities to hear about Georgia Greens confronting the issues of the day and proposing Green solutions.