text:
Oh, Snap! Investors send start-up shares skyrocketing after mistaking it for Snapchat
Case of mistaken identify saw shares of dating app provider Snap Interactive rising over 150%.
By Owen Hughes
February 9, 2017 11:34 GMT
Snap Inc filed an IPO on 2 February 2017 Reuters
Overeager investors sent shares of little-known start-up Snap Interactive skyrocketing after mistaking it for Snapchat parent company, Snap Inc.
Shares of Snap Interactive, which creates mobile dating and social networking apps, shot up by 164% in the days after Snapchat made its Initial Public Offering (IPO) official on 2 February.
More tech news from IBTimes UK
Is Snapchat really worth $25 billion?
Snapchat Spectacles melt while charging sparking safety concern over wearable
Twitter abuse: New tools will stop banned users from opening new accounts
Snap Inc last week filed for a $3bn (£2.4bn, €2.8bn) stock market flotation under the ticker SNAP on the New York Stock Exchange. Analysts believe it could be one of the biggest technology IPOs in history, with previous estimations valuing the video chat app at between $20bn and $25bn.
Little wonder, then, that overzealous investors jumped at the opportunity to cash in on what they mistook to be the aspiring social media firm when Snap Interactive Inc appeared on the stock market under the ticker STVI.
According to Bloomberg, more than 100,000 shares of New York-based Snap Interactive were traded on Wednesday 8 February, more than 10 times the average daily volume. The company is valued at around $69m, significantly less than the California-based Snapchat creator.
Cases of mistaken identity aren't uncommon on the stock market. When Facebook announced it would acquire VR headset maker Oculus in 2014, shares of lesser-known cyber security company Oculus VisionTech jumped by 155%.
Snap's IPO documents revealed it has 158 million daily users and that it pulled in sales of $400m in 2016, a year-on-year increase of more than ore than 600%. But its popular Snapchat app is yet to be profitable, with the company recording net losses of $515m for the same period.
Related topics : Snapchat


Before talking to Cobra's clients Global Legal was skeptical. While there can be significant variation, for most large document sets, experienced professionals can readily estimate the number of documents from the number of gigabytes, and vice versa. Similarly, once Cobra knows the number of documents or gigabytes, it can easily calculate a cost per document based on the length of time it typically takes to review a document. Given these relationships, we sought to determine whether or not charging clients the minimum price resulting from three highly correlated pricing mechanisms provides real value to clients or just marketing value for Cobra.
Based on our discussions with Cobra clients, there is real value for clients. Cobra's solution addresses two of the major complaints general counsels have traditionally had with legal services – the pricing level itself, and pricing predictability. The offshore LPO market, including Cobra, has addressed the pricing level by significantly reducing the cost of document review services. Least Cost Pricing addresses predictability by providing a fixed (i.e. maximum) price for a set of documents based on the number of gigabytes to review. In addition, Least Cost Pricing provides the opportunity for a client to be charged less than the maximum represented by the cost per gigabyte if the actual number of documents or cost of the time required to review the documents turns out to be lower. Significantly, one of the criticisms of fixed prices – that legal service providers have superior knowledge of the effort required to provide services and therefore have a natural incentive to use that knowledge to quote fixed prices far in excess of the hourly costs – is attenuated by Least Cost Pricing.
Both of the Cobra clients to whom we spoke reported lower than expected prices. Interestingly, while both organizations sought to reduce cost, both also considered other equally important factors. The technology provider, expecting modest cost savings, was familiar with outsourcing other aspects of its business and sought to improve project management and the measurable quality of results. The boutique firm determined (after consultation with and approval from its clients) that it would be more cost-effective, timely, and thorough to outsource the review of large document productions.
Both clients were initially very concerned about the risks of offshore document review and took measures to satisfy themselves that the quality provided by an offshore outsourcing firm was measurably adequate. Both clients evaluated multiple firms and conducted test reviews before making a commitment to Cobra. Though neither client visited Cobra facilities in Chennai, India, they were both able to satisfy themselves that the quality of the offshored work was adequate. Some of the indicators of quality were the initial questions requesting client instructions for particular situations and weekly status reports that included the number of documents reviewed, the time incurred to do so, the consequent spending to date, and projections for completion. Credibility was also bolstered significantly by the presence in India of an attorney with significant training and experience in U.S. litigation. The technology firm also cited professional experience with Cobra executives, and the boutique cited industry introductions and a meticulous reference checking process.
Once the review projects had begun, Cobra provided weekly reporting including the number of hours consumed and the number of gigabytes and documents reviewed. While other vendors provide this level of efficiency statistics, the transparent effect on pricing serves to highlight anomalies more quickly than projects focused on a single pricing driver. During its initial engagement with Cobra, the technology company spent one third of its projected cost, and ultimately paid lower than the "maximum" because hourly cost pricing resulted in the best price. At one point during the boutique firm's project, Cobra needed to add additional reviewers to stay on schedule. The attorney managing Cobra for them noted that if had she been supervising contract attorneys or a firm offering only hourly pricing, she would have had to choose between completing the project behind schedule with existing attorneys or increasing the overall cost by adding uninitiated attorneys who would have had lower productivity. She consented to additional attorneys and ultimately completed the project on time, with the cost per document resulting in the lowest price.
Overall both clients were pleased with the quality, and found value in the Least Cost Pricing Solution. Both were attracted to the fixed prices (i.e. gigabyte prices) quoted at the beginning of their projects with the potential for lower prices if things went well. In both cases, the clients happily paid less than the initial fixed price.
Neither Matthew Sullivan nor Red Bridge Strategy is affiliated with Cobra Legal Solutions LLC.
This entry was posted on Wednesday, July 21st, 2010 at 8:59 am and is filed under Uncategorized.	You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. Both comments and pings are currently closed.
What is the standard rate range per hour for providing LPO services like document review from destination like India?


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Denying me venue for musical concert will not force me change political stand – Davido
by GovernanceNewsPosted on November 14, 2018 (November 14, 2018)
Aisha Babangida Salisu
Nigeria's musical star, Davido said on Wednesday that denying him approval for his upcoming musical concert will not make him change his political ground.
The DMW star, Davido whose name is David Adeleke has taken to his twitter page saying he will support who ever he wants to support politically and that he will not switch sides for anything most especially for just approval of a venue.
The DMW star showed his displeasure to his fans, family and friends on his social media page where he said that the Eko Atlantic, a choice location in Lagos state which he planned to hold his December concert was not approved for his use by the Lagos state authorities and he wonders why.
it could be recalled that Davido had campaigned for his uncle, Ademola Adeleke, who contested for governor of Osun state under the people's democratic party (PDP).
For that, many of his fans seem to feel that the denial of the venue is politically motivated due to his support for People's Democratic Party (PDP), while the state government is being run by APC.
Davido announced and assured his fans that his December 27th concert is still on and that he promised to get and reveal a new venue soon.
Posted in Arts, Entertainment, Top StoriesTagged Concert, davido, Lagos, Music, Venue
BREAKING: Court orders Abaribe, others to pay N100m each over Kanu's absenceJonathan fires back, says Osinbajo has no moral right to accuse him of corruption

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Kacey is a 15 year old local singer/songwriter/guitarist and has played at most of the 2017 music events on the island, including Reasons, groove de lecq, gig y don , peas and glove, havre des pas festival amongst many others. She regularly plays at the Trafalgar Inn and is a keen supporter of all of the open mics. She's a member of Acoustic Jersey and the songwriters society, and won the 2017 under 16 battle of the bands, gaining platinum in the under 18 section of the Jersey Eisteddfod. She's a young up and coming artist who is learning and improving her craft . Kaceys' attention to detail when she is practicing and performing is incredible for someone so young.


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https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=Konrad%20Adenauer
Keywords: Konrad Adenauer x
Cornell University Press (1)
Princeton University Press (1)
University of Chicago Press (2)
Open Section History (12)
European Modern History (8)
Political History (1)
Social History (1)
Democratization (1)
Security Studies (1)
Konrad Adenauer: Defence Diplomat on the Backstage
Annette Messemer
in Cold War Statesmen Confront the Bomb: Nuclear Diplomacy Since 1945
10.1093/0198294689.003.0011
For Konrad Adenauer, post‐war international system centred around two revolutionary developments: the decline of Europe and the rise of the US and the Soviet Union to superpower status. For the ... More
For Konrad Adenauer, post‐war international system centred around two revolutionary developments: the decline of Europe and the rise of the US and the Soviet Union to superpower status. For the survival of the 'European cultural supremacy', Adenauer believed it was necessary to resist dependency on the US, and protect from a Soviet threat. Considering Germany's policy constraints on nuclear armament and its position as the possible nuclear battlefield in a military conflict between the US and the Soviet Union, Adenauer saw the solution in Western European unification as the only way to make West Germany an equal member of the post‐war international order.Less
For Konrad Adenauer, post‐war international system centred around two revolutionary developments: the decline of Europe and the rise of the US and the Soviet Union to superpower status. For the survival of the 'European cultural supremacy', Adenauer believed it was necessary to resist dependency on the US, and protect from a Soviet threat. Considering Germany's policy constraints on nuclear armament and its position as the possible nuclear battlefield in a military conflict between the US and the Soviet Union, Adenauer saw the solution in Western European unification as the only way to make West Germany an equal member of the post‐war international order.
Keywords: Konrad Adenauer, dependency, Europe, European integration, international order, NATO, nuclear weapons, Soviet Union, USA, West Germany
International Political Finance: The Konrad Adenauer Foundation and Latin America
Michael Pinto‐Duschinsky
in The International Dimensions of Democratization: Europe and the Americas
Political Science, Democratization
Initiates the process of mapping foreign sources of political funding in Latin America, focusing on the activities of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, located in Germany. Although the foundation is ... More
Initiates the process of mapping foreign sources of political funding in Latin America, focusing on the activities of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, located in Germany. Although the foundation is only one of a number of international bodies with a strong interest in Latin American politics, it provides a case study of the way such foundations operate. After a preliminary survey of other main sources of external political funding (the superpowers during the Cold War, other Latin American countries, church organizations, European countries), the chapter reviews the outreach activities of the main German political foundations or Stiftungen, of which the Adenauer Foundation, supporting the Christian Democrat agenda, is among the most influential. It ends with a survey of the extent and effectiveness of the Adenauer Foundation's activities in the various individual countries of the region.Less
Initiates the process of mapping foreign sources of political funding in Latin America, focusing on the activities of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, located in Germany. Although the foundation is only one of a number of international bodies with a strong interest in Latin American politics, it provides a case study of the way such foundations operate. After a preliminary survey of other main sources of external political funding (the superpowers during the Cold War, other Latin American countries, church organizations, European countries), the chapter reviews the outreach activities of the main German political foundations or Stiftungen, of which the Adenauer Foundation, supporting the Christian Democrat agenda, is among the most influential. It ends with a survey of the extent and effectiveness of the Adenauer Foundation's activities in the various individual countries of the region.
Keywords: Christian Democrats, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Latin America
Adenauer's Foreign Policy and the Expellees
PERTTI AHONEN
in After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe 1945-1990
History, European Modern History
This chapter explores Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's foreign policy and his government's interaction with the expellees and their purported organizational representatives. The basic objective of ... More
This chapter explores Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's foreign policy and his government's interaction with the expellees and their purported organizational representatives. The basic objective of Adenauer's foreign policy was for West Germany to be permanently integrated into the Western community, an imperative derived from a coolly realistic reading of the post-war balance of power in Europe. Because the programme was aimed at a radical reorientation of German politics and presupposed a de facto abandonment of popular national causes, Adenauer regarded systematic public dishonesty at home as necessary for its implementation. This chapter highlights an often overlooked major theme in the early history of the Federal Republic of Germany: the complex way in which the expellee problem functioned as a link between the country's domestic politics and foreign policies.Less
This chapter explores Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's foreign policy and his government's interaction with the expellees and their purported organizational representatives. The basic objective of Adenauer's foreign policy was for West Germany to be permanently integrated into the Western community, an imperative derived from a coolly realistic reading of the post-war balance of power in Europe. Because the programme was aimed at a radical reorientation of German politics and presupposed a de facto abandonment of popular national causes, Adenauer regarded systematic public dishonesty at home as necessary for its implementation. This chapter highlights an often overlooked major theme in the early history of the Federal Republic of Germany: the complex way in which the expellee problem functioned as a link between the country's domestic politics and foreign policies.
Keywords: Konrad Adenauer, foreign policy, West Germany, expellees, politics
EMU, the Kohl Chancellorship, and German Political Tradition: The Legacy of Adenauer and Erhard
Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
in The Road To Maastricht: Negotiating Economic and Monetary Union
10.1093/019829638X.003.0007
Political Science, European Union
Particular attention is paid to the legacies of Adenauer (on primacy to European unification) and Erhard (on the social market economy) and the problems of reconciling these two aspects of post‐war ... More
Particular attention is paid to the legacies of Adenauer (on primacy to European unification) and Erhard (on the social market economy) and the problems of reconciling these two aspects of post‐war German tradition. The Ordo‐liberal concept of stability culture is identified as centrally important. The German negotiating style is characterized as rule‐based. Kohl is set in the context of German tradition.Less
Kenneth DysonKevin Featherstone
Particular attention is paid to the legacies of Adenauer (on primacy to European unification) and Erhard (on the social market economy) and the problems of reconciling these two aspects of post‐war German tradition. The Ordo‐liberal concept of stability culture is identified as centrally important. The German negotiating style is characterized as rule‐based. Kohl is set in the context of German tradition.
Keywords: Konrad Adenauer, Ludwig Erhard, European unification, Germany, Helmut Kohl, negotiation, ordo‐liberalism, social market, stability culture
Ostpolitik Options and Expellee Influence, 1955–1959
This chapter examines Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's era from 1955 to 1959, in which the expellee groups in West Germany repeatedly flexed their muscles against what they viewed as overly conciliatory ... More
This chapter examines Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's era from 1955 to 1959, in which the expellee groups in West Germany repeatedly flexed their muscles against what they viewed as overly conciliatory Ostpolitik ideas and initiatives. Even before West Germany had acquired sovereignty, expellee elites had begun to worry about the complications that diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union might generate, including the possibility of official relations with the Eastern states. The government ultimately managed to gain the expellee groups' acceptance for the opening towards the Soviet Union, even as the expellee elite's willingness to tolerate eastward diplomatic relations applied only to the Soviet superpower. In the months following Adenauer's visit to Moscow, the unconditional rejection of formal relations between Bonn and the rest of the Eastern bloc, particularly Poland and Czechoslovakia, hardened into a key expellee dogma that was to remain unchanged for years to come.Less
This chapter examines Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's era from 1955 to 1959, in which the expellee groups in West Germany repeatedly flexed their muscles against what they viewed as overly conciliatory Ostpolitik ideas and initiatives. Even before West Germany had acquired sovereignty, expellee elites had begun to worry about the complications that diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union might generate, including the possibility of official relations with the Eastern states. The government ultimately managed to gain the expellee groups' acceptance for the opening towards the Soviet Union, even as the expellee elite's willingness to tolerate eastward diplomatic relations applied only to the Soviet superpower. In the months following Adenauer's visit to Moscow, the unconditional rejection of formal relations between Bonn and the rest of the Eastern bloc, particularly Poland and Czechoslovakia, hardened into a key expellee dogma that was to remain unchanged for years to come.
Keywords: Konrad Adenauer, diplomatic relations, Soviet Union, expellees, West Germany, foreign policy
This chapter analyses West German politics from Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's era from the late 1950s to the Bundestag election of 1965 and the last months of Ludwig Erhard's government in 1966, with ... More
This chapter analyses West German politics from Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's era from the late 1950s to the Bundestag election of 1965 and the last months of Ludwig Erhard's government in 1966, with a special focus on the intensified scramble for expellee votes that took place in these years. The battle's immediate cause was the SPD's concentrated campaign to court this segment of the electorate, which, in turn, was part of the party's larger project of repositioning itself away from the traditional left towards the contemporary political centre. The resulting electoral tussle raised the stakes in expellee politics and seemingly brought the expellee lobby to new heights of political influence in the first half of the 1960s. However, these appearances were deceptive, for in reality the expellee organizations had by then entered a period of decline.Less
This chapter analyses West German politics from Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's era from the late 1950s to the Bundestag election of 1965 and the last months of Ludwig Erhard's government in 1966, with a special focus on the intensified scramble for expellee votes that took place in these years. The battle's immediate cause was the SPD's concentrated campaign to court this segment of the electorate, which, in turn, was part of the party's larger project of repositioning itself away from the traditional left towards the contemporary political centre. The resulting electoral tussle raised the stakes in expellee politics and seemingly brought the expellee lobby to new heights of political influence in the first half of the 1960s. However, these appearances were deceptive, for in reality the expellee organizations had by then entered a period of decline.
Keywords: Ostpolitik, expellees, West Germany, Konrad Adenauer, Ludwig Erhard, elections, political parties, Bundestag
The Programmes and Strategies of the Expellee Organizations
This chapter analyses the emergence of an enduring pattern of Ostpolitik interaction among the expellee groups, Konrad Adenauer's government, and the main parties during the period preceding the ... More
This chapter analyses the emergence of an enduring pattern of Ostpolitik interaction among the expellee groups, Konrad Adenauer's government, and the main parties during the period preceding the Federal Republic's attainment of sovereignty in May 1955. The expellee organizations began to voice a variety of political demands immediately after their founding, with the most urgent calls centering on socioeconomic issues, which was not surprising considering the poverty and deprivation that afflicted most expellees in the early post-war years. Accordingly, the expellee groups soon began to promulgate a number of demands that remained standard features of their social policy agenda for years to come. As Bonn's political elites reacted to these demands, a complicated pattern of interaction between the expellee lobby, the government, and the main parties gradually took shape during the Federal Republic's formative years.Less
This chapter analyses the emergence of an enduring pattern of Ostpolitik interaction among the expellee groups, Konrad Adenauer's government, and the main parties during the period preceding the Federal Republic's attainment of sovereignty in May 1955. The expellee organizations began to voice a variety of political demands immediately after their founding, with the most urgent calls centering on socioeconomic issues, which was not surprising considering the poverty and deprivation that afflicted most expellees in the early post-war years. Accordingly, the expellee groups soon began to promulgate a number of demands that remained standard features of their social policy agenda for years to come. As Bonn's political elites reacted to these demands, a complicated pattern of interaction between the expellee lobby, the government, and the main parties gradually took shape during the Federal Republic's formative years.
Keywords: Ostpolitik, expellee organizations, Konrad Adenauer, political parties, West Germany, social policy, politics
Hanseatic Journalism and Its Networks
Volker R. Berghahn
in Journalists between Hitler and Adenauer
10.23943/princeton/9780691179636.003.0005
History, Social History
This chapter analyzes the broader context of the three journalists' work in Hamburg as one of several media centers in West Germany. It also explores the question of press freedom during the Cold War ... More
This chapter analyzes the broader context of the three journalists' work in Hamburg as one of several media centers in West Germany. It also explores the question of press freedom during the Cold War and of how far journalists were able to enjoy it. After all, the West German Basic Law guaranteed the freedom to write and speak, within the limits of the law, without fear of being arrested and imprisoned. The Nazi era, when these freedoms had been suppressed, was over. Yet there was another constraint: after the war the Federal Republic, having abolished Nazi regimentation of the press, adopted a capitalist economy. This meant that the ultimate freedom to publish rested with the publishers and owners of a particular paper. This is the legal background of the emergence of a free press in West Germany. Many journalists who had experienced "un-freedom" and brutal censorship during the Nazi period now found themselves in the era of the Cold War, with its new conformist pressures, which were personified by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, for he in many ways embodied the autocratic style that continued to pervade post-1945 West German political culture.Less
This chapter analyzes the broader context of the three journalists' work in Hamburg as one of several media centers in West Germany. It also explores the question of press freedom during the Cold War and of how far journalists were able to enjoy it. After all, the West German Basic Law guaranteed the freedom to write and speak, within the limits of the law, without fear of being arrested and imprisoned. The Nazi era, when these freedoms had been suppressed, was over. Yet there was another constraint: after the war the Federal Republic, having abolished Nazi regimentation of the press, adopted a capitalist economy. This meant that the ultimate freedom to publish rested with the publishers and owners of a particular paper. This is the legal background of the emergence of a free press in West Germany. Many journalists who had experienced "un-freedom" and brutal censorship during the Nazi period now found themselves in the era of the Cold War, with its new conformist pressures, which were personified by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, for he in many ways embodied the autocratic style that continued to pervade post-1945 West German political culture.
Keywords: Hamburg, West Germany, press freedom, Cold War, capitalist economy, free press, Konrad Adenauer, West German political culture
West Germany, 1954–1970
Alexander Lanoszka
in Atomic Assurance: The Alliance Politics of Nuclear Proliferation
Cornell University Press
10.7591/cornell/9781501729188.003.0004
Political Science, Security Studies
Several leading international scholars argue that West Germany enjoyed limited autonomy in the Cold War and was thus susceptible to American coercion, especially on issues relating to nuclear ... More
Several leading international scholars argue that West Germany enjoyed limited autonomy in the Cold War and was thus susceptible to American coercion, especially on issues relating to nuclear weapons. This chapter challenges such arguments. It shows that the alliance with the United States was less useful for curbing West German nuclear ambitions than commonly presumed. It also demonstrates that in-theater conventional forces mattered for bolstering American extended nuclear guarantees to West Germany. American coercion of West Germany was important, but it played a much less direct role than what many scholars claim. Other factors—especially domestic politics—drove West Germany's final choices pertaining to whether it should get nuclear weapons.Less
Several leading international scholars argue that West Germany enjoyed limited autonomy in the Cold War and was thus susceptible to American coercion, especially on issues relating to nuclear weapons. This chapter challenges such arguments. It shows that the alliance with the United States was less useful for curbing West German nuclear ambitions than commonly presumed. It also demonstrates that in-theater conventional forces mattered for bolstering American extended nuclear guarantees to West Germany. American coercion of West Germany was important, but it played a much less direct role than what many scholars claim. Other factors—especially domestic politics—drove West Germany's final choices pertaining to whether it should get nuclear weapons.
Keywords: NATO, Germany, Konrad Adenauer, Willy Brandt, Soviet Union
Prologues: The Origins of West German Memory
Jeffrey K. Olick
in The Sins of the Fathers: Germany, Memory, Method
10.7208/chicago/9780226386522.003.0003
In this chapter, Olick presents numerous prologues to West German memory. In order to trace the threads of contemporary German memory, he begins by describing historical factors during the 1918-1945 ... More
In this chapter, Olick presents numerous prologues to West German memory. In order to trace the threads of contemporary German memory, he begins by describing historical factors during the 1918-1945 period. These factors included Roosevelt's negative view of Prussian militarism and his call for "unconditional surrender", the impact of Roosevelt's Jewish treasury secretary, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., and his deindustrialization plan; and Western discourse about German pathologies. Olick then analyses the 1945-1949 occupation of Germany and public discourse in Germany surrounding responsibility and guilt, as well as the controversy over the source of German suffering. The chapter concludes with a summary of the birth of West German politics, starting with the election of Konrad Adenauer as first chancellor of West Germany and Theodor Heuss as first president.Less
In this chapter, Olick presents numerous prologues to West German memory. In order to trace the threads of contemporary German memory, he begins by describing historical factors during the 1918-1945 period. These factors included Roosevelt's negative view of Prussian militarism and his call for "unconditional surrender", the impact of Roosevelt's Jewish treasury secretary, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., and his deindustrialization plan; and Western discourse about German pathologies. Olick then analyses the 1945-1949 occupation of Germany and public discourse in Germany surrounding responsibility and guilt, as well as the controversy over the source of German suffering. The chapter concludes with a summary of the birth of West German politics, starting with the election of Konrad Adenauer as first chancellor of West Germany and Theodor Heuss as first president.
Keywords: West Germany, Germany, collective memory, public discourse, history, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Konrad Adenauer, Theodor Heuss
From the Expulsions to the Rise of the Expellee Organizations
This chapter examines the expulsions and the subsequent rise of expellee organizations in Germany's western occupation zones. An extensive network of expellee representation had developed in West ... More
This chapter examines the expulsions and the subsequent rise of expellee organizations in Germany's western occupation zones. An extensive network of expellee representation had developed in West Germany by the beginning of the 1950s. The nonpartisan pressure organizations — the Central Association of Expelled Germans (Zentralverband vertriebener Deutschen, ZvD) and the United East German Homeland Societies (Vereinigte Ostdeutsche Landsmannschaften, VOL) — dominated the scene. Meanwhile, the newly founded Federal Republic was increasingly preoccupied with establishing its international position in the context of the intensifying cold war. Consequently, the Federal Republic's formative years, which culminated in the triumph of Adenauer's Westpolitik in the spring of 1955, as the country acquired both sovereignty and NATO membership, witnessed the emergence of an enduring pattern of interaction among the expellee organizations, the government, and the main parties, particularly in Eastern policy, the expellee lobby's chief area of interest.Less
This chapter examines the expulsions and the subsequent rise of expellee organizations in Germany's western occupation zones. An extensive network of expellee representation had developed in West Germany by the beginning of the 1950s. The nonpartisan pressure organizations — the Central Association of Expelled Germans (Zentralverband vertriebener Deutschen, ZvD) and the United East German Homeland Societies (Vereinigte Ostdeutsche Landsmannschaften, VOL) — dominated the scene. Meanwhile, the newly founded Federal Republic was increasingly preoccupied with establishing its international position in the context of the intensifying cold war. Consequently, the Federal Republic's formative years, which culminated in the triumph of Adenauer's Westpolitik in the spring of 1955, as the country acquired both sovereignty and NATO membership, witnessed the emergence of an enduring pattern of interaction among the expellee organizations, the government, and the main parties, particularly in Eastern policy, the expellee lobby's chief area of interest.
Keywords: expulsions, expellee organizations, West Germany, foreign policy, elections, political parties, Konrad Adenauer, politics
Bonn Is Not Weimar
In this chapter, Olick describes the creation of West Germany and the Basic Law, as well as related debates over how to avoid recreating the problems of the Weimar Republic. He investigates and ... More
In this chapter, Olick describes the creation of West Germany and the Basic Law, as well as related debates over how to avoid recreating the problems of the Weimar Republic. He investigates and compares the strategies of the first leaders of West Germany – Adenauer and Heuss. According to Olick, Heuss's politics were characterized by a focus on measure, rationality, and balance, with an awareness of past mistakes but no particular association with them; whereas Adenauer underscored the necessity of Western integration, security, and anti-Prussianism. The chapter explores Adenauer's rejection of collective guilt and his treatment of the past, which emphasized the differences between the Nazi and Weimar governments as compared to the new Bonn democracy. Olick analyses Adenauer's rhetoric and discusses the problems of reintegrating expellees, civil servants, and military personnel back into German society after the fall of the National Socialist regime.Less
In this chapter, Olick describes the creation of West Germany and the Basic Law, as well as related debates over how to avoid recreating the problems of the Weimar Republic. He investigates and compares the strategies of the first leaders of West Germany – Adenauer and Heuss. According to Olick, Heuss's politics were characterized by a focus on measure, rationality, and balance, with an awareness of past mistakes but no particular association with them; whereas Adenauer underscored the necessity of Western integration, security, and anti-Prussianism. The chapter explores Adenauer's rejection of collective guilt and his treatment of the past, which emphasized the differences between the Nazi and Weimar governments as compared to the new Bonn democracy. Olick analyses Adenauer's rhetoric and discusses the problems of reintegrating expellees, civil servants, and military personnel back into German society after the fall of the National Socialist regime.
Keywords: collective guilt, West Germany, Konrad Adenauer, Basic Law, Theodor Heuss
A Holocaust Syndrome?: Relations between the Federal Republic and American Jewish Organizations in the 1980s
Jacob S. Eder
in Holocaust Angst: The Federal Republic of Germany and American Holocaust Memory since the 1970s
History, American History: 20th Century, World Modern History
This chapter examines the relationship between the Kohl government and the American Jewish community during the 1980s. Helmut Kohl wanted to "normalize" West Germans' relationship to the Nazi past. ... More
This chapter examines the relationship between the Kohl government and the American Jewish community during the 1980s. Helmut Kohl wanted to "normalize" West Germans' relationship to the Nazi past. The unprecedented boom in American Holocaust memorial culture, however, challenged such policies, especially with regard to the image of Germany abroad. The chancellor and his closest advisors personally dealt with and reacted to these issues, and they perceived relations with American Jewish organizations as a particular challenge in this context. The chapter explores some of the most contentious episodes of German–Jewish relations during the 1980s, such as the Bitburg controversy and German plans to sell arms to Saudi Arabia, but also explores how German diplomats and politicians at home dealt with American memory of the Holocaust, as well as Jewish organizations and Holocaust survivors in the United States.Less
A Holocaust Syndrome? : Relations between the Federal Republic and American Jewish Organizations in the 1980s
This chapter examines the relationship between the Kohl government and the American Jewish community during the 1980s. Helmut Kohl wanted to "normalize" West Germans' relationship to the Nazi past. The unprecedented boom in American Holocaust memorial culture, however, challenged such policies, especially with regard to the image of Germany abroad. The chancellor and his closest advisors personally dealt with and reacted to these issues, and they perceived relations with American Jewish organizations as a particular challenge in this context. The chapter explores some of the most contentious episodes of German–Jewish relations during the 1980s, such as the Bitburg controversy and German plans to sell arms to Saudi Arabia, but also explores how German diplomats and politicians at home dealt with American memory of the Holocaust, as well as Jewish organizations and Holocaust survivors in the United States.
Keywords: Helmut Kohl, Ronald Reagan, Bitburg, anti-Semitism, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Holocaust survivors, American Jewish Committee, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, politics of history
Christian Economics?
Noah Benezra Strote
in Lions and Lambs: Conflict in Weimar and the Creation of Post-Nazi Germany
10.12987/yale/9780300219050.003.0008
This chapter explores how German elites molded a bare majority to support a "Christian" policy to respond to the dire economic situation still facing the country, under the leadership of the first ... More
This chapter explores how German elites molded a bare majority to support a "Christian" policy to respond to the dire economic situation still facing the country, under the leadership of the first post-Nazi chancellor, Konrad Adenauer. The first advocates of the "social market economy" argued that the policies underpinning it reflected "our Christian way of thinking": principles ultimately rooted in Christian scripture. Their party affiliation was either the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) or the Christian Social Union (CSU), whose leaderships ran their campaigns in conjunction with each other and together formed a bloc (CDU/CSU) in national legislative bodies. The last time German politicians had attempted to forge an interconfessional "Christian" economic policy, Protestant liberals and Catholics had infamously failed in their charge. Twenty years later, however, the attempts met with more success.Less
This chapter explores how German elites molded a bare majority to support a "Christian" policy to respond to the dire economic situation still facing the country, under the leadership of the first post-Nazi chancellor, Konrad Adenauer. The first advocates of the "social market economy" argued that the policies underpinning it reflected "our Christian way of thinking": principles ultimately rooted in Christian scripture. Their party affiliation was either the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) or the Christian Social Union (CSU), whose leaderships ran their campaigns in conjunction with each other and together formed a bloc (CDU/CSU) in national legislative bodies. The last time German politicians had attempted to forge an interconfessional "Christian" economic policy, Protestant liberals and Catholics had infamously failed in their charge. Twenty years later, however, the attempts met with more success.
Keywords: German elites, Christian economic policy, Konrad Adenauer, social market economy, Christian scripture, Christian Democratic Union, Christian Social Union, Protestant liberals, Catholics
Unreliable Allies: The German Crucible and Russian Anti-Communism
Benjamin Tromly
in Cold War Exiles and the CIA: Plotting to Free Russia
History, World Modern History, Political History
Chapter 11 turns to a crucial challenge faced by the CIA-backed Russian exiles: the shifting political situation in West Germany, the crucial place d'armes for Cold War political operations against ... More
Chapter 11 turns to a crucial challenge faced by the CIA-backed Russian exiles: the shifting political situation in West Germany, the crucial place d'armes for Cold War political operations against the Soviet bloc. The two main Russian organizations funded by the agency, the NTS and TsOPE, attempted with great persistence to gain the sympathy of West German political and academic elites in the 1950s. German anti-Russian sentiment limited the success of the émigré charm offensive, however, while the shifting form of the Cold War in Europe weakened their position in the country. In the second half of the 1950s, CIA operations utilizing exiles came under scrutiny and pressure from the now sovereign West German state, which sought to safeguard its new diplomatic relationship with the USSR.Less
Unreliable Allies : The German Crucible and Russian Anti-Communism
Chapter 11 turns to a crucial challenge faced by the CIA-backed Russian exiles: the shifting political situation in West Germany, the crucial place d'armes for Cold War political operations against the Soviet bloc. The two main Russian organizations funded by the agency, the NTS and TsOPE, attempted with great persistence to gain the sympathy of West German political and academic elites in the 1950s. German anti-Russian sentiment limited the success of the émigré charm offensive, however, while the shifting form of the Cold War in Europe weakened their position in the country. In the second half of the 1950s, CIA operations utilizing exiles came under scrutiny and pressure from the now sovereign West German state, which sought to safeguard its new diplomatic relationship with the USSR.
Keywords: West Germany, Federal Republic of Germany, Konrad Adenauer, US–German relations, Nikita Khrushchev, CIA, covert operations, historical memory, fascism, transnational anti-communism
"How the Army of a Democratic Nation Should Behave": The British Administration and the BAOR
Peter Speiser
in The British Army of the Rhine: Turning Nazi Enemies into Cold War Partners
History, Military History
This chapter illustrates the attempts by the administration in London and on the ground in Germany to influence the BAOR and use it as a tool to tie the Federal Republic into the Western system of ... More
This chapter illustrates the attempts by the administration in London and on the ground in Germany to influence the BAOR and use it as a tool to tie the Federal Republic into the Western system of defense. These include the use of the BAOR to strengthen the Konrad Adenauer government, to promote British values, and to control Germany at a time of increasing independence of the young Federal Republic. To a larger extent, it also involves mitigating problems created by the presence of the BAOR. The chapter also explores the crucial period of the mid-1950s, when German sovereignty fundamentally changed both Anglo-German relations in general along with the position of the BAOR in Germany.Less
"How the Army of a Democratic Nation Should Behave" : The British Administration and the BAOR
This chapter illustrates the attempts by the administration in London and on the ground in Germany to influence the BAOR and use it as a tool to tie the Federal Republic into the Western system of defense. These include the use of the BAOR to strengthen the Konrad Adenauer government, to promote British values, and to control Germany at a time of increasing independence of the young Federal Republic. To a larger extent, it also involves mitigating problems created by the presence of the BAOR. The chapter also explores the crucial period of the mid-1950s, when German sovereignty fundamentally changed both Anglo-German relations in general along with the position of the BAOR in Germany.
Keywords: BAOR, London administration, Federal Germany, Western defense, Konrad Adenauer government, British values, Anglo-German relations


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Unionville-chadds Ford Board of Education member Keith Knauss said he will continue to fight to keep the schools tax increase to 1.4%, Monday night.
EAST MARLBOROUGH — The Unionville-Chadds Ford Board of Education opted Monday night to keep its options open regarding use of possible exemptions to the state limits on tax increases.
The limit, tied to rate of inflation, imposed by the state under Act 1 for 2011 is an increase of 1.4%. With exceptions for retirement expenses — primarily pensions — and special education, districts could in theory raise taxes as much as 3.3%.
Keith Knauss, the board finance committee chair, offered the idea of adopting a resolution that the board would not apply for the exceptions, essentially locking them in right now at the start of the budgeting process, but found little support from his colleagues, who seemed inclined to maintain as much flexibility as possible — much as was the case for last year's budget process.
The preliminary budget, based on the 3.3% increase, as prepared by district Director of Business and Operations Robert Cochran and his staff, calls for raising $71.2 million from taxes and spending another $200,000 from existing surplus. Estimates suggest about $1 million would need to be cut from the budget to get it down to the 1.4% increase.
Spending, under the proposed plan, is only up 1.8% — but the district is coping with the first reduction in real estate assessments across the district in recent memory, while there was a slight uptick in the values of Delaware County properties in the district — in Chadds Ford — assessed values in Chester County have actually fallen, in part because of declining real estate prices and property assessment appeals filed by property owners, meaning the net district-wide assessment is down. Over the last decade that assessment has steadily climbed, some years as high as 4% during the building boom and rapid rise of real estate values. In recent years, that growth slowed, cutting revenue to the district — before 2010's drop in value.
Another problem: collections. When the economy was going well, the district could count on collecting more than 99% of its taxes, but because of bankruptcies and defaults, that rate has fallen below 98% — and is now budgeted for just 97.5%. As the vast majority of revenue comes to the school district from real estate, each percent drop represents more than $500,000 in lost revenue to the district.
Still, there remain any number of unknowns. The ongoing talks to get a new contract with the teachers union are one financial variable, and it remains an open question of whether some $350,000 in state funds — originally paid for by now-expired federal stimulus funds — will still be coming to the district as incoming Gov. Tom Corbett has pledged not to raise taxes despite the state facing a roughly $5 billion budget deficit. Sources in Harrisburg suggest there could well be cuts in funding to local school districts, as the state struggles to make its own budget work.
Another issue: the district would have about eight days to put together a new budget at the lower numbers so board members could see the impact of the cuts, deemed not to be enough to fully consider the options. Superintendent of Schools Sharon Parker assured board members that a budget at that level would be prepared in the coming days — to give directors a full picture of the financial options, but she allowed that the financial situation is "sobering." Like last year, she said, various levels or "tiers" of cuts will be offered, as well as the impact on various programs.
Other directors were very hesitant to forego the exceptions without all of the information.
"I'm not comfortable locking us in until we have all of the information," Eileen Bushelow said.
"Really, the only benefit would be to keep some voters happy," Holly Manzone said.
Still, even without the resolution, Knauss said he would work to keep the budget at 1.4% — noting that many residents and taxpayers have not seen any increases in income of late.


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text:
Ten interview red flags to look out for
Nerves have a habit of getting the better of us when we attend interviews. But if we can put those nerves to one side, there's something to be said for paying close attention to the workplace and people while there.
Doing so will help provide a good sense of the company culture which will determine whether or not it's a good fit for you. Interviewers can tell you anything and everything about the working environment and its people —but your own first-hand observations will prove far more useful. These are the crucial areas to consider:
1. The first greeting
Does the first person you meet greet you with a smile? More often than not, the first point of contact says a lot about the business. And remember, it goes both ways: Make sure you give the best possible first impression – you never know who is paying attention.
2. How employees interact with one another
The ways in which employees interact with one another will tell you a lot about the business culture. Ideally, their behaviour should be respectful, friendly and warm. Alarm bells should ring if you witness anything unpleasant.
3. Do the people look happy?
This may seem obvious, but again, this speaks volumes. If you're shown through the office, are the staff animated, chatty and engaged? Or are they tight-lipped, silent, showing closed body language?
4. What are they doing?
If you possibly can, take thirty seconds to take in the ambience. Have staff personalised their desk spaces? Are they talking to each other informally in the communal areas? Does the office feel tense or relaxed? Are they hunched over their desks mesmerised by their screens?
These small observations will paint an honest picture of what it's like to work there.
5. How committed is the business to staff health and wellness?
Ask your interviewer if they have a wellbeing policy. Is there an on-site gym? Are there showers for cyclists? If there's a canteen, is the food subsidised? If your interviewer exhibits a reluctance to respond to these queries, it's likely there's nothing to offer.
6. Is it an organised place?
Does the interview start on time? While they may have legitimate reasons for lateness, if your interviewer is late and unapologetic, consider this a red flag. Are they prepared and focused, or distracted with calls and messages? Regardless of how busy they are, they should have arranged uninterrupted time with you. Failure to do so shows a lack of respect and, in my opinion, calls into question the overarching business values.
7. The physical environment
Is the office open plan? Are there communal spaces and break-out areas? These small details signal the extent to which the businesses values things like teamwork and open communication. Isolated cubicles might be indicative of a less collaborative business.
8. Work-life balance and expectations
Many interviewees are hesitant to ask about work-life balance, but if it's important to you, you should absolutely feel comfortable to speak freely. Ask about the options to work flexibly and what the expectations are around overtime. An employer that values employee wellbeing will proudly elaborate further.
9. The experience doesn't match the recruiter's description
Your recruitment consultant should have prepped you with what to expect from the interview, the role specification and the culture. If, for whatever reason, your actual experience doesn't align, it might be worth going back to the recruiter to find out why.
10. The reasons why the position is available
Ask the interviewer why the position is available and how long the previous incumbent has spent in the role. Before you proceed, you should have clarity around turnover in the position and why.
Looking for a new role? Get in touch today or visit our vacancy page to apply.
Author Tiger Contributor Tiger Recruitment Team


text:
BFFs stands for Best Faculty Friends: Professor pals bridge interdepartmental divides
Sofie Jones
I remember, as a young child, wholeheartedly believing that my teachers lived under their classroom desks. While we went home every night, my classmates and I could not fathom teachers having lives outside the walls of my elementary school. Most of us grow out of this conviction well before adolescence, but the feeling that teachers, and later professors, exist primarily in the classroom lingers into young adulthood.
Associate Professor of Biology Matt Carter remembers subscribing to this belief once too. "I felt that way as a college student," he said. "Like, I just always thought that it was really cool when I saw two professors who I didn't know knew each other — because they were on different floors or something — eating lunch."
Now, as a professor himself, Carter said he can confirm that this is, in fact, not true. Professors too, he said, have social lives, hobbies, and — believe it or not — friends. For many faculty members at the College, friendships with coworkers arise naturally, in shared office hallways or weekly department meetings. There are other duos, however, whose connections overcome departmental divides. To get the real scoop on professorial pals, the Record sat down with three pairs: Carter and Associate Professor of Mathematics Julie Blackwood, Assistant Professor of Biology Cynthia Holland and Assistant Professor of Psychology Shivon Robinson, and Professor of History Tom Kohut and Chair and Associate Professor of Religion Jeffrey Israel.
Professors Shivon Robinson (left) and Cynthia Holland (right) are BFFs. (Taryn McLaughlin/The Williams Record)
Cynthia Holland (biology) & Shivon Robinson (psychology)
Holland and Robinson first met during new faculty orientation before the start of the fall 2019 semester. Robinson was beginning her first semester teaching at the College, while Holland was slated to start that spring. In January, once Holland had relocated to Williamstown, the duo ran into each other again at a science faculty lunch and became fast friends.
"I think it was just nice to have another young, woman faculty [member]," Robinson said. "Being a young faculty [member] in a small, isolated community, it was nice to have someone in your peer group that you can hang out with, chat [with] academically — but also outside of the job."
When the COVID-19 pandemic shut down campus in March 2020, Holland and Robinson had been living in Williamstown for only a few months. Far from family and many of their friends, the duo, along with their respective husbands, leaned on each other for support.
"During the initial phases of quarantine, we had a little pod going," Robinson said. "That was really helpful for me."
Their favorite quarantine activities? Cooking dinner, playing board games, and getting takeout from local Mexican restaurant Coyote Flaco. When COVID made it difficult to go home for the holidays last winter, they even celebrated Christmas Eve together.
Over last summer, the four friends drove down to Tanglewood in Lenox to attend an outdoor concert. To make the most of the academic calendar's elongated summer break, they also went on a vacation to Cape Cod. "It was a fun time," Holland said, explaining that they mostly spent their time relaxing on the beach.
While the pair's academic interests differ, both women expressed how much they appreciated having someone else who understands the experience of relocating to a remote college town and navigating the world of undergraduate teaching. Though it can be difficult for partners of faculty members who don't have the built-in social network of the College to find community, Robinson said their husbands have also become close friends. "My husband is very happy to be friends with yours," she told Holland, laughing.
"Same," Holland replied.
Despite their close friendship, the pair still run into students who know them both but are shocked to see them together. "I think sometimes it is hard for students to realize that there's a lot of interactions happening across the College," Robinson said. "And I think that's what makes it such a cool, interdisciplinary place to be, as opposed to a big research university, where I would never interact with a plant biologist."
Professors Julie Blackwood (left) and Matt Carter (right) take a grading break to color. (Photo courtesy of Matt Carter.)
Julie Blackwood (mathematics) & Matt Carter (biology)
Like Robinson and Holland, Blackwood and Carter started at the College in the same year and connected at events held for new faculty members. "And then I unfortunately realized I liked you," Blackwood told Carter, recounting their first interactions.
"And I put up with it," quipped Carter in response.
Despite their sarcasm, the two have become close friends in the eight years since they met. Their daughters, who are around the same age, have been friends since birth. Blackwood and Carter were the only two Div. III faculty members up for tenure in 2019, and said they have leaned on each other for professional and personal support through the years.
Often, Blackwood and Carter can be spotted on midday walks around campus, sometimes stopping at what Blackwood called "the good coffee room" in Hollander Hall. "Sometimes for fun, we fire up the ol' engines and hop on over to Hollander for a coffee that's not made by the coffee machine here in the science center," Carter said. "It's easily 1,000 times better."
While both teach in Div. III and are interested in the natural sciences (Carter teaches biology, and Blackwood researches the math of ecology), their academic interests are fairly disparate. Still, they often end up teaching the same students and said they get a kick out of seeing the surprised faces when they name-drop each other in classes.
"I use Julie for street cred," Carter said, laughing. "I'll be like, 'Oh, yeah, I'm gonna have lunch with Professor Blackwood.' And that buys me some street cred."
Their friendship has not been without its share of healthy competition, though. On three occasions, Blackwood and Carter have gone head-to-head in faculty committee elections. Blackwood has won twice; Carter has won once. That time, he said, he took it upon himself to campaign against Blackwood, making spoof negative campaign posters of Blackwood and hanging them only in her office. "A private, personal smear campaign intended for an audience of Julie," he said.
Most recently, the pair faced off in a Faculty Steering Committee election. "In the most recent one, we voted for each other, I think," Blackwood said. "At least, I voted for you."
"Oh, you did?" Carter replied with a grin. "I did too. That's what we have in common: We both voted for me."
At one point in their conversation with the Record, Carter and Blackwood asked if any of the other faculty friends interviewed had said anything more interesting than them. "We have to outdo them in terms of how entertaining we are as friends," Carter joked.
They then proceeded to throw out some potential friendship activities they would hypothetically be doing together, in hopes that they could outmaneuver the other pairs. "We are going to go on Jeff Bezos's rocket," Carter said.
"They didn't report about ours," Blackwood responded. "The one they reported on, that was actually the second [mission]."
In reality, the two share funny memories much closer to home and have been there for each other for some of life's biggest moments — from tenure announcements to their children's milestones. "I tried to teach his daughter how to nature pee, and she peed all over herself," Blackwood said. "It didn't go well, but she was very proud of herself, and she didn't seem to notice she was soaking wet."
Tom Kohut (history) & Jeffrey Israel (religion)
Kohut and Israel credit the dean of the faculty for their almost decade-long friendship. When Israel arrived at the College in 2013, Kohut was assigned to be his senior faculty mentor. Then-Dean of the Faculty Denise Buell's instincts in pairing them together, they said, were spot-on, and the pair connected immediately.
"We were matched like on one of those dating sites," Israel joked.
"The dean of the faculty dating site!" Kohut replied, laughing.
All kidding aside, Kohut said, there are uncanny similarities between the duo's biographies. "We have an incredible amount in common, actually, even though I'm vastly older than Jeff," Kohut said. "We both went to Oberlin. Our partners both went to Oberlin. I grew up at the University of Chicago, going through their entire educational system up until Oberlin; Jeff went to graduate school at Chicago. Both of us [lived] in Cincinnati."
Although the two professors work in different departments, their academic interests also overlap quite a bit. Kohut primarily studies 20th-century German history, focusing specifically on the Holocaust and its reverberations. Israel focuses on Jewish American culture and thought. Both also share a fascination with psychoanalytic theory alongside a deep investment in Judaism. "Two excessively self-reflecting Jewish guys who went to Oberlin," Israel quipped. "How could it not [work]?"
Though the pandemic has curtailed their ability to see each other in person, the pair and their families have become very close over the years. "What we used to do, and what we'll do again, is our families would get together," Israel said. "And also, Tom and I would sometimes just go out for the evening and get some drinks and just linger and talk about everything into the night."
Kohut said that, to him, the pair's connection is emblematic of the intellectual environment that the College fosters. "We live the liberal arts, just like the students, because we interact with so many people in so many different fields," he said. "And I love that aspect."
Sofie Jones, Senior Writer
Sofie Jones '22 is an English major from Belmont, Mass. She is a senior writer. She previously served as a managing editor, and before that, as executive...