Eli had two sons, Hopni and Phinehas who work as God's priests. But Hopni and Phinehas were both very dishonest.
Many people come and offer sacrifices at Shiloh every day.
While they are boiling the meat from the sacrifices, Hopni and Phinehas would send a servant to stick whatever meat they can with a large three pronged fork.
Sometimes, they send the servant even when the fat of the meat is not yet cut off to set aside to dedicate to the Lord.
Hopni and Phinehas did not respect God and this made God very angry with them.
Eli is already a very old man. He heard about the disgusting behavior of his two sons, Hopni and Phinehas to the Lord.
God decided to kill Hopni and Phinehas for disrespecting Him therefore Hopni and Phinehas didn't heed their father's advice.
The little boy Samuel who stays with Eli grew more and more in favor with men and God each day.
One day, God sent a prophet to speak to Eli.
The prophet said to Eli, "This is the message God wants me to tell you, 'I am the Lord God Almighty.
I let your family to serve me as priests but I will no longer let you do this anymore!
I respect anyone who respects me and I will curse anyone who hates me.
Therefore, I will kill you and your sons and all your family relatives. You will have many problems in your family.


text:
Gov. Matt Mead says "Get that imprecisely crafted bill out of my face." The House obliged.
Late Wednesday night, the public got word that Gov. Matt Mead had vetoed one of the most controversial bills of the 2018 Wyoming Legislative session: Senate File 74, which would have made protesting "critical infrastructure" in Wyoming a crime punishable by absurd fines and imprisonment.
As lawmakers convened Thursday for the session's final time, it was clear there would be an attempt to override Mead's veto—the Legislature needed a two-thirds vote in both chambers to do so.
While the Senate passed that mark, the House upheld Mead's veto, effectively killing the bill.
"Imprecisely crafted"
Senate File 74 was written by the American Legislative Exchange Council and sponsored by Sen. Leland Christensen (R-Alta). During the session, it passed the Senate easily with a 25 – 5 vote, and passed the House by a slightly smaller margin, 36 – 23.
At one point, a House committee killed the bill, but it was brought back to life after oil lobbyists pressured lawmakers into revisiting it.
During its journey through the Legislature, the bill was heavily amended. By the time it passed the House, a number of lawmakers noted that they weren't even sure what was in the bill.
Issuing his veto, Mead said the bill dealt with an important issue, but it was "imprecisely crafted."
Not enough votes
The 2018 session was meant to end last week, but debates over the budget and other issues kept lawmakers at work for extra days. They convened Thursday specifically in order to attempt to override any of Mead's vetoes.
The Senate overrode the governor's veto of SF-74 with 20 – 5 vote, with five members excused. An override vote requires two-thirds of those elected to office—not just of those present—so Senate supporters got exactly the amount they needed to override Mead's veto.
But the House, which had approved SF-74 last Friday 36 – 23, voted 20 – 33 against the override attempt, exactly half of what it needed. There were six House members absent and another, Rep. Charles Gray (R-Casper), declared a conflict of interest and did not vote.
Immediately prior to the vote Republicans caucused behind closed doors, which is common. The Legislature is not subject to the state's open meetings laws, so these conversations are not open to the public.
Supporting Mead
It wasn't clear if House leaders told the members to vote their conscience or to uphold the veto out of respect for the governor's wishes. Either or both could have happened, though generally when Republicans caucus it is an effort to get members to toe the leadership's line.
Mead and Speaker of the House Steve Harshman (R-Casper) worked largely in concert this session to protect education funding and other state agencies from deep budget cuts desired by the Senate.
Twenty-three Republicans combined with all 10 Democrats to kill the bill, which was heavily supported by the minerals industries and law enforcement.
Absurd punishments
SF-74 would have violated free speech rights to protest and compromised the property rights of ranchers who have critical infrastructure on their property. Individuals who damaged such infrastructure or interfered by protesting against it—including gas and oil pipelines, refineries and mines—faced prison sentences of up to 10 years and fines of up to $10,000.
Organizations found guilty of "aiding or encouraging" protesters were singled out for obscenely harsh fines up to $1 million under the original bill. The House lowered it to the still absurd amount of $100,00 and the Senate concurred with the change before it was sent to Mead. The $100,00 amount is higher than the fine for a convicted meth manufacturer who booby-traps a lab to kill or injure police.
No pig lipstick
Rep. Charles Pelkey (D-Laramie) argued against overriding Mead's veto, suggesting that the bill's topic be named an interim study because the measure had been hastily approved and needed much more work.
"It's the old adage of putting lipstick on a pig," Pelkey said. "It's still ugly and we didn't make it any prettier."
Backers of the override argued that while the bill isn't perfect, it should become law now and legislators could improve it in subsequent sessions.
Rep. Nathan Winters (R-Thermopolis), however, thought it was just fine the way it is. "We made this a very good piece of legislation," he said to his colleagues. Obviously, few of them agreed.
ALEC, a conservative think-tank that writes "model" proposed bills and tries to get them passed by state legislatures, drafted what became SF-74 as a response to protests against a pipeline going through Indian land in Standing Rock, N.D., in 2016. The protests drew widespread support nationwide and help from veterans, clergy, Native American tribes, and others nearly won the fight. But the election of Donald Trump as president signaled the end of the protest and he signed an executive order to let pipeline construction continue.
Opponents of SF-74 argued that existing laws already cover vandalism and damage at the sites of critical infrastructure and making peaceful protests a crime goes against everything the Bill of Rights and its free speech guarantees represent.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Annibale  Bentivoglio (Bologne, 1413 – Bologne, )  militaire et un condottière italien, seigneur de Bologne de 1443 à 1445.

Biographie
Annibale  Bentivoglio est le fils naturel de Anton Galeazzo Bentivoglio. Il est sans doute né d'une relation avec Lisa Canigiani, mais les chroniqueurs rapportent que les charmes de la belle étaient partagés par Anton Galeazzo et son cousin Gaspare Malvezzi Quand l'enfant est né, les deux hommes auraient tiré au sort pour déterminer la paternité. Il se joint très jeune aux soldats de son père avec lesquels il acquiert une véritable expérience d'homme de guerre, mais en restant dans l'ombre du commandeur.

En 1435,  engagé avec sa condotta auprès du roi de Naples en Campanie, il n'avait pas pu rejoindre son père lors de son ultime voyage vers Bologne. Après son l'assassinat sur ordre du cardinal Giovanni da Treviso, il doit quitter Bologne, mais ses partisans le réclament pour diriger la ville et rétablir une seigneurie. En 1438, dégagé de ses obligations contractuelles, il retourne à Bologne gouvernée par le seigneur Niccolò Piccinino, commandant général des armées milanaises, établi sur le pouvoir par les Visconti. Il est animé d'un esprit de revanche et prêt à faire payer le prix fort aux auteurs de la fourberie qui coutât la vie à son père.

Les Visconti, qui cherchent à mettre la main sur Bologne, se méfient de ce jeune et intrépide condottiere. Niccolo Piccinino, qui le surveille de près, déclenche une vendetta provoquée par le clan des Foscherari pour nuire aux intérêts des Bentivoglio. Une fiancée promise, issue de cette famille, ayant été refusée par Annibale, il fallait restaurer l'honneur bafoué de la famille. Une guérilla urbaine se déchaine en 1440 lors de laquelle Raffaelle Foscherari est tué dans une rixe ce qui entraine l'embrasement de la ville. Refusant la destruction d'une ville prospère, les Visconti exigent un compromis. Annibale est alors loué pour son républicanisme au service du peuple de Bologne, on proclame que Raffaele est mort par accident et, en 1441, Filippo Maria Visconti lui donne pour épouse Donnina Visconti, fille de Lancillotto Visconti, à son tour fils de Barnabé Visconti. Les Bentivoglio entrent dans le cercle des affins du duc de Milan.

Piccinino voit en Annibale un danger pour ses privilèges et le fait surveiller par son fils Francesco. Il se méfie de son habileté politique concrétisée par ce beau mariage. Les Bentivoglio, famille peu fortunée et mal accompagnée politiquement, dérange les grandes puissances. Difficile à manœuvrer, elle suit le sens du vent, sensible à toutes les propositions, comme le font de nombreuses petites seigneuries. Il propose une entrevue à Annibale qui est devenu chef des Seize Réformateurs de Bologne, soit le maître de la ville. Avant la fin de la discussion, il le fait capturer et enfermer dans le château de Varano près de Parme où il demeure plusieurs mois. Il est libéré le  par Galeazzo Marescotti de' Calvi. Pendant cette période, Francesco rançonne la population et vit du pillage de la région.

Retourné en secret à Bologne en compagnie de son libérateur, ils se trouvent en présence d'une révolte populaire de leurs partisans contre Piccinini provoquée par les principales familles nobles bolonaises. Francesco Piccinino est arrêté et Annibale demande l'aide de Florence et de Venise, ennemis de Milan, pour revenir aux affaires. Il prend le commandement des Bolonais qui réussirent à défaire les troupes milanaises de  à San Giorgio di Piano le .

La suprématie des Bentivoglio provoque un nouveau mécontentement de la part de la famille rivale Canetoli. Annibale cherche à l'apaiser en nommant Battista Canetoli chef des anciens, mais sans résultat: En effet, les Canetoli avec la famille  Ghisileri organisent un complot afin de prendre le contrôle de la ville. Ils invitent Annibale à un baptême et l'assassinent. Mais cet assassinat provoque la réaction des autres familles nobles qui arrêtent les membres des familles Canetoli et Ghisileri, certains sont condamnés à mort, d'autres sont exilés.

Le fils d'Annibale, Giovanni, est trop jeune pour lui succéder. C'est le premier citoyen Sante Bentivoglio, fils illégitime d'Ercole Bentivoglio, cousin d'Annibale qui assume le pouvoir.

La chapelle Bentivoglio, dans l'église San Giacomo Maggiore, édifiée par Annibale à partir de 1445, est terminée par son fils Giovanni  en 1486.

Bibliographie

Articles connexes
Bentivoglio (famille)

Notes et références

Naissance à Bologne
Naissance en 1413
Décès en juin 1445
Décès à Bologne
Militaire assassiné
Mort assassiné en Italie
Condottiere italien du XVe siècle
Maison Bentivoglio

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Sean Hannity, dying to reveal surprises in Trump Super Bowl interview, teases a few juicy parts
February 2, 2020 | Tom Tillison | Print Article
Screengrab Fox News
With exoneration "on the horizon," President Trump sat down with Fox News' Sean Hannity for an interview ahead of Super Bowl LIV, and Hannity appeared on "Fox & Friends" on Sunday to promise the end product was "entertaining."
Asked for a hint on what to expect, Hannity replied: "It was a lightning round."
A clip of the interview was then played, with the Fox News host asking the president for his thoughts on billionaire Michael Bloomberg, the late entry into the Democratic primary.
"Very little," Trump replied, in reference to Bloomberg's 5′ 8″ height. "I just think of little. You know, now he wants a box for the debates — to stand on."
(Source: Fox News)
Saying it's okay to be short, the president asked why Bloomberg should be "entitled" to have a box to stand on, asking if other candidates will be given the same luxury.
With a 6′ 3″ height, this is not something with which Trump has to concern himself.
For the record, failed 2016 Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton used a customized shorter lectern to mitigate a glaring height difference when she debated Trump.
Trump went on to say that Bloomberg is getting considerations that others like Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., didn't get before having to drop out of the race.
"I think it's very unfair for the Democrats, but I would love to run against Bloomberg. I would love it," he said in the clip.
Co-host Steve Doocy joked about Bloomberg standing on a raised platform, "A box of rebellion!"
Hannity said Bloomberg "wants to bloody up the president a little bit" by using up to $1 billion against Trump, adding the former New York City mayor will run an anti-gun Super Bowl ad.
On that note, he teased that Trump "said something else which I think will get some attention."
Co-host Brian Kilmeade said he believes there is "panic on the left" with Sen. Bernie Sanders, a self-avowed socialist, surging in the polls.
This prompted Hannity to say he wished he could share the answer Trump gave him on the matter.
"Bernie got robbed in the last election," Hannity said. "They totally stacked the deck against him."
He added that "it's probably happening again," before shifting his focus to the strategy that Bloomberg is employing, which is to focus on Super Tuesday, under the belief that no one will have emerged by then as the leader.
The discussion came back around to Sanders and the surge he is enjoying, prompting Hannity to again tease his interview with Trump.
"When you watch tonight you will love the president's description of Bernie Sanders," he promised.
Doocy pointed out that Democrats could end up with a brokered convention, saying Sanders "could get ripped off again."
This prompted Hannity to express skepticism over some reports that Hillary Clinton may get in again because of this.
Kilmeade then offered a theory on why Democrats may be greasing the skids for Bloomberg.
"I think the reason that they changed the rules on the debate to allow Bloomberg in, saying donors no longer matter but they wouldn't do it for the others is because Joe Biden is failing miserably," he said.
A clip is then played of Biden at a campaign event, getting distracted by someone he sees in the audience that he apparently knows, though he didn't appear to remember the man's name, only to then lose track entirely of what he was speaking about.
Doocy brought up a couple of ads from President Trump, asking Hannity if he knew about the second yet-to-be-released ad. While Hannity said he knew all about the ad, he was tight-lipped about whether or not it was humorous, as Doocy suggested.
Tom Tillison
Tom@bizpacreview.com
The longest-tenured writer at BizPac Review, Tom grew up in Maryland before moving to Central Florida as a young teen. It is in the Sunshine State that he honed both his passion for politics and his writing skills.
Latest posts by Tom Tillison (see all)
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text:
U.S.-Waged "Low Intensity" Warfare in Nicaragua
Excerpt from Report of Veterans Peace Action Team
Pre-election Observation Delegation to Nicaragua
November 30 to December 14, 1989
Delegation Members
Charlie Litkey, 58 years, U.S. Army, Vietnam, 1967-1970, recipient of Congressional Medal of Honor;
Jack C. Ryan, 51 years, U.S. Army, 1961-1963, guarded nuclear weapons, FBI agent, 1966-1987, specialist in organized crime;
Robert Spitzer, 63 years, U.S. Navy, WW II, psychiatrist and behavioral science book publisher;
S. Brian Willson, 48 years, U.S. Air Force, Vietnam, 1969, former attorney, a founder of VPAT and Nuremberg Actions;
Noel Corea served as our translator and guide for the entire period.
The Nicaraguan elections are scheduled for Sunday, February 25, 1990. The Central American Presidents continued their peace initiatives at Tela, Honduras, on August 7, 1989, when they agreed to a process that would require the U.S. created and sustained Contras to be demobilized and repatriated by December 5, 1989. On August 8, "Nicaraguan rebel leaders said…that they will respect an agreement by Central American presidents to close the contra bases in Honduras, but they also said they will send at least half their guerrillas into Nicaragua rather than disarm" (San Francisco Chronicle, Aug. 9, 1989). Nonetheless, the U.S. Contras have continued to commit terrorist acts against the Nicaraguan people. In October 1989, they escalated the intensity of their attacks, even though their latest U.S. Congressional appropriation in April 1989, was and continues to be conditioned on the contras remaining in their Honduran sanctuary camps, refraining from all military operations. The President of the U.S., and the Congress, have not condemned the terrorism, nor has Congress moved to cut off the aid to the Contras as the appropriation bill authorized them to do by November 30, 1989, if the Contras were violating their mandate to refrain from military operations.
President Bush continued the U.S. economic embargo against Nicaragua by again declaring on October 25, 1989, that Nicaragua posed an "unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States." The economic situation throughout Nicaragua continues to force the majority of people to live in painful depravity.
The U.S. Congress and the CIA have combined to finance, with what are believed to be unprecedented amounts of money, the so-called opposition political parties in an effort to defeat the majority Sandinista Party in the February 1990 elections.
In effect, the U.S. orchestrated and financed 3-pronged attack through use of "low intensity" warfare against Nicaragua is in full force: (1) continued Contra terrorism throughout Nicaragua's rural areas, (2) continued economic strangulation, and (3) unprecedented efforts to purchase the internal political process and elections.
It is time to sense the mood and situation in Nicaragua at a moment when: (1) the Contras are escalating their terrorism at a time when they were to have been demobilized (Dec. 5) ; (2) the official political campaign was to be launched (Dec. 4), including inclusion of the heavily U.S. financed opposition parties; (3) the economic embargo has only recently been renewed aggravating the economic crisis among Nicaraguans.
Fact-finding Activities
It was important to talk to many people in the rural areas as well as in Managua, observing campaign slogans and promotions for the FSLN, Nicaragua National Opposition Union (UNO), and other parties as they prepare for the elections:
December 6-7, Region 6, Department of Matagalpa. Travel from city of Matagalpa to cooperatives in or near San Ramon, La Dalia and La Tuma. Met with 75 Mothers of the Heroes and Martyrs. Met with an ex-Contra who returned to Nicaragua under amnesty in 1986. Attended an event in Matagalpa City with a number of people injured from the war. Received briefing from Col. Manuel Salvatierra on status of war. Met with Francisco Javier Sanz, head of UNAG for the 6th region.
December 8, Region 4, Departments of Carazo and Masaya, travel from Managua through the communities of El Crucero, Diriamba, Dolores, Jinotepe, San Marcos, Masatepe, Niquinohomo, Masaya and Nindiri. Received briefing by Creamer sisters in Jinotepe of their solar cooking oven project. Brief meeting with Commander William Ramirez in Niquinohomo.
December 9, Region 5, Departments of Boaco and Chontales. Travel from Managua through the communities of Tipitapa, San Benito, Las Banderas, Teustepe, San Jose De Los Remates, San Lorenzo, Tecolostote, San Esteban, Juigalpa, Lovago, Santo Tomas, and San Pedro De Lovago. Observed an UNAG (National Union of Farmers and Ranchers) event, the opening of a new general store, and the annual bull fight with corresponding festivities in San Jose De Los Remates. Met with Daniel Nunez, UNAG President, as well as with the president of UNAG for Region 5.
December 12-13, Region 1, Departments of Esteli, Madriz, and Nueva Segovia. Travel from city of Esteli through communities of Condega, Yalaguina, Totogalpa, Ocotal, Mozonte, San Fernando, Santa Clara, Susucayan, and Quilali. Noted the beautiful mountain, El Chipote, north of Quilali, which furnished the headquarters for Augusto Cesar Sandino in his battles against the U.S. Marines during the late 1920s and early 1930s. Examined the October 29, 1988, site where Dora and Erick and 20 others were ambushed a few miles west of Quilali. Received briefing from Jose Martinez "Chepe", head of UNAG for the 1st region. On return trip to Managua stopped at La Trinidad and participated in a lengthy discussion with local UNO supporter, Didier Hernandez Lorente, a shoemaker, in his living room with many family and neighbors listening.
November 30-December 5, December 10-11, Managua (Region 3). The most important meetings are identified below:
Attendance at three different vigils in front of the U.S. Embassy, including one protesting the continued U.S. funding of the repressive government of El Salvador.
Meeting with Dr. Rodolfo Sandino Arguello, the Notable (neutral) member of the 5 person Supreme Electoral Council. Dr. Arguello was a member of Somoza's Supreme Court and currently is on the faculty of U.C.A. in Nicaragua. Briefed on the electoral law and the status of the election process.
Meeting with Jorge and "Patricio", respectively, Salvadorans living in Nicaragua in communication with the people of El Salvador, who briefed us on the latest situation on El Salvador.
Meeting with Sister Mary Hartman, Director of the official Human Rights Commission. Mary Hartman, a nun, has been in Nicaragua for over 25 years. She is a U.S. citizen.
An interchange with a number of North Americans at the Ben Linder House.
A briefing by Mr. Lacayo of the UNO campaign staff and a tour of the UNO campaign headquarters.
Meeting with UNO political leaders, Dr. Gustavo Toblada, Director of the UNO Commission for International Relations, Dr. Danilo Lacayo, Director, Public Relations and Press Affairs for UNO political office, and Roberto Guzman, and aide to UNO Presidential candidate Violetta Chamorro. We were given a tour of the political offices providing space for UNO operations.
Phone conversation with Donald Reasoner, long time Nicaragua church worker, about conditions in Nicaragua.
Meeting with Sixto Garache, Chief Editor, Barricada, and Sergio D'Castro, Chief Editor, Barricada International.
Meeting with Leslie Toser and Dr. Derek Summerfield at the Witness For Peace office. Ms. Toser and Dr. Summerfield, a psychiatrist, had recently conducted an in-depth study of the residents of a community near La Esper
anza in Zelaya and the effects of "low intensity" warfare on their individual and community lives.
Attendance at mass at the La Merced Catholic Church in the La Reynaga economically poor neighborhood. Participated in the mass at the priest's request.
Meeting with Carlos Escorcia, an evangelical Baptist minister, about the preparations for the February 1990 elections by the church community and their desire to host North Americans as observers, official and unofficial.
Visit to Aldo Chavarria Rehabilitation Hospital.
Meeting with Oscar Olnas, a criminologist on the staff of the Ministry of the Interior (MINT).
Meeting at the Ministry of the Exterior (MINEX), equivalent to the Foreign Ministry or State Department, with Miguel D' Escoto, Foreign Minister, Alejandro Bendana, Secretary General of MINEX, Manolo Cordero, Director of the North American Section of MINEX, Roberto Vargas, Assistant Director, North American Section, and Eduardo Aviles, staff with North America Section. Discussed the recent meeting of the 5 Central American Presidents in San Jose, Costa Rica, the situation in El Salvador, the legal case of Nicaragua against Honduras in the World Court, the upcoming Nicaragua elections and the U.S. intervention in the elections, the continued Contra war, the economic conditions in Nicaragua, and the merits of water only fasting to effect consciousness.
Meeting with Edgar Chomorro, ex-Contra Nicaraguan, now with the Institute for Media Analysis' Nicaragua Election Monitoring Project, and David MacMichael, also of the Project, about the flow of U.S. money to UNO.
Attempted meetings with La Prensa and Cardinal Miguel Obando Y Bravo were met with a denial from the former and bureaucratic obstacle from the latter.
The Current Context: Brief History of Recent Intervention Attitudes and Activities in Nicaragua by the United States
The obsessive U.S. intervention to undermine the 1979 Nicaragua revolution was initially based on the need to interdict alleged flow of arms moving from Nicaragua to the FLMN in El Salvador. However as no evidence was discovered to support this claim, the U.S. dropped this pretense and openly demanded that the Sandinista-led revolution "cry uncle." As the Nicaraguans struggled to continue their programs for the poor despite the U.S. directed Contra terrorism that was destabilizing many of the revolution's gains, the U.S. policy became one of openly orchestrating the complete overthrow of the Sandinista-led government.
The following is a brief chronology:
1978 — Pres. Carter authorized CIA to support "moderate" opposition groups as Somoza's tenure came in doubt due to the escalating revolutionary activity in Nicaragua
Mar. 1980 — Congress freezes aid to Nicaragua, something it had never done since Somoza came to power in 1936
Mid-Nov. 1980 — Pres. Reagan's transition team met with small group of exiled Nicaraguans in Honduras who desired to fight the Sandinistas
Apr. 1981 — Pres. Reagan terminates $118 million in U.S. aid to Nicaragua obtained under Pres. Carter
Nov. 1981 — Pres. Reagan signed secret directive (NSDD #17) providing $20 million through the CIA to train a 500 man paramilitary force to begin operations in Nicaragua
Mar. 1982 — Contras (the newly developed paramilitary force created by U.S. NSDD #17) blew up two bridges in northern Nicaragua beginning the "Contra War"
June 1982 — Argentina advisers leave contra camps after the U.S. supports Britain, not Argentina, in war over Falkland Islands; CIA then enter camps directly
1982 — Congress provides $19 million covert aid to Contras through the CIA; CIA uses $10 million additional money from a contingency fund for the Contras
1983 — Congress provides $24 million overt aid to the Contras
Sept. 1983 — Contras sabotage Managua airport, Corinto port facilities, and oil pipeline in Puerto Sandino
Jan.-Feb. 1984 — CIA mines Nicaragua's harbors
1984 — CIA and NED money begins supporting various non-military, internal opposition activities
Oct. 1984 — CIA assassination manual discovered in Contra hands
May 1, 1985 — Pres. Reagan signed initial economic embargo on Nicaragua
June 1985 — Congress approves $28 million in "humanitarian" aid for the Contras
1986 — Congress approves $100 million, including $70 million for military aid, for the Contras
1987 — Congress approves $20 million "nonlethal" aid for Contras
1988 — Congress approves $48 million overt aid for Contras
1988 — Congress began openly financing opposition political parties in Nicaragua
Apr. 1989 — Congress approves $50 million overt aid for the Contras
Oct. 1989 — Congress approves $9 million for UNO
It is obvious that the United States is scared of peace. Various statements and actions of the U.S. continue to reveal her fear of peace, and her defiance of the rules of international and domestic laws and agreements.
The so-called bi-partisan agreement on Contra aid, signed by the President and Congressional leaders on March 24, 1989, to continue funding the existence of the terrorist army, though supposedly only as a ready force in their Honduran sanctuary camps, and not as an active fighting force, directly contradicted the peace plan agreed to by the 5 Central American presidents in their meeting in El Salvador on February 14, 1989. The Central American plan calls for the demobilization and resettlement, not perpetuation, of the Contras. The $50 million of bi-partisan aid actually appropriated on April 13, 1989, was to continue until February 28, 1990, unless Congress learned that the Contras had left their Honduran camps and initiated military operations inside Nicaragua, in which case Congress could terminate by November 30 any further aid. The aid was not linked to or conditioned on Contra demobilization as the Central American presidents had requested. Just the opposite! One day after the so-called bipartisan aid became law, on April 14 to be exact, the Contras launched one of their biggest attacks in several months when they ambushed and murdered 7 Nicaraguan soldiers along the Kurinwas River in the central Zelaya region. We know the Contras have continued to be militarily active conducting a number of terrorist actions throughout the period the bi-partisan aid has been in force.
Earlier, in May 1986, a National Security Planning Group meeting of Cabinet-level officials was convened due to their alarm that Nicaragua was prepared to sign the Contadora peace plan. Remember Contadora? Washington's strategy was to portray the plan as unacceptable to others in the region "while denouncing the Sandinistas for refusing to negotiate." One official who attended the meeting was reported to have said it had been convened because "there was a peace scare." (New York Times, Aug. 6, 1987, article by Joel Brinkley.)
Alfonso Chardy, writing in a May 10, 1987, article in The Philadelphia Inquirer, said that "U.S. officials sought to disrupt the efforts of the Contadora group of nations to negotiate an end to conflict in Central America because the peace talks complicated efforts to persuade Congress to approve Contra aid."
Anthony Lewis, in his November 19, 1987, New York Times column discussing the Central American peace process declared about the Reagan administration: "They want war. That is the policy…As Mr. Wright said, they 'are scared to death that peace will break out.'"
Peace absolutely requires justice as a foundation. The U.S. cannot afford justice in Central America (or elsewhere) unless it is willing to endure a painful but liberating revolution of consciousness and values that no longer lives
by the principles of greed , unlimited consumerism and domination.
U.S. Defies Tela Accords: Actions Oppose Contra Demobilization
As stated above, the funding of the Contras in April 1989 to last until after the Nicaraguan elections on February 25, 1990, defies the Central America peace plan. The Tela accords, signed August 7, 1989, in Honduras, set in motion a specific demobilization plan for the contras to be completed by December 5, 1989. We know that the Contra attacks have intensified since the Tela agreement. The U.S. has not even condemned the attacks. Under the terms of the bi-partisan agreement, Secretary of State James Baker assured Congressional Democrats that the Contras would not carry out offensive military operations inside Nicaragua. A State Department statement in response to Congressional inquires about Contra attacks admitted that it lacked the "strong intelligence ability" to assess responsibility for the attacks.
Robert Pear of the New York Times summarized the U.S. defiance of the August 1989 Tela accords (published in San Francisco Chronicle, Nov. 3, 1989) by citing four actions of the U.S. government: (1) Statement that they want the Contras to remain intact as a fighting force until after the elections; (2) Distributed cash to Contras inside Nicaragua at a rate of $150,000 to $200,000 per month; (3) Statement that they were and are aware of movement of large numbers of armed Contras into Nicaragua; and (4) Consciously ignored and allowed Contras to carry out hostile acts they hoped would provoke Ortega to do something "intemperate."
In a Nov. 2, 1989, news story (San Jose Mercury News). Secretary of State Baker said the U.S. would cut off the April 1989 "humanitarian" aid appropriation to the Contras if they are "found to be engaging in offensive operations." On the same day, Nov. 2, another news story (San Francisco Chronicle) reported that "Contra sources admit that the rebels are responsible for some violations." Again on the same day, another San Francisco Chronicle article reported that the "Contras are short of ammunition" but there are "huge stocks of ammunition and missiles left from the $100 million package" that expired in 1988. Again, on the same day, Marlin Fitzwater, the White House Press Secretary acknowledged in a San Francisco Chronicle article "that the Contras have been involved in military action."
On Nov. 4, the San Francisco Examiner quoted an anonymous rebel source in Costa Rica as saying, "Our soldiers scarcely have any ammunition." But on the same day Wilson Ring of the San Francisco Chronicle, reporting from Yamales, Honduras, stated that "the 6,000 contra rebels based here have been rearmed."
The facts speak for themselves. Whether officials of the U.S. government or the Contras can get their stories straight or not is just further evidence that U.S. policy is lawless, based on lies, and full of Orwellian doublespeak. The fact of the matter is that the Contras continue to carry out terrorism throughout Nicaragua with U.S. money and support. The U.S. has only encouraged the Contras to continue their terrorism. It has done nothing to order or even encourage them to demobilize.
The Sadistic Nature of "Low Intensity" Warfare: The Witness For Peace Sponsored Study Conducted by Leslie Toser and Dr. Derek Summerfield
"Low Intensity" warfare is a euphemism for terrorism. It attempts to demoralize the lives and spirits of the people. It intends to instill fear in people's hearts and minds through a variety of means. A June 1983 CIA National Intelligence Estimate on Contra activity stated, "Fear and uncertainty stemming from the violence have crippled investment, exacerbated capital flight and cut off commercial lending. Fighting in the countryside has reduced traditional seasonal labor migration and cut into harvests" (Washington Post, Aug. 27, 1989).
National Security Decision Directive #124 signed by President Reagan in February 1984 requested development of "such economic sanctions against Nicaragua that are likely to build pressure on the Sandinistas." This same directive also authorized various pressures on the Mexican government to reduce its "economic and diplomatic support for the Nicaraguan government."
In July 1985, Col. Oliver North developed a written plan for overthrowing the Sandinistas by directing the Contras "to repeatedly…disrupt the economic infrastructure of Nicaragua with priority to the electrical grid, water, transportation and communication systems" that would be a "show of force action with maximum psychological benefit."
Bob Woodward's book, Veil, p. 281, reports that CIA director William Casey demanded from his people working in Nicaragua: "What more can we do about the economy to make those bastards sweat?"
In a January 1986 meeting with Garrett Sweeney, political consular at the U.S. Embassy in Nicaragua, I was told that two of the critical factors determining the future of Nicaragua are: (1) Reaction of the Nicaraguan population to internal economic trends and conditions (economic embargo), including "food shortages", and (2) the military "fortunes" of the contras. Regarding U.S. policy in Nicaragua, Mr. Sweeny said, "Our goal is peaceful but the manner in which we pursue it is not." In effect, the U.S. policy toward Nicaragua is one dominated by military terrorism and creation of starvation.
In September 1988, House Speaker Jim Wright said "he had 'clear testimony' from the CIA of its involvement in instigating civil disturbances in Nicaragua" (AP story, San Francisco Examiner, Sept. 24, 1988). He further stated that the Reagan administration "covertly sought to provoke the Sandinista government into cracking down on its political opposition."
In January 1989, an international conference of specialists in treatment of torture survivors met in San Francisco. They are "alarmed by the use of systematic torture around the world to break the will of entire populations." They declared that fear is the object of terrorism. "People become terrorized, and therefore they give up their life projects," such as where to live and work, ability to safely raise children, travel to markets and to see friends and relatives, for example. "That is the effect that the government intended," therapists stressed. "The effects are a frightened, angry, impotent society of people…The government seeks to restrict your actions and thoughts and the very way you exist," said Dr. Paul Davis, a South African physician who has documented use of torture by his country's white-minority government. (San Francisco Chronicle, Jan. 19, 1989)
The Witness For Peace-Sponsored Study Conducted by Leslie Toser and Dr. Derek Summerfield
Dr. Derek Summerfield, a psychiatrist from England, worked with Leslie Toser of Witness For Peace (WFP) from August to November 1989, studying the effects of the Contra war on campesinos.
One in twelve, or 300,000 Nicaraguans have been displaced by the contra war. But one in six rural Nicaraguans have been displaced by the terrorism. Dr. Summerfield and Ms. Toser studied the community of Urvina, in the Rama and La Esperanza area in Zelaya. The community had been attacked 3 or 4 times during the war, with people killed, maimed and kidnapped during each attack, as well as experiencing destruction of houses and crops. The communal infrastructure becomes destroyed as loss of family members, houses and crops forces the people to move to safer, "foreign" areas. Virtually all the original Urvina residents, numbering about 200, including 90 adults, are now
living in an asentamiento for their safety.
Nearly 90% of the women demonstrate psychosomatic symptoms. Nearly 100% of the women and 50% of the men report regular tension headaches. The military mobilization of the men, a regular occurrence, tends to demoralize the community as it regularly deprives the people of much of the labor necessary for economic and social survival. People subjected to the constant fear of attacks become worn down, both emotionally and physically. Even in the asentamiento, vigilance is required for security every day and night. Virtually every able-bodied man spends 4 months each each year in the army reserves, and the other 8 months in vigilance every third night. They tend to never receive adequate rest and therefore remain in constant exhaustion.
The Contras are communicating to virtually all rural campesinos, through word of mouth, distribution of U.S. funded leaflets, and direct threats, that they will "make the war worse than ever if the FSLN wins the elections." Dr. Summerfield suggested that a lot of people may not vote because of the fear of terrorist reprisals, like murder and maiming.
Dr. Summerfield stated that economic and political/social effects of the war are easier to document than the psychological effects. He also indicated that as terrorism from military activities is the primary issue in the rural areas, economic strangulation is the issue in the urban areas more dependent upon a cash economy.
Contra Activity During the Period of Visit to Nicaragua (Nov. 30 to Dec. 14)
The Contras have been very active in 1989, and the activities since October have markedly escalated. There are many bands of Contras in numbers of 10 to 30 each, roaming in most rural areas. Selective assassinations and kidnappings are common, as are ambushes. Attacks on cooperatives and farms continue.
Assassinations: There have been a number of assassinations of FSLN members and others perceived as providing leadership in the communities. Many ex-Contras who have returned under amnesty are being selected for assassination. On December 1, ex-contra Fermin Cardena Cardena was assassinated in an ambush just north of Wiwili in Jinotega Department. He had received training in the U.S. several years ago in North Carolina. In an interview in late 1988 or early 1989, he stated that Contra commander Enrique Bermudez was directly involved in approving operations to destroy U.S. citizen Ben Linder's hydroelectric project in the El Cua area, as well as to murder Linder himself. Cardena also indicated that Bermudez gave a reward to the Contra who executed Linder.
On December 13, the Contras executed a man about 12:30 p.m. near the village of Susucayan in Nueva Segovia Department. The man executed had been named by UNO to be a local candidate in the upcoming elections. He chose not to be a UNO candidate, and he was identified as a traitor by the Contras and removed from his house, tortured and then murdered.
Visited a cooperative near San Ramon, Matagalpa on December 7 and learned that a man had recently been assassinated in a neighboring cooperative.
Ambushes and attacks: While in Matagalpa City on December 6, learned of a Contra attack the evening before (about 7 p.m.) at a cooperative near the neighboring city of Jinotega. Several people were killed and wounded, and some facilities were destroyed.
While in San Pedro De Lovago briefly on December 9, a public transport vehicle was blown up by a mine on the public road, killing or wounding over 20 civilians.
On December 13 traveled from Esteli to Quilali to visit the Lopez ambush site. Heavy Contra activity on and along the road from Palacaguina and San Juan Telpaneca in Madriz Department forced us to travel the longer, more northern route to Quilali.
U.S. Reconnaissance Overflights: Overflights continue at the rate of one every other day providing the Contras with regular photographic intelligence of positions of Nicaraguan army units and transportation patterns. Several flights occurred in December, tracked by Nicaraguan radar.
Visit with 75 Mothers of the Heroes and Martyrs in La Dalia, Matagalpa: Estimated that these 75 mothers experienced a collective loss of nearly 300 family members due to Contra terrorism during the war. One mother had lost 22 family members, having only her mother left. They expressed in powerful ways that they had suffered enough. "How can you help us," they asked? "We want peace." Who and in what manner will represent the suffering, and vision, of those mothers? If we can feel the suffering within us, that it is our suffering as well, and feel the vision within us, that it is our vision as well, then we will be motivated to act in ways we are not even aware of yet.
President Reagan signed NSDD #124 in February 1984 calling for economic sanctions against Nicaragua that are likely to build pressure on the Sandinistas. On may 1, 1985, the economic embargo was instituted, based on the U.S. statutory premise that the "policies and actions of the Government of Nicaragua continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States." This embargo has been renewed every 6 months since, most recently by President Bush at the end of October 1989. This embargo has been supplemented by an "invisible blockade" of Multilateral Development Bank (MDB) loans. The U.S. government has vetoed or stopped loans by the World Bank and the InterAmerican Development Bank (IDB). The U.S. has applied pressure on European governments to not help Nicaragua. The U.S. refused any help to Nicaragua after Hurricane Joan, the most devastating natural disaster to ever hit Central America. A high government official of the U.S. happily proclaimed that Hurricane Joan was the most successful Contra victory ever.
Again, I am reminded of U.S. Embassy official Garrett Sweeney's statement to me in 1986 that creation of food shortages was very much a part of U.S. policy to undo the Sandinista government.
Throughout Nicaragua we asked people about the economic situation as they personally experienced it. In general it seemed that more items were available than a few months ago but there was less money to purchase the items. Medicines and basic food stuffs were beyond the means of many people. Though most people understand the reasons for the economic depression, nonetheless people are tired and worn down by the constant struggle to eat and to have basic clothes and shelter. The embargo makes unavailable many items such as spare parts that further aggravates conditions of daily life.
The Election Process: United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO)
In a June 11, 1989, New York Times article, "Bush Pressing Congress to Permit CIA Role in Nicaragua Elections," a State Department official is quoted as saying, "We want to keep the Sandinistas guessing." This again reflects the arrogance, the interventionist attitude and sadistic nature of U.S. foreign policy directed to Nicaragua. Furthermore, President Bush is on record saying he would lift the embargo if Violeta Chomorro, Presidential candidate for UNO, is elected. This is an admission that the U.S. government is not going to honor the decision of the Nicaraguan voters unless they select the U.S. candidate. It is also an admission that economic depravity and food shortages are a very conscious policy the U.S. exacts upon people who refuse to "cry uncle."
The Nicaragua elections will be the most extensively observed ever in the history of Central America, perhaps in the world. At least 1500 outside observers are expected. Several Nicaraguan observers will be present at each of the nearly 4400 voting places. There will also be United Nations and Organization of American States observers.
On December 2 we met with Rodolfo Sandino Arguello, the independent "Notable" member of the five-person Supreme
Electoral Council (SEC). As there has been no census in Nicaragua since 1971, a 1989 population estimate was developed by demographers to be about 1,970,500 eligible voters. As of the end of October 1989, nearly 90%, or 1,750,550 had registered. Each registered voter receives a card with the voting place identified. Unlike "democratic" El Salvador, one is not required to vote in Nicaragua. This is the first time the U.N. has observed an election of an independent, sovereign country, as opposed to one being de-colonized such as Namibia in Africa this past November.
All money contributed to the political campaign from outside Nicaragua must come through the Central Bank, 50% of which then goes to the SEC for election process expenses; all goods must come through the Ministry of Foreign Cooperation. As of December 2 no money from the U.S. or Congress had been registered with the Central Bank. Speculation is that the very visible funds financing UNO at this point are arriving in cash with individuals working out of Miami and Venezuela. There have been reports that key UNO organizers are receiving $5,000 a month.
The February 25, 1990 elections are not just for the President and National Assembly. All municipal candidates will be elected as well throughout the country.
A budget of $25 million is required to fund the election process. West Germany, Spain, Sweden, Finland, Switzerland, Canada, and Venezuela are assisting with meeting the budget. The U.S. has contributed far more than this figure to the opposition party efforts to topple the Sandinistas, but absolutely none to the election process.
In Nicaragua only 45 people are necessary to form a political party. In the February 1990 elections, there are actually 10 parties or alliances on the ballot. UNO (United Nicaragua Opposition), the U.S. sponsored, organized and funded alliance of 11 parties, and the FSLN, are the 2 primary groups seeking votes. But there are 8 other parties on the ballot: Social Christian Party (PSC), Democratic Conservative Party (PCD), Marxist-Leninist Popular Action Movement (MAP-ML), Workers Revolutionary Party (PRT), Central America Unionist Party (PUCA), National Unity Liberal Party (PLIUN), Movement of Revolutionary Unity (MUR), and the Conservative Socialist Party (PSOC).
We learned that in the poor neighborhoods of Nicaragua, UNO is distributing $10 U.S. bills enticing people to UNO meetings. They are also distributing consumer items like radios and designer jeans. In the countryside the Contras are threatening people to either vote for UNO or to abstain from voting. Frequently this is done at the point of a gun as people are told the Contras will know who voted for the FSLN.
In fact, in some communities where UNO is popular, the minority of FSLN supporters are already known, and the Contras will be able to easily speculate on February 26, 1990, the day after the elections, from examining the voting figures which people voted for the FSLN. There is expressed concern among many people of reprisals after the elections directed against FSLN supporters.
UNO officials invited us to attend other demonstration on Saturday, December 9, in Masatepe, Carazo Department. We traveled through Masatepe the day before but had a conflict on Saturday and could not attend. The demonstration actually turned out ugly. A 4 year old child of a FSLN family was killed, a U.N. vehicle was burned, a FSLN house was stoned, and a number of people were injured. There was confusion about how the incitement was precipitated and as to what happened. UNO blames the FSLN. The FSLN blames UNO. Two of the local UNO organizers resigned over the incident. However, U.S. and UNO officials declared that this incident furnished proof that free and fair elections could not be held in Nicaragua.
This response can be seen as a sign that as the election date nears and the perception of a FSLN victory becomes more likely, that the U.S. will order UNO to withdraw from the elections, citing the Masatepe and other incidents as evidence that a fair election is impossible.
Of course the U.S. funded Nicaraguan newspaper, La Prensa, is the "official" news organ for UNO. To give you a flavor of their bias against the government of Nicaragua, their reporting of the alleged Nicaraguan plane that crashed in El Salvador carrying missiles for the FMLN, included publication of a map of the route of the plane from Nicaragua to El Salvador revealing a fictitious common border between the two countries. In fact, a section of Honduras separates the 2 countries, making it a bit more difficult to transport supplies across the "border."
Conversations About El Salvador
There is a lot of solidarity among Nicaraguans with the struggle for democracy and justice in El Salvador. UNO has expressed regular support for the Christiani government and their efforts to put down the popular movement. How this will play out in the elections remains to be seen. However it is difficult to believe that UNO wins votes by supporting the Christiani government. Even among people who are opposed to the FSLN, they all remember Somoza. To most Nicaraguans, the Salvadoran government reminds them of the Somoza years. "It is very close to home."
We learned a bit about the FMLN November 1989 offensive in El Salvador from Salvadorans temporarily living in Nicaragua. During the first 2 weeks, there were about 860 government casualties, with a 9:1 casualty rate for the FMLN. Therefore, one could estimate 100-150 FMLN casualties. There were 1000-1500 civilians killed, mostly due to the bombings by the Salvadoran air force. U.S. pilots are believed to have directed much of the bombing with some U.S. pilots flying the planes dropping the bombs. It is believed that the FMLN had surrounded the Ilopango air base in eastern San Salvador making it difficult for most of the Salvadoran pilots to reach the planes. Thus it is believed that many of the bombers came from U.S. bases in Honduras.
The FMLN destroyed 27 government vehicles and shot down 1 plane. Twelve helicopters were hit and 2 small planes were damaged as well. The FMLN intelligence sources inside the Salvadoran army report that the Green Berets discovered in the Sheraton Hotel in San Salvador were on a mission connected to training for and transportation to Panama to capture or kill Noriega.
These same intelligence sources indicate that the Salvadoran army has adopted the Jakarta plan, patterned after the CIA efforts to eradicate the Communist party in Indonesia in the 1960s. The Jakarta plan aims to eliminate the heads of all leaders of the popular movement–unions, church, civic, etc.
A Final Note About the U.S. Embassy in Managua
We observed one interesting change in the physical make up of the small observation building adjacent to the main gate of the U.S. Embassy in Managua. During previous vigils in front of the Embassy, employees could be seen through windows as they photographed and observed the vigil participants. Now, however, the windows are one way, so that the employees can see out but the vigilers can only see dark glass.
This is but one other example of the need for the people carrying out U.S. policy to be insulated, detached from the people. They cannot even work knowing the people can see them. Perhaps deep down they are ashamed of their complicity and must work ever harder in remaining in denial. They do not want to be seen by the people clamoring for justice outside their window. The existing system and its values of greed and domination must entrench all the more as it becomes surrounded with ever more reminders if its illegitimacy.
ADDENDUM A: Casualties from Contra Attacks–Nicaragua
SINCE SAPOA CEASEFIRE IN MARCH 1988 TO OCT. 1989
Source: Witness For Peace (WFP) and Nicaraguan Government
U.S. Equivalent (x71)
SINCE "BIPARTISAN AGREEMENT" ON APRIL 13, 1989
TO OCT. 30, 1989
Source: WFP Reports dated Nov. 2 and April 13-Oct. 14, 1989
DURING OCTOBER 1989 (THE MONTH OF VOTER REGISTRATION)
Source: Nicaragua Ministry of Defense
18 45 1,278 3,195
14 — 994 —
50 Plus 120 3,550 Plus 8,520
Oct. 1989 Casualties
ADDENDUM B: Ambush Site
On October 29, 1988, the U.S.-funded contras ambushed an El Carmen state coffee farm truck on its way from El Carmen to San Juan del Rio Coco, a few miles west of the city of Quilali in the Department of Nueva Segovia, just a few miles from the Honduran border. Dora and Erick Lopez (and Marlon Lopez, 10 months, who subsequently died from his wounds) were riding in the truck with about 19 others. The truck had just turned a curve about 2 miles north of San Juan del Rio Coco when about a dozen contras appeared on the road and opened fire with automatic weapons. Over 120 bullet holes were found in the truck. Apparently at least one grenade (40 MM) hit the truck as well. According to an area resident whose cousin was murdered in the ambush, a total of 18 persons were murdered, and only 4 survived, including Dora and Erick.
On Wednesday, December 13, 1989, Charlie Liteky, Jack Ryan, Bob Spitzer, and Brian Willson, comprising a VPAT pre-election observation team, traveled to the October 29, 1988 ambush site. Photo at left, above, shows curve in road where contras ambushed the truck. The truck continued another hundred yards or so and crashed in a ditch alongside the road. The photo on right, above, shows Brian at the spot where the truck came to rest in the ditch, marked by a cross designating the ambush. Name on cross is Felipe Zelaya Lopez (16 yrs.) who was murdered in the ambush.
In investigating the spot and its environs, we discovered that it was at a location of a very well traveled contra infiltration trail from Honduras through eastern Nueva Segovia. Also discovered was a man-size hole in the ground, like a foxhole, adjacent to the road but hidden from view of the road, that we speculated was being used by the contras to conceal themselves while conducting ambushes with trip wire mines, M-79 grenade launchers, or automatic weapons.
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We know for certain that Jesus Christ appeared personally to prophets such as Lehi, Nephi, Jacob, Mormon, and Moroni and to the people gathered at Bountiful after his resurrection. These personal visitations are listed in the first part of this chart. But Christ probably appeared to additional prophets as well. The second part of this chart lists those who recorded having seen "an angel of the Lord" (Amulek and Samuel) or "the angel of the Lord" (Benjamin and Alma the Younger). Because it is difficult to distinguish between "the angel of the Lord" and Jehovah in Genesis 16:7–11, Exodus 3:2, and Judges 2:1–4, Nephites who recorded seeing "the angel of the Lord" might have been indirectly writing about the Lord himself. It is therefore possible that prophets such as Alma also saw the Savior and conversed with him (see Mosiah 27:25, "And the Lord said unto me").


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Hawkeye women's basketball players share musical pasts
memmert@gannett.com
IOWA CITY, Ia. — The piano in Lisa Bluder's home is like a magnet for two of her Iowa women's basketball players.
When the Hawkeyes gather for a team dinner at their coach's house, it's a safe bet that Amanda Ollinger and Hannah Stewart will spend a little time rekindling their musical passions, the ones they've put on hold while pursuing basketball excellence.
Ollinger, a freshman from Cedar Rapids, is classically trained, competing in city and regional competitions from the second through 10th grades.
Stewart, a sophomore from Minot, N.D., plays piano by ear. Her instrument of choice from fourth through 12th grade was the violin.
Both Hawkeye forwards said at the team's media day Wednesday that there are similarities between success in music and athletics.
"The coordination, I feel like, is the same because You don't want to look down at your fingers. You always have to know where all the keys are and how to make all the transitions," Ollinger said. "Which I feel like is the same as basketball. When you fill spots, you don't want to look at the spot and then say, 'OK, now I'm ready to catch the basketball.'"
Stewart wasn't a soloist on the violin. But she concurred that the lessons learned in music have carried over to the basketball court.
"I think they're similar in that they both require time and you have to invest in it in order to become good at it. Being in an orchestra is very similar to working as a team," she said. "You have to follow the conductor. You have to follow the coach's instructions. You have to be on beat with your section.
"You have to perform."
Get to know Iowa's heralded freshman class
A 6-foot-2 natural post player, Stewart is looking to perform much more this season after seeing only 27 minutes of action as a freshman. A former Miss Basketball in North Dakota after averaging 19.3 points and 11.8 rebounds as a high school senior, Stewart has been shifted to a power forward position now, which makes her essentially another guard on offense.
"I've spent hours upon hours in the gym working on my shot, working on my ball-handling," said Stewart, who once spent 10 hours a week practicing the violin. "I've learned to use my physical presence a little bit more I think."
Even at her coach's most recent team dinner. Stewart laughingly relayed a story about getting into a wrestling match in Bluder's house with freshman guard Makenzie Meyer.
"It got pretty intense, but it was fun," Stewart said, pausing. "I'll let you ask Makenzie who won."
Ollinger didn't start playing sports until the seventh grade. She was a 5-foot-10 point guard on a Wilson Middle School team that had only five players. And she loved every second of it.
It wasn't until three years later, though, that she decided to put away the piano to concentrate on basketball, once she started hearing from college recruiters.
Ollinger's playing time on a deep Hawkeye team may be limited in her rookie year. She said she's prepared for that.
"She can shoot the 3 with ease, but she can also get in there on the boards and she can post up anybody," Bluder said of Ollinger, a Linn-Mar graduate. "She's just got to continue to figure out how to use her strengths, and once she does, she's going to be a great contributor for us."
Ollinger, at 6-1, played every position in high school, scoring 1,343 points while pulling down 780 rebounds in a career that began at Cedar Rapids Jefferson.
Ally Disterhoft selected to preseason All-Big Ten teams
"Whether I sit on the bench all year cheering on my teammates, I feel like that's just as important as if I would start," she said.
Ollinger has experience sitting on a bench and being in the spotlight simultaneously.
"You practiced for a whole year for this one competition," she said of her piano past, when she favored Mozart and Bach. "I was really good at playing keys that were far apart, because I have really long fingers. So I would always do a lot of songs where you have to stretch 10 keys, 12 keys, really bounce back and forth. Because not everyone has long fingers."
Spoken like an athlete, always looking for an edge.
Ollinger said she misses playing the piano and will take it up again once her basketball career is over. Her parents, Scott and Bonnie, are building a new house in Marion. There will be a room for Amanda, their only child.
There will be another touch of home as well.
"I do still have a piano," Ollinger said. "My mom was like, 'Are you sure you don't want to get rid of this?' I was like, 'We cannot get rid of my piano."


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John Simm Society Blog
YouTube (Unofficial John Simm)
Macbeth: 21 September – 26 October
TV, Film…
Interview / Print / Stage / Theatre
John Simm: 'I don't mean to seem cocky'
Posted on 17/09/2009 by Administrator	Leave a comment
The Big Interview by Christina Patterson
He's known as the star of television dramas 'Life on Mars' and 'Dr Who'. Now the actor is returning to the West End stage
John Simm has an enthusiastic fanbase thanks to his high-profile television and film roles but decided to go back to his acting roots on stage as a 'kick up the arse' (photo by David Sandison)
'I was trying," says John Simm, "to find a way to do Hamlet." Er, sorry? The man who played The Master in Dr Who, and a leather-jacketed detective in Life on Mars, and a clubber in Human Traffic, and a loan shark in Never Never, and a scheming Puritan soldier in The Devil's Whore, the man who has only been in two stage plays since leaving drama school, wants to play the most challenging role for a young actor in the history of theatre? Having never been in a Shakespeare (outside drama school) before? Having only ever seen one production?
"Yes, why not?" says Simm. No, I bluster, no reason at all, I'm sure you'd be brilliant. I am, in truth, a little bit nervous. The man sitting in front of me, in a scruffy, draughty room in the back-stage labyrinth of the Union Chapel, has a reputation as a reluctant interviewee. The words most frequently used of his performances on TV and screen are "edgy" and "intense" and the word most frequently used of his performances in interviews is "cocky". He has just wolfed down an egg and cress sandwich, and, in his (slightly strange) combination of stripy polo shirt (very Life on Mars), tweed jacket, beige trousers and baseball boots, is all poised politeness, and elfin, tousled charm. But there is – yes – a slight edge. It wouldn't take much, I can't help thinking, for that polite smile to slip into something closer to irritation.
I've asked him about the play he's rehearsing, of course, and he's told me, of course, that it's "a hell of a challenge", and that he was "intrigued" by the script, and the fact that it's "like a split-screen on stage", and that he's playing two characters, a detective (again) and a violent, alcoholic neighbour. And then he announces, casually, that he "wasn't particularly looking to get back on stage again", but was wanting to do Hamlet. Whoa! And he hasn't done any Shakespeare before? "No." And wouldn't it feel a bit like following in the footsteps of David Tennant? "I didn't really think about that." And he's only ever seen one Hamlet? "Yes, at drama school." And doesn't it, um, imply quite a lot of confidence?
Simm looks baffled. "I guess so," he says. "Yeah, I guess so." It's just, I say, that I saw him on Jonathan Ross, saying how good his music was – he used to be in a rock band called Magic Alex – and Ross said "how vain", and it's rather unEnglish to sing your own praises, isn't it? "I guess so," says Simm again. "Look," he says, with just the faintest trace of that feared-for irritation, "I don't mean to come across as cocky." Well, I say, you did once say "cockiness is the thing, as long as it's not misplaced and you come up with the goods." Simm laughs. "Did I say that? Was I really young? Look, we've got on to a really weird tack here, with the Hamlet thing… Yeah, course I think I could do it. Why not?"
And why not indeed? John Simm is one of the hottest properties in British acting at the moment, a name mentioned in the same breath – and with the same awed sense of streetcred and boyish sex appeal – as David Tennant and Dominic West. Since leaving drama school in 1992, he has never been unemployed. He started with a small part in Rumpole of the Bailey, followed by a psycho in The Bill, a burglar in The Locksmith and a troubled teenager in Cracker, but it was in 1997, with Jimmy McGovern's series The Lakes, that he hit the TV big time. Since then, he's worked with the best writers in the business – with Paul Abbott, in Clocking Off and State of Play, with Tony Marchant in Never Never and the BBC production of Crime and Punishment and, of course, with Russell T Davies in Doctor Who. His participation in something is pretty much a hallmark of quality. So yes, there's little doubt that Simm's does "come up with the goods".
All of this, however, has been on screen, mostly (slightly to his regret) the small screen. Stage is different – and, one assumes, night after night after night after night, rather hard work. Isn't it? "Yeah," says Simm, relieved that I've laid the ghost of Hamlet to rest. "I realised how hard it was 'cause of Elling. The run of Elling was long and I hit a brick wall half way though, and I thought 'I can't do this any more'." Elling, a comedy about two men just out of mental hospital, ran first at the Bush and then at the Trafalgar Studios two years ago. Simm was nominated for an Olivier Award for his performance.
"I thought, 'I can't say these lines any more,'" says Simm, "and that was difficult. But when I read this play, there was something about it that kind of stayed in my head." The play is Speaking in Tongues, by Andrew Bovell, a haunting thriller that was made into the multi-award-winning film, Lantana. "I needed," he says, "with a winning, boyish grin, "a kick up the arse. I'm not saying that screen acting became easy, but I thought 'do something that's going to be really hard – and terrifying! – so you feel alive again'. And I thought, 'this is the reason I became an actor'."
And is he – how can I put this? – in any way afraid of the audience, afraid, in fact, of his fans? "Well," he says, clearly trying to be circumspect, "my one stipulation this time was 'I don't want to see the audience'. A lot of over-zealous sci-fi fans, shall we say, came to see Elling, and they were shouting at me during the performance. At the end of one curtain call, I went up to this guy and swore at him quite loudly. I'm not great at dealing with the public in that way. I'm not the most sociable person in the world."
Poor John Simm! I feel myself warming towards this slight figure, trying so hard to be polite to me, to the nutters who accost him when he's out, accost him, it seems, even when he's just doing his job. During his hedonistic Nineties – when he had a brief relationship with Spice Girl, Emma Bunton – he had to stop clubbing, after the success of Michael Winterbottom's cult clubbing film, Human Traffic. During live gigs with his band, Magic Alex (now defunct, but resurrected for a wedding last week), he would "stare at the floor", partly, he says, out of natural shyness, but partly because people would be pointing at him and saying "that's the bloke from The Lakes". Fame, as even those begging for it discover, has its price.
But John Simm doesn't like talking about fame – he hates to sound ungrateful – and he doesn't like talking about confidence, and he doesn't, I imagine, after about a million interviews being forced to talk about Curly Wurlys and Starsky and Hutch (and other accoutrements of the Seventies that he's really too young to remember) like talking about Life on Mars, so I ask him instead about books. I know he loves books. When he moved down to London as a teenager, after a working-class childhood in Lancashire, he felt, he says, like a "fish out of water" and retreated into reading. "I've always got a book on the go," he says, "usually two. I think that's the best part of my job. For The Devil's Whore, I devoured these books on the English Civil War. For Van Gogh, I read his letters to Theo, which was a joy."
For Van Gogh, who he played in a Channel 4 drama, The Yellow House, he lived on black coffee in order to look appropriately hollow-cheeked. Simm trained in the Stanislavski school of method acting at the Drama Centre (a technique of total immersion that had Olivier famously saying to Dustin Hoffman "dear boy, have you tried acting?"). Was this the most "methody" role he'd done for a while? "If I get a chance," he says, "I'll give it rock-all with the old method. You don't really get the chance to use it on screen. Mind you, if I brought Raskolnikov [the murderer he played in Crime and Punishment] home with me, or Van Gogh, or The Master, the evil man of the universe, I'd have no marriage left…"
Ah, marriage. Normally, I might ask at this point about his home life, and his wife, the actress Kate Magowan, with whom he has an eight-year-old boy, Ryan, and a two-year-old daughter, Molly. But I've read that Simm hates being quizzed about his private life, so I plough on with the do-the-roles-you-play-affect-you thing. For example, Sex Traffic, a Bafta-award winning, and horrifically upsetting, Channel 4 drama about sex slaves in London?
"It does a little bit," says Simm. "You wouldn't be human if it didn't. Especially Sex Traffic. For once in my life, I thought 'I'm going to do something which might make a difference in a teeny, weeny way'." So does the rest of his work not? Simm looks bewildered. "Why would it? Like I say, it's a character. Usually, I'm a slave to the writing, and I try to serve that character as best I can. I've got to find some humanity with all the characters, even Raskolnikov. I have to sort of be on his side, which is why I could never play a paedophile."
Simm could never play a paedophile, I think, because his life was changed by the birth of his son. In interviews at the time, he spoke about life finally having meaning. He finds being separated from his children, on filming projects, "physically painful". And it's for his son that he agreed to play The Master in Doctor Who (he's doing it again in a Christmas Day special), but he now worries that the extra attention might cause him to get bullied. "I just wanted to make him proud," he says simply.
From the outside, it looks as though John Simm's life has been remarkably easy: happy childhood, wild, but also successful, twenties, domestically stable, and also successful, thirties, a continuing passion for music (not just rock, but also classical and ballet), a continuing passion for football and, of course, being brilliant at something he loves. Hasn't it? Bastard! Simm laughs. "There's been things which have been not easy, but yeah, you're right. I can't moan."
So what else does he want? Hollywood? "Well," he says, a tiny bit tetchily, "they know where I am, because they remake everything [State of Play, Life on Mars] I do. I don't know. I just want loads of money. Give me loads of money!" And if they did? Would he give himself some breaks? John Simm flashes the cheeky, sexy smile that has people stopping him in the street, shouting at him at the theatre, and sending him mountains of fan mail he doesn't open. "Oh, Christ," he says. "I'd probably retire. I love doing nothing. I love not working."
'Speaking in Tongues', to 12 December, Duke of York's theatre, London WC2 (0870 060 6623)
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John Simm at the British Academy Television Awards 2018 ~Royal Festival Hall, London
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Strangers on DVD
A taut, twisting and deeply satisfying drama, Strangers is a character-driven emotional thriller. University lecturer Jonah Mulray's (John Simm) world is turned upside down when his wife Megan is killed in a car accident on a mountain road outside Hong Kong.
Trauma on DVD
Dan (John Simm) seeks out surgeon Jon Allerton (Adrian Lester) in an attempt to pinpoint the blame for his son's death upon him and accuses him of negligence.
Collateral on DVD
John Simm stars as MP David Mars in Collateral
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John Simm joins Big Finish for Doctor Who: Masterful
Over the moon with Life On Mars car
Radio Interview: John Simm joins Noel Gallagher on BBC Radio 2
Reviews: Hamlet - A Sheffield Theatres Production
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Interview: John Simm stars as John Middleton for BBC One's The Village
Interview with John Simm for The Devil's Whore
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John Simm Playlist: John DJs some of his favourite tracks.
Preview: The Village + Q&A with John Simm, Maxine Peake, Peter Moffat and John Griffin
Magic Alex with John Simm on Guitar: Find On Facebook – MagicAlexthegroop
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Chica Chica
Out Of My Mind (Noah Remix)
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