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Waging war on the camps, once again
Andrea Becker The Electronic Intifada Ramallah, Palestine 13 March 2002
6:30a.m, and the refugee camp is alive with noises. There is electricity this morning and the appliances whir; the television is loud with news of lives no longer, re-occupations of Ramallah and al-Bireh. Kholoude woke me a few minutes ago, and before I opened my eyes, she told me -almost in a whisper- that there had been another Israeli military operation in Palestine. How many, I ask, a phrase in Arabic that is patterned in my mind now: Cam min wahad maat? ("How many dead?") Eighteen, she answers, Jabalia refugee camp. Gaza. Kholoude turns away, her eyes red. She gets up to make coffee.
The mood in Bourj al Barajneh camp is thick with misery. Bourj is south of Beirut, one square kilometer of dispossessed lives and lost dreams. The thousands here are for the most part the descendents of those who fled massacres and depopulation operations in Palestine in 1947-48. The children of Bourj play in the narrow alleyways of sewage and garbage; the adults make their small homes and try to find work despite impossible labour restrictions. The elders — those who remember the honey, the olives, the villages and cities of Palestine — sit and wait, their 54th year of exile in the camps of Lebanon.
The images from Gaza and the West Bank this morning are familiar to the refugees in Bourj. The tanks have once again entered further into Ramallah, further into the mockery of the "autonomous", yet occupied Palestinian areas of the West Bank. I search the images of the city that is now my home, and try to point out the areas as they flicker by on the television screen. The tanks are once again closer to Arafat's headquarters. Their proximity does little to threaten his compound; Israeli F-16s and Apache helicopters have already pounded the structures within over the past weeks.
From Jabalia refugee camp in Gaza another recurrent tale from the past weeks- the Israeli army entered the camp, killing eighteen and wounding fifty. Jabalia camp is the most populated of the 59 Palestinian camps in the Middle East, with over 100,000 refugees. Kholoude's daughter Hiba asks me what Jabalia camp is like, and I draw a hasty map of Gaza, colouring in the locations of the eight refugee camps. I tell her about having dinner with Sabri and his family in Jabalia just last week, the cramped houses, the people, the lack of water and electricity. The hospitality, the poverty. Hiba interrupts me laughing; I've just described her camp! I smile too, but become sick with worry about Sabri and his four young children in Jabalia.
Insecurity is a common facet to life in the Palestinian refugee camps, be they in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, or Jordan. The children of Bourj al Barajneh in Lebanon play in alleyways that are almost identical to those of Jabalia camp in Gaza. The walls of Bourj are littered with gunfire holes. The ceiling over my bed here is white but for the dark cement covering up where a shell ripped through during the 1982 Israeli invasion. A younger Kholoude had left the room just moments before.
Down the street is an alleyway that is commonly known as 'Women's Walk'. It is here that during the camp sieges in the mid to late 80s, Amal snipers shot and killed the women who attempted, after months without food, to leave the camp for supplies. Desperate still and with starving families, pregnant women then attempted to leave, another fatal miscalculation of the humanity of those holding them captive.
The skies over the camps in Lebanon are mostly quiet now, but the refugees of Bourj al Barajneh are reliving the bombing, shelling, and sieges through the images of the camps in Gaza and the West Bank. The news has flickered back on- the hospitals and funerals of Jabalia are old news now, and reports are now about Amari refugee camp in Ramallah. After a week of bombings, and an attack on a car that killed five children and a mother, Amari refugee camp has been fully occupied, and placed under military curfew.
In Dheisheh camp in Bethlehem, refugee homes are being shelled and destroyed, children and mothers are hiding under staircases and in small hallways. Boys over 14 and men under 50 are rounded up, blindfolded, and are held in detention, hands tied. The Israeli soldiers allow this to be filmed, testament to how little criticism will be brought to bear, to the grave silences about the lives of Palestinians living under occupation, and dying under military attacks in the West Bank and Gaza.
I wonder aloud how much worse it could possibly get in the camps of the West Bank and Gaza. Kholoude lights a cigarette. Her memories of the sieges and massacres of Bourj al Barajneh camp are spilling into the images of the homeland she has never known. She attempts a smile, ignores my question, and asks me if I would like more coffee.
Andrea Becker has been working with Palestinian refugees in Lebanon since 1998, coordinating projects in the camps and working on local advocacy initiatives in Canada. Currently based in Ramallah, Andrea is working on refugee-related development projects and doing regional research on the Palestinian refugee camps.
And they are like constellations of stars
Andrea Becker 21 July 2002
Morning Coffee in Ramallah
Andrea Becker 4 July 2002
Teargas, bullets and a cage: Trying to get home
Andrea Becker 5 May 2002
Peace Fire: "An explosive story unfolds"
Arjan El Fassed 20 November 2002
Promises of an unpredicatable future
Jordan Topp 19 June 2003
Live from Palestine: The Diaries Project
Arjan El Fassed 1 December 2003


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Udall makes campaign stop in Pagosa Springs
U.S. Sen. Mark Udall stopped by the Pagosa Baking Company last Tuesday, where he conducted a private 15-minute interview with SUN staff out on the front porch before going inside out of the cold to address a crowd of his constituents.
"It is a privilege to be a United States senator," Udall began the interview, "and I am honored to have received the nomination to run for a second term."
He was on a tour of the state to kick off his campaign for a second term in the U.S. Senate.
"Campaigns are all about going out and listening to the voters," the senator continued, talking over the wind and the sound of the traffic along U.S. 160, "and I travel the state all the time anyway, so this is just a continuation of what I do. I'm out here to listen to people's aspirations."
Udall served one term in the state House of Representatives before winning a seat in the U.S. House in 1998. He served Colorado's 2nd congressional district until 2009, when he was elected to the U.S. Senate.
"I have a responsibility to lay out the choice in this election," Udall explained. "There's a very clear choice in this election, and I'm going to run on my record."
On April 12, the Democratic state assembly nominated Udall, while the Republican state assembly nominated U.S. Rep. Cory Gardner. Gardner has represented Colorado's 4th congressional district since 2010.
"Some people say I'm running on social issues," Udall said. "A woman's right to choose and the Paycheck Fairness Act, which would pay women the same as men are paid for the same job, those aren't social issues. Those are economic issues. Those are family issues. Those are opportunity issues. I am committed to improving the lives of Coloradans as a United States senator."
Some of Udall's accomplishments so far include making Rocky Flats a National Wildlife Refuge, helping pass Amendment 37 to establish a standard for the state's renewable energy portfolio (20 percent by 2020), and passing a bill to improve the ability of the government to address the problems caused by the pine beetle infestation in Colorado's forests.
"I am committed to protecting our special way of life," Udall promised, "and at one point I said, 'Come hell or high water.' Little did I know," the senator chuckled, "that's what we would actually face with the West Fork Complex fire and the floods on the Front Range last fall."
Udall described how he led the effort to secure $700 million worth of recovery funds for the state and how he has been working with the Obama administration to come up with a next-generation air tanker fleet for fighting forest fires in Colorado. Udall has asked the administration to free up more military aircraft for this summer's fire season.
"The state has seen the worst of times," Udall said, "but it has brought out the best in people."
Udall described the attitude of the people he talked to in Lyons shortly after the flood, as everyone came together to help in the recovery effort.
Udall then moved into talking about the economy, and how the housing market and construction industry are coming back. He also mentioned the energy sector, pointing especially to the work being done to develop clean and renewable energy.
"There's some good news on the economy," Udall argued, "but there are a lot of families struggling to get by, much less put money aside for a rainy day. There's more to be done.
"We've got to refocus on the middle class and small business where new jobs are created. How do you do that? Well, you raise the minimum wage, you pass the Paycheck Fairness Act, you continue to invest in renewable energy through the Production Tax Credit, and you make sure to keep the Investment Tax Credit in place."
Udall mentioned the long conversations he has had with Jerry Smith of Pagosa Verde concerning efforts to develop a local geothermal power generation project. Udall also mentioned his efforts to support J.R. Ford's biomass power plant project.
Udall then moved on to another hot issue — the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare.
"A lot of people aren't happy with it," Udall admitted. "The rollout was bungled and I let the president know that I was very disappointed. I sent some ideas to him as to how we can make it work, but we're not going back to an old system where you were discriminated against if you were a woman or if your son got sick your coverage could be dropped. My focus is on making the Affordable Care Act work. Coloradans aren't complainers; we're doers."
Although he didn't have his card on him, he meant to bring it to demonstrate is solidarity with Coloradans and to show that he is in the state's insurance exchange.
The next topic Udall brought up was the environment and his work with the Environmental Protection Agency.
"Before the EPA agreed with my point of view, if you took on a project to clean up a stretch of river over in Silverton or Ouray or Breckenridge, you assumed the liability under the Clean Water Act for that polluted water, so it discouraged so-called Good Samaritans from doing the volunteer work or raising the money to help return those watercourses to health."
Udall mentioned his work on the Hermosa Creek and San Juan Wilderness bills.
Udall then outlined his efforts to make sure the federal government respects the wishes of Colorado voters in regards to Amendment 64 and the state's fledgling marijuana industry.
"The three things I have done are, one, to urge General Holder to let Colorado implement its new marijuana policies without federal government interference. So far he has demonstrated that's his inclination.
"Number two, because it's a cash-only industry, we've been pushing Justice and Treasury and other national agencies to provide access for the marijuana industry to the banking system. You literally have people carrying suitcases of cash around to pay the IRS or to pay Social Security or to pay employees. That tends to drive criminal activity and create a sense of instability and concern.
"And then third, a number of us have urged the attorney general to really take a look at marijuana's status as a schedule one drug."
Udall explained that taking marijuana off of the schedule one list would essentially decriminalize marijuana on the federal level and eliminate the threat of arrest and prosecution for something Coloradans have voted to make legal.
The Ski Area Jobs Act was the last topic Udall mentioned before moving inside to the warmth of the bakery. Udall talked about his work with the U.S. Forest Service and efforts to make it easier for ski areas to offer more activities, such as mountain biking in the spring and summer.
Udall's family has lived in the western U.S. for five generations and is one of the most prolific political families in the country. His cousin, Tom Udall, is the senator from New Mexico.
The mid-term election will be held in November of this year.
ed.fincher@pagosasun.com
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Fabrication, operation and modeling of advanced devices for information technology. Topics: physics of materials, quantum mechanics of solids, optical transitions, physical analysis and models for state-of-the-art electronic/optical technologies and materials. Technologies: MOS and III-V based transistors, solid-state optical devices, MEMS and nano-technology based devices.


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Kalani Pe'a
Big Boys Do Cry
Music by William KennedyPosted on 01/24/2019
When he was a boy, Hawaiian roots musician Kalani Pe'a ran away from his parents in a JC Penney. "They caught me singing to a mannequin," he tells me over the phone. For a child, none of this behavior is out of the ordinary. What makes Pe'a's story unique, however, is that his parents found him singing without the speech impediment he'd struggled with since he was 4 years old.
"I couldn't say certain phrases. I couldn't pronounce certain words," he explains. After trying and failing to find the right speech therapist, Pe'a and his parents realized the answer was simple: music. "They realized I loved the music," he remembers. "I got into choirs. I learned music theory. The music helped me."
Now the Grammy award-winning musician returns to Eugene supporting his sophomore release No'Ane'i. Pe'a's debut album won a Grammy for Best Regional Roots Music Album, and this year No'Ane'i is nominated in the same category.
So what was like when Pe'a learned he was nominated for a Grammy — not once, but twice?
"I dropped to my knees and I cried," he says. "All I did was cry. I cried all day long. I was overwhelmed with joy, surprised. Big boys do cry."
On his latest release, Pe'a says he was looking to push the envelope with more originals and a little more vocal work. "This album means a lot to me," he says. "This album talks about people I love, places I love, people that annoy me. All of that. It talks about identity. This album hits home."
"I say thanks to my parents allowing me to sing," Pe'a adds.
Kalani Pe'a performs 7:30 pm Saturday, Jan. 26. at The Shedd; $23-$31, all-ages. — Will Kennedy
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A journal of peer-reviewed research
December 2015 Pages 182 - 190
Understanding the Broader Sexual and Reproductive Health Needs of Female Sex Workers In Dhaka, Bangladesh
Karen R. Katz,FHI 360
Misti McDowell,FHI 360
Mackenzie Green,FHI 360
Shamim Jahan,FHI 360
Laura Johnson,Westat
Mario Chen,FHI 360
First published online: December 22, 2015
Little is known about the sexual and reproductive health care needs of female sex workers in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Survey data were collected from 354 hotel-based and 323 street-based female sex workers using a venue-based stratified cluster sampling approach. In addition, in-depth interviews were conducted with 20 female sex workers recruited from drop-in centers. We calculated unmet need for family planning and examined fertility desires, use of condoms and other contraceptive methods, experiences with gender-based violence, sexual and reproductive health service needs, and preferences on where to receive services.
The prevalence of unmet need was 25% among hotel-based female sex workers and 36% among street-based female sex workers. Almost all participants reported having used condoms in the past 30 days, and 44% of hotel-based sex workers and 30% of street-based sex workers reported dual method use during that period. Condom use was inconsistent, however, and condom breakage and nonuse for extra money were common. Many women reported experiencing gender-based violence. Sexual and reproductive health services had been obtained by 64% of hotel-based and 89% of street-based sex workers in the past six months; drop-in centers were their preferred site for receiving health services.
Female sex workers in Dhaka need family planning and other sexual and reproductive health services and prefer receiving them from drop-in centers.
International Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 2015, 41(4):182–190, doi: 10.1363/4118215
Female sex workers have a broad range of sexual and reproductive health needs, which mounting evidence indicates are not being met.1–4 Stigma and discrimination, as well as policy and access challenges, discourage female sex workers from using traditional clinic-based services, which has led to alternative models of service delivery that specifically target this population.2,5 These services, however, generally focus on prevention, care and treatment of HIV and other STIs; this means that many of female sex workers' reproductive health needs, including family planning, are frequently neglected.
Although HIV programs promote condom use as a means of preventing STIs, prevention of unintended pregnancy often is not a primary concern.2,6 If used consistently, condoms protect against both HIV and pregnancy; however, despite reports of widespread condom use among female sex workers, evidence indicates that such use is inconsistent. Female sex workers may use condoms inconsistently because they lack the autonomy to insist on condom use with husbands, boyfriends or other steady partners, agree to have condomless sex with clients who will pay extra, are unable to negotiate condom use with clients and or are forced to have sex.6–11
Using condoms inconsistently, rather than every time, increases the risk not only of acquiring an STI, but also of pregnancy if a second contraceptive method is not used. The lifetime prevalence of abortion among female sex workers in Asia and Africa ranges from 22% to 86%,6–9,12–14 suggesting that sex workers' pregnancies frequently are unintended. These high rates of abortion should not be surprising, considering the burdens that pregnancy may pose to such women.13,15 Indeed, the levels of contraceptive use reported by female sex workers in various countries indicate a strong desire to avoid unintended pregnancy.1,8,9,14 Few studies have calculated the unmet need for contraception in this population; estimates have ranged from 4% to 29%,9,10,14 but these rates generally are not comparable across studies because the methods used for calculating unmet need have varied.
Bangladeshi Context
Earning a living as a sex worker is legal in Bangladesh. However, municipal ordinances that prohibit soliciting in public or creating a public nuisance can result in the harassment, detainment or arrest of sex workers.16 The majority of sex workers in Bangladesh are either hotel- or street-based, but some work in brothels or residences. Little is known about their family planning needs or experiences, although behavioral survey data collected in Dhaka in 2006–2007 revealed that levels of consistent condom use among female sex workers were low, while rates of condom breakage were high and experiences of gender-based violence were common.17 About one-third reported having been raped in the past year, and 60% of street-based and 40% of hotel-based sex workers reported having ever been raped or beaten. The prevalence of condom use differed between the two groups, as 81% of street-based sex workers reported condom use at last sex, compared with 40% of their hotel-based counterparts. A qualitative study highlighted discrepancies between reported and actual condom use among female sex workers at a brothel in Bangladesh: While many indicated that they used condoms, they also acknowledged that they sometimes agreed not to use them.18 Competition for clients was one reason cited, especially by older women, who reported that they sometimes agreed to requests for condomless sex to compete with their younger counterparts. Overall, these data indicate that Bangladeshi female sex workers do not use condoms consistently, which may place them at high risk for pregnancy, and that they have a need for other sexual and reproductive health services, such as those for victims of gender-based violence.
A 2009 study in Bangladesh showed that while brothel-based female sex workers were largely satisfied with the HIV services provided by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), their main criticism was that the services available were limited.19 Several NGOs serving female sex workers in Dhaka have addressed this concern by broadening the services they provide; in addition to STI prevention, care and treatment, they provide tuberculosis care and other general health care services. Moreover, some not only distribute condoms, but also provide—through drop-in centers and peer educator outreach—family planning information and short-term contraceptive methods (such as the pill and the injectable), as well as referrals for long-acting methods.20 To further expand access to services, drop-in centers also link sex workers to other NGOs and private providers, such as the Smiling Sun Franchise Project and Blue Star providers. These programs have been hindered, however, by policies that restrict access to contraceptive methods: Short-term methods are offered only to married women, and until recently certain long-term and permanent methods were offered only to married women with at least one child.21
In this study, we sought to obtain greater understanding of the discrepancy between the reports of widespread condom use and the high rates of abortion documented among female sex workers in other studies, as well as to determine if the broader sexual and reproductive health needs of these women are being met (i.e., beyond the prevention, care and treatment of HIV and other STIs). Working with local NGO partners that provide services to female sex workers, we conducted a formative assessment among hotel-based and street-based female sex workers in Dhaka to calculate each group's unmet need for contraception, identify other sexual and reproductive health services needed by these women and determine their preferences for where to receive services. Our ultimate goal was to inform the development of interventions to better address female sex workers' sexual and reproductive health care needs.
Study Design and Sample
We conducted a mixed-method study in collaboration with two local NGOs that provide services to female sex workers: the Bangladesh Women's Health Coalition (BWHC) and Durjoy Nari Shangha (DNS). Between May and July 2011, we collected survey data at both street and hotel sites where female sex workers are based. In addition, we conducted in-depth interviews in July 2011 at drop-in centers operated by the NGOs. No compensation was provided to participants. The study was approved by the Protection of Human Subjects Committee at FHI 360 and the Bangladesh Medical Research Council in Bangladesh.
We recruited female sex workers for the survey using a venue-based stratified cluster sampling approach. A female sex worker was defined as any woman who reported having received money or goods in exchange for sexual ser- vices as a source of income in the last six months. All female sex workers aged 18–35 who were not pregnant were eligible to participate. Hotel-based female sex workers are normally contacted by clients at hotels that operate specifically for sex work, whereas street-based workers are typically contacted by clients on the street or in other public places, such as parks or transportation hubs. BWHC and DNS provided complete lists of the hotel and street sites they served; the list included 47 hotel sites with a range of five to 50 female sex workers and 42 street sites where 10–122 female sex workers were based. Each list was randomly ordered, and the first 30 hotels and 25 street sites were selected for inclusion. If a hotel site was closed, if venue managers were unwilling to participate or if more interviews were needed, then the study team proceeded to the next site on the list. Because of a large number of closures, only 22 hotels on the list remained open; all were included in the study. To help ensure the safety of interviewers, data collection took place during the day at the hotels and during the early evening on the streets. Staff from BWHC or DNS facilitated obtaining permission at each site to conduct interviews. In each location, all female sex workers who were present during a five-hour period were enumerated, approached for an interview and, if eligible, were interviewed in the Bangla language after providing oral informed consent.
The targeted sample size for each type of female sex worker was 400. This number was sufficient to obtain an estimate of the prevalence of unmet need for contraception within five percentage points with a 95% confidence interval. Given the lack of data to inform sample size calculations, we assumed a 50% base estimate, which would require a larger sample size than would other base estimates, and an intraclass correlation of 3% to account for clustering effects due to the selection of multiple female sex workers within sites. Calculations were adjusted for finite population size, since the sample is restricted to the population covered in the mapping activities.
Recruitment for in-depth interviews was done at two drop-in centers in Dhaka, one run by DNS that targets street-based female sex workers and another run by BWHC that targets hotel-based female sex workers. Drop-in centers were used because they provided a site where lengthy interviews could be conducted in private at a time when the women would not be working. Study staff and program staff worked together to recruit sex workers who were seeking HIV services on the days of data collection; recruitment took place during mornings and afternoons. The age range for recruitment was identical to that for the survey, but pregnant sex workers were eligible to participate because they could provide insight regarding the need for and access to family planning services. Data collectors, who were specially trained in qualitative interview techniques, screened and recruited potential participants. Recruitment was designed to obtain a sample diverse in parity (0–1 child vs. two or more children); we set targets of five to eight participants in each stratum for hotel-based female sex workers and for street-based female sex workers. Data collectors approached either every female sex worker present or every other one, depending on the number of women at the clinic on that particular day. If the sex worker was eligible and the target had not yet been met, the data collector obtained informed consent and asked the woman for permission to audiotape the interview. No identifying information was kept on the tapes or the transcripts. Interviews were conducted in Bangla in a private room at the drop-in center. We set a target of 20–32 in-depth interviews, to account for data saturation and logistical considerations, and conducted a total of 20.
The survey collected information on social and demographic characteristics, knowledge and use of family planning methods, details about condom use, knowledge of and actual sources of contraceptive methods, fertility desires and use of reproductive health services. In-depth interviews followed a semistructured guide to obtain further insights and context on survey topics. Specifically, the interviews explored sex workers' attitudes about pregnancy and family planning use, the constraints on their use of methods, the types of reproductive health services they required and the best way to provide these services to maximize their access. Gender-based barriers were also explored.
We used descriptive analyses to summarize background characteristics, contraceptive use and health care experiences. Hotel- and street-based female sex workers were described separately, since their experiences and needs may differ. The primary study outcome was unmet need for family planning. Sex workers were categorized as having unmet need if they did not want to become pregnant in the next 12 months and were not using a modern method of contraception. Although other studies often use a longer time frame in unmet need calculations (e.g., not wanting a birth within two years), we used a more stringent definition because of the implications of pregnancy for our study population and these women's strong desire to avoid unwanted pregnancies. Contraceptive methods classified as modern were oral contraceptive pills, implants, injectables, IUDs, emergency contraceptive pills, female sterilization and, if used consistently, condoms. Women were considered to be using condoms consistently if they had used condoms during both their last five sex acts with clients and their last five acts with emotional partners (husbands, boyfriends or other steady partners). For women without emotional partners, classification of condom use consistency was based solely on sex acts with clients. Our condom measure was designed to provide a more accurate picture of condom use than do other measures commonly used in the literature, such as condom use at last sex.
Survey data were analyzed using Stata 13.0. For both types of female sex worker, we calculated 95% confidence intervals for estimates of the proportion with unmet need. Standard errors for the confidence interval estimates were adjusted for clustering effects of the sampling location and stratified by type of sex worker. Qualitative data were transcribed and translated into English, and thematic coding and analysis were carried out in QSR NVivo 9. The study team developed a list of a priori codes (such as contraceptive use, impact of pregnancy on work and home life, and patterns of condom use) based on the interview guide; additional codes were created to capture emerging themes (such as concerns about sex work). We applied these codes to all transcripts, ran reports for each code, and created memos to describe themes and subthemes that emerged. Selected findings and quotations from in-depth interviews are reported to provide additional context to the survey findings.
Sample Characteristics
At both types of sites, 96% of eligible women completed the survey, yielding a sample consisting of 354 female sex workers from 22 hotels and 323 female sex workers from 25 street sites. Both groups were relatively young, on average in their early to mid-20s; the majority had little or no education, and most had an emotional partner (Table 1, page 185). Hotel-based sex workers averaged 22 clients per day; street-based sex workers, six clients.
The majority of women in both groups had experienced at least one pregnancy, and approximately 40% in each group reported having had at least one abortion or menstrual regulation.* Although most study participants were relatively young, more than 80% of women in the two groups did not want to get pregnant within the next year, and more than half of the hotel-based sex workers and two-thirds of the street-based sex workers did not want another child ever. In-depth interview respondents explained that they believed pregnancy would have a negative impact on their work and on their life in general. They expressed concerns that having a child would damage their reputation, that the baby would not have an identity and that they did not want a child from sex work. They also worried that their earnings would be affected and that they could not care for a baby. Only one interview respondent said that she wanted a baby and that the impact of a pregnancy would be positive.
Contraceptive Use and Unmet Need
Although the majority of participants did not want to get pregnant within the next year, and nearly all reported use of a contraceptive method in the past 30 days, unmet need for contraception was fairly high—25% among hotel-based sex workers and 36% among street-based sex workers (Table 2). Contraceptive use was largely driven by condom use, as at least 90% of women in each group had used condoms in the past 30 days. The pill and the injectable were the other most commonly used methods.
Dual method use was reported by 44% of hotel-based sex workers and 30% of street-based sex workers; only 3–5% were using a contraceptive method but were not using condoms. In in-depth interviews, half of the participants explained that contraceptive method use did not affect their use of condoms, and none said that use of other methods influenced their condom use; they relied on condoms to prevent STIs, including HIV, and on other contraceptive methods to prevent pregnancy. As a 28-year-old street-based sex worker explained, "contraceptive methods do not protect us from sexual disease. [They] only prevent us from getting pregnant. Condoms protect [against] sexual disease."
Although nearly all respondents had used condoms in the past 30 days, use was far from consistent and differed with the type of partner; it was far more common with clients than with emotional partners. Only 65% of hotel-based sex workers and 52% of street-based sex workers reported having used condoms during all of their last five sex acts with clients, and fewer than 15% of either group reported having used condoms during all of their last five sex acts with emotional partners (Table 2). Other factors also contributed to ineffective or inconsistent condom use. Condom breakage was common, and approximately one-fourth of sex workers in each group acknowledged that they had accepted extra money from a client in exchange for not using a condom.
In in-depth interviews, many respondents reported that they always used condoms, although some noted that the condoms sometimes tear. Consistent users were willing to lose a client rather than engage in unprotected sex. As one sex worker explained,
"Okay, sister, money doesn't solve everything. Tell me sister, if you get [a] life threatening disease, then money can't [cure] your disease, [can] it? No, that's why I use condoms.… Those who don't want to use [them], I do not do sex with them."—Street-based sex worker, age 21
Conversely, nearly half of respondents said that they try to persuade clients to use condoms, but are not always successful. They felt that they did not have control over condom use and could not force clients to use one, and many would forego condom use rather than risk losing a client:
"Some clients want to use [a] condom, some do not. I cannot force them. They say, 'Haven't I paid you to come here? If you don't want to have sex without a condom, then go out and I will get some other girl.' I don't have control."—Hotel-based sex worker, age 28
"Now I am getting older. If I want to have every intercourse with condoms, I will get only a few customers. Then it will be difficult to maintain my livelihood."—Hotel-based sex worker, age 25
Experiences with gender-based violence were common among both groups of sex workers (Table 3). Forty-three percent of hotel-based sex workers reported that they had been injured or beaten in the 12 months prior to the survey; the perpetrators most often were emotional partners, clients or family members. In addition, 28% had been forced to have sex. Among street-based sex workers, 80% had received an injury or beating, most frequently from clients, emotional partners, police or people associated with the respondent's sex work, and 54% had been forced to have sex.
Many respondents believed that they would be beaten if they became pregnant or if they insisted on condom use with a client or emotional partner. About a third of hotel-based sex workers (31%) thought they would be beaten if they became pregnant; they said that emotional partners and family members were the individuals who would be most likely to beat them. Two-fifths of street-based sex workers (40%) believed that they would be beaten if they became pregnant; emotional partners and clients were considered the most likely perpetrators. More than one in four thought they would be beaten if they insisted on condom use with a client.
Although participants in the in-depth interviews were not specifically asked about violence, the topic emerged spontaneously in nearly all of the interviews with street-based sex workers and about half of those with hotel-based sex workers. Together, participants described many types of situations in which they had experienced physical and sexual violence, and some discussed multiple episodes. A few had been employed as domestic workers and raped by a member of the household; they eventually lost their job, which in turn led them to go into sex work. For example, a 25-year-old street-based sex worker had the following experience:
"I came to Dhaka to earn my living. I met one woman who managed [to get] work for me as a house maid.… One night my landlord had sexual intercourse with me forcefully.… I came to know that I was pregnant. When my abdomen got heavier, my master [found out] and terminated me from my work."
Nearly half of those who talked about violence described being beaten by clients, and a similar number said they had been beaten by police. One 28-year-old street-based sex worker described her experiences with the police in this way: "As I am working in the streets, I have to face a lot of problems, like police raids. The RAB [law enforcement agency] comes to beat us.… The public also beats us.… We are working here at risk."
Although the police were perpetrators, they were also sometimes clients, as one respondent noted:
"Police, army … all kinds of people … come to us. They create a lot of problems. On the one hand, they come to us [to have] sexual intercourse. On the other hand, they lock us up and beat us. After this they come to us again. Just imagine how clever they are."—Hotel-based sex worker, age 27
Participants also described other circumstances in which they had experienced violence. A few said that a client had lured them to a place where they were then raped by several men. Consistent with the survey findings, several mentioned that clients had beaten them for attempting to use condoms, and some reported that hotel staff had beaten them for the same reason:
"I have been beaten by many customer[s] for wishing to use condoms."—Street-based sex worker, age 27
"No, I don't force them [to use condoms].... I don't have the nerve to say 'no.' Otherwise, the supervisor will beat me if clients [complain about] me."—Hotel-based sex worker, age 22
Several women talked about the violence they had experienced at the hands of their husbands. They described having been beaten, scolded, kicked out of the house or "tortured" for a range of reasons, including for wanting to use a condom:
"If I wanted to use [a] condom, then he beat me and said 'Why do you want to use [a] condom with me? Am I an outsider? Why should I use it with my wife?'"—Street-based sex worker, age 21
As a result of these experiences, women not only feared for their safety if they were recognized on the street as sex workers, but also feared insisting on condom use with clients and husbands.
Health Care Experiences and Preferences
In the previous six months, 64% of hotel-based female sex workers and 89% of street-based female sex workers had gone to a provider for at least one of the following services: STI testing and treatment, maternal and child health care, treatment for violence-related injuries, menstrual regulation and family planning (Table 4). Among women who had visited a provider, the service most often used was STI testing and treatment (77–81% of women in the two groups), followed by maternal and child health services (32–53%) and treatment for injuries related to violence (16–31%). Hotel-based sex workers who had received services were most likely to have done so at a private provider or drug shop (63%) or a drop-in center (41%); among street-based sex workers, the most commonly used venues were drop-in centers (60%) and facilities run by other NGOs (37%). The use of public facilities was relatively low in both groups. Very few women reported disclosing that they were sex workers to health care providers (other than those at drop-in centers), and more than two-thirds of women in both groups felt that they would be treated worse by providers if they disclosed their sex work.
Fewer than half of the hotel-based sex workers and about two-thirds of the street-based sex workers indicated that they knew where to go for family planning information and methods. When respondents were asked where they would like to go for future family planning services, the most commonly mentioned venues were drop-in centers, cited by 45% of hotel-based sex workers and 51% of street-based sex workers. For the latter group, drop-in centers were also the preferred site for receiving future health services in general.
The preference for drop-in centers was explained in in-depth interviews: Although respondents said they attended drop-in centers primarily for STI/HIV services, more than half had received family planning information as well. Most said that they were treated well at the drop-in centers (only one voiced a complaint); as one respondent noted:
"They provide services to us free of cost and behave very well. Besides that, I can share my problems freely with them—that is why I am satisfied."—Hotel-based sex worker, age 26
Furthermore, half of respondents believed that drop-in centers protected their privacy; just one expressed a fear that they did not. A 24-year-old hotel-based sex worker commented, "Here, everybody knows about me. We can tell about our identity easily here. I have faith that anything about my problem will be kept confidential."
We documented a high level of unmet need for contraception among a population of female sex workers who largely wanted to avoid pregnancy in the near future. These women had a compelling desire to avoid pregnancies that presumably would have profound effects on their emotional, physical and financial well-being.22 Similar to findings of other studies,6,9,13,14 our results point to a need to provide sex workers with information about, and access to, a range of contraceptive methods. Although nearly all of the sex workers in our survey sample used condoms, either alone or in combination with another modern method, their condom use was inconsistent. The high proportion of women who reported having had menstrual regulations and abortions further suggests that their use of contraceptive methods was ineffective. In addition, despite the widespread desire to avoid pregnancy and to use contraceptives, a large proportion of the women did not know where to obtain family planning information or services.
Our findings on condom use are especially troubling given that inconsistent use places female sex workers at increased risk of not only becoming pregnant, but also acquiring and transmitting STIs, including HIV. The high percentage of study participants who reported needing STI treatment in the past six months underscores the extent of this problem. Many of the reasons that study participants cited for not using condoms indicate that use is often outside of sex workers' control, and that interventions that exclusively target these women are unlikely to be highly effective in increasing use, as many sex workers who suggest using condoms will not be able to withstand threats of—or actual—physical harm. Moreover, most cannot afford to turn away a client who threatens to go to another sex worker who is willing to forgo condom use. Strategies are needed to ensure that men are fully aware of and appreciate the risk of disease acquisition associated with not using condoms.
Another issue is the high rate of condom breakage, though it is unclear why this problem is so common. Other studies have documented high rates of condom breakage among female sex workers and have found that incorrect use, improper fit, rough sex and sex with a paying partner are associated with breakage.6,23,24 Both female sex workers and men require education and strategies to help minimize the number of breakages.
In the meantime, female sex workers should not rely on condoms alone for pregnancy prevention, and they should be encouraged to adopt dual method use.8 While promotion of methods other than condoms is often a concern in HIV programs, the evidence suggests that individuals at high risk for HIV do not substitute other methods for condoms.2,8,25 Our data clearly show that female sex workers recognize the need for condoms for disease prevention, regardless of whether they are using another contraceptive method.
Female sex workers need a wide range of reproductive health services, and participants in our study relied primarily on the private sector (including drug shops) and NGOs when they sought care. The women indicated a preference for services provided by NGOs, and the qualitative data highlight the level of trust and comfort they had with these services. This is consistent with previous evidence suggesting that female sex workers prefer receiving services at sites separate from the general population,5 although a recent study in Kenya showed that while female sex workers preferred to go to drop-in centers for services, they were concerned about the stigma associated with using a facility that targeted them.26 Drop-in centers in Dhaka already provide family planning services, and further integration with existing STI/HIV services should be feasible, though some additional training may be needed, especially to expand the range of methods available on site. Provision of a wider range of methods will require that policies that deny unmarried women access to contraceptives be changed; the recent elimination of the requirement that implant users already have a child is an encouraging step.21 While it may be tempting to try to meet all of the sexual and reproductive health service needs of female sex workers at a single site, we must bear in mind that integration can present logistical and other challenges, such as ensuring adequate staffing, training and space and maintaining quality of services.2,5
One pressing need that stands out is that for services and interventions that address gender-based violence. Levels of such violence are high in Bangladeshi society in general, and are particularly high among female sex workers. The 2007 Demographic Health Survey, which included a special module on gender-based violence, found that nearly half of ever-married women had experienced some form of physical violence from their current or former husband. In addition, nearly one-fifth had been physically forced to have sex.27 Our study, which assessed physical and sexual violence in the past 12 months, found even higher rates. The qualitative data highlight the extent of the violence and the most common perpetrators. The need to provide outreach, linkages and referrals to services and organizations addressing this issue is critical to the well-being of these women. Furthermore, structural interventions that reduce the prevalence of violence against them are called for.
One limitation of this study is that we fell somewhat short of our target sample size for the survey, and met only the minimum target for in-depth interviews. This was due to events that hindered data collection, such as police raids, hotel closings, strikes and monsoons. In addition, our survey sample did not include sex workers who started work later in the evening and may have missed women who were present at hotels or street sites infrequently; these women may have needs that differ from those reported here. Similarly, we missed female sex workers who attended drop-in centers at hours or on days different from those when the in-depth interviews took place. We also missed sex workers who did not attend drop-in centers or who had stopped attending because of dissatisfaction with services, which could have affected our results on service quality. Despite this, we believe we obtained sufficient data from the combination of the survey and in-depth interviews to meet our objectives and provide valuable information to our NGO partners and other stakeholders for programmatic decision making. We should also note that the calculation used for unmet need is not directly comparable with the calculations from other studies, as the definitions and measurements of fertility desires, method use and consistency of condom use vary among studies.9,10,14 As we explained earlier, our measure of unmet need used definitions of fertility desires and consistent condom use that were stricter than those typically used in other studies.
This study demonstrated that female sex workers in Dhaka have pressing sexual and reproductive health needs, including a need for information on, and access to, a range of contraceptive methods, as well as for interventions that will help them use condoms consistently and reduce the level of gender-based violence in their lives. Expansion of services by the drop-in centers was a needed first step, one that can be enhanced through strengthened integration efforts, linkages to other needed services and changes in restrictive policies. Further research is needed to examine costs, utilization and long-term sustainability of different models of service delivery targeting female sex workers, though researchers, policymakers and other stakeholders should keep in mind that service preferences may vary across settings.
*Menstrual regulation uses manual vacuum aspiration to evacuate the uterus of a woman after a missed period to ensure a state of nonpregnancy. In Bangladesh, menstrual regulation is legal for up to 10 weeks after a missed period (source: Johnston HB et al., Health system costs of menstrual regulation and care for abortion complications in Bangladesh, International Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 2010, 36(4):197–204).
1. Becker M et al., The intersection between sex work and reproductive health in Northern Karnataka, India: identifying gaps and opportunities in the context of HIV prevention, AIDS Research and Treatment, 2012, Art. 842576, doi: 10.1155/2012/842576.
2. Petruney T et al., Meeting the contraceptive needs of key populations affected by HIV in Asia: an unfinished agenda, AIDS Research and Treatment, 2012, Art. 792649, doi: 10.1155/2012/792649.
3. Wayal S et al., Contraceptive practices, sexual and reproductive health needs of HIV-positive and negative female sex workers in Goa, India, Sexually Transmitted Infections, 2011, 87(1):58–64.
4. Chacham AS et al., Sexual and reproductive health needs of sex workers: two feminist projects in Brazil, Reproductive Health Matters, 2007, 15(29):108–118.
5. Lafort Y et al., Reproductive health services for populations at high risk of HIV: performance of a night clinic in Tete province, Mozambique, BMC Health Services Research, 2010, Vol. 10, Art. 144, doi: 10.1186/1472-6963-10-144.
6. Morineau G et al., Falling through the cracks: contraceptive needs of female sex workers in Cambodia and Laos, Contraception, 2011, 84(2):194–198.
7. Lau JTF et al., Prevalence of induced abortion and associated factors among Chinese female sex workers in Hong Kong, Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy, 2007, 33(1):19–29.
8. Feldblum PJ et al., Pregnancy among sex workers participating in a condom intervention trial highlights the need for dual protection, Contraception, 2007, 76(2):105–110.
9. Khan MR et al., Unmet need for contraception among sex workers in Madagascar, Contraception, 2009, 79(3):221–227.
10. Sutherland EG et al., Contraceptive needs of female sex workers in Kenya—a cross-sectional study, European Journal of Contraception & Reproductive Health Care, 2011, 16(3):173–182.
11. National AIDS/STD Programme (NASP), Save the Children USA and International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh (ICDDR,B), Understanding the Operational Dynamics and Possible HIV Interventions for Residence-Based Female Sex Workers in Two Divisional Cities in Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh: NASP, Save the Children USA and ICDDR,B, 2009.
12. Elmore-Meegan M, Conroy RM and Agala CB, Sex workers in Kenya, numbers of clients and associated risks: an exploratory survey, Reproductive Health Matters, 2004, 12(23):50–57.
13. Delvaux T et al., The need for family planning and safe abortion services among women sex workers seeking STI care in Cambodia, Reproductive Health Matters, 2003, 11(21):88–95.
14. Todd CS et al., Contraceptive utilization and pregnancy termination among female sex workers in Afghanistan, Journal of Women's Health, 2010, 19(11):2057–2062.
15. Bautista CT et al., Prevalence of lifetime abortion and methods of contraception among female sex workers in Bogota, Colombia, Contraception, 2008, 77(3):209–213.
16. Goodwin J, Sex Work and the Law in Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok: United Nations Development Programme, 2012.
17. NASP, Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS) and Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW), Behavioral Surveillance Survey 2006–2007, Technical Report, Dhaka, Bangladesh: NASP, DGHS and MOHFW, 2008.
18. Karim R, Selim N and Rashid SF, Sex workers and condom use—the political economy of HIV/AIDS in Bangladesh, Working Paper, Dhaka, Bangladesh: Research and Evaluation Division, BRAC, 2008, No. 4.
19. Huq NL and Chowdhury ME, Assessment of utilization of HIV interventions by sex workers in selected brothels in Bangladesh: an exploratory study, Qualitative Report, 2012, Vol. 17, Art. 38, http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR17/huq.pdf.
20. FHI 360, Modhumita: An integrated approach to service delivery, 2012, http://www.fhi360.org/news/modhumita-integrated-approach-service-delivery.
21. The RESPOND Project, Achieving positive policy changes for family planning in Bangladesh, RESPOND Project Brief, New York: EngenderHealth, 2012, No. 8.
22. Katz KR et al., "I won't be able to go home pregnant": sex work and pregnancy in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Culture, Health & Sexuality, 2016 (forthcoming).
23. Bradley J et al., Why do condoms break? A study of female sex workers in Bangalore, South India, Sexually Transmitted Infections, 2012, 88(3):163–170.
24. Mukenge-Tshibaka L et al., Incorrect condom use and frequent breakage among female sex workers and their clients, International Journal of STD & AIDS, 2005, 16(5):345–347.
25. Baumgartner JN et al., Integrating family planning services into HIV care and treatment clinics in Tanzania: evaluation of a facilitated referral model, Health Policy and Planning, 2014, 29(5):570–579.
26. Dulli L et al., Formative research to design an intervention to increase contraceptive and dual method use among female sex workers in Kenya, paper presented at International Conference on Family Planning, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Nov.12–15, 2013.
27. National Institute of Population Research and Training (NIPORT), Mitra and Associates, and Macro International, Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 2007, Calverton, MD, USA: NIPORT, Mitra and Associates, and Macro International, 2009.
Karen R. Katz is deputy director of health services research, and Mario Chen is associate director of biostatistics, FHI 360, Durham, NC, USA. At the time this research was conducted, Mackenzie Green was research associate III, FHI 360. Misti McDowell is country director, Ethiopia, FHI 360, Addis Ababa. Shamim Jahan is chief of party, SHIKHA Project, FHI 360, Dhaka, Bangladesh. Laura Johnson is senior researcher, Westat, Durham.
Author contact: [email protected]
The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the Guttmacher Institute.
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Q: Archive SQL dumps better? I am dumping my SQL db with the script below.
My site isnt used often so the DB is unchanged for days. The only difference is the last line which is the dump date. Each dump is about 400k uncompressed and 107kb as a .sql.gz file. I decide to compress them as a solid archive with 7z and rar. In both cases i get 950kb with 32files. I feel i should get better compression. How?
#!/bin/bash
cd /home/mybackup/mysqldumps
y=$(date +%Y)
m=$(date +%m)
d=$(date +%d)
h=$(date +%H)
mkdir $y
cd $y
mkdir $m
cd $m
mysqldump --all-databases --single-transaction --flush-logs | gzip > "$y $m $d $h.sql.gz"
chmod 400 "$y $m $d $h.sql.gz"

A: Uncompress all the .sql.gz to regular sql files. Compress the folder. Results were 88kb while compressing the files as .sql.gz were 950k. Thats huge savings.

A: In this day and age 950k is a tiny amount of storage space. If you go with a simple grandfather, father, son backup rotation you're looking at about 22Mb for a year's worth of backups. Or five or six MP3 files as comparison.
Even if you are on dialup (or GPRS/1xRTT in a pinch) this is still a manageable amount of data to transfer.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


In Venezuela the cuisine you will find influences especially from Italy, Spain and France. If that is not enough you will find indigenous as well as African influence.
Being a large and diverse country, each region in Venezuela has its own distinctive regional cooking.
On the coast enjoy fish, shellfish, crayfish, and fish soups as well as fish stews. Coconut is also part of some dishes. In the Andean region the food is quite different. Here the "arepa" is not made of cornmeal but wheat. Cured meats and sausages are a delicacy and are sold in many villages.
In the Amazon region besides yucca, corn, beans and bananas you can also enjoy turtles, tapirs, monkeys birds and deep fried ants. Squeamish you could also live on Casabe, bread made out of yucca.
When in the market, for my weekly Sunday marketing I started looking at avocados hubby was all too happy! He was expecting a shake. When I came home I immediately started attending to it (normally it's lying around, he gets irritated and attends to it) was he thrilled!!!
Then he saw me mixing it up for a salad he just walked away….poor man!!!
At lunch (he came late) he had heard me admonishing the girls "keep some for Papa" he got curious and Apeksha served him a miniscule portion just to harass him, "taste it Papa. You may not like it" was what she told him!!
He came back not just for seconds but for fourths also. The entire bowl was over in one sitting. But the best part was FIL too liked it!!
There are some substitutions here; I replaced seeded jalapeno peppers with chillies and hot pepper sauce with chilli sauce, white wine vinegar with red wine vinegar.
Mix the onions, red capsicum, green chillies, olive oil, red wine vinegar, mustard, salt, pepper, garlic in a large bowl.
Stir in avocado and tomatoes and red chilli sauce just before serving.
Delicious and lovely looking salsa. Wonderfully prepared.
Love the addition of capsicum here, delicious and inviting salsa.
Avocados make a wonderful salad..wish I could get it easily. .the salsa looks lovely and your hubby proved it.
Salsa looks delicious. Similar to guacamole with lot more ingredients in this salsa.
Love the flavors of all these ingredients. Avocado and tomato gives the salsa such a lovely color! Very nice.
Very colourful salsa. I always think avacados are bland but this is what makes it perfect to merge with all the ingredients..
Salsa looks colorful & yummy..
Salsa looks so bright and delicious.


text:
Karel Burian, másként: Carl Burrian, magyarosan: Burián Károly (Prága, 1870. január 12. – Prága, 1924. szeptember 25.) cseh operaénekes (hőstenor), kora egyik legkiválóbb Wagner-énekese.

Életútja

Tanulmányait szülővárosában végezte, környékén birtokot is szerzett magának és szabad óráiban kisgazda volt. Első fellépése 1891-ben volt Revalban, ahonnan Kölnbe, Hannoverbe, majd Hamburgba került, végül a drezdai udvari operaháznál állapodott meg, ahol gyorsan jutott a legelsők közé és csakhamar résztvevője lett a Bayreuthi Ünnepi Játékoknak is.

Budapesten 1900. június 3-án mint Tannhäuser mutatkozott be és ezen fellépése után még hatszor vendégszerepelt rendkívüli sikerrel az Operaházban, majd 1901 őszén, felbontva drezdai szerződését, az egész évadra Magyarországra szerződött. Vele egyszerre kiépült a magyar Wagner-repertoár, amelybe 1901. november 28-án beilleszkedett már a Trisztán és Izolda is. Ezt a szerepét nálunk ő énekelte el először. Ugyancsak ő kreálta nálunk Lenszkij szerepét az Anyegin bemutatóján, 1902. január 30-án. Tannhauser, Lohengrin, Stolzingi Walter, a két Siegfried, Loge, Siegmund szerepein kívül híres alakítása a Bajazzókban Canio, valamint A bibliás ember címszerepe, amelyet magyar szöveggel tanult be.

1903-ban visszatért a drezdai operaházhoz, de szerződéses tagsága megszűntével is hű maradt Budapesthez, ellátogatott hozzánk hosszabb-rövidebb vendégszereplésekre, sőt más tekintetben is idekapcsolódott: hogy a magyar állampolgárságot elnyerhesse, örökbe fogadtatta magát néhai Dalnoki Bénivel, az Operaház egykori kiváló buffójával. 1911–13-ban a bécsi Staatsoper tagja volt és ezidőben még sűrűbben vendégszerepelt Budapesten, majd 1913-ban állandó vendégszereplésre szerződött hozzánk és ezután más színpadon nem is lépett fel.

Művészetét nemcsak Európában ismerték és becsülték, ünnepelte már több ízben Amerika is, ahol ismételten énekelt a Metropolitan Operában. Az ideális hőstenor legragyogóbb típusa, művészete nagykultúrájú, tökéletes és különösen nagyszerűen érvényesült a wagneri deklamációban, de nem kevésbé találta meg helyét ott is, ahol az éneklésen, a kantilénán van a fősúly. Burian, aki háromszoros kamaraénekes volt, nemcsak számtalan kitüntetésben részesült, hanem a közönségnek is mindenütt egyik legnépszerűbb művésze volt. Budapesten három nyelven is énekelt: németül, olaszul és magyarul.

Burian nagyon hálásan beszélt első és egyetlen énektanárjáról, Moritz Wallersteinról (1847–1906), a prágai zsidótemplom kántoráról. Harminc éves jubileumát 1921. december 30-án ülte meg a Magyar Királyi Operaházban Trisztán szerepében. Utoljára 1923-ban lépett fel.

Főbb szerepei

 Richard Wagner: Tannhäuser – Tannhäuser
 Richard Wagner: Lohengrin – Lohengrin
 Richard Wagner: Trisztán és Izolda – Trisztán
 Richard Wagner: Siegfried – Siegfried
Richard Wagner: A Rajna kincse – Loge
 Richard Wagner: A walkür – Siegmund
Richard Wagner: A nürnbergi mesterdalnokok – Walter von Stoltzing
 Georges Bizet: Carmen – Don José
 Pjotr Iljics Csajkovszkij: Anyegin – Vlagyimir Lenszkij
 Ruggero Leoncavallo: Bajazzók – Canio

Jegyzetek

Források

 Magyar Színművészeti Lexikon (1929-1931, szerk. Schöpflin Aladár)

 Gergely István: Lohengrin dicsősége és bukása. Burián Károly halálának tizedik évfordulóján. Pesti Napló, 1934. szeptember 23. 215. szám, 33–34. oldal

Cseh operaénekesek
Prágaiak
1870-ben született személyek
1924-ben elhunyt személyek

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Main » 2016 » February » 16 » An Inspector and His Brother Arrested for Receiving Bribes to Complete Governmental Transactions Illegally
An Inspector and His Brother Arrested for Receiving Bribes to Complete Governmental Transactions Illegally
ABU DHABI, United Arab Emirates - Sunday, February 14th 2016 [ME NewsWire]
The Abu Dhabi Police arrested an inspector working for a governmental entity in Al Ain who, with the assistance of his brother (middleman), was receiving bribes to illegally complete governmental transactions.
Lt. Colonel Matar Mu'ded Al Muhairi, Head of the Anti-Corruption Department at the Abu Dhabi Police, said that the two (Arab national) brothers' arrest took place after performing the required legal procedures. He noted that a precise tip-off was received, after which classified investigations were performed which revealed that the first individual (the government employee) was involved in financial and administrative corruption with the assistance of his brother, who works as a truck driver in the private sector.
He mentioned that the government employee (S.F. – 38 years), who has completed less than 8 months of service at the governmental department, was arrested. He said that the employee exploited his position and responsibilities for personal gains in conjunction with his brother (A. F. – 29 years). The two were referred to the public prosecution along with the evidence and case file, and are now in prison.
Lt. Colonel Al Muhairi said that the anti-corruption team members revealed the bribe case in an operation that was planned with high levels of professionalism and accuracy. He noted that a team member acted like a client, and agreed with the second suspect (the middleman) to illegally complete a transaction in return for a financial sum (confiscated with the evidence of the case.) The operation resulted in the involvement of the inspector, who was arrested from his workplace.
Lt. Colonel Al Muhairi stressed the Ministry of Interior (MoI)'s keenness to promote Emirati society's positive and moral values, such as integrity, justice, credibility, transparency, and occupational honesty. He noted that Emirati values encourage addressing all criminal activities, including embezzlement, damaging public property, and the abuse of position and power.
He mentioned that the police leadership always seeks to protect the society from corruption. They set active and preventive mechanisms; set deterrent strategic plans to prevent corruption; and qualify, train and boost the competencies of police staff in line with best international standards in a way that promotes police work and achieves excellence.
Lt. Colonel Al Muhairi called on the public to take part in the active community participation, saying they are the first defense line in the face of legal violations. He noted the possibility of reporting information about any crime or suspicious behavior through the Aman Service (aman.gov.ae). He said that this service receives confidential information around the clock by calling the toll free number 8002626, sending an SMS to the number 2828, or e-mailing aman@adpolice.gov.ae.
Notably, last January the MoI launched an awareness campaign across all government and private sectors under the slogan "My job is a trust." The campaign aims to enhance positive professional values in society by preserving public property; refraining from making illicit gains from a job; avoiding abuse of position or power for personal gain; and enforcing the application of rules and legislation in order to counter corruption.
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text:
LaToya Jackson
La Toya Yvonne Jackson (born May 29, 1956) is an American singer-songwriter, musician, author, television personality and actress. She is the fifth child of the famous Jackson family. She had a career as a singer throughout the 1980s and 1990s, and returned to music in 2004 with her Billboard charting songs "Just Wanna Dance" and "Free The World". A forthcoming album entitled Startin' Over has yet to be released.
La Toya Jackson was born in Gary, Indiana, the fifth of nine children born to Joseph and Katherine Jackson. After her mother became one of Jehovah's Witnesses in 1966, La Toya, along with her brother Michael, followed. She would spend some of her time (alongside her mother) evangelizing door-to-door. "Every morning, Michael and I witnessed, knocking on doors around Los Angeles, spreading the word of Jehovah." La Toya would later be disfellowshipped by the Witnesses. By 1974, La Toya was brought into the spotlight with her family after her father arranged for them to perform shows in Las Vegas and in other cities. By 1979, La Toya and her sisters Rebbie and Janet formed a short-lived group. However, they never performed live and soon separated due to differences about the future direction the act should take. As a consequence no related material was ever released by the trio. The next year she began work on her first solo album.
In 1981, Jackson released her self-titled debut. The first single "If You Feel The Funk", became a minor hit, climbing into the Top 40 of the R&B chart, but the single and album failed to generate commercial interest. She also provided the opening scream on the Jacksons 1980 hit, "This Place Hotel" and backing vocals on her brother Michael's hit single "P.Y.T. (Pretty Young Thing)" off his groundbreaking Thriller album. Her three subsequent albums also met limited success, although she scored a minor Billboard Hot 100 hit with 1984's "Heart Don't Lie", which peaked at #56. Her 1985 single "Baby Sister" is also notable as a moderate success, as it received one of three Outstanding Song Awards at the 1986 World Popular Song Festival in Japan.
In 1987, Jackson released the album La Toya, which featured the single, "You're Gonna Get Rocked!". The album also included a track titled "Just Say No", which was written for the Reagan administration's anti-drug campaign. The album was produced by Full Force. The album is notable for being the first one Jackson released after changing her management. Jack Gordon became Jackson's new manager following the departure of her father. The pair later married in 1989, into a relationship which, Jackson claims, was an abusive one. The marriage ended in 1996, after Gordon reportedly beat Jackson for refusing to perform.
In 1989, the Bad Girl album was first released. The album is one of the few in her back catalogue that remains in print, and can be found under various titles and covers.
Jackson later released two cover albums, one of country music and another of Motown hits, in the mid-1990s. She plans to release her first album in over a decade with Startin' Over. The album has been delayed several times: Jackson's record label, Ja-Tail Records (distributed through Universal Music Group) has stated that extenuating circumstances have prevented the release. Jackson's most recent single "I Don't Play That" was released to radio in January of 2007. The single will not, according to Jackson's management, appear on the forthcoming Startin' Over album.
Jackson came to the public eye most recently upon the death of her brother, Michael.
This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article LeToya Jackson


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Home>LIFE & STYLE>ShowBiz>Tendai Ndoro's ex-wife seizes all property, kicks him out of SA home
FootballShowBiz
Tendai Ndoro's ex-wife seizes all property, kicks him out of SA home
FLAMBOYANT former Chicken Inn striker Tendai Ndoro was reportedly taken to the cleaners by his South African wife who kicked him out of their affluent home in Kyalami Estates in Johannesburg.
Kyalami Estates is a secure residential estate with 24-hour controlled access, recreational parks, a dam, tennis, basketball, netball and squash courts, outdoor gyms, a soccer field among other amenities.
The estate is well maintained and enjoys continuous upgrades to common areas.
B-Metro Sport reports how Ndoro had a fallout with his South African wife, Thando Maseko, who kicked him out of their home and took possession of all their cars.
"It appears Ndoro's property in South Africa is not registered in his name so when things were not going well with his wife, he was kicked out of their Kyalami Estate home. The biggest mistake he made was not registering the house and cars in his name and that will be his downfall.
"Ndoro's family in Bulawayo are distraught about the situation because it can't be easy to watch their son lose everything he worked hard for in South Africa and Saudi Arabia to his estranged wife," said our trusted source who is a confidant of the Ndoro family.
Ndoro and Maseko are not new to controversy.
The two had a fallout that resulted in the footie spending several days in jail over domestic violence allegations.
He allegedly choked her and threw a TV at her during a fight that apparently stemmed from a fake marriage certificate. The fake certificate reportedly states that Ndoro and Maseko were married on 20 September 2017.
Who is Tendai Ndoro? 10 things about the controversial star
Their wedding was in December 2017.
The former Ajax Cape Town striker then spent two nights in police holding cells for allegedly choking his wife and throwing a TV set at her during an argument over car keys at his home.
"I heard that the police were looking for me, so I went to the police station and they told me that I was sought for hitting my wife.
"She had already spoken to the guys and I slept in the police cells for two days for nothing and then after court she came to me to apologise. What is that?" he asked.
B-Metro reported a few weeks ago how Ndoro had allegedly swindled a South African man of R90 000 in a botched car sale deal.
The footballer is accused of defrauding a former employee Onisimo Mutimba thousands of rand from the sale of a vehicle after promising to finance the latter buy a bigger truck.
Last week, the ex-Chicken Inn player told B-Metro Sport that he wasn't broke and would be going back to his family in South Africa.
This is after pictures of the player leaving a training ground with Zifa Southern Region league side, Simba Bhora players, surfaced on social media.
"I don't want to speak to the media. I'm in Bulawayo. I came back from South Africa to visit my mother. I'm actually in Bulawayo and I will be going back to South Africa soon. My family is in South Africa and why should I stay long in Zimbabwe," claimed Ndoro.
According to sources the ex-Warriors forward has fallen on hard times and he was recently given a cash injection by his close football associates Marvelous Nakamba and Kudakwashe Mahachi, among others.
"Just last week, when the Warriors were in camp, several players that include Marvelous Nakamba and Kudakwashe Mahachi pampered Ndoro with cash. The players openly expressed their concern about Ndoro's plight hence the gesture of giving him cash," said a source.
B-Metro
Tendai Ndoro Thando Maseko
8 'prophets' die while retrieving 'Holy Stick' in Mazowe River
RBZ raises bank policy rate to 60%


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Q: Typescript declaration I'm currently learning Typescript declarations, but I'm stuck on the concept of passing a varying number of parameters to a function.
In other words, how do I make a Typescript declaration for a JavaScript function like this:
// Formats a string with the supplied parameter(s)
// Examples Usage:
//  formatString("User {0} logged in", 'John');
//  formatString("Max {0} words allowed", 128.8999);
//  formatString("Form {0} to {1}", [10, 100]);

const function FormatString(sTemplate, params) {
    if (typeof params != undefined && arguments.length == 2) {
        if (params.constructor != Array) {
            if (typeof params == 'string')
                params = [params];
            else
                params = [String(params)];
        }

        if (params.constructor == Array) {
            $.each(params, function (index, value) {
                if (typeof value == 'string')
                    sTemplate = sTemplate.replace(new RegExp("\\{" + index + "\\}", "g"), value);
                else
                    sTemplate = sTemplate.replace(new RegExp("\\{" + index + "\\}", "g"), String(value));
            });
        }
    }
    return sTemplate;
}

A: Some tips:

*

*In JavaScript/TypeScript, don't use == and != when you want to mean strict equality or inequality; instead, do === and !==, otherwise the language perfoms a looser comparison (e.g. 4 == '4' is true, while 4 === '4' is false).

*To check if something is an Array, the more idiomatic solution is Array.isArray(obj).

*Try to avoid using arguments. It's considered bad practice and deprecated in practice, and some times not accessible at all. Using the rest parameter is usually better (safer, easier) to use.

*To convert number to string, prefer the .toString() method, which ensures that it's actually a proper value and errors when empty.

*No need to use $ or any fancy dependency for something like each(); array.forEach() should be well supported in browsers by now.

With all of that said, an opinionated rewrite of your code would be:
const formatString = (sTemplate: string, ...params: Array<string | number>) => {
    params.forEach((value, index) => {
        const newValue = typeof value === 'string' ? value : value.toString(10);
        sTemplate = sTemplate.replace(new RegExp("\\{" + index + "\\}", "g"), newValue);
    });
    return sTemplate;
};

formatString("User {0} logged in", 'John');
formatString("Max {0} words allowed", 128.8999);
formatString("Form {0} to {1}", 10, 100);

Notice additional params being allowed, rather than an array. While you can achieve what you have in your message (either a single param, or an array of params), I think it would be a bit non-idiomatic and likely to cause confusion.
In my above case, you can still pass an array as a parameter (if, say, it's generated somewhere else) by using an array spread like so:
const nums = [10, 100];
formatString("Form {0} to {1}", ...nums);

If you want to keep your original syntax, however, you can use it like this:
const formatString = (sTemplate: string, params?: Array<string | number> | string | number) => {
    if (params !== undefined) {
        const newParams = Array.isArray(params) ? params : [params];
        newParams.forEach((value, index) => {
            const newValue = typeof value === 'string' ? value : value.toString(10);
            sTemplate = sTemplate.replace(new RegExp("\\{" + index + "\\}", "g"), newValue);
        });
    }
    return sTemplate;
};

formatString("User {0} logged in", 'John');
formatString("Max {0} words allowed", 128.8999);
formatString("Form {0} to {1}", [10, 100]);
formatString("No params");

But one additional caveat is that you can't use undefined as an actual parameter if if it's a single parameter; it'll assume it's not there and not perform the replacement in the template.
Good luck on your learning journey! JavaScript is a language that has some gotchas like the ==/!= case mentioned above, but TypeScript certainly makes it easier to get to valid, safe code, so I would recommend staying in that path!


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'Respect We Much!' Sharpton Attacks Trump with Aretha Song
By Gabriel Hays | August 17, 2018 12:24 PM EDT
Famous race-baiter Al Sharpton has been reflecting on Aretha Franklin since her passing yesterday. Apparently he found that the best way to honor her legacy was using it against his political opponents like President Donald Trump.
As Sharpton took a daytime stroll through the streets of Manhattan, TMZ reporters approached the pastor and asked him about how he felt regarding the death of the "Queen of Soul." Sharpton replied, "It's sad, but she went out with her dignity intact. She went out with dignity, she went out in a way that the world can celebrate her."
"She was a queen all the way til the end." He also mentioned that she was an "extreme trailblazer" for African Americans in the civil rights era, and reminisced about how she was one of the first black women to appear on the cover of Time Magazine. She never sold out, and was always just Aretha, bringing her own "flavor of Gospel" into the pop culture arena.
So far so good, but old "Freddy's Fashion Mart" Al couldn't let it go without tossing a fire bomb at Trump. The reporter asked Sharpton what his favorite Aretha song was, to which he replied "Respect."
Then he said, "In an era where some people are calling women dogs, 'Respect' is needed to be heard. We ought to play the president Aretha's song, 'Respect.'"
Yeah, Sharpton's the kind of guy who's never been afraid to put blame for any problem or cultural sadness on conservatives or white people. For Sharpton and many others suffering from official diagnoses of TDS (Trump Derangement Syndrome,) Donald Trump has been the face of this ancient evil. And they will never let up until all of America unites to throw him out of office.
Any antagonistic or controversial action the president takes, regardless if it's a response to lies, slander, and opportunistic media saboteurs like Omarosa Manigault, will be derided by these creeps. And for race-baiters like Sharpton, such behavior is not only undignified, but symptomatic of an racist individual, who casually peddles hate.
But turning the death of Aretha Franklin into a condescending political lecture, yeah that's the height of class. Thank you for protecting America's conscience, Reverend.
Race Issues Racial Preferences Racism Entertainment Media TMZ.com Celebrities Aretha Franklin Al Sharpton Omarosa Manigault Newman
Gabriel Hays
Gabriel Hays is a staff writer for MRC Culture


Very nice stag; did you harvested it in Slovenia during the rutting season?
Interesting how the antlers are so similar to our Roosevelt Elk.
Thanks guys. Yes it was taken in Slovenia by a client that I guided. It is one of 19 we got in 2 weeks rut time a week ago. It was a tricky stalk with last 50m belly crawling, shot at 280m with .300 Win.
Thank you 93Mouse; 19 beasts harvested in a two-week time, you are on a mission to eradicate red stags from the Slovenian hills!
Louis still 6 to go - full quota is 25 - all within numbers set by Ministry of environment (that are set at least 1/3rd too high to be sustainable IMO)...still the hard works beginns now the clients are gone - we (PH and 4 deputies) must cull 220 females and calves till the end of the year...with 40 lost during the winter that means at least 180.
Anyway it is a great area full of reds (for the time being) - here is a pic after one of the morning hunts.
Looks like you and your clients had a great season..congrats..
One of the great things about this site is the exposure to how things are done to manage game in various parts of the world, hunting regulations, etc. Yours are always interesting and informative.
That's a fine looking dog!! What breed?
I have been absent from the site for a long time but I need to give you a special thanks for helping me some years ago with my proposal to legalize blood tracking dogs in Idaho. It took about 2 years to get cleared and passed, but that proposal was approved and it has been legal to use a blood tracker since then!
"The Germans were really meticulous in order not to lose any prey and developed a technique for which they bred resistant dogs with a great sense of smell, a strong bone structure, dropping ears and a steady temperament. These dogs were medium-sized and reliable. The Bavarian Mountain Dog was developed in the 19th century by crossbreeding specimens of the Hannoversche Schweißhund breed and hunting dogs from the Alps. The result was a hunting dog ideal for the work in the mountains. In 1912, the "Klub für Bayrische Gebirgsschweißhunde", (Club for Bavarian Mountain hound), was founded in Munich. Afterwards, this breed started gaining popularity in Austria and Hungary"
"The St. Hubert hound was, according to legend, first bred ca. 1000 AD by monks at the Saint-Hubert Monastery in Belgium; its likely origins are in France, home of many of modern hounds. It is held to be the ancestor of several other breeds, like the extinct Norman hound, and Saintongeois, and the modern Grand Bleu de Gascogne, Gascon Saintongeois, Ariegeois and Artois Normande, as well as the bloodhound. It has been suggested that it was a dog of mixed breeding, not at all uniform in type.
Writers on the bloodhound in the last two centuries generally agreed that the original St Hubert strain died out in the nineteenth century, and that the European St Hubert owes its present existence to the development of the Bloodhound."
those St. Hubertus hounds were given not only to france by monks but all over europe and they are the grandfathers of the Hanover hound but this dog today is the result of only breeding the best of the best over centurys.
Throughout most of its history the bloodhound was seen as a dog of English or Anglo-Scottish origin, either of unknown ancestry, or, more recently, as developed in part from the St. Hubert. It was only in the 19th century that it was claimed, primarily by Le Couteulx, to be the St Hubert itself. Medieval hunting pictures show raches and limers, of the general sagax type, with hanging ears and lips, but not having the specific characteristics of the bloodhound. 16th century descriptions of the St Hubert as short-legged, and only medium-sized have led to speculation that the main European antecedent of the bloodhound was rather the Norman hound, which was very large, than the St Hubert. Others such as the sleuth-hound, the Talbot, the dun-hound and the southern hound, as well as pack hounds, have also been supposed to have contributed to its make-up. Some writers doubt whether anything certain can be said about specific breed ancestry beyond the last few centuries. The picture given by Le Couteulx and D'Yauville of the St Hubert was that it changed considerably through mixed breeding, and perhaps degenerated, before its disappearance, while the bloodhound which replaced it, preserved its original character. However, it is apparent from 16th century pictures that the bloodhound itself has changed considerably. The modern St Hubert is the English bloodhound, in descent and type. Generally, national and regional variants of hounds, terriers, spaniels etc. have been recognised as separate breeds, France in particular having many regional breeds of hound; the bloodhound's identification as the St Hubert makes it an anomaly in this respect. Whether the bloodhound is British or Belgian in origin is ultimately not something one can prove historically, depending as it does on whether one chooses to regard two related animals differing in tradition, and history, and somewhat in type, as separate breeds, or variants of the same one. "
Thanks Ripp - it was indeed.
The dog is Bayrischer Gebirgsschweißhund or BGS in short as Lancaster pointed out.
Sadly they don't last - as some older members remember my old one - she passed away peacefully on Oct. 23rd 2016.
On Tuesday she refused to eat on Friday she declined water on Sunday she was gone...Here is a pic of her, 2 days before going to the happy hunting ground. She was 16 years old and had a great hunting life.
93: Thanks for that. Very good stuff. And thanks to lancaster for the info on the dogs!
Sorry to hear about your old one. But she had quite the life of 16 years!
Regarding your wolf population. You WILL see precipitous declines in game if you guys don't control them. The problem is, there is no way TO control that doesn't involve toxicants/poison I bet they won't let you use that. So your future is fewer head of game to hunt. Now, if you have few hunters and an abundance of game, then you may be OK. Here we have lots of hunters and in addition to wolves; coyotes, bear, bobcat and mountain lion that all kill a large amount of game either as fawns/calves or as adults. Our entire system of hunting has been turned upside down by wolves.
By the way, is that a Blaser there with the dog? What caliber/scope?
That is an ALL-business looking dog! Wonderful!
93: By the way, is that a Blaser there with the dog? What caliber/scope?
Same old 9.3x62 with Docter 1-4x24 scope, sporting a new KKC stock.
Nice BGS dog, good 9,3x62 working rifle and country with well established hunting traditions; you're a gifted man!
"sporting a new KKC stock."
Curious, what ammo do you use? Handload?
I've read those are good bullets but have no experience with them.
I actually like the cheap Prvi Partizan 285 grain RN's. They are "soft" and work well for our deer and bear and elk. I've used them in both x57 and x62 9.3's.
What is the make and rifle chambering of your drilling?
Congratulations on your nice badger, Lancaster; not many seen harvested on the Forum.


Link building is the fundamental factor that affects your search engine rank and drives your website traffic. To make sure you are building the right kind of links for your website and attracting more audience, you should take into account the following steps.
Make your site worth a link by offering something that your audiences will appreciate to gain more quality inbound links from the other sites. Creating linkable content can encourage others to link to you. The linkable content can be your product or service reviews, how-to articles, tools, tips and so on. Adding free tools or free downloads regularly is a good strategy to increase inbound links if you are not a writer. Also, create a link page before requesting a link can lead to better reception from potential link partner.
When talking about attracting links, content is your greatest asset. Publishing high quality and informative articles that are pertinent for your audiences will make your site becomes a trustworthy source in the eyes of your target audiences. Creating fresh and amazing content on a regular basis for your blog will help you gain loyal readers. They will find your posts useful and hence share your posts with their friends across social media platforms. Undoubtedly, more links are built naturally.
You should figure out all of the different types of sites that are relevant to your market and have the potential to trade links with your site. Let's say your site was selling yoga clothes. You can approach to the sites that sold yoga mats, yoga balls and wrist saver. As a result, the number of links from the other sites in your target market will be boosted.
Look for the links that search engines think that they are valuable. You can evaluate your link partners by using Bing Toolbar. The toolbar will integrate with your web browser and show you the r[-anking of each site you visit. The higher the page is ranked, the better it is. An easy way to find quality link partners quickly is using Open Directories and Yahoo! These directories do not simply list a site. So, your potential link partners listed in these directories are most probably high quality.
Once you finish evaluating your potential link partners and create a list, you have to get in touch with them. Keep in mind that sending a generic email to request for a link can hardly get a response. Instead, you should send a custom e-mail to each one requesting and telling them why linking to your site is beneficial to each other.
It may take a month or even longer to see who has linked to your site. If you have a lot of links to be checked, you can utilize link popularity tool. You can start following up with the site that has not linked to your site after a month. Do not waste your time following up with all the sites in your list. You can just choose the sites with high page ranks in your list and follow up with them only.
Huge rise of content shared through social services such as Facebook, Twitter and Google+ has brought profound impact on search. Thus, use your RSS feed to syndicate your blog automatically on the social media sites that you are active on. Your posts will be shared on these social media sites automatically once a new content is published on your blog. You can also bookmark your post on the popular social bookmarking sites to create inbound links.


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Q: How to compile Java project with IntelliJ and run in terminal (NoClassDefFoundError) I like IntelliJ for it's ease of use and great IDE functionality. However, due to the nature of my project, I want to run the relevant .class files through the terminal after having built everything in IntelliJ. My structure looks like this:
out/
|
|-production/
|  |
|  |-AILab2/
|     |
|     |-TTT/
|     |  |--Main.class
|     |  |--Constants.class
|     |  |--Deadline.class
|     |  |--pipe|
|     |  |--etc...
|     |
|     |-TTT3
|        |--Constants.class
|        |--Deadline.class
|        |--etc...
src
|
|-TTT
|  |--Main.java
|  |--Constants.java
|  |--Deadline.java
|  |--etc...
|
|-TTT3
   |--Constants.java
   |--Deadline.java
   |--etc...

When I go into the terminal to run, I do the following:
~/IdeaProjects/AILab2/out/production/AILab2/TTT$ java Main init verbose < pipe | java Main > pipe
Error: Could not find or load main class Main
Caused by: java.lang.NoClassDefFoundError: TTT/Main (wrong name: Main)
Error: Could not find or load main class Main
Caused by: java.lang.NoClassDefFoundError: TTT/Main (wrong name: Main)

I've searched the web and I don't understand the reason for this error. I've run previous projects the same way, but this time, it doesn't work. Grateful for help.
Edit: Changing terminal command to include TTT resulted in same message:
$ java TTT.Main init verbose < pipe | java TTT.Main > pipe
Error: Could not find or load main class TTT.Main
Caused by: java.lang.ClassNotFoundException: TTT.Main
Error: Could not find or load main class TTT.Main
Caused by: java.lang.ClassNotFoundException: TTT.Main

A: The name of the class must include the package (TTT.Main), and you have to invoke Java in the parent directory, the one that contains the TTT folder.
And rest assured: it always works like this. The only explanation for "it worked like this before" is: your classes weren't in a distinct package then!
Beyond that, you have to learn how classes are found within the class path. Start reading here https://docs.oracle.com/javase/7/docs/technotes/tools/windows/classpath.html for example.


Oceanside is located in East Rockaway, New York. There are roughly 30,361 residents, living in 10,639 households. The average temperature for Oceanside this time of the year is low of 41F and high of 59F. On average, Oceanside gets about 4.32 inches of precipitation in April. Most residents are home owners (87%), have a post secondary degree (51%) and are married, no kids (35%).


text:
mindvalley-logo-black The Power Of Questioning Society's "Rules"
The Power Of Questioning Society's "Rules"
What sort of "rules" do you follow?
We all grow up within a society — a group that has a set way of doing things, and set rules which they abide by. These might not be obvious at first glance, but it's these unwritten rules which govern the way we think, act and live.
This is what makes them so powerful — and, sometimes, so dangerous.
Vishen Lakhiani has a term for these rules — "brules." What exactly is a brule? To put it simply, it's a bullshit rule which we blindly follow, simply because "that's the way things are." It's akin to walking through life with your eyes shut, simply treading the path that others created… without considering if it's really what you want.
Another word for these sort of rules? Dogma.
In this short video, which is a trailer for Vishen's new (and controversial) book, The Code of the Extraordinary Mind, you'll get a taste of what's to come — and why it's so important to question everything.