text:
Jim Newberry (born December 16, 1956) was mayor of Lexington, Kentucky from December 31, 2006, until January 2, 2011. He defeated incumbent mayor Teresa Isaac by the largest vote margin in the history of Lexington-Fayette's merged "Urban County" government. This was also the first time in Lexington-Fayette history that a challenger had defeated a sitting mayor.

Newberry was defeated after serving one term by businessman and Vice Mayor Jim Gray.

Once taking office as Mayor, Newberry pursued an active agenda in many areas, including economic development, development of the city's urban core and a number of environmental initiatives.

Personal life, education, and early career
Jim Newberry grew up in Hiseville, Kentucky, the son of a state legislator and farmer father and a school teacher mother. Newberry spent his youth working on the family farm.

Newberry received his bachelor's degree with a major in political science from the University of Kentucky in 1978. During his time as an undergraduate, he served as president of the Student Body and was a member of Sigma Nu fraternity. He then went on to the University of Kentucky College of Law, earning his law degree in 1981. Upon graduation, Newberry briefly practiced law, and then served as Vice-President and General Manager of Airdrie Stud, a thoroughbred farm in Central Kentucky.

Newberry later served as an executive officer in the Office of Lieutenant Governor Brereton Jones. He was later appointed to serve as acting secretary of Kentucky's Natural Resources and Environmental Protection Cabinet. During his tenure at the cabinet, Newberry successfully mediated a contentious dispute over a pipeline near Lake Cumberland.
In the 1990s, Newberry practiced law in his own practice, later joining Wyatt, Tarrant & Combs, a large Lexington firm, where he eventually became partner-in-charge.

Newberry and his wife Cheryl Anne attend Calvary Baptist Church, where Newberry has served as Deacon. The couple has two sons, Drew Newberry and Kyle Newberry.

Political career

Running for Congress in 1998
In 1998, Newberry ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic nomination for United States Representative from the 6th Congressional District of Kentucky. He placed fifth in a crowded field of 7 candidates, which included future judge Ernesto Scorsone (who won the nomination), future Mayor and Newberry's 2006 Mayoral Election opponent Teresa Isaac, and future Kentucky State Treasurer, Democratic Party Chair, and Gubernatorial candidate Jonathan Miller.

Mayoral election of 2006
Jim Newberry successfully ran for Mayor of Lexington-Fayette County in 2006. Newberry ran a change-based campaign, profiting from a contentious political environment that was dissatisfied with the direction of the city. The paramount issue that year was the question of whether or not the city should condemn and take over the local water company, Kentucky American Water, which was to be decided by popular referendum. Newberry did not take a position in this issue, promising to support the decision of the voters. His opponent, Teresa Isaac, openly supported condemnation.

On Election Day in 2006, Lexington voters voted not to condemn the water company, defeating the referendum with 61% of the vote.

Newberry also defeated Isaac, garnering 62.6% of the vote. This was the first time a challenger had unseated a sitting Mayor seeking reelection in the history of Merged Government in Lexington-Fayette County. It was also the largest margin of victory in Lexington's history.

Mayor of Lexington-Fayette County
Newberry took office as Mayor on December 31, 2006. As Mayor, he focused on a wide range of initiatives, including projects meant to stimulate the economy, balance the budget, make government more efficient, and protect the environment.

In the area of job-creation, Newberry partnered the city with Commerce Lexington, the University of Kentucky, and Bluegrass Community and Technical College to form the Bluegrass Business Development Partnership, which has thus-far led to the creation of over 2,300 jobs.

He also pursued efforts to make government more transparent and accountable, implementing board training for board-appointees, expanding the Internal Audit Division, and expanding and redesigning the city's website to include access to public meetings, as well as a large number of government documents.

He attempted to make government more efficient by reducing the size of the city's work force by 200 full-time positions. He has also pursued efforts to cut taxes, slicing the Garbage Tax by 10% and reducing the number of business owners liable for the mandatory license fee. Additionally, when Newberry first took office, he had an auditing firm hired to assess the efficiency of Urban County Government operations. The audit identified over 400 ways in which Lexington's government could save taxpayer money, and Newberry's administration worked to utilize this advice.

Newberry also pursued many initiatives to make Lexington environmentally more friendly. When he first took office, his administration created the city's first executive department dedicated solely to environmental issues, the Department of Environmental Quality.  At the time Newberry took office, the city had been sued by the Environmental Protection Agency for allowing its storm and sanitary sewers to pollute local water sources for decades. Newberry reached a settlement with the EPA, and set about updating the city's aging infrastructure.  His administration also endeavored to make Lexington more bicycle-friendly, installing more bike lanes and trails than ever before. This effort was nationally recognized by Bicycling Magazine in 2010, which named Lexington one of "America's Top 50 Bike-Friendly Cities."  Additionally, Newberry pushed the city to increase recycling. During his term, revenue from recycling more than doubled, and in 2010, Newberry announced the city's investment in a new, single-stream recycling system that would encourage Lexingtonians to recycle more waste, and triple the capacity of the city's recycling center.

Controversies
In March 2008, private developer The Webb Companies announced plans to build a high-rise mixed-used skyscraper (see: CentrePointe, Lexington), on the block occupied by several businesses. These included The Dame, a popular music venue with young Lexingtonians and students, and Mia's, a gay and lesbian bar. Newberry supported the demolition of the block and the building of the project from the beginning, causing many in the progressive and arts communities to associate him with the project and its subsequent difficulties. Newberry supported the project because it was purported to create over 900 jobs and infuse $250,000,000 into the Lexington community through Tax Increment Financing. After almost a decade from the previous buildings being demolished in the Summer of 2008, construction began on new buildings in November of 2017.

2008 and 2009 saw a series of highly publicized investigations into inappropriate spending at agencies receiving taxpayer funding. At the end of 2008, the Lexington Herald Leader reported on profligate spending and abnormally large expense account by Blue Grass Airport Director Michael Gobb, expenses which had been approved by the Airport's Board of Directors.  The story sparked an investigation by Kentucky Auditor Crit Luallen, the result of which led to criminal charges against airport employees. Charges sparking the investigation included $4,500 spent at a Texas strip club, charged to a company credit card.  As Mayor, Newberry was responsible for appointing members of the Airport Board, and was criticized by Vice Mayor Jim Gray and some Council Members for an alleged lack of action in response to the scandal, as well as his continued support of Airport Board officials and confidence in their ability to clean up the worrisome practices there.

As a result of heightened scrutiny of city agencies following the scandal surrounding the Airport, city auditors investigated spending at the taxpayer-funded Public Library. Library CEO Kathleen Imhoff and other Library employees came under scrutiny for excessive and inappropriate spending on Library credit cards, charges which included tens of thousands of dollars in gifts to staff, over $80,000 in travel expenses, and over $10,000 in non-reimbursed meals.

Following these scandals, similar spending issues were uncovered at two outside agencies in which Lexington-Fayette County is a member. At both the Kentucky League of Cities and the Kentucky Association of Counties, spending came under scrutiny from the media as well as formal auditors.

Reelection campaign: 2010
In November 2009, Newberry officially announced the start of his reelection campaign. On November 2, 2010, Newberry was defeated by Vice Mayor Jim Gray in the mayoral election.

References

External links
 Guide to the Jim Newberry Speeches, 2006-2010, undated housed at the University of Kentucky Libraries Special Collections Research Center
 Guide to the Jim Newberry Collection on the Governor's Task Force on Health Care Reform, housed at the University of Kentucky Libraries Special Collections Research Center
 Guide to the Jim Newberry papers, 2006-2010 housed at the University of Kentucky Libraries Special Collections Research Center

1956 births
Living people
Mayors of Lexington, Kentucky

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


PR over Coffee started as a PR empowerment movement in early 2010. The origin of the name PR over Coffee came about thanks in part to the location of the first meetings, which were at many trendy coffee shops around Austin, Texas. Late in 2010 PR over Coffee took on a more formal existence with speakers and workshops led by experts from media, PR and marketing professions.
PR over Coffee has since become a "safe" place for small business owners, PR students, and other professionals to connect with media experts with backgrounds as diverse as video marketing to crisis communications.
Dave Manzer founder and president of a digital marketing communications & tech PR agency with offices in Austin, Denver, and Houston that helps startups and enterprises grow their reputations and sales leads through integrated PR and digital marketing campaigns. Dave's agency, Swyft, help B2B enterprises achieve their strategic revenue goals in the U.S, Europe, and Asia. Through his agency and popular PR Over Coffee meetups, Dave has helped over 1,000 businesses, professionals and non-profits get connected to the news media, resulting in hundreds of news mentions in a variety of local, national and international news outlets.


NOAA keeps records on 199 tide gauges which have been active this century. The average sea level rise rate is 1.08 mm/year for that set of gauges – one third of the claimed University of Colorado 3.2 mm/year trend. Eighty-six percent of the tide gauges show sea level rise slower than the fraudulent official 3.2 mm/year.
One should always question the outliers. Avacha Bay, where the Russian coast is being swamped, is an area of intense subsidence and should be thrown out when averaging actual sea level rise.
In Al Gore's "An Inconvenient Truth", one of the big claims he makes is sea level rising 20 feet. At this rate, how long will it take to get 20 feet of sea level rise? 1 inch = 25.4 mm. Thus, 25.4mm/inch x 12inches/ft x 20 ft = 6096 mm. Divide 6096 by 1.08 mm/yr, and you get 5644.44 years!
Is the 1.08 mm/yr trend based on 2000-2013?
If so, it is actually pretty close to what NOAA recently published for the trend 2005-2012 of 1.2 to 1.6 mm/yr, by reconciling Argo, Jason and Grace datasets. They also found no SLR contribution from melting glaciers.
Glad to see this post, than you Steve, it clears up a question I had earlier.
It's close to the average of the annual median value for the 200+ years of historical tide-gauge relative SLR measurements.
It is interesting to note, that over the last 18,000 years the average sea level rise is 6.7mm per year. So even the Colorado study is 1/2 the average for this interglacial period. And now we find it is only 1/7th the average. Dang, that is slow.


text:
Conference – 1994 Discussion
In Conference 1994
Openness and Growth
Internationalisation, Firm Conduct and Productivity
Internationalisation, Trade and Foreign Direct Investment
Japan's Foreign Direct Investment in East Asia: Its Influence on Recipient Countries and Japan's Trade Structure
Discussion of Howe and Ishida
International Trade and the Australian Labour Market
Trade, Multinationals and Labour
Experiences with Current Account Deficits Among Asian Economies: Lessons for Australia?
Internationalisation and the Macroeconomy
Final Discussion
List of Conference Participants
1. Palle S. Andersen
It is never pleasant to be the first discussant on the stage and it becomes particularly unpleasant when one is faced with the task of coming up with some constructive criticism of a good paper. And Steve Dowrick's paper on openness and growth is, indeed, a very good one.
In such a situation one way out is to spend a lot of time summarising the paper and its main results, but even that road is closed, because Dowrick himself provides a very good summary.
Fortunately, while fully agreeing with Dowrick's method and principal results, there are a few places where a word of caution or some complementary remarks are in place. I shall divide my intervention into three parts: comments about the theory, a few methodological remarks and some suggestions concerning the data and the empirical results. In addition, I have a number of minor points which I shall pass on after the session.
Openness and Long-Run Growth: Theoretical Foundation
Going through the major growth models it is hard to find good reasons for including foreign trade and openness among the growth-promoting factors. There is nothing in the Harrod-Domar model, nor do we find any influence in the Neoclassical model, which dominated growth theory from the early 1960s to the mid 1980s. There is one theory by Thirlwall (see note 6 in Dowrick's paper) of which a first version appeared in the early 1970s. It has reappeared under various names of which the latest is 'the 45-degree rule' (Krugman 1989) which captures the underlying idea, that if a country wants to keep its current account in balance and a stable exchange rate, its growth is constrained by demand growth of its major trading partners multiplied by the ratio of income elasticities for, respectively, exports and imports. This actually provides a strong theoretical foundation for openness and growth, assuming that by policies you are able to lift export elasticities and reduce the propensity to import. There is also some empirical evidence supporting this hypothesis for the 1960s, but not after the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system and the strong expansion of international capital flows.
So, to find theoretical support for any influence of trade on growth we have to turn to more recent theories of growth, the endogenous growth models. This is nicely covered in Dowrick's paper, so I shall confine myself to a few comments:
It is not my impression that trade has figured prominently in endogenous models. It is not through trade that you can hope to create constant marginal returns to capital, nor is trade the first transmission mechanism that comes to mind when looking for endogenous explanations of technical progress. There is also the question of causality. Is technical innovation of some kind improving competitiveness and the net export position, or do higher net exports or more intense international pressure promote technical progress? I do not find the trade link overly convincing. I rather think that the international transmission of knowledge and technical progress comes through direct investment flows, but more about this later.
In several places of the paper Dowrick discusses the welfare gains associated with more open trade, looking at static as well as dynamic gains and discussing the consequences of deregulating in a second-best world with distorted factor and output markets. I do not quite share Dowrick's scepticism regarding the size and the relevance of the likely welfare gains. I do not find Baldwin's cited estimates terribly convincing and, if the criteria proposed are used in evaluating fixed investment projects, I very much doubt that we would be able to get the investment/GDP ratios that we think are desirable for high and sustainable growth.
Regarding the initial situation, it should be recalled that a key feature of most of the endogenous growth theories (the main exception appears to be the model proposed in Mankiw et al. (1992)) is the assumption of monopolistic competition as opposed to perfect competition in the neoclassical models. Consequently, if we adopt these models as the theoretical foundation it is the second-best case with imperfect product and factor markets that is relevant for discussing trade effects.
As noted in the paper, the stakes are higher in such a case and the uncertainties are especially high when a country starts rather late with liberalising trade. Take Latin America as an illustration. For several decades virtually all countries in this region pursued inward-oriented policies and over long periods actually achieved rather high rates of growth. Since the late 1980s they have started to liberalise foreign trade but many find it hard to build a solid basis for exports. They cannot compete with the more developed countries because of low productivity; nor can they compete with the dynamic Asian countries because their labour costs are too high. So, in many cases their only comparative advantage lies in the production of primary commodities which is not a desirable basis for high and sustainable growth and is unlikely to provide any terms-of-trade improvements. There have been some gains emanating from expanded intra-regional trade and cross-border investment flows, but this is all on a rather small scale. A few countries (Chile is the best example) have tried to overcome the comparative advantage problem by keeping their exchange rate low, but that is clearly a policy where you can question the welfare gains and, of course, this option is not open to the whole region.
In deriving empirical estimates Dowrick applies regression analysis to pooled time-series and cross-country data. This is the methodology applied by most researchers and Dowrick is already at the forefront in this area. It is not a method without problems and, although he probably has a vested interest, it is not inappropriate to quote a recent evaluation by Solow:
'I had better admit that I do not find this a confidence-inspiring project. It seems altogether too vulnerable to bias from omitted variables, to reverse causation and above all to the recurrent suspicion that the experiences of very different national economies are not to explained as if they represent different "points" on some well-defined surface' (Solow 1994, p. 51).
It is also relevant to recall Levine and Renelt (1992) and Levine and Zervos (1993), who apply Leamer's extreme-bounds test to check the robustness of the determinants and find very few of the variables passing the test. It may be argued that this test is perhaps too strong and may be misleading when it comes to testing several policy-related variables that are difficult to separate (see Sala-i-Martin (1994)). Yet, having experimented a bit with estimation in this area myself, I have to recognise that few variables are robust and that the problem of biases because of omitted variables or omitted countries has to be taken seriously.
With respect to country-specific features, most researchers rely on fixed or random-effects models. Dowrick presents estimates for both, but he will have to explain to me after the session precisely how the random-effects model has been implemented.
Finally, regarding the specification, it is worth noting that when using the investment/GDP ratio as a proxy for the growth of the capital stock (see equation (1)) one is implicitly assuming that the capital/output ratio is the same in all countries which is quite a strong assumption. At the same time, this assumption can be used as a rough test of the plausibility of the parameter estimates. For instance, if you consider the GLS-equation 4.1 in Table 4 and assume that the output elasticities with respect to labour and capital should sum to unity, the implied capital/output ratio is about 3. This is a bit high, but not entirely implausible. I also note in passing that equation (1) can be looked upon as the traditional neoclassical or growth accounting equation, with trade, initial income and time and country-specific factors added to explain the Solow residual.
Empirical Estimates
Most research in this area is based on the data produced by Summers and Heston. This is, undoubtedly, the best around but in two respects I have problems:
I can well understand that the Middle East oil producers were left out, because in their case openness makes no sense. I was, however, sorry to see that the Sub-Saharan countries were also left out. Had they been in, they would probably have strengthened the estimates favouring openness, because most of them have pursued inward-oriented policies with little or no growth. From my own experience I have found that the data for the former British colonies in the area are relatively good so it should not be a problem to include them in the sample. The former French and Belgian colonies are more problematic, because the statistics are poor. Yet it would be a shame to leave them out because their growth performance has been strongly influenced by the policy of linking their currencies to the French franc. One way out would be to use the World Bank World Tables which, unlike the tables in the IMF International Financial Statistics (IFS), have all the necessary data for all countries.
A second problem concerns the data on trade intensity. As a rough check of the data in Table 1, I calculated trade intensities using the national accounts data in the IFS. When comparing trade ratios from respectively PPP and market-based national accounts data one would expect a systematically widening discrepancy as one moves from the rich to the poorest countries. This, however, I did not find which is surprising and perhaps a bit disturbing. What I did find, on the other hand, was a very large discrepancy for most Latin American countries, but not for the Asian countries. Given their past policies, I do not dispute the low trade intensities Dowrick finds for the Latin American countries, but the extent to which they are outliers may be overstated. Also to reduce the impact of the three outliers with very high trade shares and recognise that imports are used for exports as well as domestic demand, it might be an idea to measure trade intensity as 0.5 (X + M)/(GDP + M).
Regarding the empirical estimates reported by Dowrick, one very clear result is that openness affects growth via the investment/GDP ratio. This points to foreign direct investment as an important transmission channel of the gains from trade, but I have seen little mention of this in the literature; perhaps because it is just too obvious.
It is somewhat disturbing that the initial income level becomes insignificant when I/GDP is dropped and that openness does not seem to affect investment in the developed countries. The latter could, however, reflect factors that are not taken into account (rising government deficits, higher real interest rates, etc.); if not it would indeed be bad news for the developed countries, including Australia.
The rather large differences between the estimates of openness effects in equations with, respectively, GDP/P and GDP/L as the dependent variable are puzzling, given that openness has no effect on employment growth. For the same reason I would be a bit cautious in drawing too firm conclusions when comparing Tables 3 and 4.
Finally, the interpretation of 'static' and 'dynamic' efficiency gains is not quite clear. As I read the paper it has:
– level of openness and its effect on the rate of growth = dynamic gains;
– change of openness and its effects on the rate of growth = static gains; but
– no measure of the effect of changes in openness on the level of GDP.
Krugman, P. (1989), 'Differences in Income Elasticities and Trends in Real Exchange Rates', European Economic Review, 33(5), pp. 1031–1054.
Levine, R. and D. Renelt (1992), 'A Sensitivity Analysis of Cross-Country Growth Regressions', American Economic Review, 82(4), pp. 942–963.
Levine, R. and S.J. Zervos (1993), 'What Have We Learned About Policy and Growth from Cross-Country Regressions?', American Economic Review, 83(2), pp. 426–430.
Mankiw, G.N., D. Romer and D.N. Weil (1992), 'A Contribution to the Empirics of Economic Growth', Quarterly Journal of Economics, 107(5), pp. 407–437.
Sala-i-Martin, X. (1994), 'Cross-Sectional Regressions and the Empirics of Economic Growth', European Economic Review, 38(4), pp. 739–747.
Solow, R.M. (1994), 'Perspectives on Growth Theory', Journal of Economic Perspectives, 8(1), pp. 45–54.
2. Lam San Ling
Steve Dowrick has written on a topic which is of great interest today. The paper contains a useful survey of the new endogenous growth theories and their implications for the case for free trade. Dowrick has also undertaken a careful empirical study of the trade-growth relationship.
Dowrick's concluding comments reflect the current ambivalence surrounding free trade. In the past, countries putting up trade barriers to protect infant industries, or clamouring for trade concessions, were mainly the developing countries. The recent and disturbing trend, however, is for protectionist pressures and cries against global competition in general to originate from the developed economies – the traditional champions of free trade.
Free Trade: Believers, Would-be Converts, and Doubters
It appears to me that countries in the world may be roughly divided into three groups with regard to their trade policy stance.
Countries like Singapore fall into the first group of small economies which have little choice but to be open and to remain open.[1] Hong Kong – at least before it becomes part of China – is another. These are the 'trade-believers'. Singapore's small population means that producing for the domestic market alone is usually not feasible. Singaporean producers have no choice but to compete globally. Singaporean consumers import two-thirds of their consumption. They are price takers in the world market, thus higher tariffs will be reflected almost immediately in higher prices. The decision to be one of the most open economies in the world is forced on Singapore, so it is not a difficult decision. It has enabled Singapore, as well as other small open economies, to be single-minded about reaping the gains from trade.
Choice is not always a good thing. The second group of countries are the larger developing economies – China, India, and Indonesia come to mind – which have the option of protecting industries that cater to their own domestic markets. They have relatively high levels of protection and all sorts of domestic distortions to begin with. In these countries, efforts to liberalise trade as part of economic reform are frequently resisted by domestic interest groups, but most would agree that greater openness brings substantial net benefits. These are the 'would-be converts'. One preaches free trade to these economies secure in the knowledge that one is right, and hopes that the good guys will prevail. There is evidence that some trade reforms have already been put in place in these countries.
My knowledge of Australia is too limited for me to pronounce Australia a trade-believer, a would-be convert, or a member of the final category, 'the doubters'.
The doubters pose the greatest challenge to multilateral free trade. Confronted with their more sophisticated arguments, even the preacher frequently harbours a certain element of self-doubt. The new challenges to free trade range from concerns about high unemployment or low wages as a result of LDC imports, to charges that other countries do not play fair in trade.[2] The doubters pit the free trade ideal against worker welfare and even against the environment. They advocate some form of trade restriction, which could be in the guise of managed trade, or social preconditions to trade.
Many economists, most notably Robert Lawrence and Paul Krugman, have come out against these arguments.[3] Lawrence argues, for instance, that technology rather than trade was responsible for the decline in US real wages in the 1980s.
Trade Liberalisation and Growth
Dowrick applies the new endogenous growth theories to the question of whether more trade, especially in the presence of imperfect competition, is welfare enhancing. His econometric work on the effect of increasing openness on economic growth addresses a very pertinent issue. No one really doubts that some trade is better than autarky, or that countries with high initial trade barriers would benefit from trade liberalisation. The debate centres instead on the merits of moving along the continuum between a relatively open trade regime and an even more open one.
Dowrick concludes that for countries with relatively low trade barriers to begin with, greater openness brings only modest benefits, and can even be counter-productive. There are difficulties associated with any empirical work of this nature, including specification problems, simultaneity bias, and measurement errors. I have only a few comments.
First, a word about the trade intensity outliers in Figure 2 of Dowrick's paper. Singapore and Hong Kong's trade ratios stand out so starkly partly because of their entrepot roles. The share of Singapore's trade in GDP falls to below 200 per cent once re-exports are taken out.
Second, trade openness may not be a good measure of a country's trade orientation.[4] Greater openness is not necessarily due to trade liberalisation. For many developing countries, economic reforms and trade liberalisation did in fact lead to higher trade to GDP ratios. Greater openness reflects a decline in tariff-induced domestic distortions. In contrast, the US trade ratio is likely to increase over time, even if existing tariffs remain, simply because the US would be trading with emerging economies which are growing faster and becoming more open to international trade.
Third, higher economic growth is not the only gain from trade. Intra-industry trade in differentiated products is much more prevalent among the rich countries than among the poor, or between the rich and the poor. The increase in welfare arising from greater diversity represents an important gain from trade for the US and Europe. This gain is not necessarily measurable by a growth indicator.
Finally, the policy issue facing many industrial economies is not so much whether they should liberalise trade further, but whether they should in fact restrict trade. Dowrick shows that the measurable gains to industrial countries from letting trade ratios rise are insignificant or negative. It would be useful to know whether the costs of putting up trade barriers would be equally small.
Policy Options: Alternatives to the Free Trade Ideal
The debate on trade liberalisation has not been helped by the complexity of the policy options facing participants in the world trading system today. The choice facing a country is not merely what level of tariffs, quotas or other non-tariff barriers to impose, but also whether to discriminate among trading partners.
The concept of regionalism has recently emerged as an alternative for countries unwilling to go all the way towards free trade. Participating in a regional trade agreement – be it a preferential trading arrangement, free trade area or customs union – allows a country to lower tariffs vis-à-vis some countries but not others. It has the apparent appeal of allowing countries to compete on a more limited basis with friendly neighbours rather than the whole world.
The debate on regionalism is still going on, however. Quite apart from the question of whether trade creation effects exceed trade diversion effects, or whether 'open regionalism' is viable, it is yet unclear whether regionalism represents an alternative, or a building block, to a more open multilateral system. A lot more empirical work is required in this area.
The few tariffs that it has serve to discourage consumption of selected items rather than to protect domestic production. [1]
Bhagwati (1994) summarises the old and new challenges to free trade. [2]
See Lawrence (1994) and Krugman (1994). [3]
A discussion of the various measures of trade orientation may be found in Edwards (1993). [4]
Bhagwati, J. (1994), 'Free Trade: Old and New Challenges,' The Economic Journal, 104(423), pp. 231–246.
Edwards, S. (1993), 'Openness, Trade Liberalization, and Growth in Developing Countries', Journal of Economic Literature, XXXI(3), pp. 1358–1393.
Krugman, P. (1994), 'Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession', Foreign Affairs, 73(2), pp. 28–44.
Lawrence, R.Z. (1994), 'Rude Awakening: The End of the American Dream', International Economic Insights, 5(1), pp. 2–6.
3. General Discussion
The discussion centred on two questions:
How should openness be measured?
What are the links between trade liberalisation, domestic policies and economic growth?
There was considerable discussion regarding the merits of using the trade share of GDP as a measure of 'openness'. A number of participants made the point that openness was an elusive concept, that had as much to do with attitudes and incentives as with cold hard trade statistics. While the increased trade share does reflect greater openness of the Australian economy, most participants thought that the change in openness, and the gains from specialisation, had been more pronounced than suggested by the change in the trade share.
A number of discussants made the point that when thinking about openness, the key issue was the extent to which Australia's relations with the rest of the world influenced the domestic economy. There was widespread acceptance of the idea that over the past decade these influences had become more pronounced. The government's commitment to the international economy has made more markets contestable and has changed the incentives faced by many producers. It has also focussed many of the policy debates on the question of international competitiveness. This has helped promote reform in the labour market, macro-management and parts of the economy that are not traditionally associated with international trade. No single measure of openness was capable of capturing the strength of these influences. It was also suggested that the benefits of openness were likely to be asymmetric. There may be 'cascading' effects from liberalisation and even if further small tariff reductions yielded only small gains, small increases in tariff protection might be very costly, for they would signal a reduced commitment to the international economy and competition.
There was also a brief discussion on the determinants of openness. It was noted that the standard measures used in empirical work were heavily influenced by political boundaries and that these political boundaries were becoming less relevant for economic activity. The point was also made that an economy's resource structure influences its trade intensity. Countries that have large endowments of natural resources and a small manufacturing sector, may have relatively little intra-industry trade and hence low trade ratios, yet be extremely open in terms of their responsiveness to changes in the international economy. Finally, measuring trade intensity by the sum of exports and imports over GDP did not distinguish between exports and imports and also led to extreme values of openness for small economies.
Most participants acknowledged that it was difficult to judge whether or not increased openness was likely to generate small or large increases in economic growth. Part of the problem is that is difficult to assess what the situation would have been had the trade reform not taken place. Nevertheless, there was widespread acceptance of the idea that the closer integration of the Australian economy with the rest of the world would have some positive effect on growth. There was little support for the notion that free trade would force Australia into activities that did not provide the engine for long-term sustained growth. Reductions in tariffs had not seen resources flow into the primary sector of the economy, but instead have helped revitalise parts of the manufacturing sector.
An important component of the growth engine is the accumulation of 'skills'. It was noted that, unlike physical resources such as coal, the skill level of the workforce is not fixed. Skills can be accumulated as the byproduct of producing certain types of goods and through devoting resources directly to learning, innovation and education. By changing the structure of the economy and the incentives that individuals face, trade can affect the rate of skill accumulation. The type and rate of skill accumulation can also be influenced by government policies. The policy challenge is to frame government programs to encourage the type of accumulation that allows Australia to maximise the growth dividend from the more liberal trade regime. More generally, internationalisation is likely to increase the costs of any distortions in the economy. As a result, internationalisation makes it more imperative that micro-reform continues throughout the economy.
Finally, a couple of participants suggested that the static benefits of trade reform should not be overlooked. Tariffs act as a tax on exports, and now that this tax is being removed, exports of manufactures are increasing rapidly. Tariffs also created a comparative disadvantage and this disadvantage was now being eroded. It was argued that this was an important source of increased productivity.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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text:
Q: Server doesn't respond in Socket Java programming This java code program should be read a text from std input, send a message over a socket and get the uppercase version of the text.
I don't know why the server can't receive property the message from the client. Someone can help me with  some basics? I can't debug my mistake.
Server
 public static void main(String[] args)  throws Exception {
    ServerSocket servSocket=new ServerSocket(7000);
    System.out.println("Server up");
   /* while(true)
    {*/
        Socket client=servSocket.accept();
        System.out.println("Connessione con "+client.getPort()+" "+client.getInetAddress());
        BufferedReader in = new BufferedReader(new InputStreamReader(client.getInputStream()));
        PrintWriter out= new PrintWriter (client.getOutputStream(),true);
        String testo = in.readLine();
        System.out.println("Text Received"+testo);
        testo=testo.toUpperCase();
        System.out.println("Answer sent");
        out.println(testo);
        client.close();

//    }

}

This is the client
public class Client {
    public static void main(String[] args) throws Exception {
        Scanner scan = new Scanner(System.in);

        Socket s = new Socket("localhost", 7000);
        PrintWriter out=new PrintWriter(s.getOutputStream());
        BufferedReader in=new BufferedReader(new InputStreamReader(s.getInputStream()));
        System.out.println("digit a string");
        String txt=scan.next();
        out.println(txt);
        System.out.println("string sent");

        String risultato=in.readLine();
        System.out.println("received: "+risultato);

        s.close();

    }
}

Thank you

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
New York City cancels all contracts with Trump Organization
EarthScapeImageGraphy/iStockBy AARON KATERSKY, ABC News
(NEW YORK) — New York City is severing its contracts with President Donald Trump's eponymous company, a move that could cost the outgoing president millions of dollars in response to his role in inciting the Capitol insurrection.
The city will be notifying the Trump Organization that it will cancel its agreements to operate the Central Park Carousel, Wollman and Lasker skating rinks, and Ferry Point Golf Course in the Bronx.
New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio said the city is acting under a clause that allows termination of contracts in the event of criminal activity.
"The president incited a rebellion against the United States government that killed five people and threatened to derail the constitutional transfer of power," de Blasio said. "The City of New York will not be associated with those unforgivable acts in any shape, way or form, and we are immediately taking steps to terminate all Trump Organization contracts."
"He has dishonored New York City by his actions," the mayor added.
The city's corporate counsel said the Ferry Point Golf Course contract is being canceled because the agreement was based on the expectation that the course would attract a major golf tournament, which is now unlikely after the PGA of America pulled its 2022 PGA Championship from Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, N.J., over the weekend.
The Trump Organization pockets $17 million a year for operating the skating rinks, the carousel and the golf course.
When Trump was running for the presidency, and later when he was pushing a plan to rebuild the nation's infrastructure, he touted his success in taking over the management of Wollman Rink as an example of his business acumen.
"When I did the Wollman Rink, it was seven years they couldn't get it built. It would have been forever, they couldn't get it built, and I did it in a few months at a much smaller price," Trump said in 2018. "We did it for a tiny fraction of the cost."
Eric Trump, the president's son and executive vice president of the Trump Organization, said the company would challenge the city's decision to cancel the contracts.
"The City of New York has no legal right to end our contracts and if they elect to proceed, they will owe The Trump Organization over $30 million dollars," said Eric Trump said. "This is nothing more than political discrimination, and we plan to fight vigorously."
Nestle delivers sweet taste of nostalgia with new Cinnamon Toast Crunch milk
January 15, 2021	Business
NestleBy KELLY MCCARTHY, ABC News (NEW YORK) — There was something satisfying about sipping the last sweet, cereal-infused milk at the bottom of the bowl and now Nestle has come up with a new flavor to flood
PepsiCo announces plan to reduce emissions more than 40% by 2030
Justin Sullivan/Getty ImagesBY: LEIGHTON SCHNEIDER, ABC NEWS (NEW YORK) — PepsiCo has announced a new climate plan that will reduce greenhouse gas emissions by more than 40% by 2030 – a doubling of the company's previous climate
Disneyland Resort ends annual pass program
LordRunar/iStockBy ANGELINE JANE BERNABE, ABC News (ANAHEIM, Calif.) — Nearly a year after closing its doors to the public amid the coronavirus pandemic, Disneyland Resort is discontinuing its annual passholder program for its California theme parks.The announcement
Companies target GOP with fundraising pullback. How much will it matter?
subman/iStockBy SOO RIN KIM and KENDALL KARSON, ABC News (NEW YORK) — The pullback of political giving by some of the country's most prominent companies — a move triggered by the siege on the United States Capitol
Yelp to display user-generated COVID-19 safety reviews for restaurants
Michael Vi/iStockBy KELLY MCCARTHY, ABC News (NEW YORK) — Yelp has expanded features prompted by COVID-19 to allow users to input their own feedback about the safety measures at restaurants, bars and other local businesses. "Starting today,


text:
About Floatation
Lose the World, Find Yourself.
South West's First Float Centre
Sensory Deprivation Pods, Bunbury
The first and only float centre in South West WA.
Imagine the most calm, serene, and tranquil environment - perfect for relaxation. The buoyancy created by the 500kg of Epsom salts dissolved into 30 centimetres of water in the float pod effectively removes the effects of gravity on the body. This will make you feel almost completely weightless, letting every single muscle in your body fully relax. The salt-water solution is heated to skin temperature (35.5°C). Your brain uses 85% of its capacity to process external stimuli and floating relives it of this burden. Once you are settled, it is almost impossible to tell which parts of your body are in the water and which are not. With nothing to distract you, the outside world disappears and amazing things happen. When not fighting gravity or constantly taking in information, your body has a lot of extra resources at its disposal, so your mind and body can rest, de-stress, and heal.
"I think it's one of the most incredible pieces of equipment for self-help and introspective thought that you could ever find. It's been one of the most important tools for me in personal growth for understanding myself, how I am, and what effect I do have on other people."
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Floatation while relatively new and not yet mainstream has been and is researched extensively. With hundreds of peer reviewed papers published on benefits of REST (Restricted Environmental Stimulation Therapy) it is becoming obvious floating can help you in many areas completely naturally.
Odyssey Float Studio, 24B Victoria St, Bunbury, WA 6230, Australia(08) 9730 3328info@odysseyfloatstudio.com.au


text:
Canadian Judo Finally Returns to Manitoba!
Canadians Conclude with Pair of Medals
Rooney and Hu Win Their First Medal at the World Championships
The 2022-2023 season of the Giant Sherwood Ford Canadian Tour will kick off with the Manitoba Open in Winnipeg on October 14-16. It will be a major first-time event for Manitoba's capital city, which will host the nation's judo elite on the first of nine stops on the 2022-2023 Giant Sherwood Ford Canadian Tour, which will visit seven provinces.
The judokas who finish at the top of the circuit's cumulative men's and women's rankings will each receive a $2,500 prize.
The organizers of the Manitoba event had been preparing to host Canada's judo elite for a long time, but the Covid-19 pandemic forced them to put the project on hold.
"We've been working on this project for almost three years. The members of the organizing committee were disappointed when the events had to be cancelled. Although they understood why, it seemed to light an even brighter fire under them," noted Milton Good, President of Judo Manitoba.
The national tournament, which is expected to draw between 200 and 300 participants, is a welcome development for the province.
"Until this year, we were the only province not hosting a tournament on this circuit. I think it will be good for Manitoba. It will put us on the map."
"We're very happy to be adding this stage. The new event will bolster the circuit, and it affirms the community's interest in joining and contributing to the tour," noted Nicolas Gill, Chief Executive Officer and High Performance Director of Judo Canada.
The Manitoba Open will take place at the Dakota Community Centre in Winnipeg. It will provide a great showcase for the sport of judo, according to Good.
"One of our goals is to promote the discipline of judo. People who play different sports will be at the Centre, and they'll see what our sport is like."
In Gill's opinion, word of mouth will play a significant role in attracting an even greater number of participants to the 2023 edition.
"That's our plan. By hosting a premier event, we'll entice even more people to come back next year," he concluded.
2022-2023 Canadian Judo Circuit Tournaments
Dates Tournament City
October 14-16 Manitoba Open Winnipeg, Manitoba
November 5-6 Quebec Open Montréal, Quebec
November 12-13 Ontario OpenToronto, Ontario
December 10-11 Elite National Championships Edmonton, Alberta
January 21-22 Saskatchewan Open Regina, Saskatchewan
January 27-29 Pacific International Abbotsford, British Columbia
March 11-12 Edmonton International Edmonton, Alberta
April 22-23 Eastern Canadian Championships Edmundston, New Brunswick
May 18-21 Canadian Open Championships Montréal, Quebec


Michelle H. Wildgrube | Cioffi, Slezak, Wildgrube P.C.
Michelle has been a principal of Cioffi • Slezak • Wildgrube P.C. (formerly Carpenter & Cioffi, P.C.) since 2004, and has been with the firm since 1999. Prior to joining Cioffi • Slezak • Wildgrube P.C., Michelle worked for a general practice firm that provided a broad foundation for her practice which now concentrates in the areas of estate planning and administration, corporate and business law, and real estate.
Michelle frequently lectures for the New York State Bar Association and the Schenectady County Bar Association on real estate and estate planning issues. Michelle is also a panel member of the Legally Speaking Program for The Legal Project. Through this program, she presents seminars on estate planning and elder law issues to community groups.
Michelle is a member of the Committee on Character and Fitness for the Fourth Judicial District and the Independent Judicial Election Qualification Commission for the Third Department. She currently serves on the boards of directors of the Federation of Bar Associations, Fourth Judicial District (Past President), Our Ability Alliance (Treasurer), and the Capital Region Chamber (Secretary/Treasurer). In addition, Michelle is a member of the Executive Committee for the New York State Bar Association's Real Property Law Section and serves as a section representative to the House of Delegates and a District Representative. Michelle is a member of the Schenectady County Bar Association's Real Estate Practice Committee and is an appointed trustee for the John Alexander Trust Memorial Scholarship which is administered through the Schenectady County Bar Association.
From 2016-2018, Michelle will serve as Co-Chair of the NYSBA President's Membership Challenge. If you are interested in joining the New York State Bar Association, please reach out to her!
Michelle was the recipient of the Schenectady County Bar Association's first Young Lawyer Award, the Schenectady County Bar Association's 2012 Lawyer of the Year Award, and the New York State Bar Association's 2013 President's Pro Bono Award.
Michelle holds a Bachelor of Arts Degree in English from Rutgers College and a Juris Doctor from the State University of New York at Buffalo School of Law. She resides in Niskayuna, New York, with her husband, Drew Lochte, Esq., their children, Anna and Zoe (when they're home from college), and Flopsy, the family pup (who sometimes hangs out at the office).


text:
UPDATE: Silent Hill: Shattered Memories Writer Reveals He's Pitching a Follow-Up
UPDATE: Barlow later went on to clarify that this title is not actually a sequel to Silent Hill: Shattered Memories, and has nothing to do with Konami. It is a spiritual successor and merely meant to be in the same vein/style as his previous work. Damn.
To clarify: this isn't for Konami. The impetus comes from (a) people asking me for it* 🙂 & (b) the market has hit a point where these kinds of games actually make sense, looking at what Remedy did with Control & Kojima with Death Stranding, the emergence of the Triple-I game https://t.co/lT6Gefavdd
— Sam Barlow (@mrsambarlow) October 8, 2020
Well, that came completely out of the blue! Silent Hill: Shattered Memories is one of my personal favorite games in the series, and easily my favorite of the Western releases (I was even on a podcast recently where I gushed about it), do in no small part to its somber, night-meta story. Considering Shattered Memories' very specific focus on the events of Silent Hill 1 (or rather, the characters of Silent Hill 1), I'd assumed that even at the time it was meant to be a one and done deal. Looks like there's a chance that… might not be the case anymore.
Yesterday on Twitter, Shattered Memories' writer Sam Barlow dropped a not-to-subtle reveal that he's actually pitching a successor (which he calls 'Project Door-Peek'):
TFW an interviewer asks what you'd do to make a Shattered Memories follow-up today but you can't tell them because you're currently pitching that thing pic.twitter.com/ztnbcjjBck
My mind can only wander through the possibilities of what a follow-up to Shattered Memories would even be. A direct continuation, following (Spoilers) Cheryl's recovery (or potential lack thereof) post her breakthrough with Dr. Kaufman? A 'Shattered Memories' style take on another one of the games, like Silent Hill 2, where the characters and certain elements of the main story are used as a jumping-off point for a different kind of narrative? Of all the Silent Hill games to potentially have a follow-up to, this very much wasn't one I'd have assumed.
Of course, him pitching it and it being a reality are two very different stories. All evidence over the past nine months points to Silent Hill coming back into the limelight, from rumors to a massive shift towards bringing the series back to life across multiple mediums (from guest appearances to films), but that doesn't mean that this pitch will be greenlit. Concepts and stories are pitched all of the time, like that time the Alien: Isolation devs pitched a concept for Resident Evil 7 only to be rejected. Hell, the original Shattered Memories started its life as a pitch for a game called Silent Hill: Cold Cold Heart, only to be rejected and reworked into what we know today.
I'd love to see this writer get to tackle the series again, and maybe he will, but for right now we have to keep our expectations in check.


text:
HIDDEN HISTORY: British Empire Killed 165 Million Indians In 40 Years – By Ben Norton
SM / December 26, 2022
Source – veteranstoday.com
"…Economic anthropologist Jason Hickel and his co-author Dylan Sullivan published an article in the respected academic journal World Development titled "Capitalism and extreme poverty:..In the report, the scholars estimated that India suffered 165 million excess deaths due to British colonialism between 1880 and 1920. "This figure is larger than the combined number of deaths from both World Wars, including the Nazi holocaust," they noted"
By Ben Norton
British colonialism caused at least 100 million deaths in India in roughly 40 years, according to an academic study.
And during nearly 200 years of colonialism, the British empire stole at least $45 trillion in wealth from India, a prominent economist has calculated.
Economic anthropologist Jason Hickel and his co-author Dylan Sullivan published an article in the respected academic journal World Development titled "Capitalism and extreme poverty: A global analysis of real wages, human height, and mortality since the long 16th century."
In the report, the scholars estimated that India suffered 165 million excess deaths due to British colonialism between 1880 and 1920.
"This figure is larger than the combined number of deaths from both World Wars, including the Nazi holocaust," they noted.
They added, "Indian life expectancy did not reach the level of early modern England (35.8 years) until 1950, after decolonization.
Hickel and Sullivan summarized their research in an article in Al Jazeera, titled "How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years."
They explained:
According to research by the economic historian Robert C Allen, extreme poverty in India increased under British rule, from 23 percent in 1810 to more than 50 percent in the mid-20th century. Real wages declined during the British colonial period, reaching a nadir in the 19th century, while famines became more frequent and more deadly. Far from benefitting the Indian people, colonialism was a human tragedy with few parallels in recorded history.
Experts agree that the period from 1880 to 1920 – the height of Britain's imperial power – was particularly devastating for India. Comprehensive population censuses carried out by the colonial regime beginning in the 1880s reveal that the death rate increased considerably during this period, from 37.2 deaths per 1,000 people in the 1880s to 44.2 in the 1910s. Life expectancy declined from 26.7 years to 21.9 years.
In a recent paper in the journal World Development, we used census data to estimate the number of people killed by British imperial policies during these four brutal decades. Robust data on mortality rates in India only exists from the 1880s. If we use this as the baseline for "normal" mortality, we find that some 50 million excess deaths occurred under the aegis of British colonialism during the period from 1891 to 1920.
Fifty million deaths is a staggering figure, and yet this is a conservative estimate. Data on real wages indicates that by 1880, living standards in colonial India had already declined dramatically from their previous levels. Allen and other scholars argue that prior to colonialism, Indian living standards may have been "on a par with the developing parts of Western Europe." We do not know for sure what India's pre-colonial mortality rate was, but if we assume it was similar to that of England in the 16th and 17th centuries (27.18 deaths per 1,000 people), we find that 165 million excess deaths occurred in India during the period from 1881 to 1920.
While the precise number of deaths is sensitive to the assumptions we make about baseline mortality, it is clear that somewhere in the vicinity of 100 million people died prematurely at the height of British colonialism. This is among the largest policy-induced mortality crises in human history. It is larger than the combined number of deaths that occurred during all famines in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, North Korea, Pol Pot's Cambodia, and Mengistu's Ethiopia.
This staggering figure does not include the tens of millions more Indians who died in human-made famines that were caused by the British empire.
In the notorious Bengal famine in 1943, an estimated 3 million Indians starved to death, while the British government exported food and banned grain imports.
Academic studies by scientists found that the 1943 Bengal famine was not a result of natural causes; it was the product of the policies of British Prime Minister Winston Churchill.
Churchill himself was a notorious racist who stated, "I hate Indians. They are a beastly people with a beastly religion."
In the early 1930s, Churchill also admired Nazi leader Adolf Hitler and the Italian dictator who founded fascism, Benito Mussolini.
Churchill's own scholarly supporters admitted that he "expressed admiration for Mussolini" and, "if forced to choose between Italian fascism and Italian communism, Churchill unhesitatingly would choose the former."
Indian politician Shashi Tharoor, who served as an under-secretary general of the United Nations, has exhaustively documented the crimes of the British empire, particularly under Churchill.
"Churchill has as much blood on his hands as Hitler does," Tharoor stressed. He pointed to "the decisions that he [Churchill] personally signed off during the Bengal famine, when 4.3 million people died because of the decisions he took or endorsed."
Award-winning Indian economist Utsa Patnaik has estimated that the British empire drained $45 trillion of wealth from the Indian subcontinent.
In a 2018 interview with the Indian news website Mint, she explained:
Between 1765 and 1938, the drain amounted to £9.2 trillion (equal to $45 trillion), taking India's export surplus earnings as the measure, and compounding it at a 5% rate of interest. Indians were never credited with their own gold and forex earnings. Instead, the local producers here were 'paid' the rupee equivalent out of the budget—something you'd never find in any independent country. The 'drain' varied between 26-36% of the central government budget. It would obviously have made an enormous difference if India's huge international earnings had been retained within the country. India would have been far more developed, with much better health and social welfare indicators. There was virtually no increase in per capita income between 1900 and 1946, even though India registered the second largest export surplus earnings in the world for three decades before 1929.
Since all the earnings were taken by Britain, such stagnation is not surprising. Ordinary people died like flies owing to under-nutrition and disease. It is shocking that Indian expectation of life at birth was just 22 years in 1911. The most telling index, however, is food grain availability. Because the purchasing power of ordinary Indians was being squeezed by high taxes, the per capita annual consumption of food grains went down from 200kg in 1900 to 157kg on the eve of World War II, and further plummeted to 137kg by 1946. No country in the world today, not even the least developed, is anywhere near the position India was in 1946.
Patnaik emphasized:
The modern capitalist world would not exist without colonialism and the drain. During Britain's industrial transition, 1780 to 1820, the drain from Asia and the West Indies combined was about 6 percent of Britain's GDP, nearly the same as its own savings rate. After the mid-19th century, Britain was running current account deficits with Continental Europe and North America, and at the same time, it was investing massively in these regions, which meant running capital account deficits too. The two deficits summed to large and rising balance of payments (BoP) deficits with these regions.
How was it possible for Britain to export so much capital—which went into building railways, roads and factories in the U.S. and continental Europe? Its BoP deficits with these regions were being settled by appropriating the financial gold and forex earned by the colonies, especially India. Every unusual expense like war was also put on the Indian budget, and whatever India was not able to meet through its annual exchange earnings was shown as its indebtedness, on which interest accumulated.
Ben Nortonis a journalist, writer, and filmmaker. He is the assistant editor of The Grayzone, and the producer of the Moderate Rebels podcast
December 26, 2022 in COVER-UP, HIDDEN HISTORY: Advanced Ancient Civilizations, REALPOLITIK - The Geo-Political Chessboard.
REALPOLITIK: A Divided Punjab and the British Terrorist Legacy – By Andre Vltchek (Arhive)
NARCO-POLITIK: Colonial Drug Trafficking & the British Empire – By Prof Michel Chossudovsky
HIDDEN HISTORY: 'The Butcher of Bengal', Winston Churchill & The Indian Holocaust
← BIG BROTHER: 'You'd Better Watch Out', The Surveillance State Is Making a List, & You're On It – By John & Nisha Whitehead
COVER-UP: 'Lies My Government Told Me', Dr. Robert Malone's New Book On Tyranny & How To Escape It →


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High Bank Works consists of multiple earthen features spread over 197 acres on a terrace above the Scioto River. A circle and octagon, each measuring approximately 1,000 feet in diameter, are major features of this site. On the interior of the octagon were eight small mounds that correspond to the eight intersecting points of the outer walls. Six of the intersecting points form gateways, and one to the north forms an entrance into the large circle. The large circle has one gateway to the east and is opposite a smaller circular enclosure 250 feet in diameter.
Beyond the southern most point of the octagon were two small circles, each 300 feet in diameter, with single gateways. They were connected to the larger forms by two nearly parallel embankments extending southwest for almost 2,000 feet. Three small conjoined enclosures were located at the far end of the parallel embankments.
Currently, High Bank Works is not open for public visitation. The site serves primarily as an archeological site for research. It is not easily accessible to the public and therefore, we discourage visitors from visiting the site. High Bank Works was not immune to the decades of farming and plowing that took its toll on earthwork sites. As a result of the multiple years of agricultural degredation, the site has not been restored to show any earthworks, unfortunately. If you wish to view the size of some of these incredible monuments, please visit Hopeton Earthworks and Seip Earthworks as the park has begun interpretive mowing so that visitors can actually see the immense size and shape of these collosal earthen monuments.


text:
Kapil asked Kangana about her Marriage Plans, Kangana Replied him with Desi Swag AF
By Afifa Shah January 30, 2020 January 30, 2020
Kangana Ranaut, as we speak, is busy with the promotions of Ashwiny Iyer Tiwari's Panga and in order to promote the film, Kangana made an appearance on the sets of The Kapil Sharma Show. Besides Kangana, the show was also graced by Richa Chaddha, Jassie Gill and director Ashwiny Iyer Tiwari. Now in the latest promo released by the channel, we can see Kapil Sharma, like always, flirting with Kangana.
To begin with, Kapil Sharma asks Kangana the reason behind the title for Panga and knowing Kapil, he jokes with Kangana asking whether film is titled 'Panga' because she features in it. On hearing the question, this Queen actress breaks into laughter as she says that she has got used to taking 'pangas' and now, she can't live without it.
Thereafter, Kapil tells Kangana that he got married as soon as he got a 'rishta' and out of sheer curiosity, he asks Kangana as to when will she get married and due to her fame, she must be getting many 'rishtas' and to this, Kangana takes a dig at Kapil and points at him by saying that he still has great interest in her marriage.
After Kangana, Richa Chaddha comes onto the show, and Kapil tells Richa Chadha that he keeps a close check on her Instagram channels and he talks about one of her photo shoots and before Kapil could complete, Kangana interrupts him and says that how Kapil likes to stalk her. Also, Kangana adds that since Kapil Sharma is worried about her marriage, she wonders if this is how all married men behave and Kapil nods in agreement.
Talking about Panga, the film explores various aspects of Jaya (Kangana) as in the film, she plays the role of a kabbadi player, a railways employee, a wife, a mother and much more. Besides Kangana, the film also stars Jassie Gill, Richa Chadha and Neena Gupta. Panga will clash at the box office with Varun Dhawan and Shraddha Kapoor's Street Dancer 3D.
Kangana Ranaut Trolls Kapil Sharma In Style As He Asks When She Will Get Married
15 Curious Facts About India's Musical Legend A.R. Rahman that You Didn't Know
Swiggy Gave a Kickass Reply to a user Who asked them to 'Deliver Food in Space'


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For Today sign new record deal with Nuclear Blast
Between The Buried And Me new single
The first piece of new music from Between The Buried And Me is here! Finally, after a three year wait, fans can enjoy some music from the follow-up to The Parallax II: Future Sequence. This time around, the progressive metal band from North Carolina is taking us to "Memory Palace" and you can take the long 10-minute journey below. Was it good for you too?
The group's seventh full-length album Coma Ecliptic drops worldwide on July 10th, 2015 via Metal Blade Records.
Pagan's Mind coming with new album in over four years
'Luna Park Ride' shared by Tarja
News about Pro-Pain!


text:
You are here: Home Reports & data Adoptions Adoptions Australia 2019–20
Go to Adoptions
Adoptions Australia 2019–20
Release Date: 17 Mar 2021
Topic: Adoptions
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2021) Adoptions Australia 2019–20., AIHW, Australian Government.
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2021). Adoptions Australia 2019–20. Canberra: AIHW.
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. Adoptions Australia 2019–20. AIHW, 2021.
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. Adoptions Australia 2019–20. Canberra: AIHW; 2021.
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2021, Adoptions Australia 2019–20, AIHW, Canberra.
Adoptions Australia 2019–20, the 30th report in the series, covers the latest data on adoptions of Australia children and children from overseas, and highlights important trends in the number of adoptions dating back to 1995–96. Data cover characteristics of adopted children, their parents and adoptive families, as well as applications and vetoes for contact and information exchange.
Cat. no: CWS 79
The median waiting time for families adopting from overseas was 2 years and 9 months
12 Indigenous children were adopted in 2019–20, and 126 Indigenous children have been adopted since 1995–96
The majority (97%) of overseas adoptees were from Asian countries, and the most common country was Taiwan (43%)
'Known child' adoption—where the child is already known to the adoptive parent(s)—increased over the decade (124 to 249)
Adoption numbers continue upward trend
Adoption numbers declined 50% over the past 25 years—from 668 in 1995–96 to 334 in 2019–20. However, since the low for the period of 278 adoptions in 2015–16, there has been a rise of 20%. This increase is due to a 65% increase in known child adoptions from 2015–16 to 2019–20, which can be attributed to a higher number of adoptions by known carers, such as foster parents, in New South Wales.
Known child adoption made up three-quarters of all adoptions
While other types of adoption have declined, 'known child' adoption—where the child is already known to the adoptive parent(s)—increased over the past decade from 124 in 2010–11 to 249 in 2019–20. These adoptions comprised 75% of all finalised adoptions in 2019–20, with adoption by carers, such as foster parents, the most common (69% of all known child adoption).
Local and intercountry adoptees were younger than known child adoptees
Adoption of Australian children not known to their adoptive parent(s) are called 'local' adoptions. In 2019–20, 48 local adoptions were finalised, representing 14% of all adoptions. A further 37 adoptions of children from countries with which Australia had an official adoption program, referred to in this report as 'intercountry' adoptions, were also finalised.
Nearly all (98%) of local adoptees and 67% of intercountry adoptees were aged under 5. By comparison, just over 1 in 5 known child adoptees (22%) were aged under 5.
Three-quarters of adoptions of Indigenous children were by adoptive parents who already knew the child
In 2019–20, 12 Indigenous children were adopted—9 Indigenous children were adopted through known child adoption and 3 Indigenous children were adopted through local adoption. This was the highest number of finalised adoptions of Indigenous children in the last 25 years (equal to the number recorded in 2018–19).
Over the 25–year period from 1995–96 to 2019–20, a total of 126 Indigenous children were adopted. Over this period, two in five (39%) Indigenous children were adopted by Indigenous Australians and nearly three in five (57%) were adopted through known child adoptions.
Intercountry adoptions took just under 3 years to process
For intercountry adoption, the median length of time from when an adoptive parent became an official client of an Australian state or territory department responsible for adoption, to when a child was placed for adoption had been increasing since 2007–08 (when data were first reported). The median processing time peaked at 5 years and 4 months in 2014–15, but then fell to less than 3 years since 2016–17. The median time in 2019–20 was 2 years and 9 months.
The median length of time from when applicants became official clients of the department to when a child was placed with them varied considerably across countries. For example, placements from South Korea had a median time of 26 months, while the median time was just under 4 years (46 months) for Thailand.
Nearly all intercountry adoptions were from Asian countries
In 2019–20, 97% of finalised intercountry adoptions were for adoptees from Asian countries.
The most common countries of origin were Taiwan, comprising just over two-fifths (43%) of all intercountry adoptions, followed by South Korea (22%).
The main country of origin for intercountry adoption has changed over time. Between 2006–07 and 2010–11, the main country of origin was either China or the Philippines; from 2011–12 to 2019–20, it has shifted between South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines.
Twelve months after entering Australia, the proportion of intercountry adoption placements with moderate to substantial additional care needs decreased
Level of need of intercountry adoptees refers to the level of resources or support services required by the adopted child and/or their adoptive family to foster healthy development and wellbeing, support positive family functioning and prevent adoption disruption. Level of need is a continuum from 'no additional care needs' in comparison to an average Australian family with non-adopted children, to 'moderate to substantial additional care needs'.
At the time adoptees were allocated, 44% of the intercountry adoption placements that occurred in 2018–19 were considered to have 'moderate to substantial additional care needs'. Twelve months after the adoptees had entered Australia, this proportion decreased to 22%, with 47% considered to involve 'minor additional care needs' by this point in time.
PDF report table of contents Expand
1.1 Adoptions in Australia
1.2 Recent developments
1.3 Data sources and processes
1.4 Report structure
2. Adoptions in Australia
2.1 Categories of adoption
2.2 Adoption legislation and processes
3. Adoptions in Australia during 2019–20
3.1 Adoptions in 2019–20
3.2 Intercountry adoptions
3.3 Local adoptions
3.4 Known child adoptions
3.5 Access to information
4. Adoption trends in Australia
4.1 Trends in categories of adoption
4.2 Adoptions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children
4.3 Alternatives to local and known child adoptions
Appendixes A and B (PDF 329KB)
End matter: Acknowledgments; Abbreviations; Symbols; Glossary; References; List of tables; List of figures; Related publications