text:
Techno-Scientific Spectacle: The Rhetoric of IMAX in the Contemporary Science Museum
Author: Joanna Ploeger
Ploeger, J., (2004) "Techno-Scientific Spectacle: The Rhetoric of IMAX in the Contemporary Science Museum", Poroi 3(2), 73-93. doi: https://doi.org/10.13008/2151-2957.1038
Rights: Copyright © 2004 Joanna Ploeger
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Poroi, 3, 2, Ploeger
Techno-Scientific Spectacle
The Rhetoric of IMAX in the Contemporary Science Museum
Joanna Ploeger
Poroi, 3, 2, December, 2004
http://dx.doi.org/10.13008/2151-2957.1038
The crowd is buzzing, and not just because
everyone's getting drunk. In the lobby of
the Ontario Science Centre in Toronto,
about 300 investor relations professionals
are gorging themselves on wine, beer and
hors d'oeuvres while anxiously wait to be
allowed into the IMAX dome theatre for
privately arranged screening of one of
the most talked about movies of the year:
Everest.
— Canadian Business
Science education is soaring in creativity. From the classroom to the museum in the past decade, the drive to develop entertaining and interactive vehicles for "public understanding" of science has accelerated. Science museums once were suitable mainly for school field trips; now they are vacation attractions alongside zoos, malls, and cultural centers.
Many applaud the new marketing of science centers for attracting audiences to scientific venues, but some question the rhetorics and ideologies of entertainment. How does our sense of science change when we experience it as an "attraction?" What does it mean to consume science as "tourism?" How do ties of science to leisure and entertainment change public comprehension of scientific or technological practices? How do they shift relations among science, technology, and society? To address such issues is to explore how science communicates its knowledge and culture to larger publics. Thus science education can be a major topic for rhetoric of inquiry.
IMAX films in science centers are telling examples. Their recent centrality to museum experiences indicates the dominance of market-driven and entertainment-based ideologies in the design and administration of science education. The emerging model taps the cultural spectacle of the museum. This positions visitors as "science tourists" who buy tickets to be transported to distant and mysterious worlds of science. Yet one goal is to make science more familiar. Hence exhibitors continually redesign features to reflect current norms of entertainment. All this affects our public dialogue in societies that depend on advanced sciences and technologies.
To serve marketplace logics, centers can try to simplify complicated problems of science and experiences of technology, yet this undermines the stated goals of many museums. The trouble is that heavy reliance on IMAX to build patronage can produce spectators rather than participants. This reinforces the disposition of museums to keep people at a distance rather than engage publics as fully as possible. To attract audiences through IMAX and other spectacular technologies can be to isolate museums further from the communities that they seek to instruct.
The IMAX form of scientific spectacle is more than "smart marketing" through visual display and interactivity. To provide science as entertainment can be to promote a seductive yet distancing rhetoric for relations between science and society. It packages science as an object for the pleasure of paying audiences. It also encourages visitors to see science as a way to transform nature and culture into commodities. Viewer experiences constructed by IMAX serve scientific tourism.
To illustrate IMAX experiences and how they situate museum patrons as spectators, I analyze the rhetoric of sights and stories in Yellowstone (1994). I specify its potential impact on audience conceptions of the roles for science and technology in preserving public lands. Then I explain in more general terms how the current positioning of IMAX films in science museums can keep visitors and administrators from recognizing more complex and meaningful relations of science to society.
Rhetoric of inquiry plays a key role in the argument. To position the science museum as an attraction is to undo cultural uses of museums as spaces for education, particularly of young people. Rhetorical analysis of inquiry as experienced by IMAX viewers can help show how the format undermines pedagogy for science and technology. Of late, the ideological underpinnings of museums as places for social interaction and knowledge production have come into question. Uncritical celebration of IMAX steps back from many urgent, if difficult, issues about the functions of museums in our society. For science museums especially, where categorizing and re-presenting the world are prominent experiences for curators and patrons alike, these issues are vital to engage. Rhetorical analysis can speak to the larger cultural discourses activated by our IMAX experiences for museums, individuals, and their communities.
Experiencing the Science Museum
Building museums around the desires of touring patrons is nothing new.1 The purpose of this essay, therefore, is not to restate that our experiences of museums can be shaped by spectacular rhetorics grounded in logics of the marketplace. Instead the aim is to analyze a specific experience in one type of museum for its ideological impact on visitors. More pragmatic than theoretical, this critique of experience in the IMAX theaters provided by science museums considers not only how they function currently but also what they might become.
Trips to science museums provide a variety of experiences. Some prompt us to think about the practices of science by detailing processes of research or dynamics of scientific understanding. Others celebrate relations between science and technology. Some "stick to the basics" by teaching fundamental concepts in biology, physics, chemistry, and other scientific disciplines. Many draw attention to "the world out there" and myriad applications of scientific knowledge. Others pull us into the inner worlds of science and its practitioners. Along the way, commonly understood categories of "scientific" knowledge are defined, exploded, and redefined. Boundaries are drawn, erased, and reinstated. The science museum is an ambiguous space. In a world that too often purports to be about facts, laws, boundaries, and clearly defined ideas, the science museum often can (and should) prompt more questions than it answers.
The "science" that fills such museums is equally ambiguous. Some argue that the more open the museum – the more definitions of "science" it constructs or tolerates – the greater the service to patrons. Yet openness and engagement are difficult to define in practical terms and even harder to manifest within a particular institution that needs to build and sustain patronage. While society has expanded the horizons of science, many museums still struggle to prepare visitors to process the varied experiences of science that define contemporary life.
My own experiences confirm a general trend toward "interactivity" that allows museum patrons to engage exhibits in personal terms. Many museums have replaced panel upon panel of textual explanation with illustrations, visual analogies, and participatory exhibits. Such displays often clarify difficult concepts and make abstract content more approachable for audiences who lack technical training. But the interactivity is, at best, partially understood. Thus these changes in museum culture raise important new questions. What are the origins and consequences of the shift to more visually stimulating environments? Proponents suggest that the greater the involvement, the greater the likelihood of learning. Yet such claims address only the quantity of interaction. What of its quality and experience? How might active engagement yield to passive spectacle? Where are boundaries between education and entertainment?
Education, Public Understanding,
and Current Museums
Science education for citizens and entertainment culture for consumers both influence what science museums can be. Museums long have been considered places to educate the public – particularly young children – about science and its role in society. Hence many defend science museums as capable of making key contributions to public understanding of science. Even those who advocate a pedagogical approach are aware, however, that science museums compete for visitors with institutions that offer highly entertaining fare. They acknowledge that education can only proceed where there are students, and they reason that science museums must find new ways to woo potential visitors.
But some scholars who criticize the museum as an instrument of "public understanding" question whether visitors to science museums come to be "educated" in the sense of acquiring facts or theories. Rennie and Williams argue for treating science centers as spaces where people make sense of science and construct personal relationships to it. Criticizing long-held definitions of "scientific literacy," they ask, "What do science centers communicate about the nature of science and the scientific enterprise? What relationship between science and society do they portray?" (2002, p. 266). Henriksen and Froyland test science centers as places for dialogue and civic interaction by examining how patrons use them as resources for assessing radon hazards. "If museums are to function as dialogue institutions and service institutions," the two contend, "Forms of communication in which the audience has a more active role, such as lectures, discussions, and workshops, might be more suitable" than passive, entertainment oriented exhibits (2000, p. 410).
These scholars pose interesting issues about the pragmatic, civic, and cultural potentials of science museums. Yet they do not challenge the rhetorics that shape knowledge production, "education," or "engagement" in the museums. These scholars clearly value science museums for their pedagogical contributions, actual and potential. Still they rarely question the education that science centers might produce. Attention to "scientific literacy" and "public understanding" focuses on gaps between pedagogical intentions and outcomes of various exhibition strategies, but it also often elides troubling questions about the "marketing" of museums as attractions.
IMAX has become the central pillar of marketing strategy for many museums. IMAX is supposed to help museums compete for patrons, but how? Is it to educate? To entertain? Is it mainly for imparting scientific facts? Is it mostly to engage citizens in learning about the role of science in society? Is it more for drawing citizens to the larger facility or even for funding other exhibits? To learn how might IMAX serve these and other ends, we should analyze how people experience it.
IMAX and the Marketing of
the Science Museum as
a "Destination Attraction"
To consider how visitors experience science museums is crucial for understanding their rhetorical dimensions. If we examine museums in relationship to the rest of culture, new and sometimes troubling perspectives emerge from current marketing strategies. Perhaps the most notable symptom is the growing sense of the museum as a "destination." An increasing number of science museums large and small have added IMAX theaters in hopes of enhancing attendance and "adding value" to museum experiences. They often encourage patrons to build visits around feature films. A typical visit might begin by exploring several permanent or special exhibits, but it frequently culminates in a trip to the IMAX theater. More often than not, museums offer special "combined" admission tickets to encourage patrons to explore both the museum exhibits and the films.
To many science educators and museum administrators, IMAX seems to represent the ultimate, immersive experience of science. IMAX films have also been sold as a bridge between science as depicted in the museum and science in the larger, "real" world. IMAX has been marketed to museums and patrons as a vehicle to transport visitors to worlds beyond museums.
But there is little evidence that IMAX fulfills such promises. IMAX might be an "immersive" technology, yet "immersive" need not mean "interactive." It can be argued that IMAX is a passive experience for most viewers. Some report that a principal attraction is "letting go" to allow the technology to structure the experience. IMAX pleasures often are similar to thrill rides: loss of control, disengagement from ordinary sensation, and "total immersion." This casts IMAX as a descendant of motion simulators and other forms of film-based entertainment more than a revolution in interactive science education (Holstrom 1996). Rethinking visitor experiences of IMAX might give museum administrators new insights into the technology's capacities to encourage engagement with science.
The ideological content of most IMAX features presents further cause for concern. IMAX films do not escape perils of product placement and sponsorship. In many instances, the films become full-length exercises in product placement. Everest, a recent IMAX hit, was sponsored by Polartec. IMAX museum productions underwritten by Lockheed-Martin for conventional, military, and space-flight technology have become long-running favorites.2 The increasing popularity of IMAX seems to fuel commercial influence.
The commercial development of IMAX has two trajectories. IMAX continues to expand into mainstream markets and develop non-educational features. An example is the IMAX version of Matrix Revolutions, designed for science-center theaters as well as commercial IMAX theaters. The museum market remains uniquely positioned, however, as companies like Destination Cinema team with National Geographic and Disney to secure their hold on the museum and attraction market. As IMAX struggles to break into the mainstream film market, it draws on it origins in the museum complex: "They were the Discovery Channel of the large screen format and took us to exotic places. Competition for the large screen format is burgeoning now, and if IMAX remembers to continue taking people where they can't go, [it] will continue to be popular" (Holstrom 1996).
Close examination of the influence of the institutions and technologies of commercial production points to the most troubling ideological dimensions of the IMAX experience: the spectacle of techno-scientific tourism. IMAX films routinely traffic in a neo-colonial discourse of "the other" that exoticizes people and places for purposes of entertainment and consumption. These portrayals are, in many ways, the technological outgrowth of colonial discourses endemic to much of museum culture. IMAX films often recall early colonial imagery of "the exotic" as they create spectacular displays of native culture for consumption by largely white and privileged audiences.3 When IMAX technology becomes the central "attraction" for a supposedly educational experience, such rhetoric is particularly disturbing. This peculiar combination of marketing and educational philosophy aggravates the colonizing imagery of the museum within the discourse of science education.
Arguably well-intentioned museum administrators are sold on the idea of large format, particularly IMAX, films as a way to usher in a new era in science education. Yet the uncritical adoption of IMAX technology contributes to the resurgence of a deeply conservative discourse that often works against change. The brand of engagement that many science educators seek – a dialogue that encourages non-scientists to participate in public dialogue about science, technology, and culture – is simply not realized in the existing narratival and technological experiences of IMAX. IMAX is a step away from, not toward, educational change for science museums. The question is not if IMAX produces knowledge, but what kind of knowledge it produces.
A Techno-Scientific Tourist
in the Land of the Yellow Stone
Techno-scientific tourism results from a multi-layered process that commodifies science and its objects as forms of spectacular entertainment. Producers market cinematic interpretations of science as education to museums, which sell a scientific experience to consumers as entertainment. What are the consequences of this alliance for how IMAX films depict science how IMAX viewers experience it?
At best, as this section explains, the depiction of science in IMAX film is conservative. At worst, it is deeply troubling. Perhaps because of the long association between large-format cinema, tourism, and the production of "attractions," most IMAX films depict science and technology as means to conquer and control nature for human use. Framed by narratives of "progress" and heavily laden with discourses of "exploration," many Imax features offer viewers scientism rather than science. They can undermine recent efforts by science centers to present the nuances of science as complicated practices rather than celebrated products or achievements.
Films of natural history form the largest category of Imax features. They provide many egregious examples of scientism and its close relationship to the ideologies of colonialism that transform natural systems and native cultures into objects for control by science. These films position viewers as passive voyeurs of worlds constructed through science. In doing so, they promote interpretations of science that run counter to evolving principles of science literacy.4 To specify how this process unfolds through narratival, visual, and experiential features of IMAX, a rhetorical analysis of Yellowstone is helpful.
Plot Structure
Yellowstone chronicles the evolution of both historical and scientific understandings of Yellowstone National Park. It reframes the history of human relations to nature through a colonizing narrative that interweaves a myth of western exploration with Native American and scientific interpretations of nature. Specifically it displays humans as "acting upon" the wilderness, so that the history of Yellowstone becomes one of increasingly invasive and technological encounters with the land and its inhabitants. Thus the film reinforces the dominant western scientific understanding of nature as something to be controlled through human action. The Yellowstone parklands manifest preservation through human control.
The "ancient story" of the park unfolds in stages of human interaction with wilderness. It begins with Native American culture, moves through the "trapping and trading" period in western territories, and culminates in the preservation and scientific exploration of the area as a national park. This linear history gives meaning to tourist experiences as validations of "progress," defined as a shift from native ways of knowing toward seemingly more complex and objectified understandings of the world.
The narratival and visual framework of the film comes from exploration myths of the American "frontier" and of western science. These reinforce the film's linear interpretation of progress. Nature is something to be conquered and controlled through actions of the "explorer." In image, character, and conduct, the "explorer" mediates between human being and nature. Yellowstone traffics in the cultural identity of Native Americans in order to articulate the qualities of the explorer. The film represents Native American relations with the land as inferior to western, scientific forms of land management.
The film begins by equivocating western and Native American attitudes (and actions) toward nature. Early scenes show explorers interacting with the native culture, and they accord similar attention to the contrasting perspectives on relations between humans and nature. The rest of the film, however, subordinates Native American relations to the more powerful scientific relations. Its explorers display an increasing mastery over nature facilitated in large part by their reliance upon technology and scientific method.
The transition of power from native to explorer is further evident in the gradual elimination of both native views and images of native culture as the film progresses. This suggests that native understanding is simply one early link in the chain of intellectual progress – a primitive precursor to scientific knowledge. While images of native culture play a significant role in early portions of the film, it accords native knowledge thematic importance only as a marker for the superior scope and power of scientific understanding. The narrative construction of the western explorer clarifies its portrait of native culture.
Thematic Links –
Redefining the Western Explorer
The western explorer initially appears as John Coulter, living in the 1800s style of the trapper-trader. Coulter explores the "land of the Yellow Stone" by developing relationships with the land and its native people. Similar to the Native Americans, the trapper-trader exhibits a symbiotic relationship with nature. We see Coulter traveling the wilderness alone, living "off the land" and having only cordial encounters with a homogenized native culture.
The film also manifests its transformation of relations between explorers and natives through a doubly marked forest ranger of Native American descent. She speaks of a Native American love of the land and her cultural understanding of harmony with nature as the images link her to the world of the western explorer. Wearing a park service uniform, she tenderly brushes dirt from a stone inscribed by John Coulter to mark his journey in 1806. While the narration emphasizes her Native American heritage, the images remind us that, as a park ranger, she is also a descendent of Coulter. She becomes a verbal and visual link between these two otherwise disparate practices that relate humans to nature. A scientifically trained park ranger, she has supplanted her ancestors as the "guardian of mother earth." Her "progression" to the status of ranger and scientist suggests that Native American perspectives can be easily contained within scientific understanding. She implies that science is the natural, inevitable successor to the native way of life.
The first two thirds of Yellowstone connect western and Native American conceptions of nature, then the last third links the western explorer to the modern scientist. It begins with the graduate student who first explained Yellowstone's geysers as volcanic action. Like the western explorer, the student investigates an unknown area. He risks personal danger to increase his understanding, and ultimately his control, of nature. In one particularly gendered scene, the male graduate student pursues scientific "exploration," while his female companion prefers "field trips."
The film portrays the student's discoveries as the foundation for modern, scientific explorations of Yellowstone's geo-thermal activity. Like trapper-traders, scientists recognize that there is something to be gained from interaction with the land. Early exploration results in the discovery of valuable resources; current science generates the discovery of valuable knowledge. In both, recognition of the productive capability of the land forms the foundation for new, non-native understandings of relations between humans and nature. The film presents Yellowstone as "preserved" to sustain human life but also to provide materials, experience, and knowledge not attainable elsewhere.
This emphasis on the practical potential of the land greatly complicates the function and justification of preservation. It implies that progress by early explorers and their scientist successors links somehow to a utilitarian ideology of preservation. The narrative suggests that "progressive" people recognize and exploit efficiently the resources of the land and its people. The interpenetration of utility, preservation, and progress appears in a second major figure that organizes the film: a spatial pattern of development as humans increasingly entering and controlling nature.
Spatial Organization –
Degrees of "Acting Upon" the Land
Human action in nature begins for the film with fictive images of Native American culture. The structure of action corresponds to the temporal and conceptual themes in the film's narrative. The film shows Native Americans living in harmony with nature but ignorant of the land's vast utility. One early scene depicts a Native American backing away from a bear. Appeasing the angry animal seems to suggest that Native Americans seek balance with nature or accept dominance by the land.
Not surprisingly, the film's trapper-traders feature increasing dominance of nature by humans. The trapper-traders employ more and more invasive methods of "acting upon" the land, and the film treats this exploration as a linear accumulation of knowledge. John Coulter first "explores" by venturing on foot beyond the area inhabited by Native Americans. Later trapper-traders traverse the vast territory by horseback or raft, and make camps as they travel. New methods of travel mark increased ability to tame the wilderness and tap its resources. Encampments signal development of a permanent human presence in the "land of the yellow stone." The angry bear returns, only this time the explorers hold their ground, signifying an increased willingness to command nature.
The preservation of Yellowstone as a national park becomes the film's turning point in our spatial sense of the relationship between humans and nature. Earlier exploration has been characterized by surveying and mapping the area then imposing boundaries on the wilderness. The nature of exploration widens during a scene in which a survey party argues over the ultimate disposition of the land. Eventually one member declares that the land should be preserved for all people. "Preservation" becomes a specific, powerful way of "acting upon" the land, expressing the human control of nature.
This challenges the character of Yellowstone as a living system that spills over, even defies, boundaries. "Preservation" articulates a new meaning of the land and its inhabitants as specimens to be valued for their potential knowledge and resources. Delimiting, marking, and naming Yellowstone as an object of analysis distinct from the cultures that inhabit and use of it, explorers from trapper-traders to scientists are poised to transform and eventually replace the Native American relationship to nature. The film's narrative nods to the Native American spirituality in opening scenes that depict the aboriginal culture's relationship with "the great bear." Yet the film paradoxically argues that this can be reproduced through a scientifically driven form of preservation that irrevocably alters the native ideology of balance between human beings and the natural world.
The graduate-student narrative illustrates this paradox. Both the native and the explorer need to understand nature, but they are motivated by different senses of the land. The native values Yellowstone for sustaining human life; the scientist analyzes the area for its unusual properties. The film depicts Native Americans as managing the land through experiential and intuitive understanding. Yet the film displays scientists as seeking much greater control over the environment. The film shows repeatedly that this can be achieved only through exploration that reaches under the surface of the land. The gradual progression from manipulating the surface structure to examining the substructure of the park signals less an equivalent or alternative sense of the land than an entirely new level of control for humanity over nature.
The film also emphasizes how technology facilitates human presence in the wilderness and control over it. The narrative marks progress in part by the levels of technological prowess displayed by the various "explorers." Early in the film, John Coulter uses snowshoes to traverse the vast territory, a technology that equals the native culture or advances it slightly by Western standards. Yellowstone soon shows early survey teams using large rafts to travel deeper into the wilderness to employ various tools to measure and map the area. By late in the film, the use of modern scientific equipment to study geo-thermal activity becomes a pinnacle of human dominion over nature. Successive explorers use technology to expand the territory under human control.
For the earliest explorers, technology facilitates travel to previously unexplored areas. The surveyors and scientists further expand the Yellowstone territory through magnification, remote sensing, and other means that bring the previously inaccessible within reach. IMAX works much the same way for viewers. Its technology enhances the senses of viewers so that they can experience vicariously the world of the scientist-explorer.
To frame viewer experiences through technological enhancements emphasizes invasive control. The film highlights the technologies used to conduct scientific research at Yellowstone. In one scene, a researcher explains the underlying structure that produces geysers while data from global-positioning satellites inform computer simulations that take viewers below the park's surface to see the origins of this geological activity. Thus the film suggests that the technologies which enable us to see beyond the usual limits on human sight – technologies developed and deployed exclusively by science – enhance human relations with Yellowstone.
Technology also expands the visual field in a second experiment detailed by the film. In this sequence, a video camera lowered into the mouth of Old Faithful records activity deep in the geyser prior to its eruption. Viewers see only a black and white picture of bubbles, but the film still implies the manipulation of nature through technology. Having "experienced" native perspectives early in the film, viewers can see in this later scene the power of a scientific gaze. The image itself is barely comprehensible to audience members, yet it illustrates the access made possible by applying scientific relations between humans and the land. The earliest sequences in the film emphasize limits, but these geyser scenes celebrate a human transcendence of physical and intellectual boundaries through technological devices.
The featured instruments do not seem to overpower nature. Instead they produce information about how, why, and when geysers are likely to erupt. The film implies that the power to recognize, explain, and control complex natural events makes the technologically enhanced understanding of scientists superior to the intuitive, experiential understanding of natives. The same sequences also reinforce the related separation between self and other by claiming that the inner workings of the earth are better understood through scientific technology than spirituality. As the film draws to a close, these and other examples of technologically driven research imply that human interaction with nature is most effective, most utilitarian, when controlled by advanced technologies.
Although the film celebrates scientific control and preservation as the means for western explorers to extend and eventually supplant Native American relations to nature, the film never makes available to viewers the scientific understanding that drives this transition. In several scenes, the audience "sees" what the scientists see but receives little explanation of the images. The film features invasive technologies of research, and it implies that science conveys the power to control nature, but it never explains how. Furthermore the film leaves out bad consequences that might result from attempts to manage the land though technology. In reality, the human intervention to preserve Yellowstone has been quite disruptive – producing roads, trash, disruption of habitats, and violent encounters with animals. Viewers of Yellowstone see none of this. The land depicted in the film is always perfectly controlled: preserved yet somehow improved through the efforts of science.
By obscuring the details of scientific intervention in the wilderness, the visual and verbal narratives of Yellowstone subvert the potential for public dialogue about controversies that arise from the maintenance of public lands. Moreover the film's depiction of science as an extension of the western frontier mythologizes rather than illuminates the actual practice of science. Thus the popular appeal of Yellowstone and similar IMAX films may reside in their use science and technology to extend longstanding myths of western culture. Nothing in Yellowstone challenges viewers to consider how the production of scientific knowledge unfolds within an ideology that frames human relations to the land.
IMAX Technology and Rhetorical Impact:
The Total(izing) Experience
of the World and its People
IMAX technologies contribute significantly to the film's rhetorical power. The huge, curved, almost enveloping screens for IMAX immerse viewers in visual spectacles that exceed ordinary cinema. The IMAX hemisphere of surrounding, permeating sound produces auditory equivalents. Before each feature film, science centers typically introduce IMAX viewers to these imposing technologies as spectacles in their own right. They directly reinforce the message of a movie like Yellowstone.
The popularity of IMAX results in large part from providing viewers with sights and sounds that mimic or even outstrip exotic realities. Yellowstone enables viewers to experience the grandeur of the park from a variety of perspectives inaccessible to the ordinary tourist. It suspends viewers into a developing "picture postcard" of the park. For an hour, the film bombards the audience with visual and auditory stimuli that underscore the power made possible through science.
Yellowstone makes full use of IMAX capabilities, offering viewers a wide range of natural and human perspectives on the park. Within a single scene, viewers can experience (in rapid succession) a bird's-eye view from high above the wilderness, a native's "earthbound" perspective on the forest, and an explorer's encounter with the unknown. Early in the film, for example, the audience sees a bear cub from the perspective of a Native American child. As Yellowstone proceeds, viewers gaze upon the landscape through the eyes of explorers both distant and recent. In one particularly complicated sequence, the audience retraces the steps of an early explorer as native guides introduce him to the territory. Viewers first see the forest from the perspective of a native but soon soar over the wilderness like a bird on the wing. When they glide past a break in the treeline, though, they plummet earthward to peer over a large waterfall as seen by an awestruck explorer.
Other elements reinforce this enhanced, extra-human sense of Yellowstone. The size of IMAX film, enhanced by "IMAX-specific" filming techniques, can provide as yet unrivaled depth and breadth to images of the control made possible by science. Ironically the power of IMAX emerges from its capacity to encourage viewers to surrender control of what they see and hear. Often IMAX taps the physiological response resulting from spatial disorientation more than narratival content to alert viewers to the power of the scientific gaze. IMAX can fuse this virtual vertigo with oscillation between the desire for control and the threat of losing it to present science and technology as necessary mediators between humanity and nature.
The disquieting and yet pleasurable experiences of audiences become a metaphor for the human-nature relations narrated by Yellowstone. Its use of an explorer's gaze eases audience acceptance of Yellowstone as the manifestation of a productive relationship between human beings and nature. As "explorers," viewers become voyeurs. At a close but safe and inactive distance, they observe the land and the people who encounter it. In many ways, this exchange of power, knowledge, and experience mirrors that of conventional tourism at Yellowstone. IMAX viewers pay to experience the park from an explorer's perspective in much the same way that conventional tourists pay entrance fees to support the scientific management of the land for public use. Yet magnification, computer simulation, remote sensing, and aerial photography provide IMAX viewers further opportunities to explore from a position of safety. IMAX experiences require no actual engagement with the natural world. The spectacular array of technologically produced images does little to bring audiences closer to nature and, instead, serves to reinforce the separation between humans and nature.
This shift away from actual engagement with nature toward mediated experiences of the parkland might be seen by some as a solution to the destructive crush of tourism at Yellowstone. Yet the film's colonial structure perpetuates many of the values that produce such problematic relations between humans and nature. The film's words and images conspire to create an ethic of control that is incompatible with alternative (non-human centered) models of preservation. The history and future of Yellowstone may be the film's subject; but the viewers experience technology and science, not nature. The film even nudges viewers to recognize their experiences as scientific, because it both mimics and portrays the world as seen through tools of the scientist-explorer. The technology provides viewers a series of increasingly invasive perspectives on the park. These condition viewers visually to accept as somehow natural the voyeuristic character of a techno-scientific gaze. Particularly as magnified by IMAX technologies, the film's visual interpretation of the scientific gaze encourages viewers to survey the "domain" now under their control. It strongly reinforces an argument that human colonization of nature is necessary and desirable.
To accept the IMAX interpretation of Yellowstone is to accept a techno-scientific relationship with the world around us. The film argues that nature neither dominates nor coexists with us. Instead nature is something for us to control – in this case through scientific exploration and preservation. Humans have the right and ability to determine the development of nature. To show this, the film appropriates then eradicates the primary antithesis: a Native American sense of the relations between humans and nature. Consistent with the ideology of progress, the film defines human relations to the land instrumentally. Even as it is "preserved," the land exists for the use and benefit of humans.
By continuing to emphasize the "uses" of the park, Yellowstone produces a contradictory understanding of preservation that fails to confront pressing issues about managing natural areas for human benefit. The film predicates our acts of preservation upon human needs: humans preserve Yellowstone so that it can be a resources for scientific study and human enjoyment. The film focuses on the benefits that can be gained from intervention in the parklands, not on what humanity might contribute to the area.
Such self-centered preservation invariably denies the complicated, inevitable impact of human intervention in the area. It oversimplifies relations between human and nature. If carried out, it puts the fundamental integrity of the natural system at risk. In practical terms, the narrative of preservation presented in Yellowstone ignores several contradictions that can arise out of the proposed uses for the park. For example, resource management, scientific study, and large-scale tourism often work at cross-purposes. Tourists and scientists might seek a pristine environment, but rarely can they experience it together. Tourists often disrupt the area scientists seek to study, and scientific activity can spoil the tourist illusion of an uncomplicated wilderness. Similar quandaries arise for allocating the park's resources. Are grasslands to be reserved for the wildlife indigenous to a park, or should pubic grazing be permitted?
Close examination of Yellowstone suggests that these and other controversies over public lands trace in part to a colonial articulation of "preservation." This continues to be legitimated by an association with science and perpetuated by viewer experiences of popular media such as IMAX. The verbal and visual devices of Yellowstone that position viewers as "explorers" detail this understanding of preservation, and they obscure other perspectives on human responsibility to nature. The spectacle of IMAX imagery drives this transformation of viewer experience. The film invites, even urges, viewers to survey the territory and cultures set before them in much the same way as do its scientists and explorers. The capacity of IMAX to simulate "being there" situates theater spectators in the role of explorers so that they may experience "progress" from inside the boundaries of the film's utilitarian, colonial narrative.
The enveloping, "insider" experience of IMAX should generate concern about the use of these films for educational purposes. Most often marketed as science education, IMAX films more closely resemble mainstream entertainment. Driven by market forces to fulfill the latest expectations of entertainment, IMAX productions emphasize spectacle at the expense of engagement. These films work first to satisfy public demand by enacting themes of power and control for audiences raised on a steady diet of action pictures. Scientific colonialism, with its underlying argument for intellectual and cultural mastery, provides a convenient narrative for experiences that excite viewers.
Excitement and engagement are not anathema to education. Still we do well to notice how monetary concerns drive the production and consumption of IMAX films. Themes of control do little to clarify complicated environmental and cultural issues, and they do even less to promote public understanding of science. But they do sell tickets. Yellowstone reverts to established, dominant interpretations of relations between humans and nature. This reflects the degree to which its production was shaped by material rather than educational concerns. Audience response seems to confirm the entertainment value of techno-scientific tourism. Yet the tendency of IMAX films to oversimplify the relations among humans, science, and nature raise troubling questions about their use for education.
© Joanna Ploeger, 2004.
1 A particularly useful introduction to critical analysis of the modern museum is Tony Bennett's The Birth of the Museum (1995) . Cultural criticism and post-colonial studies by Bennett and others detail visitor experiences of museums and direct our attention to the commodification of people as objects of tourism, often in the name of science. Work in museum studies also provides valuable insights into both the educational and marketing ideologies operative in contemporary museums. For detailed discussions see Roberts (1997), Hein (1998), Kotler (1998), Dierking (2000, 2002), and Weil (2002).
2 For discussion of corporate sponsorship of IMAX films, see the articles referenced below for Aviation Week and Space Technology, Canadian Business, and People.
3 The rich scholarship on images and museums in colonialism shows how scientific discourse can objectify individuals and cultures. By making them "objects of scientific study," often through photographs and films, museums have supported colonial power. IMAX extends colonizing discourse, but it extends discourses of science and scientism in other ways as well.
4 "Scientific literacy" is a long-contested term. Once defined as comprehension and recall of scientific facts, it has become for neo-liberals (a measure of) the capacity to participate in democracies advanced in science and technology. Among those who champion a more liberal notion of scientific literacy, concerns about the potential limitations of "entertaining" museum spaces are not new (Champagne 1975). Despite the criticisms, museums continue to adopt IMAX in the name of interactive education.
Borchelt, R. 2001. "Communicating the Future: Report of the Roadmap Panel for Public Communication of Science and Technology in the Twenty-First Century." Science Communication, 23, pp. 194-211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547001023002006
Barker, F., P. Hulme, and Margaret Iversen, eds. 1994. Colonial Discourse / Post Colonial Theory. New York: Monthly Review.
Bennett, T. 1995. The Birth of the Museum: History, Theory, Politics. London: Routledge.
Merrill, K. (director). 1994. Yellowstone [Motion Picture]. United States: Destination Cinema (producer).
Dierking, L. D., and J. H. Falk. 2000. Learning from Museums: Visitor Experiences and the Making of Meaning. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield.
Dierking, L. D., and J. H. Falk. 2002. Lessons without Limits: How Free Choice Learning Is Transforming Education. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield.
Danilov, V. 1983. "IMAX/Omnimax: Fad or Trend?" Museum News, 65, pp. 34-44.
Foucault, M. 1995. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, A. Sheridan, tr. New York: Random House, (1975), 2d ed.
Gold, R. 1985. "IMAX Eyes History." American Cinematographer, 66, pp. 58-64.
Gregory, J., and S. Miller. 2000. Science in Public: Communication, Culture, and Credibility. Cambridge: Perseus.
Hein, George E. 1998. Learning in the Museum. London: Routledge.
Henriksen, E. K., and M. Froyland. 2000. "The Contribution of Museums to Scientific Literacy: Views from Audience and Museum Professionals." Public Understanding of Science, 9, pp. 393-415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/9/4/304
Heuring, D. 1990. "IMAX Presses to the Limit." American Cinematographer, 71, pp. 34-44.
Hirst, N. 1992. "IMAX Finally Gets the Picture." Canadian Business, 65, 1, pp. 56-60.
Holstrom, D. 1996. "Popcorn, Candy, and 3-D Glasses Coming to a Mall Near You." Christian Science Monitor, 88,173, August 8, p. 10.
Kehoe, L. 1994. "Ex-IBM Chief to Head Canadian Films Group." Financial Times, September 15, p. 27.
Kotler, Neil, and Philip Kotler. 1998. Museum Strategy and Marketing: Designing, Missions, Building, Audiences, Generating Revenue and Resources. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Logan, R. 2001. "Science Mass Communication: Its Conceptual History." Science Communication, 23, pp. 135-163. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547001023002004
Magid, R. 1993. "Gorillas in Their Midst: An IMAX Team's Adventure." American Cinematographer, 74, pp. 38-42.
Morgensern, J. 1994. "IMAX in the Rain Forest." Wall Street Journal, February 24, p. A12.
Rennie, L. J., and G. F. Williams. 2002. "Science Centers and Scientific Literacy: Promoting a Relationship with Science." Science Education, 86, 5, pp. 706-727. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sce.10030
Roberts, Lisa. 1997. From Knowledge to Narrative: Educators and the Changing Museum. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.
Rajan, G., and R. Monhamram, eds. 1995. Postcolonial Discourse and Changing Cultural Contexts. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Sharp, D. 1989. "The New Cinema." Riba Journal, 96, pp. 52-55.
Sherrill, N. 1983. "Behold Hawaii." American Cinematographer, 64, pp. 62-66.
Sorrell, T. 1991. Scientism. London: Routledge. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203426975
Symonds, W. 1994. "IMAX: A Gold Standard?" Business Week, March 7, p. 76.
Weil, S., and M. Pachter. 2002. Making Museums Matter. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.
Volume 3 • Issue 2 • 2004
HTML: 68492ca20bc977e75ff263c964e3d68e
pdf: eeb02e70cbdef748b3b609898d2a81e6
Ploeger, J. (2004) 'Techno-Scientific Spectacle: The Rhetoric of IMAX in the Contemporary Science Museum', Poroi. 3(2) :73-93. doi: 10.13008/2151-2957.1038
Ploeger, J. Techno-Scientific Spectacle: The Rhetoric of IMAX in the Contemporary Science Museum. Poroi. 2004 12; 3(2) :73-93. doi: 10.13008/2151-2957.1038
Ploeger, J. (2004, 12 1). Techno-Scientific Spectacle: The Rhetoric of IMAX in the Contemporary Science Museum. Poroi 3(2) :73-93. doi: 10.13008/2151-2957.1038
| ISSN: 2151-2957 | Published by The Project on Rhetoric of Inquiry (POROI) |


text:
Q: mapstruct for protobuff classess with protobuf-spi-impl I am mapping protobtuff generated classes to Lombok annotated DTOs.
my maven config:
<properties>
        <mapstruct.version>1.5.1.Final</mapstruct.version>
        <lombok.version>1.18.24</lombok.version>
        <protobuf-spi-impl.version>1.41</protobuf-spi-impl.version>
</properties>
...
            <plugin>
                <groupId>org.apache.maven.plugins</groupId>
                <artifactId>maven-compiler-plugin</artifactId>
                <version>3.10.1</version>
                <configuration>
                    <source>${java.version}</source>
                    <target>${java.version}</target>
                    <annotationProcessorPaths>
                        <path>
                            <groupId>org.mapstruct</groupId>
                            <artifactId>mapstruct-processor</artifactId>
                            <version>${mapstruct.version}</version>
                        </path>

                        <path>
                            <groupId>org.projectlombok</groupId>
                            <artifactId>lombok-mapstruct-binding</artifactId>
                            <version>0.2.0</version>
                        </path>

                        <path>
                            <groupId>org.projectlombok</groupId>
                            <artifactId>lombok</artifactId>
                            <version>${lombok.version}</version>
                        </path>

                        <path>
                            <groupId>no.entur.mapstruct.spi</groupId>
                            <artifactId>protobuf-spi-impl</artifactId>
                            <version>${protobuf-spi-impl.version}</version>
                        </path>
                    </annotationProcessorPaths>
                </configuration>
                <dependencies>
                    <dependency>
                        <groupId>org.mapstruct</groupId>
                        <artifactId>mapstruct</artifactId>
                        <version>${mapstruct.version}</version>
                    </dependency>
                    <dependency>
                        <groupId>org.mapstruct</groupId>
                        <artifactId>mapstruct-processor</artifactId>
                        <version>${mapstruct.version}</version>
                    </dependency>

                    <dependency>
                        <groupId>org.projectlombok</groupId>
                        <artifactId>lombok-mapstruct-binding</artifactId>
                        <version>0.2.0</version>
                    </dependency>

                    <dependency>
                        <groupId>org.projectlombok</groupId>
                        <artifactId>lombok</artifactId>
                        <version>${lombok.version}</version>
                    </dependency>

                    <dependency>
                        <groupId>no.entur.mapstruct.spi</groupId>
                        <artifactId>protobuf-spi-impl</artifactId>
                        <version>${protobuf-spi-impl.version}</version>
                    </dependency>
                </dependencies>
            </plugin>

...

one of mapper interfaces:
@Mapper(
        collectionMappingStrategy = CollectionMappingStrategy.ADDER_PREFERRED,
        componentModel = "spring",
        uses = {ProtobufStandardMappings.class}
)
public interface BaseDataMapper {
    BaseDataDto map(Common.BaseData baseData);

    Common.BaseData map(BaseDataDto dto);
}

and finally the error I'm getting:
No implementation was created for BaseDataMapper due to having a problem in the erroneous element com.google.type.Date. Hint: this often means that some other annotation processor was supposed to process the erroneous element. You can also enable MapStruct verbose mode by setting -Amapstruct.verbose=true as a compilation argument.

so why is that, what should I change?
thanks

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
package org.jkiss.dbeaver.model.impl.data.formatters;

import org.jkiss.dbeaver.model.data.DBDBinaryFormatter;
import org.jkiss.utils.Base64;

/**
 * Base64 formatter
 */
public class BinaryFormatterBase64 implements DBDBinaryFormatter {

    @Override
    public String getId()
    {
        return "base64";
    }

    @Override
    public String getTitle()
    {
        return "Base64";
    }

    @Override
    public String toString(byte[] bytes, int offset, int length)
    {
        return Base64.encode(bytes, offset, length);
    }

    @Override
    public byte[] toBytes(String string)
    {
        return Base64.decode(string);
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


-	Increasing the use of technology as part of their delivery mechanism.
His business model is taking off and rapidly gaining market share. In the past year alone, he's already doubled in size. I will touch on Entrepreneurial leadership styles and the "future of work" theme in future blog posts given their individual importance.
-	Focusing on Customer Effort to drive retention, increased wallet-share and likelihood to recommend.
One of the biggest challenges he's encountering through his growth, is the need to rapidly develop critical thinkers within his business. The traditional professional services model, is built through a hugely archaic hierarchical web of roles and development paths. While this model is effective at ensuring a high degree of decision making consistency, it generally means that only very senior leaders have breadth of advisory experience, understand business, selling, pricing and, customer experience. This model has also allowed academic circles to abdicate their responsibility to develop independent critical decision skills in key programs in favor of developing technical skills. For this reason, he has to develop his own talent and focus on developing a culture of critical thinkers.
I was impressed both with some of the similarities between his learnings and mine, as well as the successes he has had. He recognized the immense value of coaching to develop critical thinking skills. He invests significantly in coaching, to help develop critical thinking skills – exploring ways to allow them to understand the desired outcome and start exploring ways and approaches to achieve it, creating psychological safety to fail-fast and rapidly.
Given the amount of autonomy that he affords key team members, we also discussed the importance of creating a tight alignment to a few key decision-making parameters, to ensure that autonomy is guided more consistently. He had shared examples of team members going above and beyond to delight customers on items that didn't bring value. In a fixed-price environment, this can be highly problematic. Beyond themes such as "customer profitability", "customer value", I always recommend introducing the focus on "customer effort". In other words, ensuring that decisions consistently drive the right end-to-end profitability, deliver value in the eyes of the customer and make you easy to do business with (ETDBW).
To drive a culture of critical thinkers, we also discussed the importance of recruiting diverse and eclectic candidates, creating collaborative work teams, creating appropriate reward systems that encourage team-based collaboration (he generally focuses on experience-based rewards) and rapid feedback loops.
This CEO has a very interesting and diverse history and path. Like many disruptors that I've met, his background is unorthodox, which allowed him to see an alternative path. He also is one of the most well-read CEOs that I've met, reading on a range of themes inside and outside of the industry, including Social Psychology and Behavioral Economics. This innate curiosity is key to most transformational leaders that I know.
My favorite quote from him came from a story that he shared, which helped shape his desire to disrupt the industry. Early on in his career, he needed to reach out to a client with a simple follow-up item that was requested. The Senior Partner replied "there's no f*%& way you are speaking to a client" – that day, he knew that he couldn't operate in an environment that didn't support personal growth. Contrast that with an experience with a different firm led by an eccentric leader, where in response to a similar request he was told "why the f*%& are you asking me – just don't lose the file".
Executive Fireside Conversations is a series of blogs focused on conversations and learnings from successful senior executives – both entrepreneurs and senior leaders of Fortune 500 enterprises. While typically anonymous, the focus is on understanding some of their drivers of success, the unique experiences that shape leaders and sharing some ideas from our broad range consulting expertise to support their next step major success. If you'd be interested in taking part in an Executive Fireside Conversation with our President & CEO, please reach out to Eric Michrowski.


5.1.1 FULL MEMBERSHIP - Adult Membership may be granted to persons, who having reached the age of eighteen years, subscribe to and undertake to further the aims and objects of the Club and the G.A.A. Such member shall receive a membership card on payment of the appropriate Annual Subscriptionand be recorded on a database to be used exclusively for such notifications as are valid in terms of Club activities. Full members will ordinarily have voting rights at Annual/Special General Meetings of the Executive Committee and Playing Sections.
5.1.2 YOUTH MEMBERSHIP may be granted to persons, not having reached the age of eighteen years, who subscribe to and undertake to further the aims and objects of the Club and the G.A.A. They shall not be entitled to vote or engage in the management or control of the Club. A Youth Member shall be entitled to vote at any meeting following his eighteenth birthday.
5.1.3 HONORARY MEMBERSHIP may be granted to persons, who have reached the age of eighteen years, have rendered exceptional service to the Club, including Past Presidents, or to the games or activities of the G.A.A. An Honorary Member shall have the rights of a Full Member, but shall be ordinarily exempt from paying the Club's Annual Membership Fee. The Executive Committee in association with the Senior Hurling and Senior Football Committees shall have the authority to nominate persons to Honorary Membership. Membership shall be for life, subject only to Rule 9. Ratification, or rejection, of the nominations shall be the Annual General Meeting of the Executive Committee and the reasons for such an election must be inserted in the minutes.
5.1.4 FAMILY MEMBERSHIP to be defined by the Executive Committee and ratified at an Annual General Meeting of the Executive Committee.
5.1.5 SOCIAL MEMBERSHIP may be granted to persons, whohave reached the age of eighteen years, subscribe to andundertake to further the aims and objectives of the Cluband the G.A.A., but who do not seek full voting rights andrights to take part in the administrative affairs of the Clubor the G.A.A.
5.2 Full Members (including Honorary Members) and Youth Members of the Club will also become Members of the G.A.A.
5.3 Once granted, Full Membership of the Club and the G.A.A. shall continue for life, unless the member has been expelled or his resignation in writing has been accepted, in accordance with this Constitution and Rules or the Official Guide.
5.4 The rights of any member of the Club shall be conditional upon the member complying with the provisions of this Constitution and Rules and the Official Guide, including payment of any annual membership fee and levies.
5.5 Such rights may be withheld, restricted or suspended in accordance with this Constitution and Rules and the Official Guide.
5.6 Any person seeking admission as a Member of any Class of Membership, other than Honorary, shall complete and sign a prescribed Application Form, which must be returned to the Registrar together with the prescribed fee.
5.7 An Application for Full or Social Membership must be on the prescribed form signed by the Applicant and proposed by one Full Member and seconded by another Full Member who are not suspended or disqualified under this Constitution and Rules or the Official Guide.
5.8 An Application for Youth Membership must be on the Prescribed Form signed by the Applicant and one of his parents or Guardians, as well as being proposed by one Full Member and seconded by another Full Member, who are not suspended or disqualified under this Constitution and Rules or the Official Guide.
5.9 The name and address of such person proposed as a Member, together with the names of those proposing and seconding him, shall be displayed in a conspicuous place in the Club Premises for at least one week before election. An interval of not less than two weeks shall elapse between submission of the application and the granting of membership.
5.9.1 Persons shall not be admitted to any of the privileges of Membership until after their election by the procedures stated in this Rule.
5.9.2 The Executive Committee shall have the authority to grant, refuse or terminate membership. The Club Year ends on 31st December in each year.
5.9.3 Applications for membership shall be submitted to the Executive Committee. All committees represented at Executive Committee are thereby advised of such applications.
5.9.4 If both Senior Hurling and Senior Football Committees support the application, membership shall be granted automatically, subject to the formal ratification of the Executive Committee. If one senior committee approves and the other disapproves, then the Executive Committee shall decide by simple majority. If both Senior Committees do not support the application then the Executive Committee shall be bound to reject the application.
5.9.5 An applicant for membership shall be notified of the decision to grant or withhold membership as soon as possible after a decision is made. If accepted a copy of the Constitution will be made available to him.
5.10 If and when the Application for Membership has been accepted by the Executive Committee, the new Member's particulars shall be submitted by the Club Registrar to the Central Council, by the process of Electronic Registration, for Registration and allocation of a personal membership number.
5.11 The Executive Committee shall have the power to investigate any matter, and to expel, suspend, warn, fine or disqualify Members from Club activities for breach of this Constitution and Rules or the Official Guide or for conduct considered to have discredited or harmed the Club or the G.A.A.
5.11.1 Such persons, if Full Members (including Honorary Members) or Youth Members, shall have the right to appeal to the Hearings Committee of the County Committee of the G.A.A., within seven days of being notified of such decision.
5.11.2 Unless the offence is brought to the notice of the County Committee of the G.A.A. by the Club, and that body, having considered the merits of the case and having regard to the rights of the player or member, confirms the penalty imposed, the member continues to be a legal member of the Association and is suspended from Club activities only.
6.1 The Annual Subscriptions to be paid by members of the Club shall be determined by the Executive Committee and ratified at the Annual General Meeting of the Executive Committee.
6.2 The determined Annual Subscription shall be payable on election and thereafter annually, in advance of the date and in the manner decided by the Executive Committee. The date set shall be a date prior to March 31st each year.
6.3 The Executive Committee may from time to time prescribe the payment of an Entrance Fee by new or lapsed members in addition to the Annual Subscription above.
6.4 Any member, other than an Honorary Member, whose annual subscription is not paid in any calendar year may have rights withheld, restricted or suspended in accordance with the Rules of the Association and Club.


There is sure to be much speculation around the future of Aaron Ramsey in the coming weeks and months.
The Welshman was expected to sign a new deal at Arsenal, but a contract offer that was on the table was rescinded by the club and the midfielder can now leave the Emirates for free in the summer.
Should Arsenal want to cash in, they would have to sell him in January, but they are unlikely to get much for a man who has only six months of his current contract left.
A number of clubs have already been linked with a move, including Liverpool, AC Milan and Bayern Munich.
And it is the German giants who have been credited with the biggest interest of late.
The German giants have struggled in the Bundesliga so far this season and sit fifth in the table and reports earlier this week suggested that Niko Kovac's side were confident they had won the race for the 27-year-old.
Reports suggested Bayern were ready to offer Ramsey a long-term contract to join the German side at the end of the season, but that may not be the case.
There are now conflicting reports coming out of Germany that there is no deal in place between the player and the club.
Bild reporter Christian Falk tweeted last night: "Our information: There is no agreement between FC Bayern and Aaron Ramsey for a transfer."


Just in time for the Fall Semester! One of our customers brought in a lovely jacket letter and certificate to frame and it came out stunning.
The antiqued gold fillet that lined the inside of the acid free mat really complimented the old engraving style border of the certificate.
This was framed in Museum Glass so that you can see the rich texture of the school letter in great detail. The glass will also protect the letter from fading which is important because both textiles and certain red pigments are notoriously fugitive.
Everything was tied together with this rustic textured gold frame. It has a soft luster in most lights that adds accent to the composition without dominating the scene.
Now, her award and letter are preserved for years to come in a lovely elegant presentation!
We had the recent opportunity to preserve this beautiful piece of Native American History. This doll was very old yet still had it's intricate bead work and delicate leather fringe intact. It may even have been stuffed with horse hair. Though in good condition, it was fragile due to old age and being open to the elements.
We set about the delicate task of sew mounting the doll onto an acid free backing.
Unlike regular fabric, leather is a solid material and stitches cannot slip through the grain undetected. We were able to mount the doll through existing stitch holes in the leather to retain the integrity of the piece.
The customer chose a nice mat to frame out the doll visually but being a piece with deep dimensions, it was decided that we should use matching shadowbox risers to give the piece an overall open feel. In the photo above, it's almost like the doll is patiently waiting to be finished in their new home.
Now, it is finished and resting inside a maple shadowbox frame with museum glass. This beautiful piece of history can be admired by many instead of being stowed away in the dark.


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Roll crusher is mainly composed of the roller, the roller support bearings, pressure andinto single roll crusher, double roll crusher, tooth roll crusher, four roller crusher, etc. Mine Machinery is a professional roller crusher manufacturer. ... and the continual introduction and updating of products.
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The Global Single Roll Crusher Market Research Report is a professional and in-depth study on the current state of Global Single Roll Crusher Market. The report on Single Roll Crusher market claims this industry to emerge as one of the most lucrative spaces in the ensuing years, exhibiting a modest growth rate over the forecast period.
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The headline revelation emerging from Hilma af Klint: Paintings for the Future at the Guggenheim Museum is that a Swedish woman, born in 1862, was making ravishing abstract paintings on an enormous scale several years ahead of the modern artists usually credited with inventing abstraction — men such as Wassily Kandinsky, Piet Mondrian, Kazimir Malevich and Frantisek Kupka.
Klint made these paintings thinking she was taking instructions from a brotherhood of spiritual sages communicating telepathically from Tibet. So, a question arises: Does the image of Klint attending Stockholm seances with her four female friends (they called themselves the Five) and channelling invisible guides they called Amaliel, Ananda, Clemens, Esther, Georg and Gregor dilute the significance of her achievement, or need it have no effect at all?
The most spectacular of Klint's paintings comprise a suite representing the human life cycle. The Ten Largest, as she called them, were painted in tempera on paper in 1907 (the same year Picasso painted his breakthrough masterpiece, Les Demoiselles d'Avignon). They're huge. Each one measures about 80 square feet. A week after I saw them, their pulsing loveliness remains undimmed in my mind, like a self-replenishing sense memory of summer.
Klint produced her temple paintings in a productive gush over nine years. During that time, she made more than 193 paintings and works on paper in two phases, the first between 1906 and 1908, and the second between 1912 and 1915. The four years in between she spent caring for her mother, who had suddenly gone blind. (One looks in vain for an equivalent hole in the resumes of Kandinsky, Picasso or Jackson Pollock).
Even then, news of her genius has spread slowly. Klint was all but unknown until 1986, when her paintings appeared in a groundbreaking exhibition, The Spiritual in Art: Abstract Painting 1890-1985, at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Her work has since enjoyed intermittent outings, including at the P.S. 1 Museum in Queens in 1989. She was the subject of a major retrospective at Stockholm's Moderna Museet in 2013. This Guggenheim show was organised by Tracey Bashkoff, the museum's director of collections and senior curator, with David Horowitz, a curatorial assistant.
Established in New York by the Russian emigre Madame Blavatsky, Theosophy was a fast-spreading spiritualist movement that sought to reconcile Eastern philosophy and religion with its Western counterparts. Addressing itself to Darwin's theory of evolution, to the invisible forces (X-rays, atomic particles, radio waves) recently uncovered by science and to a growing awareness of relativism in religion, it sought to lend stability to the era's dizzying intellectual flux. Much of the order it posited seems ridiculous in retrospect. But many great minds were drawn to it.
Klint participated in her first seances in 1879, at age 17. Her sister died the next year. She enrolled to study at the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in the 1880s soon after the school began admitting women. After graduating with honors, she pursued an active public career, accepting portrait commissions, exhibiting landscapes, making exquisite scientific illustrations and joining the board of the Association of Swedish Women Artists, even as her heart's desire was secretly blossoming into the 20th century's first and most splendid abstract paintings.
When the Theosophical Society opened its Swedish lodge in 1889, Klint immediately joined. Seven years later, she and the rest of the Five began participating in seances and communicating with the High Masters in Tibet. They practiced automatic drawing — a form of channelling the unconscious, or unseen spirits, later practiced by the surrealists and their progeny, including Pollock.
A century on, what are we to make of a story that attributes groundbreaking artistic innovation to sances, telepathy and spiritualist hokum?
I think a bit of imagination is in order. First, we might ask: What was it like being an intelligent, middle-class young woman in Sweden at the turn of the last century? What was it like, in the wake of the death of a sister, arriving at a passionate belief — deriving not from ignorance but from education in science, art and comparative religion — in the existence of worlds beyond the observable one? And what was it like as a woman facing near-constant condescension and exclusion, possibly even fear of madness?
In 1914, months before the outbreak of a war so catastrophic it would spark a civilisational and spiritual crisis, Klint exhibited some of her conventional, naturalistic paintings in the Baltic Exhibition in Malm, Sweden. In the same exhibition, Kandinsky exhibited the abstract works that were already revolutionising modern art.


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Leprosy was a terrible skin disease. It was infectious. This means it could spread from a person to others, and they also would have the disease.
There were strict rules which a leper had to observe. The person had to live outside the camp away from other people so the disease would not spread. If the sores went away, the leper had to go to the priest to be examined. If the priest said that the man was no longer contagious, he could go back and live with his family.
Sometimes people got the disease because they had disobeyed God. Miriam, the sister of Moses, got leprosy because she and Aaron, her brother, said that God should be speaking through them as He did through their brother Moses.
Once a king got leprosy because he rebelled against God. His name was Uzziah (uh ZIE uh) and he was a king of Judah. At the beginning of his reign, he was a good king, but later he began to disobey. He decided to go into the temple to burn incense to God. Only the priests were allowed to do this, and he was not a priest. He had leprosy the rest of his life and had to live in a separate house.
These men called out, "Jesus, Master, have mercy on us!" They knew he had healed others.
Jesus told them to go and show themselves to the priests, and as they were going, a wonderful thing happened. Their skin became clean and free from leprosy! We can just imagine the joy they felt.
Nine of the men continued on to go see the priest, but one man turned back and came to Jesus. He was praising God with a loud voice, and he fell at Jesus' feet and thanked him.
This man was a Samaritan, a man from the region of Samaria. The Samaritans were hated by the Jews.
Jesus asked where the other nine men were. Ten were healed, but only one came back to say "Thank you", and he was a foreigner.
Jesus told the man, "Rise and go. Your faith has made you well."
The lesson we learn from the story of the ten lepers is the lesson of gratitude or being thankful. Only one of the men that Jesus healed came back to thank him.
Are you a thankful person? Do you appreciate what your family does for you? They work very hard to provide for you and give you the things you need. Do you thank them, and do you show your appreciation by cooperating with them?
At times it is necessary for them to discipline you. You may not be thankful for that right now, but later on in life you will remember it and thank them for it. As a result of their loving discipline, you will have become the person that God wants you to be.
English Bible Activities Select story #212 in the list for activities to accompany this Bible story.
Spanish Bible Activities Select story #212 in the list for activities to accompany this Bible story.
Am inspired. May your anointing never dry in Christ name.
Helped me prepare my sermon today!
Jews and Samaritans were not allowed to mix; neither were lepers and healthy. Jesus cured ten lepers; only one came back to thank him, a Samaritan:-lesson one. Lepers mixed:-lesson two.
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During this brunch, we'll talk about our vision, core beliefs, and what is expected of a member. It will also give you the chance to meet some new people, as well as some of the Pastors and Directors here at Northshore. We meet in the Rainier room from 9:30am-12:15pm. Be sure to check your kid's (infants through 5th grade) into both the 9:30 & 11am Nkids services.
The Attending ticket is sold out. You can try another ticket or another date.


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Migration Boom Swells Australia
Economics Correspondent
AUSTRALIA'S population is growing at its fastest rate in nearly two decades, thanks to rising fertility rates and an immigration boom bigger than that during the aftermath of both world wars.
The number of Australians grew by 1.5 per cent, or 315,700 people, over the year to June 30, topping 21 million for the first time.
Australia now ranks above the world average for population growth of 1.2 per cent, and only just behind the rapidly expanding Indian population, which is growing by 1.6 per cent and expected to overtake China by 2050 as the most populous country.
Of the two possible sources of population growth – immigration and natural increase – it is immigration that is driving the population surge.
A record net 177,600 people migrated to Australia last financial year – arrivals minus the people who left – busting a previous record of 172,900 set in the Bicentennial year of 1988.
This also exceeds the huge net influx of migrants that occurred in the aftermath of both world wars, which was 166,303 in 1919 and 149,507 in 1950.
The chief economist at CommSec, Craig James, said immigrants were being attracted by Australia's booming job market.
"With skilled workers in short supply, businesses have been …seeking staff overseas, and it's clear that migrants have responded in droves," Mr James said.
Nowhere was this more evident than in the boom state of Western Australia, which clocked the fastest population growth of any state at 2.3 per cent.
NSW, by contrast, continues to bleed people to other states, resulting in a lacklustre growth rate of 1.1 per cent.
NSW suffered the biggest net loss of people to other states at 27,333 people last financial year.
The booming economy also appears to have given Australians a renewed confidence to have babies. After a slump in fertility to a record low of 1.72 births per woman in 2003, the fertility rate has risen steadily to 1.85, the highest in 14 years.
Once again, Western Australia led the way, recording the highest fertility rate for the mainland, excluding territories – 1.98 births per woman.
NSW's fertility rate was in line with the national average at 1.86.
The surging population has raised questions about whether enough housing is being built to accommodate new citizens.
Building approval figures released yesterday show that in the year ended October, 154,623 dwelling units were approved to be built. This is below economist's estimates of underlying demand of 175,000 a year.
In NSW just 29,621 new dwellings were approved, compared to an annual net influx of about 71,900 people.
So long as higher demand fails to be met by increased housing supply, this will add further pressure on house prices and rents.
A senior economist at Commonwealth Bank, Michael Workman, predicted rents would continue to rise, with population growth a major contributor.
"Population growth is likely to remain quite firm as the Federal Government responds to strong demand from the business sector for skilled and professional staff. The jobs markets need more people."
← Republic of Ireland Launches New Automated Fingerprint Identification System
Province Withholding More Documents On N.S. Immigrant File →

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


People who play the race card without proof need to be sued.
I received a flyer that says"no commitment" however there is a $58.00 fee for cancelling the black card membership. Are they not aware of the meaning "no commitment"?
We ordered a winter outfit. We took it out of the package and my daughter wore it. It started falling apart within hours of wearing it. We contacted her and she emailed once asking how we washed it and we told her we didn't. We haven't heard from her since. Filed a claim on papal. She wants it the way it was received for a refund. not happening.
Just the name of that place turns me off. It's enough to keep me out and away. Forever.
Pathlight Property Management - I wouldn't recommend this company to my worst enemy.


This book and its companion volumes contain plastics additives formulations based on information received from numerous industrial companies and other organizations. Each formulation is identified by a description of its end use.
Chemists and chemical technicians in the plastics products industry with responsibility for developing and/or mixing chemical product formulas. End-users of engineering plastics: plastic product design and manufacturing companies and research laboratories.


On Friday, February 15, drop in anytime between 1:30-3:30 to learn about what CEW+ has to offer you, while you enjoy a made to order crepe and gourmet coffee on us in our newly renovated space. In addition, you'll get a full tour, highlighting our improvements. We look forward to welcoming you!


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UPDATES AND EVENTS
Welcome to METRO!
In this nascent METRO 'going public' attempt, the project team is using the medium of Q&As to outline some of the ideas, ambitions and challenges that motor our work and coffee breaks at the top floor 22 George Square. If you are keen on knowing more, why don't you email us, or even better, if you are local, just come for a cuppa.
In what follows, our team gives a brief overview of METRO
Can you give us an overview of the project? What are the project's key objectives?
Dr Sotiria Grek, Principal Investigator: The 'International Organisations and the Rise of a Global Metrological Field' project idea, or, in short METRO, was born out of questions around the politics of the making of knowledge, and in particular, the politics of numbers. Although much of other scholarship in the field of the social production of metrics focuses around measurements tools themselves, we know much less about those actors and institutions that construct them.
The METRO study hopes to unveil the intricacies of the metric-gathering roles of IOs, right down to details regarding the types of labour and expertise used to gather data, how decisions are made regarding what to measure, how resources are used and shared and how alliances are forged. These details, along with bigger picture issues such as how the data is standardised, analysed and presented, how it influences policy and vice versa and how the information gathered goes towards the legitimisation of IOs, will all shed new light on an area of increasing importance in the developed and developing worlds.
Therefore, we wanted to create a research programme that would go beyond the role of International Organisations in 'governing by numbers': instead, METRO brings together multiple bodies of knowledge in order to cast light on how metrics are produced but also, and crucially, the role metrics play in re-shaping the relationships between IOs themselves.
Why is it important to look at international organisations and the increasing importance of metrics in their operations?
Dr Matteo Ronzani, Research Fellow: Quantification is ubiquitous across all spheres of public life. Our public services are driven by targets and league tables; our productivity at work is measured through indicators; the performance of governments is assessed by statistics; and social media is increasingly marshalled both for communicating and collecting quantitative data. The use of measurement to codify, standardise and communicate information is longstanding – yet, there has been a surge in such practices over the past three decades, associated with developments in governance, corporate practice, and digital technology.
These developments imply major shifts in governance practices and public policy more generally, but especially the work of large IOs which are usually the main producers and disseminators of quantitative data. Given the centrality of numbers to the governing of contemporary societies, how do IOs select their expertise? How do they make decisions about their strategic alliances with other IOs and actors? How does their quantitative work reconfigure their positioning in transnational governance and, given the current fluidity of the global world order, how do they use their technical capacities to legitimise their work and survive in an increasingly competitive knowledge market? All these questions are not only central to the research and analysis of METRO but also key to IOs' strategists and forward thinkers.
What is the significance of education and development as concepts in this study? How have you used them as cases in the project?
Dr Justyna Bandola-Gill, Research Fellow: The fields of Education and Development are rich arenas for the examination of the interplay of IOs. Education has had a long history of measurement by establishing the first international networks for the development of testing back in the 1930s; IOs, like the OECD, began developing international comparative data on education performance as early as the 1960s. The recent couple of decades have seen an explosion of indicator development by all major IOs in education, as it is increasingly associated with the development of human capital and economic prosperity. From global university rankings (Kauppi 2013), to the development of global testing of adult competencies (Grek 2014), this is a field which despite the national legal frameworks that prima facie rule it, is largely dominated by the measurement agendas of IOs.
Similar to their commensuration processes, the ideological swings and alliance-building strategies of large IOs in the field of education are striking. The OECD openly uses an economistic education discourse suggesting that comparisons are essential if education systems are to be competitive in the global economy. Interestingly, because of PISA's success, the OECD has begun expanding its work in the global South, which previously was in the sphere of influence of the World Bank and UNESCO. All three major IOs have been working together on a series of large statistical projects, despite competition for scarce resources and their clashing worldviews. For example, in contrast to the OECD, UNESCO prides itself in its humanistic approach to education, yet it was the UNESCO Institute of Statistics that turned to the OECD to 'learn' how to do education statistics. In Europe, similar alliances are being built between the European Commission and the OECD. Both organisations signed a memorandum of cooperation in 2013, suggesting that they are going to collaborate in adult skills analysis and forecasting, country analyses and international assessments; indeed, the Directorate General Education and Culture has been the prime funder of OECD work in Europe for at least a decade now.
Development, on the other hand, has in many ways been one of the primary fields that IOs were established to work in, especially in the developing world. From the Marshall Plan of 1948, all the way to the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the recent decades in countries in both the global South and the global North, the field of international development was originally mainly targeting the economic development of previous colonized world regions. New narratives of progress, especially after the financial crisis of the last decade, resulted in a move towards more broadly defined human development agendas, where economic calculations and targets are still central. What remains an unchanged feature of the field is the mobilization of large numbers of IOs in the production of development indicators in order to produce knowledge and thus governing order to very dispersed, diverse and locally organized communities with their own traditions and cultural understandings. Development is in itself an 'international regime': it is a concept primarily constructed on the basis of the statistical and discursive work of major IOs. Development features in some of the most prominent global indicator projects, such as the Millenium Development Goals (2000-2015). Given its definitional fluidity and global transcendence, international/sustainable development constitutes the raison d' être of some major IOs. Similar to education, development resonates with both economic prosperity and the improvement of human well-being. However, more so than education, the fluidity of the policy delineations that pertain to development, have allowed greater alliance-building, as well as actor movement between all major IOs which work in the field. Finally, development is an important case to examine as it is as a field which perverse effects and indicator failures are most likely to happen, and where the local experience is hardest to translate into numerical quantities –one of which, for example, is the measurement of poverty.
Next StoryMETRO events
Metro updates
Latest project and event news from METRO. If you'd like to contribute please contact us.
Quantifying the World – the METRO conference (22-23 of September 2021) Monday, 28, Jun
The Rise of the Statisticians: The Growing Influence of the United Nations Statistical Commission on the Current Development Agenda Monday, 30, Mar
Numbers as symbolic governance Friday, 14, Feb
New paper presentation at the CIES conference, San Francisco, 14-18 April 2019 Tuesday, 9, Apr
METRO events Wednesday, 27, Feb
Copyright ©2019, METRO at The University of Edinburgh. All Rights Reserved


The Greenhouse Gas Bulletin, the UN weather agency's annual flagship report, tracks the continent of dangerous gasses in atmosphere in the post-industrial era (since 1750).
"Concentrations of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere surged at a record-breaking speed in 2016," the World Meteorological Organization said.
The report also said that the last time Earth experienced similar CO2 concentration rates was three to five million years ago, when the sea level was up to 20 metres (66 feet) higher than now.
"Without rapid cuts in CO2 and other greenhouse gas emissions, we will be heading for dangerous temperature increases by the end of this century, well above the target set by the Paris climate change agreement," WMO chief Petteri Taalas said in a statement.


text:
Man, dog killed in house explosion in Harbor Springs
Labor secretary talks omicron and the great resignation
GRAND RAPIDS, Mich. (WOOD) — The Biden administration is focused on controlling inflation and lowering prices.
U.S. Labor Secretary Marty Walsh said the most important step is tackling coronavirus.
"I think the omicron variant in the last couple of weeks here in the United States is not helping us," Walsh said. "Getting people vaccinated and or tested en mass I think is going to be important moving forward, as well."
He said there's another issue here, too.
"Everyone talks about the great resignation, and I think what we've seen there is not necessarily resigning from work but resigning from their jobs; a job that was not fulfilling enough for folks," Walsh said.
Walsh said that part of the answer to a more robust workforce is that federal, state and local governments need to be more intentional about job and skills training — working directly with businesses to find out what they need in terms of a skilled workforce.
The Biden administration is also picking up where it left off last year, continuing to push for some form of the Build Back Better proposal that deals with what Democrats call human infrastructure. Like many other cabinet members during the past few months, Walsh has been laying out the case for getting the stalled BBB plan moving again. The negotiation largely involves two pivotal Democratic senators but a big part of trying to get popular support has been taking the message directly to the public.
HARBOR SPRINGS, Mich. (AP) — An explosion in northern Michigan has killed a man and a dog and destroyed a house.
The explosion occurred Tuesday in Harbor Springs in Emmet County. The man was 73 years old and from suburban Detroit, according to upnorthlive.com.
by TOM WITHERS Associated Press, Corinne Moore / Jan 18, 2022
CLEVELAND (AP) — Cleveland Browns defensive tackle Malik McDowell has been arrested in Florida on charges that include exposing himself in public.
According to a police report, McDowell has been charged in Deerfield Beach with aggravated battery on an officer, resisting arrest with violence and exposure of sex organ in public.
COVID-19 Vaccine FAQs
Study finds no link between vaccines and premature birth
Do you still need a booster shot if you just had COVID?
How COVID shots for kids help prevent new variants
Whitmer urges adults to get COVID-19 booster 6 months out
More COVID-19 Vaccine FAQ


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Minister of Education says 2,000 students impacted by Chiang Rai quake and rebuilding schools will cost 150 million baht
Govt. Thailand
BANGKOK, 7 May 2014 (NNT) - The Minister of Education, Jaturon Chaisang, said that there has been extensive damage to Chaing Rai schools due to the recent earthquake. Five schools, and eight buildings with 60 classrooms were severely destroyed in Phan district, Mae Lao district and Mae Suai districts.
The overall damage is valued at 152.5 million baht and while a budget has been prepared for the renovation, additional budget will be needed since some schools will have to be demolished and be rebuilt. It is expected that the cabinet will approve a budget for this as soon as possible.
At present, a building at the Phanphittayakhom school was destroyed and waiting for an engineer's inspection. At the moment, temporary classrooms will be used.
At the Mae Lao Wittayakhom school, there were three buildings (including 22 classrooms) that were hit hard. Inspectors with access to the building have proclaimed that all of them need to be demolished. The demolition of three damaged buildings and construction of two new buildings will cost 45 million baht and students at the school are planning to use a temporary facilities until school resumes.
Correspondent : Tiptida Areenukul
Rewriter : Joel Gershon
Government of Thailand
Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) WHO Thailand Situation Report - 3 January 2021 [EN/TH]
Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) WHO Thailand Situation Report - 30 December 2020 [EN/TH]