text:
Community organizing is a process where people who live in proximity to each other or share some common problem come together into an organization that acts in their shared self-interest.

Unlike those who promote more-consensual community building, community organizers generally assume that social change necessarily involves conflict and social struggle in order to generate collective power for the powerless. Community organizing has as a core goal the generation of durable power for an organization representing the community, allowing it to influence key decision-makers on a range of issues over time.  In the ideal, for example, this can get community-organizing groups a place at the table before important decisions are made. Community organizers work with and develop new local leaders, facilitating coalitions and assisting in the development of campaigns.  A central goal of organizing is the development of a robust, organized, local democracy bringing community members together across differences to fight together for the interests of the community.

Types of Community Organizing

Community organizers attempt to influence government, corporations, and institutions, increase direct representation within decision-making bodies, and foster general social reform more generally.  Where negotiations fail, these organizations quickly seek to inform others outside of the organization of the issues being addressed and expose or pressure the decision-makers through a variety of means, including picketing, boycotting, sit-ins, petitioning, and electoral politics. Organizing groups often seek out issues they know will generate controversy and conflict. This allows them to draw in and educate participants, build commitment, and establish a reputation for advancing local justice.

Community organizers generally seek to build groups that are democratic in governance, open and accessible to community members, and concerned with the general health of a specific interest group, rather than the community as a whole. In addition, community organizing seeks to broadly empower community members,through mobilizing efforts, with the end goal of "distributing" power and resources more equally between the community members and external political and social figures of power. When adapting the goal of community empowerment, organizers recognize the uneven distribution of material and social resources within society as the root cause of the community's issues. The process of creating empowerment starts with admitting that power gaps and resource inequalities exist in society and affects an individual's personal life. Though community organizers share the goal of community empowerment, community organizing itself is defined and understood in a variety ways.

There are different approaches to community organizing.  These include:

 Feminist organizing. However, feminist organizing can sometimes lean away from the conflictual vision of organizing to the point that it may not belong in the same category.

 Faith-based community organizing (FBCO) which brings together religious institutions.  The Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) under Edward T. Chambers (deeply informed by the work of Ernesto Cortes and developed through a document originally drafted by Dick Harmon) was the classic early example of this. The IAF as well as the Gamaliel Foundation, Faith in Action, and the Direct Action and Research Training Center are or were national or regional umbrella groups organized at one point around this approach.

 Broad-based organizing, which emerged out of FBCO, reflecting the inclusion of a broader range of institutions and groups beyond religious ones. Parts of the IAF were early movers in this direction.

 A range of forms of neighborhood-based organizing that either organizes individuals or creates new "from scratch" kinds of organizations.  This can include:

 Doorknocking, where organizers go door to door and draw individuals into an organization.  ACORN was a key example of an organization using this approach.

 Block-club organizing, where blocks (two sides of a street on a block) are organized into a club or sometimes tenants in a building are organized.  Tom Gaudette and Shel Trapp were very involved in developing this approach.  Generally the block-club model also includes higher level forms of organization (street clubs, larger areas) because block clubs alone were felt not to form a strong foundation for organizing.  Organization for a Better Austin and the Chatham-Avalon Park Community Council in Chicago and many of the organizations developed by Shel Trapp for National People's Action, including those in Cleveland, were good examples.

 House meetings, where a series of house meetings are held in a community, leading to a community congress to form an organization.  This approach was developed by Fred Ross.  The Community Service Organization (CSO) was a good example, and a similar approach was used by the Cesar Chavez (who was an organizer in the CSO) in the United Farm Workers.

 An "Organic" approach, where problems are located across a particular community and then people are organized around these problems locally, and then leaders are brought together in a larger organization.  The Northwest Community Organization in Chicago, developed by Tom Gaudette and the early (and to some extent current) Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement were examples of this approach

 Coalition building. National Peoples Action was a good example of this (now called People's Action).

Because of its focus on "local" issues and relationships between members, individual groups generally prioritize relatively local community interests by focusing on local issues.

There has been an attempt to build a general community organizing practice model that ties the different types of community organizing together despite their differences. Scholars Shane R. Brady and Mary Katherine O'Connor construct a starting point for a general practice model, a model that defines community organizing as its own field of practice. However, this model depends on existing practice models adapted by the different types of community organizing. For example, FBCOs and many grassroots organizing models use the "social action approach" built on the work of Saul Alinsky from the 1930s into the 1970s. By contrast, feminist organizing follows a "community-building approach," which emphasizes raising consciousness to support the community's empowerment.

Grassroots action

Grassroots organizing is distinctive for its bottom-up approach to organizing. Grassroots organizers build community groups from scratch, developing new leadership where none existed and organizing the unorganized. This type of organizing uses a process where people collectively act in the interest of their communities and the common good. According to scholar Brian D. Christens, grassroots organizing focuses on building and maintaining interpersonal relationships between their community members. Building social relationships allow community members to build collaborative skills, deliberative skills to handle conflict, and strengthen civil engagement. Some networks of community organizations that employ this method and support local organizing groups include National People's Action and ACORN. Although efforts in grassroots organizing are significant in marginalized communities, it is specifically popular among marginalized communities of color.

"Door-knocking" grassroots organizations like ACORN organize poor and working-class members recruiting members one by one in the community.  Because they go door-to-door, they are able to reach beyond established organizations and the "churched" to bring together a wide range of less privileged people.  FBCOs have tended to organize more middle-class people, because their institutional membership is generally drawn from the mainline denominations. ACORN tended to stress the importance of constant action in order to maintain the commitment of a less rooted group of participants.

ACORN and other neighborhood-based groups like the Organization for a Better Austin had a reputation of being more forceful than faith-based (FBCO) groups, in part because they needed to continually act to keep their non-institutionalized members engaged, and there are indications that their local groups were more staff (organizer) directed than the leader (local volunteer) directed. (However, the same can be said for many forms of organizing, including FBCOs.) The "door-knocking" approach is more time-intensive than the "organization of organizations" approach of FBCOs and requires more organizers who, partly as a result, can be lower paid with more turnover.

Unlike the existing FBCO national "umbrella" and other grassroots organizations, ACORN maintains a centralized national agenda and exerts some centralized control over local organizations.  Because ACORN USA was a 501(c)4 organization under the tax code, it was able to participate directly in election activities, but contributions to it were not tax-exempt.

Limitations to Grassroots Organizing
Grassroots organizing is vulnerable, being dependent on the support of more powerful people; its goals can be easily thwarted. Because grassroots organizing focuses on building relationships within the community, scholars note that grassroots community organizing can be passive and depoliticizing. This approach to building community empowerment does not aim for a specific political or social goal. In other words, building relationships do not always directly confront institutions, though it might challenge an individual's views through one-on-one conversations with other individuals in the community.

Feminist Community Organizing
Feminist organizing, also known as women's community organizing, is community organizing with a feminist motivation. The goals of feminist organizing include: increasing women's employment opportunities; improving women's physical and mental well-being; and, raising consciousness. Organizers prioritize raising consciousness for women to understand how their personal struggles are interconnected with societal inequalities. While women have participated in grassroots organizing, the characteristics of feminism distinguish feminist organizing from other forms of grassroots organizing.

Community-Building in Feminist Organizing
Feminists want to break down racial and gendered boundaries and promote unity among women. Feminist organizing focuses on building relationships within the community, seeing such relationships as a prerequisite for raising consciousness. This type of organizing is called the community-building approach, which is the opposite of the social action (Alinsky) approach (where the focus is on challenging social and political inequalities that impact the community). The community-building approach depends on the participation and collaboration of both community organizers and community members. This eliminates the power difference between an organizer and participants. Therefore, the community-building approach supports the belief that power rests in the community and community empowerment is the process of building that power. Scholars Catherine P. Bradshaw et al. states that feminist organizers believe power is not quantifiable, and that power is created, rather than distributed. The hierarchical relationship between organizer and participant is broken down also by facilitating decision-making among community members rather than just by community leaders.

To build relationships among community members, feminist organizers encourage sharing personal experiences. Feminist organizers believe that this forms a sense of interconnectedness and trust among community members which is important in the community organizing process.

The shift to community building was also caused by external forces, rather than just feminist organizer's motivations. During 1980s, the rising neoliberal agenda caused many community organizers to shift to the community-building approach.

Limitations to Feminist Organizing
Some feminists argue that feminist community organizing can disregard the racial and capability diversity among women. In the process of pushing for unity among women, feminist organizers are inclined to disregard the benefits of diversity. Economist Marilyn Power uses the term "homogenous category" to highlight the problem of masking racial diversity, while sociologist Akwugo Emejulu uses the concept of essentialism (reducing women to their gender stereotypes) to highlight the capabilities limitation. Though feminist organizers' intentions are to recognize women's diversity through unity, some are concerned that the vision of unity eclipses a diverse reality.

There are studies that speculate that these limitations are caused by feminism's emergence from a Eurocentric perspective. Historically, European American feminists delegitimize the racial difference of women. In addition, European American feminists delegitimize women who do not follow the traditional gender norms influenced by white domestic middle class womanhood. Currently, feminist organizing focuses on addressing gender inequalities, which means only the problems of women who follow and are impacted by gender norms will be addressed. Feminist organizing becomes counterproductive for those who do follow gender norms. Psychologist Lorraine Gutierrez claims that feminist organizing disregards problems that are larger than the scope of gender norms. This negatively impacts women empowerment because it is the diversity that motivates women to mobilize.

Faith-based

Faith-based community organizing (FBCO), also known as Congregation-based Community Organizing, is a methodology for developing power and relationships throughout a community of institutions: today mostly congregations, but these can also include unions, neighborhood associations, and other groups. Progressive and centrist FBCO organizations unite around basic values derived from common aspects of their faith instead of around strict dogmas.  There are now at least 180 FBCOs in the US as well as in South Africa, England, Germany, and other nations. Local FBCO organizations are often linked through organizing networks such as the Industrial Areas Foundation, Gamaliel Foundation, PICO National Network, and Direct Action and Research Training Center (DART). In the United States starting in 2001, the Bush Administration launched a department to promote community organizing that included faith-based organizing as well other community groups.

FBCOs tend to have mostly middle-class participants because the congregations involved are generally mainline Protestant and Catholic (although "middle-class" can mean different things in white communities and communities of color, which can lead to class tensions within these organizations). Holiness, Pentecostal, and other related denominations (often "storefront") churches with mostly poor and working-class members tend not to join FBCOs because of their focus on "faith" over "works," among other issues.  FBCOs have increasingly expanded outside impoverished areas into churches where middle-class professionals predominate in an effort to expand their power to contest inequality.

Because of their "organization of organizations" approach, FBCOs can organize large numbers of members with a relatively small number of organizers that generally are better paid and more professionalized than those in "door-knocking" groups like ACORN.

FBCOs focus on the long-term development of a culture and common language of organizing and on the development of relational ties between members. They are more stable during fallow periods than grassroots groups because of the continuing existence of member churches.

FBCOs are 501(c)3 organizations.  Contributions to them are tax exempt.  As a result, while they can conduct campaigns over "issues" they cannot promote the election of specific individuals.

Broad-based
Broad-based organizations intentionally recruit member institutions that are both secular and religious. Congregations, synagogues, temples and mosques are joined by public schools, non-profits, and labor and professional associations. Organizations of the Industrial Areas Foundation are explicitly broad-based and dues-based.  Dues-based membership allows IAF organizations to maintain their independence; organizations are politically non-partisan and do not pursue or accept government funding.  Broad-based organizations aim to teach institutional leaders how to build relationships of trust across racial, faith, economic and geographic lines through individual, face-to-face meetings. Other goals include internally strengthening the member institutions by developing the skills and capacities of their leaders and creating a vehicle for ordinary families to participate in the political process. The Industrial Areas Foundation sees itself as a "university of public life" teaching citizens the democratic process in the fullest sense.

Power versus protest
While community organizing groups often engage in protest actions designed to force powerful groups to respond to their demands, protest is only one aspect of the activity of organizing groups.  To the extent that groups' actions generate a sense in the larger community that they have "power," they are often able to engage with and influence powerful groups through dialogue, backed up by a history of successful protest-based campaigns.  Similar to the way unions gain recognition as the representatives of workers for a particular business, community organizing groups can gain recognition as key representatives of particular communities.  In this way, representatives of community organizing groups are often able to bring key government officials or corporate leaders to the table without engaging in "actions" because of their reputation.  As Alinsky said, "the first rule of power tactics" is that "power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have." The development of durable "power" and influence is a key aim of community organizing.

"Rights-based" community organizing, in which municipal governments are used to exercise community power, was first experimented with by the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund (CELDF.org) in Pennsylvania, beginning in 2002. Community groups are organized to influence municipal governments to enact local ordinances. These ordinances challenge preemptive state and federal laws that forbid local governments from prohibiting corporate activities deemed harmful by community residents.  The ordinances are drafted specifically to assert the rights of "human and natural communities," and include provisions that deny the legal concepts of "corporate personhood," and "corporate rights." Since 2006 they have been drafted to include the recognition of legally enforceable rights for "natural communities and ecosystems."

Although this type of community organizing focuses on the adoption of local laws, the intent is to demonstrate the use of governing authority to protect community rights and expose the misuse of governing authority to benefit corporations.  As such, the adoption of rights-based municipal ordinances is not a legal strategy, but an organizing strategy.  Courts predictably deny the legal authority of municipalities to legislate in defiance of state and federal law. Corporations and government agencies that initiate legal actions to overturn these ordinances have been forced to argue in opposition to the community's right to make governing decisions on issues with harmful and direct local impact.

The first rights-based municipal laws prohibited corporations from monopolizing horticulture (factory farming), and banned corporate waste dumping within municipal jurisdictions.  More recent rights-based organizing, in Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Maine, Virginia and California has prohibited corporate mining, large-scale water withdrawals and chemical trespass. A similar attempt was made by Denton, Texas to restrict fracking was initially successful, but then overturned and further legislation passed to prevent Texas communities from enacting similar bans.

Political orientations
Community organizing is not solely the domain of progressive politics, as dozens of fundamentalist organizations are in operation, such as the Christian Coalition.  However, the term "community organizing" generally refers to more progressive organizations, as evidenced, for example, by the reaction against community organizing in the 2008 US presidential election by Republicans and conservatives both online and offline.

Fundraising
Organizing groups often struggle to find resources.  They rarely receive funding from government since their activities often seek to contest government policies.  Foundations and others who usually fund service activities generally don't understand what organizing groups do or how they do it, or shy away from their contentious approaches.  The constituency of progressive and centrist organizing groups is largely low- or middle- income, so they are generally unable to support themselves through dues.  In search of resources, some organizing groups have accepted funding for direct service activities in the past.  As noted below, this has frequently led these groups to drop their conflictual organizing activities, in part because these threatened funding for their "service" arms.

Recent studies have shown, however, that funding for community organizing can produce large returns on investment ($512 in community benefits to $1 of Needmor funding, according to the Needmor Fund Study, $157 to 1 in New Mexico and $89 to 1 in North Carolina according to National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy studies) through legislation and agreements with corporations, among other sources, not including non-fiscal accomplishments.

What community organizing is not

Understanding what community organizing is can be aided by understanding what it is not from the perspective of community organizers.

Activism: According to Edward Chambers, community organizing is distinguishable from activism if activists engage in social protest without a coherent strategy for building power or for making specific social changes.
Mobilizing: When people "mobilize," they get together to effect a specific social change but have no long-term plan.  When the particular campaign that mobilized them is over, these groups dissolve and durable power is not built.
Advocacy: Advocates generally speak for others who are deemed (often incorrectly) unable to represent their own interests due to disability, inherent complexity of the venue such as courts and hospitals, or other factors. Community organizing emphasizes the virtue of having those affected to speak for themselves.
Social movement building: A broad social movement often encompasses diverse collections of individual activists, local and national organizations, advocacy groups, multiple and often conflicting spokespersons, and more, held together by relatively common aims but not a common organizational structure.  A community organizing group might be part of a "movement."  Movements generally dissolve when the motivating issue(s) are addressed, although organizations created during movements can continue and shift their focuses.
Legal action: Lawyers are often quite important to those engaged in social action. The problem comes when a social action strategy is designed primarily around a lawsuit.  When lawyers take the center stage, it can push grassroots struggle into the background, short circuiting the development of collective power and capacity.  There are examples where community organizing groups and legal strategies have worked together well, however, including the Williams v. California lawsuit over inequality in k-12 education.
Direct service: Americans today often equate civic engagement with direct service.  Organizing groups usually avoid actually providing services, today, however, because history indicates that when they do, organizing for collective power is often left behind.  Powerful groups often threaten the "service" wings of organizing groups in an effort to prevent collective action.  In the nonprofit sector, there are many organizations that used to do community organizing but lost this focus in the shift to service.
Community development: Consensual community development efforts to improve communities through a range of strategies, usually directed by educated professionals working in government, policy, non-profit, or business organizations, is not community organizing.  Community development projects increasingly include a community participation component, and often seek to empower residents of impoverished areas with skills for collaboration and job training, among others.  However, community development generally assumes that groups and individuals can work together collaboratively without significant conflict or struggles over power to solve community challenges.  One currently popular form is asset-based community development that seeks out existing community strengths. The relationship between community organizing and community development is however more one of nuance than total difference. There is much community development literature and practice which is very similar to community organizing, see for example the international Community Development Journal. And certainly since the 1970s community development practitioners have been influenced by structural analyses of inequity and power distribution.
Nonpartisan dialogues about community problems: A range of efforts create opportunities for people to meet together and engage in dialogue about community problems.  Like community organizing, the effort in contexts like these is generally to be open to a diverse range of opinions, out of which some consensus may be reached.  A study circle is an example.  However, beyond the dialogue that also happens inside organizing groups, the focus is on generating a collective and singular "voice" in order to gain power and resources for the organization's members as well as constituents in the broader community.
Power gained and exerted in community organizing is also not the coercion applied by legal, illegal, physical, or economic means, such as those be applied by banks, syndicates, corporations, governments, or other institutions. Rather, organizing makes use of the voluntary efforts of a community's members acting jointly to achieve an economic or other benefit.   As opposed to commercial ventures, gains that result from community organizing automatically accrue to persons in similar circumstances who are not necessarily members, e.g. residents in a geographic area or in a similar socioeconomic status, or persons having conditions or circumstances in common who benefit from gains won by the organizing effort.  This may include workers who benefit from a campaign affecting their industry, for example, or persons with disabilities who benefit from gains made in their legal or economic eligibility or status.

History in the United States

Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky have grouped the history of "community organizing" (also known as "social agitation") in the United States into four rough periods:

1880 to 1900

People sought to meet the pressures of rapid immigration and industrialization by organizing immigrant neighborhoods in urban centers. Since the emphasis of the reformers was mostly on building community through settlement houses and other service mechanisms, the dominant approach was what Fisher calls social work. During this period the Newsboys Strike of 1899 provided an early model of youth-led organizing.

1900 to 1940
During this period, much of community organizing methodology was generated in Schools of Social Work, with a particular methodological focus grounded in the philosophy of John Dewey, which focused on experience, education, and other sociological concepts. This period saw much energy coming from those critical of capitalist doctrines as well. Studs Terkel documented community organizing in the depression era, such as that of Dorothy Day. Most organizations had a national orientation because the economic problems the nation faced did not seem possible to change at the neighborhood levels.

1940 to 1960
Saul Alinsky, based in Chicago, is credited with originating the term community organizer during this time period. Alinsky wrote Reveille for Radicals, published in 1946, and Rules for Radicals, published in 1971. With these books, Alinsky was the first person in America to codify key strategies and aims of community organizing.

The following excerpts from Reveille for Radicals give a sense of Alinsky's organizing philosophy and of his style of pubilc engagement:

 A People's Organization is a conflict group, [and] this must be openly and fully recognized. Its sole reason in coming into being is to wage war against all evils which cause suffering and unhappiness. A People's Organization is the banding together of large numbers of men and women to fight for those rights which insure a decent way of life....

 A People's Organization is dedicated to an eternal war. It is a war against poverty, misery, delinquency, disease, injustice, hopelessness, despair, and unhappiness. They are basically the same issues for which nations have gone to war in almost every generation.... War is not an intellectual debate, and in the war against social evils there are no rules of fair play....

 A People's Organization lives in a world of hard reality. It lives in the midst of smashing forces, dashing struggles, sweeping cross-currents, ripping passions, conflict, confusion, seeming chaos, the hot and the cold, the squalor and the drama, which people prosaically refer to as life and students describe as "society."

In 1940, with the support of Roman Catholic Bishop Bernard James Sheil and Chicago Sun-Times publisher Marshall Field, Alinsky founded the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF). The mandate of the national community organizing network was to partner with religious congregations and civic organizations to build "broad-based organizations" that could train up local leadership and promote trust across community divides.

After Alinsky died in 1972, Edward T. Chambers became the IAF's executive director. Hundreds of professional community and labor organizers and thousands of community and labor leaders have been trained at its workshops. Fred Ross, who worked for Alinsky, was the principal mentor for Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta. Other organizations following in the tradition of the Congregation-based Community Organizing pioneered by IAF include PICO National Network, Gamaliel Foundation, Brooklyn Ecumenical Cooperatives, founded by former IAF trainer, Richard Harmon and Direct Action and Research Training Center (DART).

1960 to present

In the 1960s the New Left (beginning with Students for a Democratic Society) tried their hand at community organizing. They were critical of what they conceived of as Alinsky's "dead-end local activism". But the dispiriting reality was that however much they might talk about "transforming the system," "building alternative institutions," and "revolutionary potential", their credibility on the doorstep rested on their ability to secure concessions from, and therefore to develop relations with, the local power structures. Community organizing appeared to trap the radical activists in "a politics of adjustment". By the beginning of the 1970s most of the New Left groups had vacated their store-front offices.

Nonetheless, the Civil Rights Movement, anti-war protest, ethnic mobilizations, women's liberation, and the struggle for gay rights all influenced, and were influenced by, ideas of neighborhood organizing. Experience with federal anti-poverty programs and the upheavals in the cities produced a thoughtful response among activists and theorists in the early 1970s that has informed activities, organizations, strategies and movements through the end of the century. Less dramatically, civic association and neighborhood block clubs were formed all across the country to foster community spirit and civic duty, as well as provide a social outlet.

Loss of urban communities
During these decades, the emergence of an ongoing process of white flight, the ability of middle-class white Americans to move out of majority Black areas, and the professionalization of community organizations into 501(c)3 nonprofits, among other issues, increasingly dissolved the tight ethnic and racial communities that had been so prevalent in urban areas during the first part of the century.  As a result, community organizers began to move away from efforts to mobilize existing communities and towards efforts to create community, fostering relationships between community members.  While community organizers like Alinsky had long worked with churches, these trends led to an increasing focus on congregational organizing during the 1980s, as organizing groups rooted themselves in one of the few remaining broad-based community institutions.  This shift also led to an increased focus on relationships among religion, faith, and social struggle.

Emergence of national organizing support organizations
A collection of training and support organizations for national coalitions of mostly locally governed and mostly FBCO community organizing groups were founded in the Alinsky tradition.  The Industrial Areas Foundation was the first, created by Alinsky himself in 1940.  The other key organizations include ACORN, PICO National Network, Direct Action and Research Training Center, and the Gamaliel Foundation.  The role of the organizer in these organizations was "professionalized" to some extent and resources were sought so that being an organizer could be more of a long-term career than a relatively brief, mostly unfunded interlude.  The training provided by these national "umbrella" organizations helps local volunteer leaders learn a common "language" about organizing while seeking to expand the skills of organizers.

Examples of community organizers
Many of the most notable leaders in community organizing today emerged from the National Welfare Rights Organization. John Calkins of DART, Wade Rathke of ACORN, John Dodds of Philadelphia Unemployment Project and Mark Splain of the AFL–CIO, among others.

There have been many other notable community organizers through the decades: Mark Andersen, Ella Baker, Heather Booth, César Chávez, Lois Gibbs, Mother Jones, Martin Luther King Jr., Ralph Nader, Huey P. Newton, Barack Obama, and Paul Wellstone.

Youth organizing
More recently has come the emergence of youth organizing groups around the country.  These groups use neo-Alinsky strategies while also usually providing social and sometimes material support to less-privileged youth.  Most of these groups are created by and directed by youth or former youth organizers.

2008 presidential election
Prior to his entry into politics, President Barack Obama worked as an organizer for a Gamaliel Foundation FBCO organization in Chicago.  Marshall Ganz, former lieutenant of César Chávez, adapted techniques from community organizing for Obama's 2008 presidential election.
At the 2008 Republican National Convention, former New York City mayor Rudolph Giuliani questioned Obama's role as a community organizer, asking the crowd "What does a community organizer actually do?", and was answered with resounding applause. This was seconded by the vice presidential nominee, Alaska governor Sarah Palin, who stated that her experience as the mayor of Wasilla, Alaska was "sort of like being a community organizer, except that you have actual responsibilities."  In response, some progressives, such as Congressman Steve Cohen (D-TN) and liberal pundit Donna Brazile, started saying that "Jesus was a community organizer, Pontius Pilate was a governor", a phrase produced on bumper stickers and elsewhere. Pontius Pilate was the Roman Prefect who ordered the execution of Jesus.

After Obama's election in 2008, the campaign organization "Obama for America," became "Organizing for America," and has been placed under the auspices of the Democratic National Committee (DNC). Organizing for America sought to advance the president's legislative agenda and played an important role in building grassroots support for The Affordable Health Care Act.

After the 2012 election OFA went through another transition and is now called Organizing for Action. This 501c4 organization focuses on training people to be community organizers and working on local and national progressive issues such as climate change, immigration reform and marriage equality.

History in the United Kingdom

TCC (Trefnu Cymunedol Cymru / Together Creating Communities)

TCC (Trefnu Cymunedol Cymru / Together Creating Communities) is the oldest community organising group in the UK, founded in 1995.  TCC is an institutional membership organisation; members include community groups, faith groups, and schools, from across North East Wales (Wrexham, Flintshire, and Denbighshire).  As a broad-based alliance, TCC brings communities together for action on local, regional, and national issues.
TCC is remarkable in community organising in that its area of operation includes a diverse geographical region, including many rural areas, and is notably not based in a city.

TCC has had success with a number of campaigns over the last 25 years.  This includes getting several employers (including the Welsh Assembly) to pay the Living Wage, improving Muslim women's access to leisure facilities, making Wales the world's first Fairtrade nation, improving British Sign Language provision for Deaf young people, getting a Parkinson's nurse to be based in North East Wales, getting a local authority to recycle instead of building an incinerator, and getting a homeless shelter for Wrexham.

In 2019 TCC's Stop School Hunger / Dysgu Nid Llwgu campaign led to the Welsh Government committing funding so that the poorest pupils in Wales will be able to afford breakfast as well as lunch at school.

TCC runs an ongoing programme of community organising training for adults and young people.  Community leaders from TCC's diverse membership work together to actively engage in democracy and decision making, holding regular accountability meetings ahead of elections and building ongoing relationships with power holders.

The Community Organisers (CO) programme 2011–2015
In 2010 the Conservative/Liberal Democrat Coalition Government pledged as part of its commitment to the Big Society to train a new generation of Community Organisers (CO) programme. This policy aim sat alongside a number of other policy objectives including The Localism Act all of which were designed to give new powers to communities to take great control over their neighbourhoods, services and assets.

The Cabinet Office commissioned Ipsos MORI and NEF Consulting to conduct the evaluation of the CO programme. Evaluation work began in October 2012 and the main report, published in December 2015, summarises the final assessment of the programme.

The Community Organisers Expansion Programme (COEP) 2017–2020
In March 2017, Community Organisers secured a major £4.2m contract from the Office for Civil Society, part of the Department of Culture Media and Sport (DCMS), to expand its movement of Community Organisers from 6,500 to 10,000 by 2020.

The programme embeds community organising as part of the fabric of neighbourhoods across England and equips local people with the skills to transform their communities for good. It expands the community organising movement to include young people from the National Citizen Service (NCS) and ambassadors for the #iwill social action campaign for 10 to 20-year-olds. The programme has also established the National Academy of Community Organising to sustain the ongoing training of Community Organisers.

Community Organisers
A key commitment of the Community Organisers (CO) programme, was to build an independent legacy body that would sustain and develop Community Organising in England. Established in 2015, Community Organisers (originally known as COLtd) is the National Training and Membership body for Community Organisers in England, delivering accredited training. Community Organisers has also established he National Academy of Community Organising to provide training and support to people in community organising in the UK.

The National Academy of Community Organising
The National Academy of Community Organising (NACO) provides quality assured training and Qualification courses in community organising. It is a network of affiliated local hubs of community organising known as Social Action Hubs. These organisations deliver our courses.

There are currently 22 Social Action Hubs across England. They are locally rooted organisations committed to community organising who train and support people to develop their understanding and practice of community organising and to get involved in social action.

Each Social Action Hub is unique and works in its own way to ignite social change through community organising, However, all of the Social Acton Hubs are quality assured by Community Organisers to offer our training courses

London Citizens
London Citizens began life in East London in 1996 as TELCO (the East London Communities Organisation) subsequently expanding to South London, West London and by 2011 into North London. London Citizens has a dues paying institutional membership of over 160 schools, churches, mosques, trade unions, synagogues and voluntary organisations. In the beginning, small actions were undertaken to prevent a factory from contaminating the area with noxious smells and prevent drug dealing in school neighbourhoods. Over time larger campaigns were undertaken. Before Mayoral elections for the Greater London Authority in 2000, 2004 and 2008 major Accountability Assemblies were held with the main mayoral candidates. They were asked to support London Citizens and work with them on issues such as London Living wage; an amnesty for undocumented migrants; safer cities initiatives and development of community land trust housing. South London Citizens held a citizens enquiry into the working of the Home Office department at Lunar House and its impact on the lives of refugees and migrants. This resulted in the building of a visitor centre.

Citizens UK
Citizens UK has been promoting community organising in the UK since 1989 and has established the profession of Community Organiser through the Guild of Community Organisers teaching the disciplines of strategy and politics. Neil Jameson, the executive director of Citizens UK, founded the organisation after training with the Industrial Areas Foundation in the USA. Citizens UK (formerly the Citizens Organising Foundation) established citizens groups in Liverpool, North Wales, the Black Country, Sheffield, Bristol, Milton Keynes and London. London Citizens' forerunner TELCO was formed in 1996. Milton Keynes Citizens began in 2010. The others had a brief and glorious start lasting roughly 3 years when COF was unable to finance them any longer.

Manchester Changemakers was formed in 2007 and is independent of Citizens UK.

Citizens UK Campaigns

Citizens UK General Election Assembly
In May 2010 Citizens UK held a General Election Assembly at the Methodist Central Hall Westminster with 2,500 people from member institutions and the world media present. This event was three days before the election and proved to be one of the most dynamic and electric events of the election campaign. Citizens UK had negotiated to have David Cameron, Nick Clegg and Gordon Brown as the leaders of the three main political parties attend. Each candidate for Prime Minister was questioned on stage concerning their willingness to work with Citizens UK if elected. Each undertook to work with Citizens UK and come to future assemblies to give account of work achieved. In particular they agreed to work to introduce the Living Wage and to end the practice of holding children of refugee families in detention.

Living wage
In 1994, the city of Baltimore passed the first living-wage law in the USA.  This changed the working and living conditions of Baltimore's low-wage service workers and established an example for other cities in the USA. In London it was a campaign launched in 2001 by London Citizens, the largest civil alliance in the Citizens UK network. The Living Wage Campaign calls for every worker in the country to earn enough to provide their family with the essentials of life. Launched by London Citizens in 2001, the campaign had by 2010 persuaded more than 100 employers to pay the Living wage and won over £40 million of Living Wages, lifting 6,500 families out of working poverty. The Living Wage is a number. An hourly rate, set independently, every year (by the Greater London Authority in London). It is calculated according to cost of living and gives the minimum pay rate required for a worker to provide their family with the essentials of life. In London the 2010–11 rate was £7.85 per hour. London is now being copied by other cities around the UK. As a result, Citizens UK set up the Living Wage Foundation in 2011 to provide companies with intelligence and accreditation. It also moderates the hourly rate applicable for the Living Wage outside London.

People's Olympic Legacy
When London announced it would bid to be the host city for the Olympic Games in 2012, London citizens used their power to gain a lasting legacy for Londoners from the billions that was to be spent. Following on from hundreds of one-to-one meetings and a listening campaign across member institutions, in 2004 London Citizens signed an historic agreement with the London 2012 bid team, which set in stone precisely what the people of east London could expect in return for their support in hosting the Olympic Games.
The People's Promises, as they are known, demanded:
  2012 permanently affordable homes for local people through a Community land trust and mutual home ownership;
  Money from the Olympic development to be set aside to improve local schools and the health service;
  University of East London to be main higher education beneficiary of the sports legacy and to consider becoming a Sports Centre of Excellence
  At least £2m set aside immediately for a Construction Academy to train up local people;
  That at least 30% of jobs are set aside for local people;
  That the Lower Lea Valley is designated a 'Living Wage Zone' and all jobs guaranteed a living wage
The Olympic Delivery Authority, the London Organising Committee for the Olympic Games and the Olympic Legacy Company work with London Citizens to ensure that these promises are delivered.

Independent Asylum Commission
Citizens UK set up the Independent Asylum Commission in order to investigate widespread concern about the way refugees and asylum seekers were being treated by the UK Border Agency (now, UK Visas and Immigration). The report made a series of over 200 recommendations for change which are still being negotiated. This resulted in the ending of the practice of holding children of refugee families in detention by the Coalition government elected in 2010.

ACORN UK
ACORN UK was formed by 100 tenants supported by 3 staff organisers in Easton, Bristol in May 2014 who voted to organise for more security, better quality and more affordable housing. Two of the founding members were graduates of the Community Organisers programme. ACORN has since hired more staff and organised branches in Newcastle and recently Sheffield and the organisation involves 15,000 members. ACORN UK has combined online organising via social media with ACORNs traditional door-knocking approach, to organise transient private sector tenants. The group has also combined local direct-action "member defence" actions (including eviction resistances and picketing of rogue landlords/letting agents) with larger regional and national campaigns for housing rights (for example winning regional local authority support for including the standards of their "ethical lettings charter" in the regional West of England Rental Standard and persuading Santander bank to drop a buy to let mortgage clause requiring landlords to raise rents). They also worked alongside Generation Rent to register and mobilise the "renters vote" in the 2016 general election.

Living Rent
Living Rent is Scotland's tenant union, also affiliated to ACORN International. The group formed out of the Living Rent campaign in 2015 and today has branches in Glasgow and Edinburgh and two organising staff.

Political analysis
Community organising in the UK is distinctive because it deliberately sets out to build permanent alliances of citizens to exercise power in society. The UK analysis is that to understand Society it is necessary to distinguish Civil Society from the State and the Market. In a totalitarian Society all three may virtually coincide. In a fully democratic society the three will be distinct. Where the state and the market become predominant, even in a democracy, civil society is reduced on the one hand to voting and volunteering and on the other to consuming. This is very dangerous for democracy because the sense of citizenship and agency becomes feeble and ineffective. In other words, Civil Society becomes powerless.
Community organising and the role of the professional Community Organiser is working out how to take back power from the State and the Market by holding them accountable. The state and the market cannot operate without moral values and direction. It is not the role of the state or the market to determine those values. In a democratic society there has to be a genuine public discourse concerning justice and the common good. Problems with the global banking system in 2008 in large part arose because "light touch regulation" meant that there was no underlying moral system. The market was left to its own devices with disastrous consequences for the global economy.

Intermediate institutions
Community organising works because it organises people and money through the institutions which have the potential to engage in the public discourse about what is the common good. These are the institutions which can mediate between the family and the State – such as faith organisations, cooperatives, schools, trades unions, universities and voluntary agencies. Community organising builds these institutions into permanent citizens membership alliances which work together to identify issues and agree ways of introducing solutions. Community organising teaches the art of non-partisan, democratic politics. Because community organising brings together diverse institutions which do not normally work together it is sometimes referred to as Broad Based community organising.

Community organising starts with the recognition that change can only come about when communities come together to compel public authorities and businesses to respond to the needs of ordinary people. It identifies and trains leaders in diverse communities, bringing them together to voice their needs and it organises campaigns to ensure that these needs are met.
"Our answer is to organise people through the places where they have regular contact with their neighbours – faith institutions and workplaces and educational establishments.  Our experience of practising broad based community organising across the UK has confirmed for us that the threads that once connected the individual to the family, the family to their community and the community to the wider society are fraying and in danger of breaking altogether. We believe these strands, connections and alliances are vital for a healthy democracy and should be the building blocks of any vibrant civil society.
We believe in building for power which is fundamentally reciprocal, where both parties are influenced by each other and mutual respect develops. The power and influence that we seek is tempered by our religious teachings and moral values and is exercised in the fluid and ever-changing relationship with our fellow leaders, allies and adversaries. We value and seek to operate in the public sphere. We believe that UK public life should be occupied not just by a few celebrities and politicians – but also by the people themselves seeking a part of the action."

Institute for Community Organising
Citizens UK set up the Institute for Community Organising (ICO) as part of its Centre for Civil Society established in 2010 in response to growing demands for its training. The ICO is the first operating division of the centre and was established to offer a series of training opportunities for those who wish to make community organising a full or part-time career and also for Community Leaders who wish to learn the broad philosophy and skills of community organising and who are in a position to put them into practice in their institutions and neighbourhoods. The Institute provides training and consultancy on a commercial basis to other agencies which wish to employ the skills and techniques of community organising in their institutions. The ICO has an Academic Advisory Board and an International Professional Advisory Body drawn from the global network of Community Organising Institutes in the UK (CITIZENS UK), USA (Industrial Areas Foundation) and Germany (DICO).

The Labour Party
In 2018, The Labour Party set up a Community Organising Unit to focus on organising with communities and groups of employees, helping them to campaign on local and workplace issues.

History in Australia

Since 2000, active discussion about community organizing had begun in Sydney. A community organizing school was held in 2005 in Currawong, involving unions, community organizations and religious organizations. In 2007, Amanda Tattersall, a union and community organizer, approached Unions NSW to sponsor the initial stages of a new community organizing coalition called the Sydney Alliance. The coalition launched on 15 September 2011 with 43 organisations and is supporting the establishment of other community organizing coalitions across the country.

Community Organizing in Hong Kong

The emergence of community organizing in the 1970s
After the 1966 Star Ferry Riots and 1967 Riots, the British colonial government launched a series of policies to pacify the discontent and strengthen its rule. One of the measures was the subvention of "Neighbourhood Level Community Development Project" (NLCDP) in 1978, which is interpreted as an act to manage the pressure groups. Social workers were hired to provide activities and promote engagement in areas in shortage of welfare services. According to some scholars' view, in contrast with the government's intention, NLCDP then became a site of "radical community organizing movements" that used protest actions.

The 1970s saw the rise of social and pressure group movements in Hong Kong. Many social organizations and pressure groups were formed without the government's subsidy, in turn having more freedom to organize different activities. Some organizations were formed by progressive Christians. For instance, the Society for Society for Community Organization (SoCO) was formed in 1971. Pastors working in the district Tsuen Wan from six denominations formed a fellowship to discuss local issues, and decided to obtain funding from the World Council of Churches to form the Tsuen Wan Ecumenical Social Service Centre (TWESSC) to serve the low-income people in 1973.

Residents were organized in housing-related movements with demands ranging from improvement of facilities to housing policy. One of the examples is the protest of Yau Ma Tei boat people.

Influence of Saul Alinsky in Hong Kong in the 1970s
The Asia Committee for People's Organisation(ACPO), influenced by Liberation Theology and Saul Alinsky's concepts, provided both financial support and training to church groups in different parts of Asia such as Hong Kong, Korea, Indonesia and the Philippines. They invited Alinsky-trained consultants to organize training programmes and also Alinsky himself to Hong Kong in 1971. Alinsky's two works, Reveille for Radicals and Rules for Radicals were widely read by university students and social workers. Due to Alinsky's influence, the social workers adopted a more aggressive confrontational mode to force the government into actions.

Community organizing in the 1990s
A few social movements that adopted community organizing to demand housing rights in the 1990s caused much controversy especially in the social work sector, challenging the mode of "community organizing".

In 1993, the TWESSC organized some residents of public housing estates to protest, demanding the British colonial government to retract the "Well-off Tenants Policies" that increased the rent for higher-income residents in public housing estates. They planned to march towards the Governor's House but were blocked in the way. They then sat in at the Upper Albert Road, blocking three lanes of the road, and demanded the Governor to take the petition letter. As a result, 23 people were arrested.

In 1994, the Buildings Department took a large-scale action to demolish rooftop houses, which were considered as unauthorized building works. On 17 October, the social workers of TWESSC organized the residents that lived in rooftop structures in Tak Yan House and Cheuk Ming House of Tsuen Wan to protest against the demolition and ask for resettlement and relocation. After camping overnight outside the Murray Building, which accommodated the Buildings, Lands and Planning departments. The protestors staged a sit-in at the lobby and kept all the lifts open, demanding to meet Director of Buildings, Helen Yu Lai Ching-ping. On 14 December, the social workers organized the residents to sit-in on the Garden Road outside the Murray Building. Residents brought their daily life instruments such as empty liquid petroleum gas pots and cooking utensils with the aim to stage a street theatre about losing their home. The liquid petroleum gas pots became the justification of police to clear the protest and caused much controversy. Twenty-two people, including social workers, were arrested under the charge of causing obstruction to traffic in Garden Road and attended court hearings.

In 1995, the rooftop dwellers in Kingland Apartments in Mong Kok protested against the Buildings Department' plan to demolish their rooftop homes. The NGO SoCO, a university students organization Social Movement Resource Centre and some other citizens joined to form the "Kingland's friends" to support the residents. In March, around 20 residents and social workers demonstrated outside the government office. Three were alleged to have clashed with police and security guards and were arrested. In late April, the SoCo decided to withdraw from the "Kingland's friend" and close the case, claiming that "residents were swayed by students associations to plan illegal and violent ways for protest". In May, nearly 300 riot police cleared the Kingland Apartments.

The aftermath of the series of events had an impact on the mode of community organizing in the social work sector. SoCo complained to TWESSC that some of their social workers joined "Kingland's Friends" and intervened in SoCo's work. The executive member and staff of TWESS had disagreement about social workers' position in joining social movements, leading to the dismissal of six workers. The TWESSC was disbanded in January 1997.

In 1995, the government announced a plan to eventually abolish NLCDPs. On 1 July 1997, the sovereignty of Hong Kong was handed over to mainland China. The SAR government changed the subvention model to giving a "lump sum grant", which is seen as a measure to depoliticize social work by some scholars. As a result, "radical community organizing" by social workers became less common.

For international development

One of Alinsky's associates, Presbyterian minister Herbert White, became a missionary in South Korea and the Philippines and brought Alinsky's ideas, books and materials with him. He helped start a community organization in the Manila slum of Tondo in the 1970s.  The concepts of community organizing spread through the many local NGO and activists groups in the Philippines.

Filipino community organizers melded Alinsky's ideas with concepts from liberation theology, a pro-poor theological movement in the developing world, and the philosophy of Brazilian educationalist Paulo Freire.  They found this community organizing a well-suited method to work among the poor during the martial law era of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos.  Unlike the communist guerrillas, community organizers quietly worked to encourage critical thinking about the status quo, facilitate organization and support the solving of concrete collective problems.  Community organizing was thus able to lay the groundwork for the People Power Revolution of 1986, which nonviolently pushed Marcos out of power.

The concepts of community organizing have now filtered into many international organizations as a way of promoting participation of communities in social, economic and political change in developing countries. This is often referred to as participatory development, participatory rural appraisal, participatory action research or local capacity building.  Robert Chambers has been a particularly notable advocate of such techniques.

In 2004, members and staff of ACORN created ACORN International which has since developed organization and campaigns in Peru, India, Canada, Kenya, Argentina, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Honduras, the Czech Republic, Italy and elsewhere.

See also

 :Category:Community activists
 Astroturfing
 Community education
 Community film
 Community practice
 Community psychology
 Critical consciousness (conscientization)
 Critical psychology
 Homeowner association
 Humanism
 Large-group capacitation
 Organization workshop
 Political machine
 Relational meeting
 Union organizer

References

Bibliography
 Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky, Community Organizing for Urban Social Change: A Historical Perspective (Greenwood Press, 1981).
 Robert Fisher, Let the People Decide: Neighborhood Organizing in America (1984; Twayne Publishers, 1997).
 Neil Betten and Michael J. Austin, The Roots of Community Organizing, 1917–1939 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990).
 Harry C. Boyte, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989).
 Mark Warren, Dry Bones Rattling: Community Building to Revitalize America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
 Heidi Swarts, Organizing Urban America: Secular and Faith Based Progressive Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008).
 Aaron Schutz, Empowerment: A Primer (New York: Routledge, 2019).
 Aaron Schutz and Mike Miller, eds., People Power: The Saul Alinsky Tradition of Community Organizing (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015).
 Aaron Schutz and Marie G. Sandy, Collective Action for Social Change: An Introduction to Community Organizing (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).
 Edward Chambers, Roots for Radicals (New York: Continuum, 2003).
 Dennis Shirley, Community Organizing for Urban School Reform (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997).
 Shel Trapp, Dynamics of Organizing: Building Power by Developing the Human Spirit (Self published, 2003).  Available from the National Training and Information Center, 312-243-3035, Review: https://web.archive.org/web/20080513185341/http://www.nhi.org/online/issues/135/trappreview.html
 Peter Szynka, Theoretische und empirischen Grundlagen des Community Organizing bei Saul D. Alinsky (1909–1972) Eine Rekonstruktion (Bremer Beiträge zur Politischen Bildung. Akademie für Arbeit und Politik der Universität Bremen, Bremen 2006) .
 Leo J Penta, Community Organizing – Die Macht der Beziehungen (Edition Korber-Stiftung, 2007).
 Kristin Layng Szakos and Joe Szakos, We Make Change: Community Organizers Talk About What They Do – and Why (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2007).
 David Walls, Community Organizing: Fanning the Flame of Democracy (Cambridge, UK: Polity Books, 2015).
 Richard W. Wise Redlined: A Novel of Boston, Brunswick House Press 2020 ISBN 978-0972822336

External links
SNCC Digital Gateway: Organizing Tradition Digital documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-out
COMM-ORG: The On-Line Conference on Community Organizing and Development —Includes archives of original research, links to organizations and other resources, and an ongoing listserv.
Idealist.org Organizing Guide—Description of what community organizing is, what community organizers do, and good links for more information.
Maria Mottola, Tenant Organizing Manual
David Walls, Power to the People: Thirty-five Years of Community Organizing
Shel Trapp,  "Basics of Organizing"
Marshall Ganz,  Online Organizing Course—Ganz developed the "organizing" strategy for Obama's presidential campaign.
History of Community Organizing in the Philippines
Building the Big Society
A plain English guide to the Localism Act published November 2011
Evaluation of the Community Organisers programme (England), IPSOS MORI, December 2015

Organizing


text:
Schubert Nacht & Traume - Lieder with orchestra
Laurence Equilbey
Featured artists:
Insula Orchestra, Accentus, Wiebke Lehmkuhl, Stanislas de Barbeyrac
Nacht und Träume takes its name from one of Schubert's best-loved lieder, which is joined on the album by a further 10 of the composer's songs. All performed in orchestral versions by such masters as Berlioz, Liszt, Brahms, Strauss, Webern, Britten and Schubert himself, they are compleme
Nacht und Träume takes its name from one of Schubert's best-loved lieder, which is joined on the album by a further 10 of the composer's songs. All performed in orchestral versions by such masters as Berlioz, Liszt, Brahms, Strauss, Webern, Britten and Schubert himself, they are complemented by three choral numbers and an orchestral interlude. The singers are rising stars – German mezzo-soprano Wiebke Lehmkuhl and French tenor Stanislas de Barbeyrac – and Laurence Equilbey conducts two ensembles she founded: the Insula orchestra and the choir accentus.
Download/Stream

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Is The Business Site Ready For Its Readers?
There's a large amount of interest among the Internet entrepreneurs about how precisely to promote their particular business online. There's always a quest for new and progressive ways of advertising that promise higher results at lower cost and in shorter period. Yet considering the efforts invested in promotion it can just amazing how many people fully ignore an individual basic question- is their website is worth of promoting this? With new computer technology and broadband connections the modern age on the Internet comes with arrived- age that expanded the criteria of a successful website, which satisfies demands of its visitors. Content is absolutely necessary.
That was the mantra of all web masters for a long time. Just show your visitors some interesting products, give them a much better deal along with your success can be guaranteed. The fact remains it doesn't do the job that way. This great article alone cannot win you the hearts and minds of your potential customers. Really just a part – thought a very important one- of building your image around the Internet. You may say whatever you wish about your self on your site: that your small business provides the finest services, the very best expertise, the best…. whatever. But people will not buy it until you LOOK right to them. That is anyone looks trustworthy and professional enough to believe you. And that's the stage where we come to the value of keeping your web site about your customers' expectations.
Your site might not have transformed for several years. However the Internet continues to be changing. The newest surveys show that someones online prospects have increased over the last couple of years and they're quick to decline any web site that doesn't keep up. Besides easy navigation and use, persons want and expect a site to load quickly and to be visually appealing. If a web page doesn't match their prospects, two-thirds of respondents state they do return today or ever. They'll check out you and keep and you'll by no means know. What it means? Having a awful web site means losing customers- plain and simple. When people see your site in bad form they assume that you at any time don't worry about your impression or terribly lack money and resources to keep it.
It will take a lot of things to have a web site powerful but here are a few basics: First a good design and style. Nice clean layout, good graphics function, color coordination. Everything is expected to be in place and, believe it or not important, in balance. An excessive consumption of graphic factors, for example , can easily ruin the web site's look, besides making it hard to download and view. The web site also needs to be informative. But do not think that more info is better. The phrase "informative" in that sense suggests more "educational" than "descriptive". Educate your website's tourists about your company and its solutions. Make your content material easy to read and understandable. Don't overload your website visitors with technological details or self-advertising products or they will not read it at all. Another thing is certainly navigation. Help to make it easy to understand. Some people obtain too elegant with that, helping to make even experienced web browsers wonder how to get around their particular web site. Retain it simple and the web page structure logical- so the tourists can easily head out from Point-to-point and access information they require. There are a lot of additional issues that you will need to keep in mind, like personalization, web browser compatibility, of course search engine optimization nevertheless we will not cover all of them right now. What you can do to make the web site better. 1 . Give you a website a major eye. Motivate your visitors to send you all their comments and suggestions (at least you'll show that you care) Talk to your friends and relatives in cases where they like your web site. Evaluate it towards the web sites of your competitors. 2 . Analyze the results. Watch what most of the people do and don't like about your web site. Think about how to enhance your strong factors and to get rid of your insufficiencies. 3. Get the solution. When you improve your web site yourself- superb! But avoid overestimate the abilities. If you wish an attractive, well designed site that stands out go to professionals- those with experience and special expertise in this field. Let them do that work while you can focus on the most important point running your company.
4. If you decided to seek professional help, have a tendency hurry and use your God granted gift of common sense. Search, but can not necessary freshart4.me choose the lowest price. Cost is a big issue, but not the only person. You don't wish to end up using a cheap site that you'll have to change again rather sooner than later. Ahead of striking a deal breaker, do your homework. Make your best to find out more regarding the web style company (or a designer) that you'll handle. First of all, check out their web site- when you're not impressed, go away. In cases where they can't do it right for themselves- how they can still do it for you? Second, ask them to show their portfolio- see what they can perform for their clients. Third, don't be shy to request references. Decide if they function closely with clients and respond well to their demands. And always remember- your website may be the face of your company. Departing it not in good shape can actually damage your image and turn into away most of perspective clients.


The pleasures of paper and ink.
In Venice, I have never sipped a Bellini at Harry's Bar or ridden a vaporetto to Murano to buy glassware. Instead, my focus has been more on searching for the marbled paper for which the city is known. Trips to Bangkok have found me swaying with jet lag the first day upon arrival but still happy to tackle the cacophony of the MBK Center shopping complex so I could root through the paperliciousness in the Tokyu department store. And then there was the recent incident in Chiang Mai, which I'll elaborate on later. Let's just say that I'm a self-admitted stationery junkie.
Forget Eliot's coffee spoons or Proust's madeleines. Paper and ink are how I measure out my personal history: the Basildon Bond notepaper that my mother, a furious correspondent, raced through; the brown envelopes that my father used for business, stored in the cubbyholes of his drop-front desk; the stripe-edged pale-blue aerograms that, in the days before e-mail, I used for home thoughts from abroad. How my own words got onto paper was an evolution from ballpoint pens to a self-correcting electric typewriter, and then the quantum leap to my first computer, a second-hand Kaypro. All thrills at the time, but their memory pales beside the moment I first used a fine felt-tip pen. The easy glide, the Stygian ink, the narrow point that encouraged progressively smaller handwriting. Even now, the words gel ink and rollerball have the same dizzying effect on me as vintage champagne and designer handbag might have on others.
So count me among the stationery buffs (to whom buff means a seductive envelope colour), but note (mmm, notebook) that I'm selective. While I'm not immune to the blatant allure of bright-pink paper clips, what really makes my pulse race are the essential bricks and mortar of written communication, those bare essentials that, over time, have recorded Shakespeare's sonnets, Dickens's novels, and all 4,211 pages of Proust's In Search of Lost Time. In contrast, the ultimate notebook that I bought in Chiang Mai has only 397 pages (but they're large ones). I found it in Rattanapon on Thapae Road, a place with an old-fashioned feel where you'd expect to run into W. Somerset Maugham in pale, rumpled linen and a panama hat. The shop is not a total anachronism, but while you can photocopy documents and pick up felt-tip pens here, you can also mull over writing supplies that appear unchanged since the era when elephants still plodded along the street outside.
Even though I travelled as lightly as possible on this last trip to Thailand, I was happy to up my luggage by almost a couple of kilos so I could buy this colossal ledger. Measuring 22 by 33 centimetres (or the size of a decent-sized cheeseboard), this was the second largest for sale, handsome and hefty, with poppy-red covers, its corners and spine the colour of claret. The pages are lined in blue and (the factor that most heavily swayed the buying decision) they are numbered.
To a stationery fan, especially a writer, it's the potential that those pristine pages represent in terms of creativity or, in this case, order. Owning this Big Book makes me feel that one day I will be completely organized. The DVDs will be listed, the gift ideas recorded, the books I intend to read written down (even perhaps every book I own catalogued), quotes noted, and the last day in the year when you could leave the back door open, a patchwork of odd information similar to the commonplace books of a century ago.
Forget T. S. Eliot's coffee spoons or Proust's madeleines. Paper and ink are how I measure out my personal history.
Sullying page one of any notebook is a serious step. First impressions count. With the Big Book I began on page 23 because something more significant might demand a presence at the beginning. So far, all I've done is detail what I've fed people at dinner parties, partly to prevent me serving the same friends the same dishes twice, partly to remind myself that Nigel Slater's recipe for sticky sausages doesn't work with French saucisses. In a cringeworthy written form of the selfie, I've listed the items of outfits that I've spent wasted minutes putting together, down to the last earring, telling myself it ultimately saves time and stress, and it does. The options are limitless, with the only design flaw being that the XXXL size prevents Big Book from joining me on my travels.
When I lived in Vancouver, I would go to Opus Art Supplies before I went anywhere that needed a passport. There I would invest in a brand-new notebook and pen (felt-tip, of course). Years of experience had proved what the best options were. Technically meant for drawing, not writing, one type of Strathmore spiral-bound sketchbook has 100 empty pages, each half the size of a standard sheet of paper. I've been loyal to these for the past 20 years and have now amassed several drawers full, each bulging with notes, phone numbers, pasted-in business cards, menus, and ephemera.
These notebooks are sacred. Once, on my own in Marrakesh, time on my hands and a pen in one of them, I sat on a blue-and-white tiled rooftop terrace as the thin thread of the call of the muezzin stitched its way through the smoke from the charcoal grills in the street below and the distant rumble of crowds in the Djemaa el-Fna. Absorbing all this, I wrote a long letter to my daughter using the four central pages torn from an ordinary school exercise book that I'd trawled the city for. I just could not bring myself to rip pages out of my Strathmore journal.
Stationery fools become fiercely, almost pathologically inflexible about brands and sizes. A couple of Moleskine notebooks have come my way, and while I admire the storage pocket for holding—let me check a recently used one—receipts, hand-drawn maps, and the Thai words (volunteered by a bilingual tuk-tuk driver) that enabled me to buy lime leaves at a Thai price, the Moleskine has flaws: it lacks the Strathmore's spiral binding that secures a pen, and I'm forced to resort to sandwiching it in between the pages and then securing it with the integral elastic (another good Moleskine innovation). On the other hand, spiral-binding means I can't label the spine, so it's a toss-up between unlabelled journals and lost pens.
The good thing about being nuts about stationery is that you can always justify adding to your collection. A philatelist wouldn't stick a Jacques Cartier 10-penny blue on an envelope, and the owner of a Ming Dynasty vase probably would not ram daffodils into it, but we stationery-philes—being more aligned with oenophiles than other kinds of collectors—believe our beloveds are to be used. Sending a letter written on Indian notepaper riotous with gods and foliage lets us share the pleasure.
The Internet is just one vast stationery store full of joys—although, as with shopping for clothing, you don't quite get the same buzz that you do when you can handle the goods before you buy. But holy writing, Batman, a recent trawl took me to Allan's Bibles-direct.co.uk, which sells what is basically a Bible without words. Ribbon marker, gold edges: I can't begin to think of the courage it would take to make a mark on that first page, or to do the same to a spineless notebook whose concertinaed single page is intended for writing Buddhist chants. While you can buy the latter in many places, I'll wait to make the trip to Japan and to Ito-ya, a store with five storeys of nothing but stationery.
Related to this fascination with what modern writers use is curiosity about authors and poets who have used pen and ink in the past. Stationery aficionados bypass the British Museum's mummies and marbles and make a beeline for its manuscript room, where you can see that James Joyce wrote in pencil with violent red crossings-out, William Morris had a large and generous hand both useful and beautiful, and Jane Austen crowded her pages with writing as neat as her plots. Some years ago, the museum held an exhibition of the writings of Lennon and McCartney where you could see the back of an envelope that doubled as the canvas for "Yesterday" and a page from a notebook that recounted the short, sad life of Eleanor Rigby.
Of course, we stationery lovers are Luddites and proud of it. The concept of paperless anything scares us silly. The 1980s is remembered not for its power-shouldered fashion and yuppie culture but for the launch of the Filofax, a small, robust binder begging to be filled with inserts and notes. I liked simple page-a-day diaries too, the size of small novels. Keyboarding an appointment into a laptop just doesn't have the same weight, and calling these digital imposters "iPads" or "notebooks" only reminds me poignantly of the real article.
Our literary tastes give us away. We lean to epistolary books like Les liaisons dangereuses and Annie Proulx's Postcards, and letters of… just about anybody, with British Columbia resident Nick Bantock's Griffin and Sabine trilogy offering the ultimate in multisensory pleasure. Female stationery devotees always pick scribbling Jo as the most enviable March sister in Little Women. I confess to "liking" the Facebook page for Stationery Addicts Anonymous and reading about others' addictions at Notebookstories.com.
Wherever I travel, I am drawn into the gravitational field of a stationery store. I also search out the writing related, such as the public scribes in Melaka, Malaysia, who fill out government forms on request and on vintage manual typewriters. I window shop on rue du Pont Louis-Philippe in Paris and where, for 25 years, Melodies Graphiques has been a small temple to the beauty and possibilities of paper and ink. Its owner, Eric de Tugny, encourages you to dip the nib of a quill pen into a bottle (violette is the most popular colour sold here), carefully shake any excess onto the round, felt pen-wiper, and write or draw in the hard-bound book left there for that purpose, as you try not to be intimidated by the envelopes with exquisite calligraphy displayed on the walls. In another store on this same narrow street, you can buy portfolios made from lilac-coloured suede. It delights me to the core that somewhere in this sometimes cruel world there still exists a need for portfolios made from lilac-coloured suede.


text:
We were pleased to announce that work commenced on the Restoration of the Hall on the 10th July 2017. This work is scheduled to take some 18 months to complete and this will include structuring the apartments and accommodation inside as work progresses. In the initial stages a secure compound has been created around the building and we must emphasize that as this is now a building site the public are not permitted in there. A few Trustees of the Friends Group are allowed in during working hours but have to comply with the Health & Safety requirements. The reason for this is that we have to photograph the various stages of work and retrieve valuable artefacts and also building material that is not going to be re-used but can be displayed in the future or used as a template to re-create it.
The next stage was to remove unsafe building material and plant growth from the higher level after which the debris and stored brick and stone on the ground floor could be removed. Also in September much of the scaffolding around the building has been erected. By the end of September 2017 much of this stabilisation work had been done and will continue in October.
We have been conscious of the need to keep our supporters informed of progress and for those who use Facebook, our public Facebook page is the best place to keep up to date with this. We also dispatch a quarterly news sheet to those on our mailing list and this will contain updates. To view or download the quarterly News Sheets please click here.
We are also looking at putting additional information on this website.
One of the many items found is this Object: About 6 inches long, the tube is copper with a similar inner tube inside. The outer tube does not appear to go all the way around so the back of it may have been flush to another surface. The end on the left is brass and the end on the right appears to have a brass ferrule on it. Anyone with any ideas on it, please email our Secretary.
Data Protection & Other Policies
Copyright 2018 - The Friends of Bank Hall & The Bank Hall Action Group - All Rights Reserved(Registered Charity 1147592)


Shorn of quality in defence and in the middle of the park, Argentina's hopes of repeating or bettering their run to the 2014 World Cup final hang largely on the team's ability to put the ball in the back of the net. But after the squad for the Russia finals was announced, the omission of goal-getters like Inter star Mauro Icardi leave serious doubts over the Albiceleste's firepower.
Just two out and out strikers feature in the list announced by Jorge Sampaoli on Monday. Sergio Aguero starts in pole position to lead the Argentina attack, a logical move after yet another brilliant season for the all-conquering Manchester City.
His deputy will be Gonzalo Higuain, uneven in form for Juventus over the course of the year and fiercely questioned for his recent Albiceleste performances. Alongside that pair, Lionel Messi and a relieved Paulo Dybala add creative thrust, while Boca starlet Cristian Pavon and Independiente winger Maxi Meza, one of the few players to come out of that 6-1 defeat to Spain with any credit, offer pace and trickery out wide to compensate their inexperience at the top level.
It is by no means an anaemic attack. At their best, all six of those players are capable of hitting the net on a regular basis. But relying on Aguero and Higuain alone is an unnecessary risk – particularly since two players who could add a new dimension to the frontline sit in Sampaoli's reserves.
Aguero has not played competitive football since March, when he sustained a knee injury in training that ended prematurely his City season. While the striker insists that he will be in top condition for Russia - "I'm feeling better every day," he stated at the start of May – Argentina will nevertheless be wary.
An injury prior to the 2014 finals severely affected his performances in Brazil, and in five outings he failed to score a single goal. Kun is a different, more complete and mature player than four years ago, but he will be under immense pressure to banish those dark memories of the last World Cup and give his best for the national team.
As will Higuain. Perhaps no player in the Albiceleste ranks has been criticised more heavily than Pipita, with fans focusing on his supposed stage fright in the three finals contested with his nation. That underwhelming record in decisive games, however, is the least of his concerns.
One must look back to October 2016 in order to find the last time Higuain managed a goal for Argentina, and another blank against Spain made it seven games without troubling the scorers in international football.
In that context, the refusal to include Icardi – and, to a lesser extent, Racing's Lautaro Martinez, a player who has been watched on numerous occasions by Sampaoli and who, with 14 goals in 2018 is outscored only by Messi and Aguero – is baffling.
Not even 29 goals in 33 Serie A matches, a phenomenal strike-rate, managed to convince Sampaoli that Icardi was worthy of a place among the 23 who will go to Russia. Former Argentina star Hernan Crespo sees a veto on the part of Messi, close friends with Icardi's sworn enemy Maxi Lopez, behind the decision.
"The national team is now made up of a magic circle, do you understand me? Icardi is not part of the circle and therefore, unfortunately, he will not go to the World Cup in Russia. This is my opinion," Crespo said to Gazzetta dello Sport.
"The team needs a striker like him, but [Jorge] Sampaoli and Messi think otherwise." It is a tempting conspiracy theory, but one not borne out by the fact that under Sampaoli Icardi has had chances to prove himself that were not capitalised upon, as well as his place in the 35-man squad as a reserve.
Crespo, however, is right about one thing. "In the penalty area, no other player in the world is as good as him. When he gets the ball, he's deadly," the ex-Parma and Inter star added. Icardi offers a mobility and verve in the box that few other Argentina stars offer, and his drive and professionalism in leading a mediocre Inter shows that he has maturity in spades even at the tender age of 25.
That has not been enough to earn him a place alongside Aguero and Higuain. And while those two have a proven track record at the highest level it still represents the most curious decision in Sampaoli's squad. The coach is staking the World Cup and his reputation on one half-fit striker, and another who has bombed for Argentina in recent years: he must now hope this gamble does not prove a terrible mistake in Russia.


text:
Former Worthing police officer jailed for perverting the course of justice
John Holden
Published: 13:46 Wednesday 06 February 2019
A former police officer from Worthing has been jailed for perverting the course of justice, Sussex Police have said.
A police spokesman said Simon Wright, 59, of Findon Road in Worthing, admitted perverting the course of justice while trying to avoid punishment for driving a police car through red lights with his blue lights active, with no lawful reason to do so.
Police said the court heard that, on June 25 and 26, 2018, the then police constable drove a marked police car through red traffic lights in Worthing with blue lights activated as if responding to an emergency call, when that was not the case.
When challenged by supervisors, police said, he lied in an attempt to avoid prosecution and disciplinary measures.
The police spokesman said that at Lewes Crown Court yesterday (February 5), after pleading guilty to perverting the course of justice, Wright was sentenced to four months' imprisonment.
Wright left Sussex Police on November 16 under investigation for gross misconduct for three counts of honesty and integrity and one of discreditable conduct, said police.
Despite leaving the force, he was still subject to a special case (fast track) gross misconduct hearing at Sussex Police HQ on November 28, which he did not attend. Chief Constable Giles York, who chaired the hearing, concluded that had he still been serving, he would have been dismissed from the force.
Detective Superintendent Steve Boniface, head of Sussex Police's professional standards department, said: "Police officers must behave in a manner that does not discredit the police service or undermine public confidence, whether on or off duty.
"Simon Wright's criminal disregard for the law is clearly completely out of keeping with the role that others uphold with pride, integrity and with the trust of the public whom they serve.
"It is important to show that the force will fairly investigate its own staff and this highlights our determination not to allow the name of Sussex Police to be tainted, nor bring into disrepute the enormous amount of good work carried out day-to-day by thousands of hard-working and enormously dedicated police officers and staff."
Car collides with wall outside Worthing Hospital
Worthing arsonist jailed after causing £11,000 damage to flat in 'revenge attack'
Latest mental health figures show rise in number of children seeking support in West Sussex
Firearms and dog units used to seize 30 motorbikes in Brighton


text:
NOVEMBER 2020 HBS ALUMNI ANGELS NEWSLETTER
Educational Webinars:
Jeanne Lam - The World's Most Innovative Social Network
Nataliya Langburd Wright - Strategy in a Global Digital Economy
Global Deal Syndication:
Dover Microsystems
Pandemic Pivot leads to Dramatic Revenue Increase
Scaling health tech businesses in COVID times
HBSAA Global Angels News
Wattpad - The World's Most Innovative Social Network THIS THURSDAY, November 5, 2020 10:00 am Pacific, 1:00 pm Eastern, 6:00pm London, 7:00pm Continental Europe  RATE: $25 for members and $35 for non-members Presenter: Jeanne Lam - Wattpad, MBA'12
Strategy in a Global Digital Economy
December 3, 2020 10:00 am Pacific, 1:00 pm Eastern, 6:00pm London, 7:00pm Continental Europe
RATE: $25 for members and $35 for non-members
Presenter: Nataliya Langburd Wright, HBS
Global Syndication Investment Presentation
Dover Microsystems November 19, 2020 8:00 am Pacific, 11:00 am Eastern, 4:00pm London, 5:00pm Continental Europe  RATE: Complimentary for HBS Alumni Angels Members Presenters: Jothy Rosenberg, Founder & CEO of Dover Microsystems and Trevor Bond, MBA'89, Screening Co-Chair, HBSAA New York
While millions of business around the world struggled to survive the economic woes wrought by the pandemic, a handful of companies were able to deftly pivot and adapt to the new environment to their advantage. Prior to the pandemic, Descubra o Mundo was in the business of enabling students who wanted to study abroad to overview the opportunities in different countries. Thanks to their early recognition that the online market for education was changing rapidly, they introduced a new marketplace innovation, Skola, a platform for colleges, universities and providers of secondary education to post their offerings online direct to students – expanding their value proposition to both audiences and demonstrates how they did a smart pivot:
•Descubra o Mundo: A marketplace for students that are willing to study abroad, we connect those students with more than 80.000 programs in 25 countries.
•Skola: Is the "VTEX / Shopify for Education" that runs as a SaaS-enabled marketplace. We are disrupting the trillion-dollar educational market helping universities and educational providers to book and manage their students booking directly on their website, with a state of the art technology.
According to Descubra o Mundo CEO Bruno Passarelli, "We built a next-generation platform for selling exchange programs (language courses abroad at Descubra o Mundo) and now we launched Škola our Edserv Platform for universities, language schools, life long learning, and all the educational vertical." Passarelli continued: " I truly believe that we add exceptional value to educational providers, helping to scale their bookings with a digital platform, in a unique way."
Scaling Health Tech Businesses in COVID Times VP PORTFOLIO RELATIONS - Varun Athi Almost no industry has escaped the disruption from COVID-19. Notably, in the healthcare sector, stretched capacity along with delays in life-saving non-Covid related diagnostics and procedures has created a massive challenge to healthcare economics as well as overall health outcomes. As a founder, it's important to preserve the value of your enterprise to ensure the company effectively solves the underlying problem and realize its potential. This article from HBR gives a useful framework for measuring the impact of COVID-19 on your business. Many health tech companies have not seen a reduction in long-term value despite the early concerns. However, the most successful firms have been applying plenty of course corrections including:
Manage the runway by reducing cash needs, reprioritizing overall spend, and working with investors for securing additional capital. The HBSAA team, for example, has been involved in several such capitalization initiatives.
Selectively reprioritize essential spend. For example, clinical trials were adjusted to accommodate the reduced bandwidth of healthcare professionals who were dealing with the COVID-19 outbreak and freezes from lockdowns.
Revise expectations about revenue growth in order to adapt to the new normal.
Modify sales and marketing strategies by selling into a new market or new buyer personas. Some firms adapted selling into low margin markets in the short run, where sales cycles are shorter to create cash flow.
Clinical trials represent significant expenses for health tech companies. High-value applications of health technology products often need longer, tailored trials to demonstrate the appropriate health and economic outcomes. COVID outbreak and subsequent lockdowns have impacted clinical trials as procedures were delayed and research staff furloughed. The associated time delay is expensive for a growing health tech firm and needs significant adaptations to preserve value. For example, a HBSAA portfolio firm, SIA (Surgical Innovation Associates), has developed an innovative product that can significantly enhance clinical outcomes for breast cancer patients and as well lower the costs associated with reconstructive surgeries. Its DuraSorb Monofilament Mesh is designed to integrate into the patient's tissue in order to provide strong support during the critical initial phases of healing, and then slowly absorb within one year, leaving the patient free from foreign material. Durasorb is cleared for use in general soft tissue support, but promotion for use in breast reconstruction, where the product benefits are greatest compared with competitive offerings, requires successful completion of a clinical trial. The company had planned to commence selling in the more competitive surgical segments through a modest rollout early in 2020, carefully balancing the costs of adding salesforce with limited revenue expectations while laying the foundation for the more valuable future indication. The pandemic shifted all commercial expectations and implementation by two quarters, but as of the third quarter the company has been able to add key personnel and quickly achieve an annualized run rate in excess of $1M with high gross margins. While this delay was modest compared with the timeline disruption for other medical ventures, it still required accessing additional capital to shore up the company's runway. HBS Alumni Angels participated in a bridge financing round for this purpose, adding new investors to the group that participated in seed financing last year. Alexei Mlodinow, CEO and co-founder says, "We were fortunate to be in a position to pivot with a delayed hiring plan, a near-term focus on a more easily-accessible market, and a modest bridge round to ensure capitalization through our Series B with the help of Harvard Business School Angels. HBSAA helped us think through our options. They also set the ultimate terms of this bridge to maximize the appeal within their organization while positioning us well for an upcoming raise. This is exactly the kind of support that makes us proud to be part of the HBSAA portfolio!" Simple and efficient adaptations as this need a sound understanding of the healthcare system and understanding of the ground reality at Customer organizations. In times like these, these adaptations are necessary to realize the long-term benefits of an innovative technology. HBSAA is proud to support a diverse portfolio of health tech companies, which are taking such innovations forward and improving the cost-care paradigm across the board.
NEWS FOR THE GLOBAL ANGEL NETWORK HBS Alumni Angels new Website! Welcome New Officers & Chapters in the Global Angel Network
HBS Alumni Angels is looking seeking an incredible individual to fill a key roll at the global level: VP CORPORATE PARTNERSHIPS
HBS Alumni Angels welcomes new Chapters:
Australia GCC (Gulf Corporation Council)