Julian joined Bulley Davey as a school leaver in 1985. He trained at our Spalding office and qualified as a Chartered Certified Accountant in 1993. He worked in general practice and gained experience working for a broad client base in a wide range of areas. In 2002 Julian became the firm's practice manager based in our Administration Department at Peterborough and now specialises in business administration, systems and management.
Julian became a Director as part of our incorporation into Bulley Davey Limited from 1st November 2014.
Julian lives in Spalding with his wife and three children. Outside of the office and a busy family life, his main interest is hockey. He makes regular Saturday appearances for Spalding Hockey Club having played for the club since being a pupil at Spalding Grammar School.


XS: Bust: 86cm, Shoulder Length: 36cm, Sleeve Length: 40cm, Length: 46cm.
S: Bust: 90cm, Shoulder Length: 37cm, Sleeve Length: 41cm, Length: 47cm.
M: Bust: 94cm, Shoulder Length: 38cm, Sleeve Length: 42cm, Length: 48cm.
L: Bust: 98cm, Shoulder Length: 39cm, Sleeve Length: 43cm, Length: 49cm.
XL: Bust: 102cm, Shoulder Length: 40cm, Sleeve Length: 44cm, Length: 50cm.
XXL: Bust: 106cm, Shoulder Length: 41cm, Sleeve Length: 45cm, Length: 51cm.


text:
School Age (4-12 Years)Remove
Worried about school
Messiness at Fazakerley Children's Centre
Offering a stimulating environment for children 0-5 years old. Prepare your child to be ready for school. Every Monday 1.30pm-2.30pm
0151 233 3705 Email Add to My Shortlist
Little Listeners
Come along to Breck Road library for stories, crafts and song & rhyme. Promotes speech & language development. Drop in
Health Drop In @ Granby & Dingle Children Centre
Do you need advice and information on child health topics such as child safety, dental health, pregnancy, mental health, weaning plus much more. Come along and speak with Karen our Health Promotion Worker based in our Dingle site.
Fazakerley SEN/Disability 1-2-1 Support
SEN/Disability 1-2-1 Support provided at the centre Please contact the Centre for more information.
0151 233 3705 Add to My Shortlist
Fazakerley Play Group at Emmanuel Church
Play Group at Emmanuel Church on Sunday morning from 11:15am GEMS 0-3 years All Stars 4-7 years Trailblazers 7-11 years
What is the Liverpool CAMHS Offer? We are specialists in children and young people's mental health and wellbeing; we deliver accessible support to children, young people and their families, whilst working with professionals to reduce the range of mental health issues through prevention, intervention, training and participation.…
Single Point of Access: 0151 293 3662 Website Add to My Shortlist
Anti-bullying and anti-homophobic bullying strategies
Following consultation with children, young people, parents and carers the Liverpool Children's Services anti-bullying strategy has been refreshed in line with current guidance from the Department for Education. Liverpool City Council is committed to providing safe environments for children and young people where they develop…
ADDvanced Solutions at Belle Vale Children's Centre
Tuesday 9.30 - 11.30am Drop In Support for families who have child with a neurodevelopmental condition.
2, 3 and 4 Year Olds Free Early Education Funding
Every three and four-year-old is entitled to receive 570 hours of free childcare a year, (15 hours per week) and now, some two-year-olds are also eligible. Free childcare for two year olds Parents can apply by checking they meet the criteria and…

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Life Size Figure Modeling FASCU 360 & Masters Figurative Sculpture, Life Size FASCU 640 Class model cast.
The Life Size Figure Modeling Kit comes complete with a 38" tall figure cast. All Casts are made from durrable, light, high grade resin with an anti-glare surface.


text:
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Conor joined Cronin Associates from a background in logistics, marketing, IT and general management both as a practitioner and as a business consultant. He brings hands on experience having started and managed two businesses.
After earning his BComm and MBS (Marketing) at UCD, Conor started his career as a graduate management trainee with UK based Unigate plc, after which he spent a number of years in The Netherlands leading process re-engineering assignments in the logistics sector with Ebrex and TCD International. Back in Dublin, Conor was Head of Operations at Allegro Group, Ireland's leading grocery distributor.
Conor was co-founder and CEO of eBid, Ireland's first online auction site after which he founded Manna/DF Foodservice, a corporate food service enterprise, sold to Donnybrook Fair in 2012.


text:
Bukowna  () is a village in the administrative district of Gmina Lubin, within Lubin County, Lower Silesian Voivodeship, in south-western Poland. It lies approximately  south-west of Lubin, and  west of the regional capital Wrocław.

References

Bukowna

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Grindr has started a new in-app referral program for all of our users. When you refer a friend, Grindr will provide you with 7 days free-access to Xtra Lite. That's not all, your Friend will also get a special gift from us.
How can I refer a friend on Grindr?
You will see the section called "Love Us"
Did you refer a new friend but did not see the Xtra Lite benefits active?


Researchers generally consider Tourette's syndrome to be a genetic disorder (TS vulnerability is transmitted from one generation to the next), approximately 15% of TS patients do not show genetic susceptibility (no genetic links were found). In addition, individual variations in character, course, and degree of severity of TS cannot be explained by genetic explanations alone.
Consequently, researchers have focused upon stressful events during perinatal or early life that may trigger the onset of TS. Traumatic head injury (during birth, falls, accidents, etc.) has been implicated as a possible trigger of TS. Evidence supports that trauma (in particular mild concussive injury to the head, neck or upper back) increases the risk of TS onset. Following the trauma, tics can be triggered immediately or can take months or years to develop.
New research appearing in the Journal of Pediatric, Maternal and Family Health supports a possible traumatic cause. A 14-year-old male with Tourette's Syndrome had missed school the previous two days prior to presenting to the clinic due to the severity of his motor tics, migraine headaches and severe "fatigue".
The patient's symptoms were so severe it was indicated that he was having 1,000 "violent" motor tics a day that consisted of whipping his head involuntarily in flexion and extension, which also contributed to his fatigue.
The patient's migraine headaches (which occurred daily) were attributed as resulting from these motor tics. The patient was taking 6 Ibuprofen pills, 10 mgs of Abilify® (aripiprazole), and 1mg of Orap® (Pimozide) per day.
Physical examination which included thermal and infrared thermography and radiological examination demonstrated sites of spinal misalignments likely caused by trauma. Over the course of 30 patient visits in a period of 5 months, dramatic reductions were reported in the amount of tics experienced daily. The total number of tics were reduced from 1,000 a day to 30-35 tics per day. The patient's dependence on Ibuprofen was eliminated and his medication dosage (i.e., Abilify and Pimozide) was reduced by his medical provider.
This is not the first time that a person with Tourette's syndrome has received dramatic results with this type of care (see references below). For instance, Dr. Erin Elster reports on 3 boys diagnosed with Tourette's syndrome, Age 9, 15 and 7, who all had tremendous results with upper cervical chiropractic.
Next time we will review these 3 cases and talk more about the type of care they received.
The purpose of NUCCA is to reverse the traumatically induced upper neck injury; thereby reducing irritation to the injured nerves in the central nervous system. While many TS sufferers recall specific traumas such as head injuries, birth trauma, auto accidents or falls, some do not. In certain pediatric cases, the injury can occur from the normal birthing process. An upper cervical examination is necessary in each individual's case to assess whether an upper cervical injury is present and whether benefit from NUCCA care can be achieved.


Soaker hoses are attached to the outside house faucet and not connected to your automatic sprinkler system. Soaker hoses are made of recycled tires and have a life expectancy of 1-3 years. Soaker hoses "sweat" around the entire outside diameter of the hose, sweating more closer to the faucet and less at the end of the hose length. Soaker hose use around the foundation should be limited to 50' lengths (as the flow is depleted significantly after that length).
Drip irrigation applies an even distribution of water with 95% efficiency. Drip can accommodate longer tubing runs with proper lateral line feeds. Drip is connected to your automatic sprinkler system as a separate station. Drip requires pressure regulator to 40 psi. Drip requires even spacing in the tubing layout for best coverage. Drip can be sized by proper flow (.6 gallons per minute for most applications vs .2 or .4 gpm for slopes). Drip is exempt from most north Texas water restriction stages (including stage 4). Drip provides the most reliable distribution uniformity for foundation management.
5. Adjust the water scheduling to coincide with the seasonal changes.
Drip in beds is laid on top of the soil and covered with mulch. When seasonal color or landscaping changes are carried out, workers should sweep back the mulch for the area and reveal the drip tubing. This minimizes damages from inadvertently piercing the drip with "blind" digging. .
On average, drip runs about $2 - $5 a linear foot (contractor pricing varies), however, drip is not maintenance free (nothing is…). The ROI for water saved is remarkable for well maintained drip and depending upon current watering habits can be realized in 12-24 months.


Sitting here with some morning coffee and mentally going over the list. All outfits with requisite accessories, shoes, underwear, etc.? Check. Toiletries and makeup? Check. Bathing suit that I never wear but J insists I bring anyway? Check. Camera, charger, phone charger? Check. Snacks and bottled water? Check. My pillow? Check. (I hate hotel pillows. Too poufy.) CDs? Check. Wooden paddle? HELL NO! That's staying in the drawer where it belongs.
Head to J's, pack up his stuff, go to the nearest Enterprise to add his name to the permitted drivers of our rental, and then we are on the road. No traffic, please. No accidents. I heard this morning on the radio that a freight truck "lost its load" on the 101 (where I have to drive to get to J's.). However, that should be cleared up by the time I leave.
Wish me luck with the Richard Windsor interview and the Northern Spankings shoot, please! I won't have a computer with me, since I'm a dinosaur and still use a desktop (and my cell phone doesn't even take pictures, let alone access the Internet), but friends will have laptops and I will probably check in over the weekend.
Have a wonderful holiday weekend, y'all.


text:
Category Archives: radio
Thursday recommended site of the week: 1
Yes, a new feature for this blog! (And easy to do too…) But really, do look. The screen shot is linked to this excellent site where you will find much more than just the bad news or the sensation of the day.
Posted by Neil on December 10, 2009 in Australia, Australia and Australian, generational change, human rights, humanity, Indigenous Australians, radio, Reconciliation, site of the week, TV, web stuff
Last night on ABC and this morning's news…
… had a mix of the bizarre and the tragic. You wouldn't read about it, would you? Hollywood couldn't invent stuff like this.
Let's begin with the tragic.
Terror in Mumbai (originally on UK Channel Four) was last night's offering from Four Corners.
…Their first target was the Leopold Cafe where they killed 11 people. From there they planted bombs inside taxis as the moved across the city. Terror in Mumbai follows the young men every step of the way using telephone calls made between the raid's masterminds in Pakistan and the gunmen in Mumbai. Those calls combine with the testimony of the captured terrorist Ajmal Kasab, to create an extra-ordinary chronology of the attacks.
The calls reveal how the young men are continually reminded they must kill as many people as possible, making sure that whatever happens they must not be taken alive.
Ajmal Kasab, speaking from his hospital bed tells how he and another man attacked the city's train station slaughtering more than 50 people…
As the film progresses the relationship between the attackers and their controllers at the other end of the phone comes into clearer focus.
At times the young men appear utterly ruthless, at other times they break away from their conditioning and register their wonder at the hotel they have taken over. They talk of computers and expensive furniture as if in a wonderland.
As the film progresses the terrorists are told to kill as many people as they can in the Taj Hotel, and then to start a fire. The purpose? To let the world know a symbol of India and the decadent west is being destroyed.
As the phone calls continue it becomes clear the young men are not always willing to kill on command. In one chilling episode one gunman is told to kill a hostage. He stalls for time. Then an hour later he is ordered to shoot. A gunshot is heard…
It was riveting and incredibly sad. The Svengali on the other end of the phone gives new manifestation to the concept of pure evil. The psychology of the perpetrators, one of whom was "sold" — according to the program and his own testimony – to Lashkar e Toiba by his own father so that his siblings could afford to marry, reminded me so much of Joseph Conrad's The Secret Agent. The father was a poor street yoghurt seller.
… The 10 gunmen had sneaked ashore in Mumbai around 9pm on 26 November, having sailed from Pakistan in a hijacked Indian trawler.
Less than an hour later, during a killing spree across the city which included the main railway station, four gunmen entered the luxury Taj Hotel. Young Pakistanis from villages in the Punjab, who had never set foot in a modern hotel before, let alone the vast suites on the upper floors of the Taj, they could not contain their amazement. The first few hours of intercepts at the Taj show them struggling to keep their minds on the task of burning down the hotel.
'There are so many lights… and so many buttons. And lots of computers with 22 and 30-inch screens…' says one.
The other chilling piece of evidence we obtained during the making of this film, was told by one of the gunmen, Kasab, who was taken alive by Indian police and his questioning recorded.
'What's your gang called? Your team?' asks one policeman.
Kasab seems not to understand.
'Your organization, your gang, your team?', some of the other officers round the hospital bed chime in.
'Oh… It's Lashkar e Toiba.' …
It is as well – again – to remind ourselves that it is not all of Islam we are looking at here, but a perversion. Jim Belshaw has also taken up that theme: For Tikno – selection, perception, bias and the MUI Fatwa. The comments from Tikno in Indonesia and Ramana in India enhance Jim's wisdom on this. You may also listen to this: "Young Indonesians have made use of social networking sites to protest against terrorism." The India-Pakistan situation has complicating strands of history involved – the mess of the Partition and the unsolved dilemma of Kashmir. (I studied Indian History at university and have ever since taken an interest.) Further, in relation to Ramana's comment, there is no single body that can speak for Islam. To a degree everyone is his or her own mufti, and the result is amazing diversity. This can be good, but also complicates things terribly. The media do focus on the violent extremists, though Tikno's point about the majority being against violent extremism is almost certainly a truer picture.
Now for the bizarre.
Malcolm Turnbull. Well, he is human, as that Australian Story episode shows, but a bit of a goose too. The show was filmed behind the scenes as the Utegate Imbroglio was occurring, and today all that became more bizarre still: I wrote fake email: Grech.
And then there is that sleazy Radio 2DayFM The Kyle and Jackie O Show. So glad I never listened to them, especially after Media Watch revealed how bottom of the barrel the show has really been.
More 10 to 17 year-olds, by far, listen to 2DayFM than to any other Sydney station.
Yet up to now ACMA has done nothing about Kyle and Jackie's obsession with boobs and willies, their parade of vaginas and penises, their discussions of anal sex, and oral sex, and faeces-eating during sex, and other such breakfast-time delights.
And then there's the program's routine humiliation and emotional manipulation of its 'guests'.
Tonight, while Austereo reviews its 'principles and protocols', we're going to look at a particularly sickening example. It wasn't about sex, or juveniles.
It was about heartless exploitation…
About as funny as a pile of dead rats.
Posted by Neil on August 4, 2009 in Australia, Australia and Australian, challenge, current affairs, fundamentalism and extremism, humanity, Indonesia, Islam, Jim Belshaw, Malcolm Turnbull, media watch, politics, radio, South Asian, terrorism, TV
The Macquarie PEN Australian Literature anthology
I mentioned this here. It has now been published. You may listen to the Radio National Book Show for more information. There is also an interview on Late Night Live.
Posted by Neil on July 31, 2009 in Australia, Australia and Australian, OzLit, radio
One fiction, one non-fiction
Two good reads for the last July 09 book review.
1. Gary Bryson, Turtle, Sydney, Allen & Unwin 2008
I am not overfond of some of what passes as magic realism, but in this case the magic is really magic and the realism gritty and true. This is a wonderful first novel from Bryson, who works as a radio journalist on Radio National's Encounter. From the title link above:
Mandy Sayer interviews Gary Bryson
Mandy Sayer was Gary Bryson's creative writing lecturer when he was writingTurtle. She calls the book 'one of the finest debut novels I have read in years' and says Bryson's storytelling is 'quite simply, enchanting'. She spoke to Gary for Readings on the eve of Turtle's release.
What are the chances of finding a turtle in Scotland?
You might find one in the zoo, but otherwise the turtle steers well clear of Scotland. A country where you have to wear two pairs of socks most of the year is no place for our flippery friends.
So how did a turtle that speaks with a Glasgow accent come about?
When Donald (the story's narrator) has to imagine his escape from his mother's curse, it's a turtle that he latches on to, as an exotic creature that's seemingly about as far from Glasgow as you can get. But Donald's imagination is shaped by his culture and his upbringing, so the turtle he conjures up as his saviour is a distinctly Glasgow one. The Turtle in the book is a sketch of a particular kind of Glasgow character, all front and no-nonsense, whose relations with everyone are enacted through a kind of genial, foul-mouthed banter which sometimes spills over into vindictiveness, but also expresses a kind of love. It's not so far-fetched, really. On the face of it a turtle is about the most un-Glaswegian creature you could imagine, but on the other hand, it hides itself behind this big, tough shell. That's its survival tactic and it's one that's worked well for both turtles and Glaswegians…
2. Umberto Eco, Mouse or Rat: Translation as Negotiation, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2003
Sounds dry, doesn't it? But is really is a most interesting book. As the reviewer in the title link says:
This is a real gem of a book – especially if you're a translator. Eco does a great job of exploring the complexities of the translation process and the problems faced by literary translators in particular. Translation is not just "typing in a foreign language"; translators are forced to continually analyze, interpret, evaluate and – as Eco puts it – negotiate with a text in order to craft a translation that conveys not just the "meaning" but the intent of the original. As both a translator and a "translatee", Eco has a unique insight into translation, and he provides numerous intriguing anecdotes relating to how the trickier passages in his own books and the books of others have been dealt with successfully – and sometimes less successfully – by translators. Being a translator myself, I couldn't help but nod and smile in agreement all through this book…
The Guardian reviewer exaggerates the book's difficulty, though there are indeed some knotty passages. On the other hand very many of the anecdotes and examples are highly amusing as well as instructive, such as the passing of the opening of Genesis through several languages in a computer translator by which the Spirit turns into alcohol…
Posted by Neil on July 30, 2009 in Australia and Australian, Best read of 2009, book reviews, Fiction, intellectual spot, linguistics and language, literary theory/criticism, OzLit, radio, reading, Top read, writers, writing
BBC World Service: some food for thought
I tend to listen to the radio for a while before going to sleep at night, usually between 10 pm and midnight. If I happen to tune in to ABC News Radio at that time I get the BBC World Service. While some may see this as a hangover from times past, I rather rejoice in it. Just lately there have been two standouts.
1. The Reith Lectures 2009: "A New Citizenship: Professor Michael Sandel delivers four lectures about the prospects of a new politics of the common good." I caught the tail end of the first one last night and the audience Q&A. Excellent stuff, and an encouraging perspective on what may emerge from the present troubles. The era from Reagan/Thatcher to the meltdown now feels increasingly like a passing era, not a destination, as many economists in the 1990s saw it – an age of "market triumphalism". What Professor Sandel is advocating, however, is not the end of globalisation but a new model for the relations of market, state and people.
2. BBC Radio 4's Analysis: Economy on the edge. There is a podcast, but a summary rather than a transcript. The summary leaves out much that was of interest in the broadcast, but gives the main outline. The panel was particularly interesting: George Soros, Willem Buiter, professor of European political economy at the London School of Economics and former member of the monetary policy committee of the Bank of England, Christine Lagarde, Minster of Economic Affairs, Industry and Employment in France, and Zhu Min, executive vice president of the Bank of China.
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Posted by Neil on June 15, 2009 in current affairs, globalisation/corporations, radio
Substantial food for thought on Radio National
Given the trivia and infotainment and sometimes unbalanced ranting that characterise too much of the media, it can be refreshing – and challenging – to tune into Australia's Radio National. I probably should do so more.
I was struck particularly by some recent episodes of All in the Mind.
1. Child soldiers: the Art and arts of healing (Part 1 of 2). "Born into the bloody horror of war, Sudanese rap artist Emmanuel Jal was 9 when he was recruited into the Sudanese Peoples' Liberation Army as a child soldier. Incredibly he survived, and his music reaches a generation of Lost Boys."
2. Child soldiers: the Art and arts of healing (Part 2 of 2). "In Sierra Leone, child soldiers committed acts that words can barely describe. At the war's end, ravaged communities responded to them with terror and stigma. A minority of former child soldiers, many orphaned, have access to reintegration programs. Dance and movement therapist David Alan Harris describes an extraordinary project to respond to the traumatised psyche through engaging the body."
You can listen, or read the transcripts. It is strong stuff.
Then I enjoyed A tribute to Isaiah Berlin on The Philosopher's Zone.
John Gray: Although he thought each of these conceptions, negative and positive liberty were in some ways legitimate and authentic developments from a basic core, which is common to both, he preferred negative liberty to positive liberty in any of the versions that it had had throughout history, and there were several. I mean I think what he feared in positive liberty was paternalism, and even a type of authoritarianism, or even totalitarianism….
I should make one very important point though. I think it's a great mistake as some people do, to assimilate Berlin therefore to certain types of narrow or extreme liberal or libertarian thinkers who argue that what states should only do is to protect negative liberty. And he himself certainly did not take the view that the purpose of government was only to protect and promote negative liberty. As I mentioned earlier he wasn't a tremendously political person; he was never actively involved in politics but if I had to describe his political outlook it would be that of a Rooseveltian liberal or in British or Australian terms of a moderate social democrat, and of course being that, meant that negative liberty could and should be tempered and constrained and supplemented by other important values such as social cohesion, distribution, equality and so forth.
Nonetheless he was strongly critical of positive conceptions of liberty because they assumed within individuals and between individuals and in societies as a whole, an actual or a potential harmony which he thought was delusory.
NOTE: The transcript for the second All in the Mind program goes up later this week. You may listen though.
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Posted by Neil on June 9, 2009 in Africa, Australia, Australia and Australian, faith and philosophy, human rights, humanity, inspiration, intellectual spot, radio
Straying on to Marcellous's territory
Last night I happened to listen to this concert on Classic FM:
Geoffrey Saba: Beethoven Sonatas
Geoffrey Saba, piano
Jennifer Hagan, reader
Beethoven Piano Sonata No 30 in E, Op 109 20'24
Readings from Beethoven's letters (part 1) 11'59
Beethoven Piano Sonata No 31 in A flat, Op 110 20'32
Beethoven Piano Sonata No 32 in C minor, Op 111 27'33
Gluck arr Kempff Ballet Music from Orfeo 5'18
Fortunately I decided to listen through pretty good headphones instead of on my rather antique radio. The readings from Beethoven's letters were sometimes amusing, I have to say, and the program quite wonderful. The real point is that it is the first time I have consciously noted a Stuart piano, which Marcellous writes about here. It sounded good to me.
And a footnote about the pianist:
1968 photo: Linked to source
Those book reviews I promised will appear tomorrow…
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Posted by Neil on April 2, 2009 in Marcel, music, radio


text:
Carlos Soublette est un homme d'État vénézuélien,  né à La Guaira (La Guaira) le  et mort à Caracas le . Il est président du Venezuela de 1837 à 1839 puis de 1843 à 1847 et héros de la guerre d'indépendance du Venezuela.

Il est enterré au Panthéon national du Venezuela.

Liens externes

Président du Venezuela
Naissance en décembre 1789
Naissance à La Guaira
Décès en mai 1870
Décès à Caracas
Décès à 80 ans
Vice-président du Venezuela
Personnalité inhumée au Panthéon national du Venezuela


It's especially emotionally and spiritually fulfilling to bring relief to those who are suffering. Or who have lost hope.
You'll start feeling better the moment you walk through our door.
You'll be greeted at the front desk. Naturally, there's some simple paperwork to complete that provides the essential information we'll need to help you. If you'll be using your insurance, we'll collect the needed details.
Then you'll meet Dr. Denis.
The first thing you'll notice is that he's a great listener. He'll want to know about your health issue, when it began, what makes it worse and what makes it better. His goal is to determine if you're a good candidate for chiropractic care.
If you are, we'll conduct a thorough physical, orthopedic, neurological, radiographic and chiropractic examination. Some patients remark that it's the most complete workup that they've ever had. This may take about half an hour.
Based on his findings, you'll get a brief report and your first chiropractic adjustment. Or, it will be scheduled for your next visit.
If a more detailed report was delayed, we'll begin your second visit with a complete report of findings. If X-rays were taken, you'll see them and understand what they reveal.
Dr. Denis will explain what he found, how chiropractic care could help, how long it will take and much it will cost. Reserve about 20 minutes for your second visit.
In the beginning your visits will be frequent to create the necessary momentum to make spinal changes. Your visit frequency will be reduced as you make progress and your spine stabilizes.
Dr. Denis prefers to make his care plan recommendations in two-week increments. That provides opportunities to evaluate your progress and make changes to your visit schedule as needed.
A typical visit takes 10 to 15 minutes. We do our best to run on time and so you can get in and get out and back to your busy life.
Contact Gallagher Family Chiropractic and schedule your appointment today. The road to wellness begins here.


On a day made challenging by light winds and powerful tides, the ISAF Grade 1 Auckland Match Racing Cup saw two major upsets as the regatta got under way in Auckland, New Zealand. Before racing began, Takumi NAKAMURA (JPN) declared his one ambition was to beat defending champion Dean BARKER (NZL) and his Emirates Team New Zealand crew on their home waters and in their first encounter of the regatta, the Japanese skipper achieved his goal.
NAKAMURA and his crew led from start to finish on a track full of pitfalls with patchy winds and a very strong outgoing tide.
The other major upset of the day came when the Russian team led by Eugeny NEUGODNIKOV took another America's Cup scalp by beating James SPITHILL (AUS) and his Luna Rossa crew.
SPITHILL and his crew travelled direct from Valencia, Spain, where they have been in winter training for the America's Cup, while NEUGODNIKOV took time out from playing ice-hockey in -25°C conditions to compete in the ISAF Grade 1 regatta hosted by the Royal New Zealand Yacht Squadron.
'We arrived here a week ago and we did some training with the Squadron's Youth Programme,' said NEUGODNIKOV. 'That was very good. We have raced against SPITHILL five or six times before, but that was our first win,' added the Russian, who is ranked 7 on the ISAF World Match Race Rankings.
By the end of the day, six flights of the first round robin had been completed. BARKER was one of four skippers sharing the top of the leaderboard on 4-2. SPITHILL was also in that group along with world #2 Ian WILLIAMS (GBR) and world #3 Matthieu RICHARD (FRA).
Just behind them on a 3-3 record were the Russian team and the Simon MINOPRIO and Adam MINOPRIO, the two brothers who are both skippering leading New Zealand crews. Brian ANGEL (USA) and New Zealander Simon DICKEY were on 2-4, while NAKAMURA had to content himself with his sole victory over BARKER at 1-5.
Ten teams from seven nations are competing in the Auckland Match Racing Cup. The regatta format features two round robins, followed by a semi-final and final on the weekend.


Must all marks be registered? No, but federal registration has several advantages, including a notice to the public of the registrant's claim of ownership of the mark, a legal presumption of ownership nationwide, and the exclusive right to use the mark on or in connection with the goods or services set forth in the registration.
Records of copyright ownership from the United States Copyright Office from July 1891 through December 1977.
Works registered and documents recorded by the U.S. Copyright Office since January 1, 1978.
Full text patents from 1976-present; images of all patents from 1790-present.
Tracks recorded changes in trademark ownership from 1955-present.
The subject browsing section of this guide was written and created by Kelly L. Smith, librarian at UC San Diego Library. The CSI library thanks her for allowing the LibGuides community to reuse this content. Her original guide may be found at https://ucsd.libguides.com/c.php?g=90905&p=584690.


Changes in the world of business have come and gone but none of them has been as powerful and revolutionary as those triggered by advancement in technology. The latter is nothing but progress through invention and innovation – a hallmark that has affect every aspect of this modern age. Right from the prehistoric developments such as the fire through friction and wheel to today's technical devices such as PCs and TVs; there's truly no dearth of remarkable inventions that have changed the way our personal as well as professional lives work. Notably, they have drastically changed the way businesses conduct themselves. Right from manual to automated transformation and from slow to fast processes, technological inventions have showered several commercial blessings on different industrial niches. In modern times, there are a few hi-tech wonders that actually kicked off their journey as novelties but today have become the essentials in the world of business. So, let's explore them right away!
Business computing has received a significant boost with tablets and iPads. The iPad's popularity has encouraged various trials and experiments to know where tabs can ensure more efficiency or not for the employees.Avent, an international distributor of electronics, is into a small-scale trial of iPads in its center of distribution. It has been found that the employees use iPads or tablets in areas that are remote from a kiosk so that they can record data about items to be picked up easily.
In general, these technological inventions are now useful for a variety of business purposes, such as conducting a board meeting for exchanging information electronically, increasing sales for emergency products like medicines, boosting productivity while outdoors, reducing paper work wherever possible, and advertising on the go through videos. With so many benefits, tablets and iPads are truly worth having for any kind of business.
GPS offers satellite tracking services for catering to a diverse range of personal and commercial applications. Using this technology invention in business can confer unique benefits triggering competitive advantages, even though not each type of business may enjoy them in the same way. Therefore, one needs to comprehend how GPS can help in improving your services so that it becomes easier to know whether this technology can make your business reach up to the next level.
Companies can use this advanced technology to improve their current set of services or develop new ones as per customers' needs. For example, companies can distribute Web-based coupons via GPS to their customers to offer them products and services in close proximity to their residential location at a fixed time. Similarly, delivery agencies can utilize GPS to offer theestimated arrival times quickly to their customers.In addition, if the company has employees who work in outdoors, GPS can help in quickly finding the routes to different destinations.
Although a significant amount of time has passed, Internet is yet in its juvenile stage as compared to tech inventions such as telescope and microscope that have been for more than a century. Despite this, the Internet has changed the business field much more than other tech inventions. Invented in the '60s but made available for public use in the '90s, Internet has completely transformed each aspect of business, right from planning to brand building and customer relationships.
It may seem that video conferencing is not that great deal in the modern tech-saturated world. However, it is certainly a big deal for businesses that can now conduct their operations with remote patrons on the Internet without being facetoface. So, it has made several opportunities available, which were once deemed to be impossible.
Bio: Simon Earl Bonn is a blogger who prefers writing on any topic related to technology and commerce. He is currently researching on tech tycoons such as Mark Leslie Veritas, the founder of Veritas Software. Simon is now planning to write on latest tech trends in business.


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Tendulkar preps up for Cricket All-Stars
Talking about his new innings and playing once again against Warne, Tendulkar said last year at Lord's he found out that the passion for the game was retained by the retired international stars and that inspired him in organising the exhibition T20 series.
Mumbai 27 October, 2015 20:33 IST
Sachin Tendulkar practicing ahead of the inaugural Cricket All Star Series. - Vivek Bendre
Sachin Tendulkar on Monday started preparing for the Cricket All-Stars Series 2015, a three-match T20 exhibition cricket tour of the USA next month where he and retired Australian great Shane Warne would lead opposing teams, to be held at New York, Houston and Los Angeles.
"Last year, we met at Lord's and had an amazing time. It was good fun in the dressing room as well. Post match also, there was a cocktail party in the Long Room at Lord's where I got to meet a lot of players who were actually not playing that game but they were much very there to watch us play.
Overall, it was a humbling experience when you meet so many players and discuss cricket. I realised then that even though we have retired the passion for cricket is very much alive and that sort of spurred me in this direction and start Cricket All Stars."
Tendulkar said the series was about promoting the game and the players would have fun interacting with the crowd on baseball grounds.
"I believe that all the players who are taking part in the All Stars League are all great players and all of them have played at the highest level for at least 15 years. Their record proves what type of players they were. I just want to say that we are all coming together to promote the game and support the game.
Interaction with the American crowd
I feel that the interaction of the players with the crowd will be a bit different. When you play for India, you are not in the mood to crack jokes, you only have to focus on the match.
But here you have baseball grounds, so the fine leg, third man, deep point, deep square leg, all these fielders who are placed deep will literally be five feet away from the spectators, so some of the players might even get a chance to have a laugh with the spectators."
Tendulkar said the response to the initiative in US has been very good and he has got feedback that Native Americans would be among the crowd.
Overwhelming response for the series
"I think the response has been fantastic, really overwhelming and as the time goes by and we get closer to the first game, I am sure it is going to get even more. It is nice to see that all the people living there are taking interest in cricket and not just the Asians, the Americans have also decided to turn up and that is the feedback I get from my friends.
A few of my friends who have settled there in the 90s, they had no idea about baseball or basketball, their American friends took them to stadiums and made them understand what baseball is. So I told him it is time for you to reciprocate and get some Americans inside the stadiums and make them understand cricket and I am sure they would love it."
Who will be Sachin's opening partner?
Asked about who he will be opening with, Tendulkar said the team compositions have not been decided yet.
"We haven't selected our teams but there is a new surprise, Virender Sehwag is also a part of it. It would be nice. Whether it's Hayden, Ganguly or Sehwag, whoever, they are all top players and we all are looking forward to it and so is Viru and that is what he told me."
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The uses and abuses of «vulnerability» in EU asylum and refugee protection: Protecting women or reducing autonomy?
Los usos y abusos de la «vulnerabilidad» en el asilo de la UE y la protección de refugiados: ¿Proteger a las mujeres o reducir la autonomía?
Jane Freedman
Université de Paris 8, CRESPPA-GTM (Francia)
Abstract: The concept of vulnerability has become central in European asylum and refugee law and policy in recent years. The adoption of special measures designed to offer greater protection to vulnerable asylum seekers might be seen as a positive step. However, the way in which vulnerability has been defined is open to question. Too often vulnerability is reduced to a simplistic and essentialised categorisation, which is also highly gendered and racialized. Women are thus categorized as «vulnerable» a priori, without real consideration of the structural and contextual causes of this vulnerability. Whilst being classed as «vulnerable» can increase chances of protection within EU asylum and refugee systems, the impacts on those who are classified as vulnerable can be felt as forms of symbolic violence which reduce agency and autonomy. Based on interviews with asylum seekers and refugees, as well as an analysis of recent EU asylum directives, this article calls for a re-thinking of the uses of vulnerability in EU asylum policies in order to afford better protection, whilst at the same time recognising the agency and autonomy of asylum seekers and refugees.
Vulnerabilidad
RESUMEN: El concepto de vulnerabilidad se ha convertido en el centro de la legislación y la política europeas de asilo y refugio en los últimos años. La adopción de medidas especiales diseñadas para ofrecer una mayor protección a los solicitantes de asilo vulnerables puede considerarse un paso positivo. Ahora bien, la forma en que se ha definido la vulnerabilidad es cuestionable. Con demasiada frecuencia, la vulnerabilidad se reduce a una categorización simplista y esencializada, que también es altamente generizada y racializada. Las mujeres son clasificadas como «vulnerables» a priori, sin una consideración real de las causas estructurales y contextuales de esta vulnerabilidad. Si bien ser clasificado como «vulnerable» puede aumentar las posibilidades de protección dentro de los sistemas de asilo y refugio de la UE, los impactos en quienes son clasificados como vulnerables pueden ser sentidos como formas de violencia simbólica que reducen la agencia y la autonomía. En base a entrevistas con solicitantes de asilo y refugiados, así como en un análisis de las recientes directivas de asilo de la UE, este artículo propone repensar los usos de la vulnerabilidad en las políticas de asilo de la UE para proporcionar una mejor protección al tiempo que reconozcan la agencia y la autonomía de los solicitantes de asilo y de los refugiados.
Correspondence to: Jane Freedman. Université de Paris 8, CRESPPA-GTM. 59 Rue Pouchet. 75017 Paris (France). Corrisponding author: jane.freedman@wanadoo.fr – http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2440-7131
How to cite: Freedman, Jane. (2018). «The uses and abuses of "vulnerability" in EU asylum and refugee protection: protecting women or reducing autonomy?»; Papeles del CEIC, vol. 2019/1, papel 204, -308. (http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/pceic.19525).
Received: March, 2018; Final version: October, 2018.
ISSN 1695-6494 / © 2019 UPV/EHU
This article is distributed under the terms of the
In the past few years, the category of « vulnerability » has taken a central role in European asylum and refugee legislation and policies. This has had a particular impact on the perceptions and treatment of women asylum seekers and refugees. The concept of vulnerability is often linked to gendered constructions and norms which portray women as intrinsically weaker and thus more physically exposed to danger than men, and thus more in need of protection. But although it might be seen as a positive move to greater protection for women that EU and Member State institutions are adopting policies which specify special measures for those judged to be vulnerable, many questions remain. Firstly, how should vulnerability be defined and identified in the case of asylum seekers and refugees? And what are the impacts of being defined as vulnerable for an asylum seeker or refugee? It might be argued that the use of the concept of vulnerability is just one more aspect of the «categorical fetishism» (Crawley and Skleparis, 2017) when dealing with refugees in Europe, in an attempt to divide those who are the «good» refugees worthy of support, from the «bad» migrants who are believed to be seeking to abuse the system to gain protection which they do not deserve. To be categorised as «vulnerable» and to gain access to the particular protections that this status bestows, asylum seekers and refugees have to conform to a certain number of criteria and have to behave and present themselves in specific ways, so as to be understood as those in need of and deserving extra protection. To do so may force them to act in ways that are contrary to their real self-perceptions and self-identifications, and in some cases, perhaps contrary to other interests. Being labelled as «vulnerable» can also act as an impediment to full autonomy and agency as the «vulnerable» person is reduced to a dependent or childlike status. As Gilson argues, being labelled as vulnerable can suggest dependency, weakness, susceptibility to harm, and violability (Gilson, 2016). This article will explore the use of the category of vulnerability in the protection of women asylum seekers and refugees in the European Union, assessing both the possible benefits of this labelling, but also its negative impacts on these women. We will also explore how women can seek to subvert the label of vulnerability and to use it to advance their own individual or collective migratory projects and strategies.
The article is based on research carried out in various European settings —primarily in Greece and in France—, between 2015 and 2018, including interviews with asylum seekers and refuge1, with NGOs and associations supporting refugees, and with representatives of various European and international organisations concerned with refugee support and protection and/or with border control and immigration policies2. I spent time both on the Greek island of Kos where refugees were arriving and in Athens. In both locations I was able to observe the conditions of reception for refugees, and their interactions with various institutional actors, and NGOs, as well as carrying out interviews with refugees themselves. These interviews were carried out either in English, or with an interpreter. During the interviews the women I spoke to described their experiences of forced migration, the journeys they had undertaken, their reception conditions and interactions with authorities, NGOs and local populations. I also carried out observation and interviews in the various refugee camps in the Calais region in France where I was again able to observe living conditions of refugees and interactions with various actors, as well as speaking to refugee women about their experiences. Interviews with EU and international organisations were carried out either in person, or in certain instances by telephone or skype.
I will begin the article with an examination of the conditions which render asylum seeking and refugee women vulnerable, before moving on to examine how the notion of vulnerability has been integrated into EU policies in this area. In the second half of the article I examine the impacts of the labelling as vulnerable on women themselves, and on ways in which they can strategically use this label to support their own agency and autonomous projects.
2.	Borders, Securitisation and the Creation of Vulnerabilities
One of the paradoxes of the emergence of the notion of vulnerability in EU asylum and refuge policies in recent years is the fact that many of the vulnerabilities of the people attempting to reach the EU to claim refugee protection have been created, or at least exacerbated, by EU policies themselves. The question of vulnerability of refugees, and of the specific vulnerabilities of certain groups of refugees, has become particularly acute in Europe since the start of what has been called the refugee «crisis» from 2014 onwards (Gilbert, 2015). The arrival, or attempted arrival of millions of people seeking refugee protection in Europe has led to rising numbers of deaths at sea and at EU borders, and a worsening humanitarian situation for many refugees who find themselves living in precarious, dangerous and insalubrious conditions. The securitisation of migration, and continuing attempts by the EU to close borders and prevent the arrival of refugees has not stopped the flows of people but has pushed them into taking increasingly expensive and risky routes to try to arrive in Europe to seek protection (Andersson, 2016).
Increasing insecurities for refugees have not affected all equally. Whilst violence is a constantly present element of the refugee journey, women face heightened risks of sexual and gender-based forms of violence. The interconnections between gender, migration, violence and insecurity have been highlighted by research in various regions of the world (Marchand, 2008; Freedman, 2012; Freedman, Kivilcim and Ozgur Baklacioglu, 2017). Different push and pull factors, migration control regimes, as well as social and economic conditions in countries of origin, transit and destination create varying types of insecurity and violence for men and women, depending on their varying social and economic positions and the relations of power between them. As Marchand argues: «It goes without saying that the migration-violence nexus is gendered. Men and women are affected in different ways and the violence to which they are exposed is related to their position with respect to the migration-violence nexus.» (2008: 1387). Recent research has also highlighted the physical risks of border crossing for women, and the higher rate of mortality at the borders for women than for men (Pickering and Cochrane, 2012). Despite these risks, however, refugee women continue to try to reach Europe desperate to escape conflict, violence and persecution in their home countries and to find a safer home for them and their families.
In 2015 over one million people arrived in the EU seeking refugee protection, and thousands died on the route. Since then the numbers of arrivals have diminished somewhat but there are still many thousands of people who attempt the increasingly dangerous journey every day. There are still no accurate statistics on the number of women amongst these refugees, and a persistent problem is the tendency to provide statistics which group «women and children» together, a categorisation which has been criticised by feminists for many years (Enloe, 1990) as it reduced women to the status of children, taking away their adult independence and autonomy. Statistics that are available show that women make up around 20% of the refugees arriving in Europe by boat3. Increasing numbers of women are also arriving alone, or with only their children, without any male partner or companion (Freedman, 2016). Many of these women are fleeing gender-based forms of violence or persecution in their countries of origin, and they are also particularly vulnerable to gendered violence on their journeys to and arrival in Europe. Their vulnerability to violence is not intrinsic to their status as women, but created by the conditions of migration and exacerbated by EU policies. The closing of many borders on the so-called Balkan route and the EU-Turkey Agreement of March 20164 have further restricted refugees' possibilities of reaching the EU and have forced them to take even more dangerous and difficult routes (Lovertt, Whelan and Rendon, 2017). Women I spoke to talked about their insecurities and the danger of violence from many sources including border guards and police, smugglers, other refugees, and also members of their own families. One woman had walked across the mountainous border from Iran to Turkey carrying her three-year-old child. She described the terror of falling and being left to die by the smugglers, or of being apprehended by the Turkish border guards, «and you know what they do when they catch a woman who is alone»5. Other women talked about their fears during the boat crossing from Turkey to Greece: «I thought I was going to die, it was the worst experience»6. The dangers of the journey exist for all refugees, but for women, the threat of sexual violence is added to that of the physical danger. Smugglers, for example, may subject women to rape and sexual harassment, and as women often have very few economic resources to pay the smugglers, they may instead demand sexual relations in payment for the journey.
Many humanitarian and aid organisations deal with the refugees as «family» groups and assume that the men will protect the women with whom they are travelling. As well as obscuring relations of domination and violence within these groups, this also acts to silence the voice of women, and to take away the possibilities for them to express their own needs and wishes. The insecurities faced by women on the journey mean that many of them may choose to find a group of other refugees, or a man, with whom they can travel. So, in fact, many of the «family» groups arriving are not families at all in the strict «biological» sense of the word. And even when they are «real» family groups, dealing only with the male «head» of the family, means that many forms of exploitation, violence or domination may be ignored.
Migration can also lead to changes in relations of power and gender relations within families and couples, and in some cases to increasing incidences of domestic violence. As pointed out above, the known dangers and risks of the refugee journey mean that many women choose to travel in a «family» group with men that they may not have known previously. This formation of «family» groups may offer protection to some women but may also lead to varying forms of violence and exploitation within the groups, which are overlooked by those outside who assume that men will protect women travelling with them. Violence occurs also within «real» families. Médicins Sans Frontières (MSF), for example, has reported cases of both psychological and physical violence within families, and women have spoken about the fact that they were victims of violence from their husbands during their journeys. These women suffered both the insecurities of their journey, and from their own husbands, who not only did not protect them, but also offered a threat. Women in this situation find it almost impossible to leave their abusive husbands or partners because the idea of continuing the journey alone, or just with their children, is too difficult. So, they find themselves stuck in a violent relationship. There have also been reports that women who have arrived in an EU country have had little help or support in escaping violence from their husbands or partners. One report in Germany, for example, recounted the story of a Syrian woman whose husband raped and beat her whilst they were living in a temporary camp set up to house newly arrived refugees. When the woman tried to file a complaint with the police they would not listen to her, and there was no real help either from social work or refugee support services. A group founded to help refugee women in Berlin explained that: «There is no real security for asylum-seeking women because whenever they are attacked, either physically or sexually harassed, nobody knows what to do. There is no clear policy»7.
In addition, women who do reach the EU and who wish to make an asylum application on the grounds of gender-based violence or persecution face significant barriers in the refugee status determination process. There is still evidence that women's asylum claims face significant barriers both in terms of the interpretation of the Convention and in terms of the procedural difficulties. One of the major issues is the fact that women's claims are often not considered «credible», and they have more difficulty in providing material proof of these claims (Singer, 2014). Further difficulties arise from the fact that women may still be interviewed together with their husbands or children which may prevent them from telling their own stories, and although it is recommended that a same sex interviewer should be provided this is not always the case. For women who have been victims of sexual or gender-based violence, the fact of recounting the detail of their experience to an interviewer of the opposite sex can prove a significant barrier. In terms of the interpretation of the Convention, women's claims which are based on gendered forms of persecution are often considered under the grounds of their belonging to a «particular social group». However, there is still not a real agreement about what constitutes a «particular social group» and how this Convention ground can be properly applied to claims based on gender-related forms of persecution.
There is thus a real case for arguing that refugees' vulnerabilities are highly gendered, but this acknowledgement should not mean that all women asylum seekers and refugees are categorised a priori as «vulnerable», as we will discuss further below.
3.	Integrating the recognition of vulnerability into European asylum and refugee policies
In the previous section the existence of real sources of vulnerability and insecurity for women asylum seekers and refugees has been shown. But what policy response has there been to the risks of violence and the specific insecurities faced by women asylum seekers and refugees? The 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, the major international convention on which international and national refugee policy and law are based, does not mention the notion of vulnerability, or make reference to the specific situation of some groups of refugees who may be more vulnerable than others. Neither does the Convention have any mention of sex or gender, or of the specific needs or vulnerabilities of refugee women (Freedman, 2015). However, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) has issued various sets of guidelines concerning specific groups of refugees distinguished by gender, age or disability, and recommend special treatment for these groups in relation to their particular vulnerabilities. In reaction to widespread critique from feminist groups at the lack of specific guidance on protection for women asylum seekers and refugees, for example, UNHCR has issued various guidelines on the protection of women, victims of sexual violence, or victims of trafficking (UNHCR, 1991, 1995, 2003 and 2006). These guidelines integrate an assumed notion of vulnerability of these particular groups and their need for added protection in the face of this vulnerability. But «group vulnerability reasoning carries pitfalls with it, most notably essentialism, stigmatization, and paternalism» (Peroni and Timmer, 2013: 1085). As Fineman argues, the equation of vulnerability with certain group identities supports the liberal myth that «normally» people are self-sufficient and autonomous (Fineman, 2008). This myth in turn legitimizes inequality and unequal treatment of different groups. Further, the criteria used by the UNHCR for selecting refugees for resettlement to third countries, rely almost entirely on the notion of vulnerability, so that any refugee who wishes to be a candidate for resettlement needs to prove that they are indeed vulnerable to hope to gain a place on the list. Gender again plays a major role in this notion of vulnerability, with one UNHCR official I spoke to expressing the idea that women should always be a priority for refugee resettlement, and that further, he believed that the UNHCR should in some circumstances choose to resettle only women8.
The integration of the notion of «vulnerability» has also become more central in EU asylum and refugee policies (Peroni and Timmer, 2013), again partly as a response to criticisms that issues of gender, and the specific situations of asylum seeking and refugee women and girls were not being taken into account in these policies (Freedman, 2015). The re-cast asylum directives which form part of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), thus address the need for special procedural guarantees and for adapted reception conditions for those considered to be vulnerable. The re-cast Qualifications Directive adopted in 2011 obliges EU Member States to take into account the «specific situation of vulnerable persons such as victims of human trafficking (…) and persons who have been subjected to rape or other serious forms of psychological, physical or sexual violence»9. The Reception Conditions Directive also refers to the needs of vulnerable persons including «minors, unaccompanied minors, disabled people, elderly people, pregnant women, single parents with minor children, victims of human trafficking, persons with serious illnesses, persons with mental disorders and persons who have been subjected to torture, rape or other serious forms of psychological, physical or sexual violence, such as victims of female genital mutilation», and states that these people may have «special reception needs»10, Member States are required under these directives to take measures to identify those who fall into the category of vulnerability so that they can respond to their specific needs.
The recognition of vulnerability amongst asylum seekers and refugees, should in theory also be supported by the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) whose 2017-2019 objectives include a commitment to «contribute to the better identification of and adequate support to vulnerable applicants in asylum processes»11. Their website provides a «tool» for identifying persons with what they term «special needs», and they provide training for asylum officers across Europe for this process of identification.
But whilst the integration of the notion of «vulnerability» into the EU asylum system might be welcomed in that it acknowledges the increased risks and dangers faced by some asylum seekers and refugees, there is also a danger that this adoption of categories of «vulnerability» will lead to essentialisation and reification of categories, and to a failure to understand or taken into account the agency of those seeking asylum. As the European Council on Refugees and Exiles argues: «While specific safeguards in the asylum procedure and reception structures are certainly needed and welcomed, the legal 'vulnerabilisation' of applicants for international protection should not presume —nor be conflated with— a lack of agency of asylum applicants and refugees» (ECRE, 2017: 13).
4.	Identifying who is «Vulnerable»
Inherent in the adoption of measures of protection for vulnerable asylum seekers and refugees, is the assumption that there will be measures in place to identify who is «vulnerable», and that vulnerability is something that can be identified in an individual. This assumption, however, is not unproblematic, relying as it does on a belief that vulnerability is a characteristic which is easily identifiable and objectifiable in an individual. But beyond the most visible signs of «vulnerability» such as pregnancy or physical handicap, how can more hidden or invisible forms of vulnerability such as mental illness and post-traumatic stress, among others, be identified? This question is even more acute in situations such as those in many European States where there is a lack of personnel working on this identification of vulnerability. The integration of the idea of protecting vulnerable persons in EU asylum and refugee policies has led to the establishment of various systems for identifying this vulnerability. In the «hotspots» on the Greek islands, for example, the process of identifying vulnerable refugees is critical. Since the EU-Turkey Agreement of March 2016, only those who are formally identified as vulnerable will be allowed to move from the islands on to the Greek mainland to have their asylum claim heard. The label of vulnerability is thus hugely valuable in allowing an individual to escape from the geographical restriction and retention imposed on others, and to benefit from the better reception conditions on the Greek mainland (even if these conditions are themselves not always optimal). The system put in place for identifying those who are vulnerable has been heavily criticised however. A lack of staff carrying out these assessments mean that there is a long waiting list for interviews to determine vulnerability. And even when an interview takes place, it might often be carried out in a hurried and superficial manner, which does not allow a real understanding of the situation of the person concerned, and the ways in which they may be vulnerable beyond an obvious physical state such as physical handicap or pregnancy. A report published in 2017 found that: «the lack of sufficient medical staff, the lack of medical expertise among the staff, and the format of the assessments, which interviewees described as taking only a few minutes, result in many people's conditions not being identified. This is particularly the case for vulnerabilities that are less apparent —mental health conditions, experiences of torture or of sexual or gender-based violence— where a brief meeting, without a relationship of trust having been established, can result in people not disclosing such conditions» (Refugees International, 2017).
In other countries, such as France and the UK, a questionnaire is used to determine whether or not an asylum seeker should be classed as «vulnerable». Again, these questionnaires rely on a «listing» of different categories of potential vulnerability, including various forms of physical handicap, or being pregnant. Asylum seekers may also request a medical visit to demonstrate that they are vulnerable. Here as well, any more complex idea of vulnerability as not a physical or intrinsic quality, but a contingent, contextual and multi-layered construction is missing.
The types of vulnerability assessments set up in Europe thus tend to emphasise visible physical dependency or weakness and neglect more complex relational and contextual causes and forms of vulnerability, simplifying and treating vulnerability as one dimensional rather than as a «layered concept» (Luna, 2009). And as Clark (2007) has previously argued, this type of vulnerability assessment may mean that refugees feel obliged to co-operate with or appropriate ascribed characteristics of vulnerability in order to invoke compassion or to gain access to rights which would otherwise be denied them. In some cases, as we will discuss below, this may even extend to becoming pregnant as a deliberate strategy for being categorised as vulnerable. But the need to conform to these rather essentialising notions of what vulnerability looks like can also reinforce pre-existing dichotomies and stereotypes of victimhood and menace. Stereotypes, which as we will discuss below, are intimately linked to gendered and racialized social constructions.
5.	Vulnerability, Threat and Gender: Reinforcing Essentialist Dichotomies?
Whilst the integration of the category of vulnerability into EU asylum and refugee policies may be seen as a way to afford greater protection to women who are particularly at risk of gender-based violence or other gendered forms of discrimination and persecution, it could also be seen to be reinforcing already existing essentialist and gendered representations. Hollander (2001), suggests that widely shared understandings and representations of gender associate femininity with vulnerability and masculinity with dangerousness. She also points out that gendered understandings of vulnerability and dangerousness cannot be understood in isolation from other hierarchies of power and domination such as race, class, age etc. This assertion seems to be supported in an analysis of representations of asylum seekers and refugees arriving in the European Union. This analysis shows that the representations of the current influx of refugees in the media and in political discourse are highly gendered. For men, and particularly young men, there is a persistent representation of the threat that they pose to Europe (Allsopp, 2017; Herz, 2018). The fact that some of those involved in the Bataclan attacks in Paris in November 2015 may have travelled through Turkey and Greece with the other refugees added fuel to these representations of threat, as did the supposed involvement of some refugees in the sexual violence perpetrated against women in Cologne during the 2016 New Year celebrations. Following the Cologne attacks there were many articles in the media and statements by political leaders drawing on discourses of the lack of respect for women's rights in «other» cultures, and the need to «educate» refugees on «European values» concerning women's rights and gender equality.
Women, on the other hand, when they are made visible in discourses on refugees, are portrayed largely as vulnerable, as victims and in need of protection. And these representations are reinforced by UNHCR and EU policies. As previous research has shown, refugee women are more often than not portrayed as «passive subjects in need of humanitarian protection» (Olivius, 2016: 282). As such, they may be denied a «voice» and an opportunity to assert their agency in managing their migratory projects and journeys. These representations clearly have an impact on the experiences of women asylum seekers and refugees and the way that they are treated by both officials and others once they reach Europe. Women I interviewed, whilst highlighting the insecurity they felt, and the lack of support which they were receiving from European authorities, also claimed that they often felt diminished because of a lack of respect from the officials or from aid workers or members of the general public with whom they came into contact. Although being treated as «vulnerable» may be seen as an advantage, it also reduces women to what they feel is an «inferior» status where their own autonomous strategies and projects are undermined.
The intersections of gendered and racialized representations are also very pertinent here. The impacts of representations of vulnerability and victimhood were felt extremely keenly by Muslim women and this was particularly marked in the case of women who were wearing a hijab/headscarf who felt that they were treated as «other» and less educated, enlightened or intelligent than both European women and refugee men. One woman told me: «They think that all Syrian women are stupid and oppressed. They don't understand how it was for us before in Syria». This woman was a 30-year-old architect who had had a well-respected career before the outbreak of the war in Syria. She was single and had travelled alone to Europe, clearly demonstrating her autonomy and agency in the management of her journey and choice of a European country in which to seek protection. On arrival in France she had claimed asylum and had sought financial and material support from the relevant authorities. But as she told me, she felt that she was treated just as an «oppressed victim» by those working with refugees, even though in some cases the efforts to help her may have been well-intentioned. «The male refugees I know were not treated in the same way as me. They were given a lot more respect»12, she affirmed. This feeling of being treated as someone without autonomy, an object of pity of charity was echoed by another Syrian woman interviewed in Paris who explained how she had been treated by the Croix Rouge Charity when she went to ask for food. «They gave me 1kg of chocolate biscuits, and I told them I don't like chocolate. But then they said «I thought you said you were hungry. If you're hungry you'll eat them». I felt so humiliated. They just treated me as if I was stupid»13. This type of symbolic violence seems unfortunately to be a common experience of women refugees arriving in Europe, and particularly those who are easily identified as Muslim. Even well-meaning charitable or humanitarian interventions tend to classify them as vulnerable victims, objects of pity, targeted for interventions in ways that foreclose their agency (Kallius, Monterescu and Rajaram, 2016). These representations of women (and particularly Muslim women), as «vulnerable» or «victims» devoid of agency, combine a racialized and gendered discourse which reduced their ability to express and make heard their own needs, wishes and opinions.
6.	The Strategic Uses of Vulnerability
Being categorised as vulnerable can be seen as a form of «symbolic violence» by refugee women and can impact on their autonomy and agency. But, women can also strategically use their perceived vulnerability to gain some advantages in terms of migratory strategies and projects, thus demonstrating their agency and autonomy. Some women refugees, well aware of the label of vulnerability which is attached to them, have been able to make strategic use of this labelling to gain advantages for themselves and sometimes their families. This is the case of women who have chosen to travel alone to Europe whilst leaving their families behind in their countries of origin, or in a country of transit. They understand that as women travelling alone, they will be categorised as vulnerable by European authorities, and may thus find it easier to cross borders and to reach a country of destination and gain refugee protection. Once this protection has been gained for them, they can then seek to bring their family members to join them in Europe. Interviewees from various NGOs working with refugees in Greece, as well as from the UNHCR noted that this strategy was one of the explanations they had for the increase in the arrival of single women since 2014. These women, they argued, had taken a conscious decision to leave their families and to travel alone, despite the risks that this could entail, because they believed that as lone women, they would have a much better chance of reaching an EU country and of gaining refugee status. One Iraqi woman I interviewed in France had left her husband and travelled alone. She explained:
«I think that when you are a woman, it is dangerous, but also it might be easier for the border guards, the police to help you. It is easier for a woman to cross the borders, to get a place to stay. Because they are worried about you being on your own and being a woman.»14
Some women may also use the fact of being pregnant to help them to advance their migration and to gain protection. Being pregnant is one of the most visible signs of «vulnerability», and one which is thus easy to demonstrate to immigration officials or police. Some EU policy makers have suggested that women deliberately get pregnant on the journey to Europe in order to gain access and protection more easily. The situation is clearly more complex than this, with women becoming pregnant for many and varied reasons, including rape, lack of access to contraception, or a wish to have a child in a relationship which they have constructed during their exile. However, in some cases, it is clearly in these women's strategic interests to become pregnant. One NGO working in Greece with women who are caught up in a family reunification process, told me that it clearly is an advantage for women to be pregnant as this will lead to their claim being processed more quickly, and in many cases more favourably. Whilst the NGO worker I spoke to did not actively encourage women to become pregnant, she told me that she was always happy for them when they did so, because it was a real support to their case to be classified as «vulnerable» in this way15.
The perception of women as vulnerable, and the belief that they will access protection and help more easily is also used by the smugglers and those arranging journeys. Refugees told me that during the sea crossing from Turkey to Greece, for example, women were placed at the front and on the outside edges of the crowd of refugees in each boat. This was a deliberate strategy to ensure that the boat was more likely to be rescued by coastguards as they would be more inclined to help these vulnerable women, and far less likely to leave the boat to sink if they saw women on board.
Women refugees also show agency and autonomy through collective action, coming together to give mutual support and to help each other overcome the insecurities of the journey and of their status. In Athens, where many refugees are stuck in limbo, waiting to try and continue their onward journey to another EU Member State, or else awaiting the decision on their asylum application, women's squats and centres set up by migrant and refugee women provides a good example of women's agency and collective action to work together to respond to their shared insecurities and vulnerabilities.
One such «woman friendly» centre, organised by the Melissa Network, provides an example of good practice of a centre run by women for women, and which gives refugee women the opportunity to get support on a number of issues, such as health, parenting, legal advice, as well as learning Greek and engaging in cultural and art projects. The women who are able to benefit from this space clearly appreciated the support and feeling of community and safety that it provided them in their otherwise very insecure circumstances. Many of the women interviewed there said that it was the only place in Greece where they felt «at home», and where they were able to get access to the information and resources they needed to survive. Women felt that here they were treated as «human», and not merely as «victims», objects of pity or of fear. Further, they found that the women only space encouraged them to be able to speak for themselves, organise and express agency as they could not do in more mixed environments. As one young Afghan woman explained: «Melissa is the first place I have found that is only for women. I feel comfortable here. We need more spaces that are for women only. Sometimes when you are mixed with the men and boys they are aggressive, and we can't say anything»16.
In France, women shared similar experiences of collective mobilisation to share information and support each other. A group of Syrian women refugees meets regularly at the Maison des Femmes in Paris. These women have been recognised as refugees, and so have a legal status in France, but have difficulties in accessing housing, education, childcare and other services. Many of them feel that they are in a vulnerable situation, but that this vulnerability is not recognised in any constructive way by French authorities or NGOs. «They say they want to help us. But they don't understand our situation and they don't listen to what we really need»17. The women felt that by coming together they could listen to each other and help to support each other's projects. In this case, as in that of their Greek counterparts, they knew that they could not change public policy or legislation, but their collective action helped them to overcome the restricted and stereotyped categorisations to which they had been subject, and to rediscover autonomy and agency with the support of others. This type of mobilisation is an intervention which demonstrates how vulnerabilities can be remediated not only through «helping» a subject, but by fostering autonomy and promoting the development of capabilities of those who are vulnerable in a «nonpaternalistic» way. As Mackenzie argues: «Nonpaternalistic forms of protection recognize vulnerable persons or social groups as equal citizens, but as citizens who may need targeted forms of assistance to convert resources into functionings» (2014: 55).
It might be argued that the new focus on vulnerability, and the obligation placed on EU Member States to identify «vulnerable» asylum seekers and refugees in order to give them access to special procedures and special protection is a benefit for the many women who have been victims or who are at risk of violence (and, in particular, sexual and gender-based violence). However, the categorisation of women as vulnerable can also be experienced by these women as a form of symbolic violence and a limitation on their autonomy and agency. Women asylum seekers and refugees are not merely vulnerable victims, as many accounts of their agency and resilience have previously shown (Hunt, 2008). The women interviewed for this research all demonstrated clearly that they had strategies for migration and for seeking protection for both themselves and their families, strategies which also involved the tactical subversion or utilisation of the category of «vulnerability». Should we then argue for the abandon of this use of the category of vulnerable in relation to asylum seekers and refugees? I would argue that the category of vulnerability should not be rejected outright, as it is clear that in some circumstances women asylum seekers and refugees are at risk of specific gendered forms of violence, persecution and discrimination, and that they should in these circumstances be offered protection to counter these risks and to meet their needs. However, the current use of the category of vulnerability, both in the way that it is enshrined in policy and legislation, and in the way that these policies are applied, carried a real risk of essentialisation of women as vulnerable victims (and on the contrary of a denial of men's possible vulnerability as they are perceived only as a threat or danger). So perhaps the answer is to pursue a definition and an utilisation of the category of vulnerability that fully acknowledges the contextual and relational nature of being vulnerable, and which recognises that anyone, whatever their identity or status, may at sometimes be rendered vulnerable.
Placing more emphasis on the fact that particular contexts create vulnerabilities, rather than a blanket labelling of certain predefined and essentialised categories of individuals as vulnerable, should also involve giving more voice and agency to these individuals, to define what their needs are and how their strategies of resilience can be supported. Asylum seekers and refugees, both women and men, need to be recognised as actors who have their own strategies and are capable of making choices (Moritz, 2012). And a part of this recognition and re-definition must be an acknowledgement that it is EU asylum and immigration policies that act to create and reinforce contextual vulnerabilities, and a reconsideration of the securitised border regimes which are at the core of this creation of vulnerability. In her account of vulnerability and feminist politics, Ziarek (2013) argues that to move beyond a dichotomy between vulnerability and resilience, we need to also understand the ways in which vulnerability can create space for political action. In doing so, we can move beyond the dominant biopolitical discourses on risk management replace the «ethos of security with intersubjective engagement» (ibídem: 82). This intersubjective engagement with refugees would allow them to emerge from the status of «speechless emissaries» (Malkki, 1996), and allow them to emerge as political subjects capable of agency; an agency which would go beyond strategies of manipulating the categories of vulnerability into which they have been placed. A feminist approach might thus argue for moving beyond the categories and meanings of «vulnerability» imposed by contemporary political and humanitarian framing of the refugee «crisis», and of moving towards a real engagement with women and men who are seeking international protection, to create an intersubjective understanding of both their capacities and needs.
8.	References
Allsopp, J. (2017). Aggressor, Victim, Soldier, Dad: Intersecting Masculinities in the European 'Refugee Crisis'. In J. Freedman, Z. Kivilcim and N. Ozgur Baklacioglu (Eds.). A Gendered Approach to the Syrian Refugee Crisis (pp. 155-175). London: Routledge.
Andersson, R. (2016). Europe's failed «fight» against irregular migration: ethnographic notes on a counterproductive industry. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 42(7), 1055-1075.
Clark, C. (2007). Understanding vulnerability: from categories to experiences of Congolese young people in Uganda. Children and Society, 21(4), 284-296.
Crawley, H., and Skleparis, D. (2017). Refugees, migrants, neither, both: categorical fetishism and the politics of bounding in Europe's 'migration crisis'. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 44(1), 48-64.
ECRE (2017). The Concept of Vulnerability in European Asylum Procedures. Brussels: ECRE.
Enloe, C. (1990). Bananas, Beaches, Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics. California: University of Berkeley Press.
Fineman, M. A. (2008). The Vulnerable Subject: Anchoring Equality in the Human Condition. Yale Journal of Law and Feminism, 20(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/yjlf/vol20/iss1/2. Last visit 14/10/2018.
Freedman, J. (2012). Analysing the Gendered Insecurities of Migration: A Case Study of Female Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Morocco. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 14(1) 36-55.
Freedman, J. (2015). Gendering the International Asylum and Refugee Debate. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Freedman, J. (2016). Engendering Security at the Borders of Europe: Women Migrants and the Mediterranean 'Crisis'. Journal of Refugee Studies, 29(4), 568-582.
Freedman, J., Kivilcim, Z., and Ozgur Baklacioglu, N. (2017). A Gendered Approach to the Syrian Refugee Crisis. London: Routledge.
Gilbert, G. (2015). Why Europe Does Not Have a Refugee Crisis. Journal of Refugee Law, 27(4), 531-535.
Gilson, E. C. (2016). Vulnerability and Victimization: Rethinking Key Concepts in Feminist Discourses on Sexual Violence. Signs : Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 42(1), 71-98.
Herz, M. (2018). Becoming a possible threat: masculinity, culture and questioning among unaccompanied young men in Sweden. Identities, DOI:10.1080/1070289X.2018.1441692
Hollander, J. (2001). Vulnerability and Dangerousness: The Construction of Gender through Conversation about Violence. Gender and Society, 15(1), 83-109.
Hunt, L. (2008). Women asylum seekers and refugees: opportunities, constraints and the role of agency. Social Policy and Society, 7(3), 281-292.
Kallius, A., Monterescu, D., and Rajaram, P. K. (2016). Immobilizing Mobility: Border ethnography, illiberal democracy, and the politics of the «refugee crisis» in Hungary. American Ethnologist, 43(1), 1-13.
Lovertt, A., Whelan, C., and Rendon, R. (2017). The Reality of the EU-Turkey Statement: How Greece has become a testing ground for policies that erode protection for refugees. Oxford: Oxfam.
Luna, F. (2009). Elucidating the concept of vulnerability: layers not labels. International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics, 2(1), 121-139.
Mackenzie, C. (2014). The Importance of Relational Autonomy and Capabilities for an Ethics of Vulnerability. In C. Mackenzie, W. Rogers and S. Dodds (Eds). Vulnerability: New Essays in Ethics and Feminist Philosophy (pp. 33-60). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Marchand, M. (2008). The Violence of Development and the Migration/Insecurities Nexus: Labour Migration in a North American Context. Third World Quarterly, 29(7), 1375-1388.
Malkki, L. (1996), Speechless Emissaries: Refugees, Humanitarianism and Dehistoricization. Cultural Anthropology, 11(3), 377-404.
Moritz, A. (2012). Supporting refugee women's strategies for coping with challenges during maternity in resettlement: Shifting the focus from vulnerability to agency. Revista Iberoamericana de Salud y Ciudadania, 1(1), 119-156.
Olivius, E. (2016). Constructing Humanitarian Selves and Refugee Others. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 18(2), 270-290.
Peroni, L., and Timmer, A. (2013). Vulnerable groups: the promise of an emerging concept in European Human rights Convention Law. International Journal of Constitutional Law, 11(4), 1056-1085.
Pickering, S., and Cochrane, B. (2012). Irregular Border-Crossing Deaths and Gender: Where, How and Why Women Die Crossing Borders. Theoretical Criminology, 17(1), 27-48.
Refugees International (2017). «Like a Prison»: Asylum Seekers Confined to the Greek Islands. Washington: Refugees International.
Singer, D. (2014). Falling at Each Hurdle: Assessing the Credibility of Women's Asylum Claims in Europe. In E. Arbel, C. Dauvergne and J. Millbank (Eds). Gender in Refugee Law: From the Margins to the Centre (pp. 98-115). Abingdon: Routledge.
UNHCR (1991). Guidelines on the Protection of Refugee Women. Geneva: UNHCR.
UNHCR (1995). Sexual Violence against Refugees: Guidelines on Prevention and Response. Geneva: UNHCR.
UNHCR (2003). Sexual and Gender-Based Violence against Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced People: Guidelines for Prevention and Response. Geneva: UNHCR
UNHCR (2006). Guidelines on International Protection: The Application of Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Convention and/or 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees to Victims of Trafficking and Persons at Risk of Being Trafficked. Geneva: UNHCR.
Ziarek, E.P. (2013). Feminist Reflections on Vulnerability: Disrespect, Obligation, Action. SubStance, 42(3): 67-84.
1	In total I carried out 45 interviews with women refugees in Greece and France. All interviews have been quoted anonymously to respect ethical requirement and protect the identity of interviewees.
2	Including UNHCR, European Parliament, Frontex, European Asylum Service, Greek Asylum Service, Médecins du Monde, Médecins sans Frontières, La Cimade, A total of 18 key informant interviews were carried out.
3	See: http://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/mediterranean. Last visit: 11/10/2018.
4	See: http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-16-963_fr.htm. Last visit: 11/10/2018.
5	Interview, October 2017.
6	Interview, July 2015.
7	Cited in Moore, J. (2015), 'When you're a refugee and your husband beats you, you're basically on your own', Buzzfeed, 29 October 2015. Available at: https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/jinamoore/when-youre-a-refugee-and-your-husband-beats-you-youre-basica. Last visit: 11/10/2018
8	Interview, November 2017.
9	DIRECTIVE 2011/95/EU OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL of 13 December 2011on standards for the qualification of third-country nationals or stateless persons as beneficiaries of international protection, for a uniform status for refugees or for persons eligible for subsidiary protection, and for the content of the protection granted (recast), available at: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2011:337:0009:0026:EN:PDF. Last visit 14/10/2018.
10	DIRECTIVE 2013/33/EU OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL of 26 June 2013 laying down standards for the reception of applicants for international protection (recast). Available at: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:32013L0033&from=FR. Last visit 14/10/2018.
11	EASO, Multiannual programming 2017-2019, December 2016, available at: http://bit.ly/2miey0z. Last visit: 14/10/2018.
12	Interview, January 2016.
13	Interview, December 2015.
14	Interview, November 2015.


text:
Home Forums Television The Practice + Ally McBeal x The Sopranos + Friends
The Practice + Ally McBeal x The Sopranos + Friends
Gabriel P. (gabspss)
Sean_Phillips
Riley Chow
gabspss
April 20, 2020 at 7:11 pm #1203438105
It's no secret that The Sopranos is considered by a lot of people the best drama of all time, as well Friends is considered the best comedy of all time. However, at the Emmys of 1999 two David E. Kelley shows won over them. Do you think it was deserving? And if you were an award fan at that time: was that predictable or a shocker? Asking this especially for the comedy side since Ally was the first 1-hour comedy to win Comedy Series.
This topic was modified 9 months ago by Gabriel P. (gabspss).
It's about the chaotic editing in Moulin Rouge!
Those were shockers especially on the drama end. Most had that as a race between Sopranos and NYPD Blue.
I was not following the Emmys at the time of course, but given that the first season of The Sopranos won four TCA Awards and four Emmys and would go on to win four Golden Globes and three SAG Awards, plus PGA, DGA and WGA, that seems like a shocker and my understanding is that it is one of the great upsets. The Practice was never nominated by DGA, never won a SAG Award, was snubbed in directing that season and was not even nominated in writing and editing, with The Sopranos winning both and having more nominations overall. The Sopranos would have had all the buzz for revolutionizing television, but The Practice prevailed under the tape system.
I doubt that Friends was competitive that year.
Emmyfan
This is where we need Tom O'Neil to chime in because I believe that he predicted The Practice to win.
Sean_Phillips wrote:
Thanks for the insight. Two more questions:
Which show was the favorite to win Comedy?
And why NYPD Blue was above The Practice since the latter won the year before?
Riley Chow wrote:
Well, it was a very talked season, the ratings were high and it was the second and last year since S1 they got directing and writing. Shouldn't be just a little competitive? Kinda like Barry last year, maybe?
This reply was modified 9 months ago by Gabriel P. (gabspss).
Ally certainly has its issues and some elements have not aged well but I still think it was an inspired pick – especially compared to what they were going for at the time in the comedy categories. It paved the way for other non-sitcoms to compete more legitimately going forward.
The Sopranos losing to the Practice…that's pretty embarrassing.
methaddiction
Aug 1st, 2017
The Sopranos not winning Series until its 5th season is a disgrace.
Rich Thot
It's much more egregious than Breaking Bad not winning until it's fifth, because The Sopranos was and still is the greatest show (yes), and the competition was so paltry. Especially its first year competing. It really was cable and violent biases. Something that makes zero sense in the current landscape.
RobertPius
Nov 22nd, 2012
I think there was also a disdain for pay cable shows back then. They used to have their own awards (Cable Ace) and it was seen that they were now invading the broadcast network's territory.
BamaEd
April 21, 2020 at 7:46 am #1203438977
Back in the 90s, Emmys weren't fans of giving freshman series the win. Picket Fences was the only show in the 90s to win best drama. Emmy voters loved talky shows with lots of dialogue and some quirkiness. David E. Kelley knew how to write Emmy episodes. Emmys loved importance and/or acting showcases on the drama side. The Practice had that more than The Sopranos, then The West Wing did the same and had the cache of Aaron Sorkin and the presidency. The Sopranos had the darkness and writing that makes it a lasting show and was a bit ahead of its time at the Emmys.
As for the comedy, I think it being David E. Kelley helped Ally McBeal win this year, plus a makeup for not winning with the buzz of its first season. Friends is very popular, I wouldn't call it the best of all time, or top ten, but many do love it and it had some of it's biggest episodes in that season but it could have been too popular and Emmys thought that was enough for it. I'm still mad my favorite on Friends never got an Emmy nom.
Friends was never an Emmy favorite but I think in 1999 it was close with Ally McBeal.
The sopranos really should have won for that first season.
So NYPD Blue had that arc where Jimmy Smits character died. That was a big deal and was considered super baity. Recall that this was when Dennis Franz also beat Gandolfini for Actor. This was when we were still submitting 8 episodes and they had to be viewed in screenings (i.e. not at home) so it was super easy to misinterpret what would play with the panels.
As far as comedy goes I think the idea was Friends or Frasier would carry the day on that one as the former was resurgent and the latter was still held in high regard (Hyde Pierce won his third that year and it won again for writing.) plus there was the factor of Ally being the first hour show to go comedy and get attention. A lot of press was about is it really a comedy, what is this? Sort of the same argument you see today with some shows.
Do a lot of people seriously consider Friends to be the "best comedy of all time?"
It is probably the most popular. They have a lot of fans in the internet. Here in Brazil is very, very popular. It isn't even on my top 10, but I think the majority of people really consider being the best ever.
Fade wrote:
No. But it's fifth season was definitely worthy of being considered for Best Comedy of that year.
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