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Who was the blame for the cold war. Who was to blame for the Cold War? 2023-01-06
Who was the blame for the cold war Rating: 9,3/10 765 reviews
Law is a vast and multifaceted field, with a wide range of topics that could be explored in a dissertation. As a law student, you have the opportunity to delve into a subject that interests you and make a meaningful contribution to the legal discourse. Here are a few ideas for dissertation topics that might be of interest to law students:
The impact of international law on domestic legal systems: This topic could explore how international law is incorporated into domestic legal systems, and the ways in which it impacts the interpretation and application of domestic laws.
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The use of alternative dispute resolution in commercial law: This topic could explore the use of alternative dispute resolution methods, such as mediation and arbitration, in commercial law, and consider the benefits and drawbacks of these approaches compared to traditional litigation.
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These are just a few examples of the many potential dissertation topics that might be of interest to law students. Ultimately, the best topic for your dissertation will depend on your interests and goals, as well as the current state of the field and the needs of your academic community.
IGCSE History Revision: Who was to blame for the Cold War?
This was mainly because the soviet lost an estimated 20 million people during the war, which is more than ten percent of USSR's population. In 1945, the United States and Soviet Union, along with fading power Britain, met in Yalta to draw up a postwar plan for the division and reconstitution of Europe. This view of the Cold War has never really gone away, and there have always been people who have seen the Soviet Union as the cause of the confrontation. Claim B With the opening of American archives in the 1970s and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, scholars now have access to all the documents describing the intentions and assumptions of decision-makers in both countries in the years after World War II. We can argue that USA was to blame for the Cold War.
Who is to Blame for the Cold War?
We always tend to look for a specific cause to any sort of problem, be it in everyday life, historical events, or politics. The Soviets stole military secrets, including the suspension system for American tanks, the atomic bomb, the D-Day invasion plans, defense readiness plans, and the locations of atomic bomb stockpiles. This could have been seen as provocative, but USSR didn't respond with military action. London: Pearson Education, 1998. Now more people blame President Truman and the United States because President Truman tried so hard to make the Soviets look like the bad guys.
Supposedly allies, the USA and Britain did not want to share any details of the so-called Manhattan Project with the USSR who anyways found out thanks to their spies ; furthermore, the fact that Truman did not share any details of his intent to bomb Japan with Stalin intensified the lack of trust and suspicion. This could also imply that they didn't trust the USSR, which may have been the cause of the USSR then building the Blockade, which was to the detriment of the people in West Berlin. This also caused the USSR to develop their own alliance in response the Warsaw Pact. The Soviet Union wanted to feel secure on the western border and did not want to give up what it had gained in Eastern Europe by defeating Germany. Let's face it, the bomb was not just meant to buckle Japan into surrender, it was also a political statement towards the Soviet Union. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. The World was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World.
Who Was To Blame For The Cold War? Flashcards
Not only did Stalin occupy these countries, he dictated their government and politics, whilst indoctrinating communism into their societies. This definition did not seem fit for the conflict between capitalism United States of America , communism Union of Soviet Socialist Republics , and their followers. Stalin became determined to spread communism throughout Europe and the world. An incorrect guess at any point means they get zero points for that round. A war with no declaration or actual documentation of conflict, it was the war that lasted 45 years, it was the Cold War. In the following collection, note that all the contributors seem to come either from America or Britain : The Cold War was caused by the military expansionism of Stalin and his successors. This was an example of a situation where the USSR failed to communicate, causing severe mistrust.
Who is to Blame for the Cold War? Essay
It was essentially an ideological struggle between the USSR and the USA. I will write a balanced essay on who was to blame for the cold war, including reasons why both the USSR and the USA were possibilities. Gar Alperovitz, in his book: Atomic Diplomacy: Hiroshima and Potsdam 1965 , placed the blame for the Cold War on the Americans for their use of the atomic bomb — he contended that Truman decided to drop the bomb as a means to intimidate the Soviet Union. Two countries built on such oppositional political and economic and who each shared visions of global influence, if not outright domination, are destined to eventually clash. When a Soviet leader appeared who was willing to abandon that goal, the seemingly interminable Cold War soon melted away. Anyone finishing within the 10 minutes should get points reflecting the amount of minutes left on the clock, then move directly on to the main task for the lesson whilst the rest of the class continue to play.
Who was to blame for the Cold War?
America has always had a very strong German base and as one T. West Germany, NATO vs. Yet, even with the backdrop of the early Bolshevik conflict in 1918 as well as the great ideological gulf between the Soviet Union and United states, the cold war could have been avoided in its initial stages under President Roosevelt. Quote 4 Stalin wanted Russia to rule the world and — like the Terminator — there was no way he was ever going to stop unless someone stopped him. It is of course no question that Stalin was everything but a good person, and that his own personal interest played a huge role in the outbreak of the Cold War; however, as detailed throughout the essay, it is impossible to objectively assign blame, of any sort, to a particular state for the outbreak of a conflict which was in itself predestined to occur. Allocation of blame was simple — the Soviets were to blame! America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945—2002. The US was the dominating country within the organization.
After the war was over, both wanted to be the leader of the world. The four zones would be the American, French, British and Soviet zones. Therefore, when the atomic bomb was developed in the USA Truman decided that this would be the only way to stop the war in that area, and within a few days, Japan surrendered. The world changed a lot during this time, leading from a world divided into a world that was more accepting of foreign ideas. The Americans were not free of the blame for the start of this war. The second factor of this argument involves the two different political systems that the Soviets and the Democratic West held. The second argument could be that USA tested the atomic bomb, and this cause tension between the USA and the USSR, because they feared that some of these 2 countries will drop a bomb some day.
Truman declared that he had an atomic bomb and declares his active role in the Greek civil war. President Roosevelt of the USA died and Vice-President Harry Truman took over. The United States economy had boosted up during World War II and it was continuing to grow after and would continue for many years. While, on the other hand the United States just wanted to stop the spread of communism, which they felt, would spread rapidly throughout the world if they did not put an end to it soon. However, trying to assign the moral responsibility of an event as complex as the Cold War is no easy task; in fact, this issue has historically triggered several discrepancies. In the next few years Stalin would continue to tighten his grip in Eastern Europe, using military force to impose governments run by loyal subordinates of his.
Who Was To Blame For The Cold War Essay
Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar. At Yalta Conference, Stalin wanted the border of the USSR to move westwards into Poland. . Increasingly, scholars have gained access to documents, especially on the Soviet side, that have allowed them to go beyond past conjecture and utilize archival evidence. This increased detachment has allowed historians to move from placing blame to recognizing the ideological conflict that was at the center of the Cold War's origins. Stalin of the USSR, Truman of the US and Clement Atlee of the UK were present.
Free Essay: who was to blame for cold war
The three allied powers once again met, but this time in Potsdam, Germany. The American response… was basically a defensive reaction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Then, give students 10 minutes to play the game. So we find on the web 'no-blame' statements which present the Cold War as 'miscommunication' and a 'climate of tension', etc. The Communist Soviet Union had suffered tremendous losses in World War II, perhaps around 27 million deaths, but found itself with significant global influence at its conclusion. The Communists murdered and imprisoned their own people by the million.


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Q: How to add multiple hyperlinks to email body from Excel vba I have been googling for an answer for this for 2 weeks now I have clicked on every link there is maybe I am not asking the right way.
In Sheet17.Range("AC" & Lastrow & ":" & "AM" & Lastrow) I have some hyperlink address not all of those cells are filled
I am trying to get these address into my email body as separate clickable link.
I would love to have the name only but would be happy for the link.
This is my email body
   xStrBody = "Hi there:" & NRes & "
" _
                & emailfrm.Body & "
" _
         & "Click here to ..."

This works for the one I have hardcoded but I don't know how to get the ones from the cells in there.
At this stage I am prepared to change my worksheet to  make it easier to get the links in the email even if I have to put in another separate  worksheet

A: Dim c As Range, lnk, nm

xStrBody = "Hi there:" & NRes & "
" & emailfrm.Body & "
"

for each c in Sheet17.Range("AZ2:AZ" & Lastrow).Cells
    nm = c.value
    lnk = c.EntireRow.Cells(1, "BA").Value

    xStrBody = xStrBody & "" & nm & "
"

next c

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FAITH DOING JUSTICE
Vol 24 No 17
Fatal cost of shutting borders
Two significant news items about asylum seekers came in the past week. Hamid Kehazaei died in Brisbane from an infection acquired on Manus Island detention centre, and the Red Cross had to lay off five hundred workers after losing its contract to provide support to asylum seekers living in the community. The incidents attracted only passing notice. They simply restated and reasserted existing policies and values.
Mr Kehazei's death emphasised what was already clear from reports and leaks about conditions in the Manus Island detention centre. It is a dangerous place that affects people's physical and mental health.
The transfer of support of asylum seekers from the Red Cross to Centrelink and other agencies means that vulnerable people will lose the relationships they had built with dedicated and experienced workers. They had been able to trust an organisation with a humane ethos and wisdom in meeting their needs. That is now gone. Its loss will add to the misery of already fragile human beings.
Immigration Minister Scott Morrison explained that the new system would give better value for money. From the perspective of Australian policy, both Mr Kehazei's death and the loss of the Red Cross contract do indeed give value for money. The misery and loss suffered by people who have applied for protection in Australia are an essential part of preventing other people from coming by sea.
No new ground is broken in these events. Nor will arguments change our readers' attitudes to them. Still, it is important for journals like ours to record them for the judgment of future generations. But it is worth reflecting on the Minister's phrase, 'better value for money'. For him the value at issue was simply economic efficiency.
When we are dealing with people, however, values other than economic efficiency may also come to mind. Respect for our shared humanity, for example, helping people in need, building good relationships, acting with decency and encouraging human flourishing. Some people, perhaps temerariously, would describe these as Australian values. They might even prefer to have their tombstones inscribed with the words: 'He always treated friends and strangers with respect', than with: 'He always got value for his money'.
If people who come to us seeking protection are forced to leave Australia by choice or by death, might it not be to our credit as a nation if they could say that they found here respect and decency as well as economic efficiency?
Andrew Hamilton is consulting editor of Eureka Street.
Image via Shutterstock.
Recent articles by Andrew Hamilton.
Australia Day as a day for humility
Bushfire divisions etched in sand
Christmas in a time of fire
Greta Thunberg for person of the year
Common ground amid polarised China debate
Topic tags: Andrew Hamilton, Manus Island, Red Cross, detention, asylum seekers, Scott Morrison, Hamid Kehazaei
SUPPORT RESPECTFUL CONVERSATIONS IN A TIME OF DIVISION
If there's one thing that the recent election campaign and its outcome demonstrated, it's the depth of the divisions that exist in our Australian community.
Our politics is focused on point-scoring, personalities, and name-calling across party lines. The media, for the most part, don't help, driven by the 24-hour news cycle and the pursuit of advertising dollars into a frenzy of click-bait and shallow sensationalism.
What does it mean to be an Australian in times like these? What are the values that unite us?
Eureka Street offers an alternative. It's less a magazine than a wide ranging conversation about the issues that matter in our country and our world; a conversation marked by respect for the dignity of ALL human beings.
Importantly, it's a conversation that takes place in the open, unhindered by paywalls or excessive advertising. And it's through the support of people like you that it is able to do so.
Existing comments
Making people starve to death here so they won't bother to ask us for help anymore is typical of the thought patterns of our parliament.
Marilyn | 05 September 2014
Given the enormous cost of offshore detention, the "value for money" argument should be closing detention centres and processing asylum seekers in the community. If just a small proportion of the billions spent on Manus & Nauru were spent speedily processing asylum seekers in Indonesia, there'd be no "leaky boat" problem either.
LJ | 06 September 2014
Well and truly said, Fr Hamilton. For the sake of our own humanity as well as that of asylum seekers, we cannot afford to sink any lower. I am ashamed beyond words that these barbarities are carried out in the name of Australians. What have we become if we accept this.
Patricia R | 08 September 2014
When love for God declines, 'his' consequent worship is usually replaced by worship of the false 'gods' of Mammon, Power and Fame.....In a disordered society, Mammon (money),- is usually the leading contender, because it seems to promise the others as well. However too often have we witnessed that of those who were said to possess much money, that the money possessed them, and they spent their lives as slaves to their money, dedicated to protecting it, trying to make it grow, fearful of losing it, and losing sight of the finer aspects of life.
Robert Liddy | 08 September 2014
Thanks, Andrew. As always I value your reflections and mourn the loss of humanity in our country.
Tom McDonough CP | 08 September 2014
Thank you Andrew via Eureka Street for speaking out about current issues. You have a powerful voice for Justice and Peace yet I feel it does not get the wide attention that many feel it deserves. Is a more collective voice an answer, where the voice of justice and compassion forcefully present the issue before Team Australia? Economic rationales should be secondary to human needs. Increasingly I feel the government deal with people in a way that could be described as silent and sinister. I take that to mean that our form of democracy is more economically expedient when it comes to dealing with human beings and their needs, than open and freeing for all. Democracy seems to be struggling at present!
Br Geoff Kennewell,fsc | 08 September 2014
Mr Morrison remember as you sow you shall reap. Problem if things go wrong we will also be unwilling reapers.
Clem SCHAPER | 08 September 2014
I would prefer to die at sea than live in the filth and degradation of Manus Island and die of septicaemia from a cut foot. Of course they don't want Red Cross involvement, they actually CARE for people.
Vineta | 08 September 2014
Forgive me Father Hamilton, for I suspect that I am about to sin yet again. Your article today is a massive over-reaction. Death from septicaemia according to official Australian figures from 2008 indicate that from 1999 -2008 septicaemia as a cause of death rose from 54% to 61% despite Australia's recognised leadership in world best practice in Medicine. Further, infection was the cause of death in 1,935 patients in 2008 - 1.3% of all deaths and 2 out of 3 of those due to septicaemia. Here we have one death from septicaemia in an asylum seeker community of many more than 1,935. this number pales into insignificance when measured against the number of asylum seekers drowned at sea after the Rudd-Gillard confluence opened our borders. Thank goodness the closing of that flawed disaster has eliminated the thousands of deaths at sea. Time to get over the hysteria and address reality. I am sure the Salvation Army has more than sufficient funds to cover its humanitarian efforts for asylum seekers. If not they will come knocking on the doors of the Australian people who provide enormous funding for the Salvos quite apart from the compulsory taxes they pay for the running of the country and the care of asylum seekers.
john frawley | 08 September 2014
For all I know, Fr H may be right. Perhaps, behind closed doors, the Coalition pollies last week were clinking champagne glasses at the death of poor Mr Kehazaei while patting Mr Morrison on the back for a job well done. But when bubbly runs out and they stop to think, shouldn't they sack Mr Morrison on his record? I mean, two deaths in a year, as opposed to the 250 per year under the Labor/Greens regime! Why would a prospective boat person be scared off by Morrison's paltry death rate, but happily take to the water (as they did) when the likelihood of ultimately perishing was vastly greater? If at Fr H suggests, the penny-pinching Coalition is serious about its death-and-misery-as-disincentive policy, it needs to stop forthwith the expensive airlifting of sick detention inmates to high quality hospitals, improving conditions on Manus Is. (as UNHCR inspectors reported in July), and maybe go easy on club-happy security guards. I can't understand what the Coalition is on about. The only other possible explanation – that it believes boat people are discouraged not by deaths, but by the hugely increased likelihood that their boats will be turned back to Indonesia or that even if they made it to Australia and were deemed genuine asylum seekers, they would be settled in country other than Australia, is surely a fantasy not even this cruel, dumb government could possibly entertain, right?
HH | 08 September 2014
I am deeply ashamed at the governments inhumane policy . It doesn't even make economic sense yet MONEY seems to drive Abbott's government . they are ideologues & dangerous
val | 08 September 2014
Scott Morrison says that developing infections is not unusual in the northern tropical places (read Manus). Surely that suggests that there is an obligation to provide specialised and preventative medical care should be essential and readily available to people/asylum seekers. My shame in our government, grows by the day. Ady
Adrianne Hannan | 08 September 2014
Some people might wonder which political party the majority of ES commentators vote for? Well it is not difficult to know who they vote for ! When Tony Abbott is blamed for a disease, that he has no control, well we all know, which political party they support.
Ron Cini | 08 September 2014
Perhaps a better heading for this article would have been "Fatal cost of NOT shutting borders". After the Rudd government scrapped Howard's border protection policies in 2008, 1200 asylum-seekers drowned tying to get into Australia, over 200 people a year. While the AS lobby agonises over the deaths of two asylum-seekers on Manus Island, probably over 200 people, including several dozen kids, have not died trying to enter Australia. But now that the flood of asylum-seekers has been stemmed perhaps Australia's refugee intake total which was cut from 20,000 to 13,750 a year should be restored. One would have thought that the AS lobby would be pressing for that rather than constantly whacking the Government over Manus Island. But then I suppose it's more sexy and emotionally satisfying to keep vilifying the cruel mean Abbott government than pressing it to adopt feasible policies that would help thousands of desperate refugees. Restoring the refugee quota would mean that we could accept far more genuine refugees from war-torn areas who've lost everything instead of self-selecting economic migrants posing victims of persecution. And the $2.5 billion already saved from stopping the boats would pay for this. But perhaps a billion of that could be put aside to house Australia's homeless (our urban refugees) which currently number 105,000 with about 6500 sleeping in our cities' streets nightly. But that's not a very sexy cause either is it for the PC fraternity?
Dennis | 09 September 2014
What a disgusting state of affairs - another life lost through no fault of his own. When are we as a society going to take action against the governments and policymakers of this country of ours, going to speak out against such inhumane treatment of our fellow human beings. Shame! Shame! Shame!
Barbara | 09 September 2014
Excellent Comment Dennis. I think that you have hit the nail squarely on the head here. 50,000 refugees fleeing ISIS would be more deserved of places here than either the Sri Lankan Tamils who were safely housed in India, yet self-selected themselves to come here. And as you pointed out there have been no deaths as sea. These called refugee advocates are failing miserably at displaying their so-called superior sense of compassion, when they have demonstrated their clear desire for asylum seekers to die at sea. Two deaths in detention centrs is a tragedy. 1200 deaths at sea is an unmitigated catastrophe.
Neil | 09 September 2014
Denis, we could save the billions by simply not locking up refugees in the first place. Not helping them is not an option under the law.
I never dreamt that the day would come when I would be ashamed to be Australian. We are dealing with human beings! People who are fleeing for their lives, turning to us for help not imprisonment and worse. What has happened to the 'do to others as you would have them do unto you'.
Marie | 09 September 2014
Very persuasively argued Andrew. Concerning asylum seekers who come by boat, they have been used by our representatives - so-called - in Parliament. Two issues especially need to have a focus. The first is that so many asylum seekers who come by boat have no other option, because, as people in danger in the countries from which they are fleeing, they cannot present themselves at an embassy of our country to get the all-important paper work. An example i know of personally is children in Iran with their dad after the parents split went to our embassy in Tehran to get visitors' visas, to come and see their Mum, now resident in Australia, only to be told only Australian citizens could be seen by embassy staff, So, so much for claims that Iranian 'boat people' are just economic immigrants. And, in so many countries in so many parts of the world, there is no way those fleeing for their lives in the only direction open to them can head in the opposite one to get visas. A second major issue is that so many are being held in offshore detention centres where it is very difficult for them to contact refugee advocates, or for those lawyers in many cases even to know where they are are and how to contact them. And, it seems that the majority being held in the two now-notorious centres in PNG - Manus Island and Nauru, have no prospect of ever coming to Australia, so are being punished, and 'demonised' as well - for seeking basic human rights, including, yes, access to adequate medical care, John! And what about the other Iranian man, bashed to death as he hid from violent assaults by staff in their detention centre? And, another huge area of concern - the impact of being detained, in many cases indefinitely, on children, How will they survive, to live lives some of us, the fortunate ones, take for granted? Finally, what are we, the 'people-on-the-ground' prepared to do, to make it clear to our 'leaders' - so-called - that we are not prepared to keep on sitting on our hands when these people need our care, not our scorn, or much worse. As a member of a state ecumenical refugee support task group for many years, my heart aches to join again with others in welcoming people who most need our care and support. Anyone else out there interested in joining that effort? In prayer, and with concern, Lynne
kynne green | 10 September 2014
Marilyn: I don't think we would save billions by not locking up asylum-seekers. If we allowed them to live in the community till their asylum claims were processed we would have to provide welfare payments to support them and full access to all the health and social welfare services – as we do with bona fide refugees who've legally entered Australia. This too would cost billions. But relative costs is not the main issue here. It's the fact that the by not detaining them, but allowing them to live in the community, we make Australia an even more attractive destination for them, prompting even more to come (and drown). As it was the prospect of spending many months or years in detention centres on Christmas island and elsewhere did not deter 51,760 coming from 2008-13. In 2008 it was only 161, but shot up to 2727 in 2009, 6555 (2010), 4565 (2011), 17,202 (2012) and 20,587 (2013). Imagine if Labor's original open-border policies prevailed how many more would have come. And imagine how numbers would have soared even more if asylum-seeker arrivals had not been detained but allowed to live almost immediately in the community. Perhaps hundreds of thousands in a couple of years. Is this what you would have wanted Marilyn? How many such people do you think Australia could or should take?
It appears that the issuing of opening up borders and deaths at sea is truly a global issue. This (rather hard-hitting) article from the UK about Italy's issues is a must-read, to gain a sense of what is going on... http://www.spectator.co.uk/features/9303722/italys-decriminalising-of-illegal-immigration-has-acted-as-a-green-light-to-boat-people/
Another excellent article from the Guardian highlights the global - not just Australian issue of offshore v onshore processing. I think that once readers get a sense of the issues involved, the debate is really over. We can't, just for the sake of showing how compassionate we are, pretend that onshore processing is the way to go, when we know for sure that this will kill people 0-as it does all over the world... Even the UN's refugee agency, UNHCR, "has said for the first time that the large-scale processing of migrants and refugees outside Europe, in countries such as Egypt, Libya or Sudan, may be necessary as frontline authorities claim they have been abandoned by Brussels in the face of a "colossal humanitarian catastrophe"." http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/02/europe-refugee-crisis-un-africa-processing-centres
The difference, HH, is that those who would potentially have died at sea are now possibly having their throats cut open by IS militants. Morality and justice is not confined to just sweeping global problems under the rug with petty political tactics.
AURELIUS | 10 September 2014
Two people dying when they are under the care and protection of Australian authorities is two too many. If we are serious about "better value for money", then perhaps the multimillions spent on detention camps in Anywhere-but-Australia would be better spent supporting the processing of refugees within their communities in Australia. It is not an impossible challenge.
Brett | 10 September 2014
Denis, welfare is a maximum of $20,000 per annum per refugee, prison on Nauru or Manus is $890,000 per annum per person.
So the asylum seekers you refer to preferred having their throats cut back home by ISIS to a refugee camp in Indonesia or Malaysia or in several nearer destinations, Aurelius? Strange priorities. But even if that were the case, it's completely irrelevant to my point: the notion suggested by Fr H that the Coalition deliberately tolerates deaths in offshore detention camps as a means of discouraging would-be boat people, and thereby saving money, is as absurd as it is offensive. Excellent points, Dennis and Neil (and John Frawley, etc). Europe is at last painfully beginning to realize that no-one - including the genuine asylum seeker - benefits from national auto-demolition via PC versions of "kindness".
Marilyn: Thanks for the info on the costs of detaining as opposed to permitting asylum-seekers to live freely in the community. It seems that the latter would be a "cheaper" option, financially at least. But I suspect the support services required by asylum-seekers would push the total to well over $20,000 a year. But that doesn't really answer the questions I raised on the huge numbers of asylum-seekers who would come if we adopted open borders-live in the community policies on them. Over 20,000 a year were arriving by 2013, despite all efforts to deter them by not adopting such policies. Were we to do so one would expect their numbers to explode – along with their death tolls (about 2% of those who try it seems). Perhaps 100,000-200,000 would come in the subsequent couple of years with death tolls of 2000 to 4000. Do you pro-asylum-seeker people ever consider such questions and the consequences of the asylum-seeker policies that you so stridently advocate? And how many of these people can Australia afford to take? Should we just scrap our current immigration policies and simply replace them with one that simply lets in all who claim they are fleeing persecution? Still waiting for answers Marilyn.
Hi, just for the record, the figures of $20,000 for community detention and $890,000 for detention on Nauru or Manus Island are not correct by a far way. The Greens (who are hardly likely to exaggerate the cost of community detention, and under estimate the cost of Nauru/ Manus Island) have cited the cost to be $35,000 for community detention and $225,000 for detention on Nauru/ Manus Island. So the difference is no doubt significant. The current policies have limited boat arrivals to such a negligible amount, saving lives in the process that offshore detention, on a purely costs basis is by far the best option. As Dennis (and Fr H) correctly point out however this matter cannot be viewed in terms of costs. The issues is asssit those who are most in need AND genuinely in need. Read this article by Lyle Shelton of the ACL which balances the need to stop people smuggling with the need to open our hearts and increase our intake of refugees.
Margaret Dooley Young Writers Fellowship
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Three employees of H&L Framing (2006) Contractors Ltd. pleaded guilty to violating the OHS Act. A supervisor was fined $750 for failing to ensure his employees were using fall-arrest equipment. Two workers also pleaded guilty to failing to use fall-arrest equipment [Marcel Richard, Gilles Bastarache and Remi Thibodeau, Govt. News Release, Oct. 26, 2015].


text:
Q: Can managed code impact instruction level parallelism? Is there any way I can impact Instruction Level Parallelism writing C# code? In other words, is there a way I can "help" the compiler produce code that best makes use of ILP? I ask this because I'm trying to abstract away from a few concepts of machine architecture, and I need to know if this is possible. If not, then I will be warranted to abstract away from ILP.
EDIT:  you will notice that I do not want to exploit ILP using C# in any way. My question is exactly the opposite. Paraphrasing: "I hope there's no way to exploit ILP from C#"
Thanks.

A: ILP is a feature of the CPU. You have no way to control it.
Compilers try their best to exploit it by breaking dependency chains.
This may include the .Net JIT Compiler, however I have no evidence of this.

A: You are at the mercy of the JIT when getting instruction level parallelism.
Who knows what optimisations the JIT actually does? I would select another language, like C++ if I really need this.
To best exploit ILP you need to break dependency chains. This should still apply. See this thread.
However, with all the abstraction, I would doubt that it is still possible to effectively exploit this in but the most extreme cases. What examples do you have where you need this?

A: There is NO explicit or direct way to influence or hint to the .NET compiler in IL or C# to do this. This is entirely the compilers job.
The only influence you can have on this would be to structure your program such that it would be more likely (although not guaranteed) to do this for you, and it would be difficult to know if it even acted on the structure or not. This is well abstracted away from the .NET languages and IL.

A: You are able to use ILP in CLI. So the short answer is No.
A bit longer:
I wrote a code for a simple image processing task before, and used this kind of optimazation to made my code a "bit" faster.
A "short" example:
static void Main( string[] args )
{
  const int ITERATION_NUMBER = 100;

  TimeSpan[] normal = new TimeSpan[ITERATION_NUMBER];
  TimeSpan[] ilp = new TimeSpan[ITERATION_NUMBER];

  int SIZE = 4000000;
  float[] data = new float[SIZE];
  float safe = 0.0f;

  //Normal for
  Stopwatch sw = new Stopwatch();

  for (int iteration = 0; iteration < ITERATION_NUMBER; iteration++)
  {
    //Initialization
    for (int i = 0; i < data.Length; i++)
    {
      data[i] = 1.0f;
    }

    sw.Start();
    for (int index = 0; index < data.Length; index++)
    {
      data[index] /= 3.0f * data[index] > 2.0f / data[index] ? 2.0f / data[index] : 3.0f * data[index];
    }
    sw.Stop();
    normal[iteration] = sw.Elapsed;

    safe = data[0];

    //Initialization
    for (int i = 0; i < data.Length; i++)
    {
      data[i] = 1.0f;
    }

    sw.Reset();

    //ILP For
    sw.Start();
    float ac1, ac2, ac3, ac4;
    int length = data.Length / 4;
    for (int i = 0; i < length; i++)
    {
      int index0 = i << 2;

      int index1 = index0;
      int index2 = index0 + 1;
      int index3 = index0 + 2;
      int index4 = index0 + 3;

      ac1 = 3.0f * data[index1] > 2.0f / data[index1] ? 2.0f / data[index1] : 3.0f * data[index1];

      ac2 = 3.0f * data[index2] > 2.0f / data[index2] ? 2.0f / data[index2] : 3.0f * data[index2];

      ac3 = 3.0f * data[index3] > 2.0f / data[index3] ? 2.0f / data[index3] : 3.0f * data[index3];

      ac4 = 3.0f * data[index4] > 2.0f / data[index4] ? 2.0f / data[index4] : 3.0f * data[index4];

      data[index1] /= ac1;
      data[index2] /= ac2;
      data[index3] /= ac3;
      data[index4] /= ac4;
    }
    sw.Stop();
    ilp[iteration] = sw.Elapsed;

    sw.Reset();
  }
  Console.WriteLine(data.All(item => item == data[0]));
  Console.WriteLine(data[0] == safe);
  Console.WriteLine();

  double normalElapsed = normal.Max(time => time.TotalMilliseconds);
  Console.WriteLine(String.Format("Normal Max.: {0}", normalElapsed));
  double ilpElapsed = ilp.Max(time => time.TotalMilliseconds);
  Console.WriteLine(String.Format("ILP    Max.: {0}", ilpElapsed));
  Console.WriteLine();
  normalElapsed = normal.Average(time => time.TotalMilliseconds);
  Console.WriteLine(String.Format("Normal Avg.: {0}", normalElapsed));
  ilpElapsed = ilp.Average(time => time.TotalMilliseconds);
  Console.WriteLine(String.Format("ILP    Avg.: {0}", ilpElapsed));
  Console.WriteLine();
  normalElapsed = normal.Min(time => time.TotalMilliseconds);
  Console.WriteLine(String.Format("Normal Min.: {0}", normalElapsed));
  ilpElapsed = ilp.Min(time => time.TotalMilliseconds);
  Console.WriteLine(String.Format("ILP    Min.: {0}", ilpElapsed));
}

Results are (on .Net framework 4.0 Client profile, Release):
On a Virtual Machine (I think with no ILP):
True
True
Nor Max.: 111,1894
ILP Max.: 106,886
Nor Avg.: 78,163619
ILP Avg.: 77,682513
Nor Min.: 58,3035
ILP Min.: 56,7672
On a Xenon:
True
True
Nor Max.: 40,5892
ILP Max.: 30,8906
Nor Avg.: 35,637308
ILP Avg.: 25,45341
Nor Min.: 34,4247
ILP Min.: 23,7888
Explanation of Results:
In Debug, there is no optization applyed by the compiler, but the second for loop is more optimal than the first so there is a significant difference.
The answer seems to be in the results of the execution of Release mode builded assemblies. The IL compiler/JIT-er make it's best to minimize the performance counsumption (I think even ILP). But whether you make a code like the second for loop, you can reach better results in special cases, and second loop can overperform the first one on some achitectures. But

You are at the mercy of the JIT

as mentioned, sadly. Sad thing there is no mention of implementation could define more optimization, like ILP (a short paragraph can be placed in the specification). But they can not enumerate every form of architectural optomizations of code, and CLI is on a higher level:

This is well abstracted away from the .NET languages and IL.

This is a very complex problem to answer it only experimental way. I don't think we could get much more precise answer a way like this. And I think the Question is missleading becuse it isn't depending on C#, it depends on the implementation of CLI.
There could be many influencing factors, and it makes hard to answer correctly a question like this thinking about JIT until we think it as Black Box.
I found things about loop vectorization and autothreading on page 512-513.:
http://www.ecma-international.org/publications/files/ECMA-ST/ECMA-335.pdf
I think they don't specify explicitly how the JIT-er need to behave in cases like this, and impelenters can choose the way of optimization. So I think you can impact, if you can write more optimal code, and JIT will try to use the ILP if it is possible/implemented.
I think because they don't specify, there is a possibility.
So the answer seems to be No. I belive you can't abstract away from ILP in the case of CLI, if the specification doesn't say it.
Update:
I found a blog post before, but I haven't found it until now:
http://igoro.com/archive/gallery-of-processor-cache-effects/
Example four contains a short, but proper answer for your question.


text:
Bradley pitcher Booden uses height to his advantage
By Scout on April 7, 2011
Standing taller than just about everyone, save the basketball team, junior pitcher Jacob Booden is hard to miss no matter where you see him. But when he takes the mound and gets into his pitching motion, everything is in the right place.
Booden has started off the season with a fury of strikeouts and minuscule ERAs. His stellar performance so far this season has been a key to the Bradley baseball resurgence.
Last year, when the team wasn't achieving the way they are now, Booden was still pitching at a high level. As the year wore on, he seemingly wore out.
"Last year I got into a groove," Booden said. "When something went wrong, I didn't stay mentally strong on the mound."
Now that his season has started off strong, there had to be some sort of a letdown. While there have been some games not quite up to snuff with past performances, his level of consistency has reached a point where one doesn't worry of him falling back to Earth.
"This year I plan on staying focused every pitch and throwing more strikes to get ahead of the batters," Booden said. "Control was a big issue last year."
Controlling a 6-foot-7-inch frame may not sound easy, but Booden wasn't exactly where he was stature-wise when he first came to Bradley almost three years ago.
"Over the past three years, I have grown around three inches and it definitely helps," Booden said. "It lets my release point get closer to the plate which gives the hitters less time to react to my pitches."
But like the most well known vertically gifted pitchers of our era, Booden doesn't just depend on God-given talent.
"Due to my growth, I have had to make some mechanical adjustments," Booden said. "Every year there is always something to improve on with mechanics."
This season, Booden and the Braves have become something of a barnstorming team. They spent most of the cold, harsh Illinois winter in Florida playing against any team they could. This road warrior mentality has helped the Braves take on big conference teams such as when Booden led the victory over Indiana University.
"Beating big conference teams definitely builds confidence for me for future starts," Booden said. "I think that getting a win from the previous week does give me momentum and more confidence in my pitches, but I do not think about last week's game when I am pitching in the next game."
As Booden pointed out, the Braves aren't playing the same team every week. While beating Indiana does look great on paper, it doesn't automatically mean success in the Missouri Valley Conference.
Like Booden's success at the beginning of last year, one can't naturally assume success will automatically continue like it did at the beginning of the season.
It's all about confidence and tunnel vision focus.
"I feel as though our team is confident against whoever we play," Booden said. "We have a team that can compete against anyone and we have a good chance of doing big things in conference this year. "
Booden, two years into his career, has the tunnel vision any great veteran would have, and it's the same kind of focus his team needs to take the next step to the top of the MVC.
"I will be able to keep our team in each game," Booden said.
As long as the team adopts the subtle swagger of their pitching ace, the Braves will do just that.
Brown leads shorthanded Braves to "Character win" over Toledo
Braves blast Georgia Southern, win third straight game by 30-plus
Men's basketball takes care of business in win over DII Maryville
Childs amongst boys: junior forward takes charge to lead Braves to victory


text:
SUSSEX POLICE RECRUITMENT
Monday saw the launch of Sussex Police's latest round of officer recruitment.
This recruitment drive will see more officers working where they are needed most - in our communities. The public deserve the very best police force and I am confident that we will attract high calibre candidates who will serve all our communities well.
We have promised residents of Sussex 250 extra officers by 2023 and only last week I met another cohort (pictured) who will be joining their colleagues out on the beat in just 3 days. If you you know someone who has what it takes to keep Sussex safe then please encourage them to apply here.
In a recent poll on my website 44% of those who voted told me that their biggest concern relating to anti-social behaviour was driving inconsiderately. During this month's Performance & Accountability Meeting (today) I asked senior officers for assurances that they are tackling those who persistently break the law on our roads.
Deputy Chief Constable Jo Shiner commented: "Sadly, a lot of collisions are as a result of anti-social driving and this remains a real priority for us. From the Precept rise we have invested money into roads policing and in particular the serious crash investigation unit. We are also really proactive about enabling the public to report incidents of anti-social driving using Op Crackdown. This has proved very effective in building an intelligence picture for us to use during targeted roads policing campaigns."
The Office for National Statistics has reported Sussex as the area with the highest risk of cash transfers linked to fake romances. This does not surprise me because we know that criminal gangs deliberately target our older residents as they may have substantial savings or be seen to be more trusting.
Sadly, when a possible victim is identified their details are often shared with other criminals and so they are at risk of being re-targeted. This is why I fund two fraud case workers in Sussex who helped and supported 638 people last year alone. Ensuring that those who fall victim to this heinous crime are offered invaluable emotional support as well as practical advice when it is most needed.
For more information click here or to report fraud anonymously, use this online form.
Katy Bourne OBE
Sussex Police & Crime Commissioner
Katy Bourne has been the the Conservative Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner since winning the inaugural election in Sussex in November 2012.
MP WELCOMES ADDITIONAL MENTAL HEALTH SUPPORT
Nus Ghani, MP for Wealden, as welcomed news that children and young people in Wealden are to benefit from additional mental health support. All schools and colleges in Wealden will be offered mental health training as part of the Government's commitment to providing more joined up care.
Recruitment for Sussex police officers is now open.


The best of anything can often be found in the most unlikely locations. Many people arriving at Miyazaki Airport might therefore jump on a train and head into the city in order to check into their hotel before going out to see the sites. Many might venture southwest toward the recently active volcano, Shinmoedake, on the border with Kagoshima prefecture, or--if they are surfers and beach lovers--south to Aoshima and the Nichinan coast , which includes the quaint castle own of Obi. Wherever you go in Miyazaki prefecture you can find delicious local food, while in the city itself some decent international food is available as well. However, few would expect to find a cozy and delicious Indian restaurant in the otherwise nondescript Hongo area, which is only a 5-minute drive from the airport, about halfway between Minami Miyazaki station and Aoshima, an area which boasts very little of interest to the tourist. Indeed, if I didn't live nearby, I would never have found it myself.
Cattle Island, named for Mr. and Mrs. Ushijima, a young couple who have lived in India, is a real find, well worth going out of the way for despite the fact that the nearest bus stop and train station each see fewer than one bus or train an hour. The food is better than that of any other South Asian restaurant I have tried in Miyazaki, and so perhaps the best way to get there is by taxi from the airport, Aoshima or the city itself. In fact, perhaps the best time to visit is upon arrival, or just prior to departure, if you are flying in or out.
What sets Cattle Island apart from other Indian restaurants is their abundant use of fresh vegetables and spices without being in the slightest heavy or oily. Some might claim that the use of Japanese red rice, or a few other ingredients that reflect the macrobiotic leanings of the owners, makes this restaurant less than authentic, but they would be wrong to give this place a miss on that account Similarly, the presence of a few Jamaican items such as Jerk Chicken on the menu might be too eclectic for some tastes, but the owners are serious about their food and a visit there should be a priority if you like South Asian food.
On a recent visit there, we enjoyed a leisurely dinner set menu that included the curry of the week, a delectable mixed bean dish with lots of tomato, cumin and other spices and a second curry of our choice, which happened to be chicken keema (minced chicken curry). Both rice and whole wheat chapati bread accompanied our meal, which also included freshly prepared salad, pickles and soup. We even indulged and ordered vanilla ice cream with a unique but totally satisfying cumin sauce. A variety of alcohols are available, and you can even bring your own wine.
Open from noon until around 9 PM most days, Cattle Island is only open for lunch until 3 PM on Tuesdays and closed Wednesdays.
I first came to Japan in 1979, where I have taught mainly at the secondary and tertiary levels. In early 2012, my wife (a native of Miyazaki) and I decided to move from Tokyo to Miyazaki city with our 3 cats. In addition to my work with Japan Tourist, I teach English to senior citizens and nurses, write and perform folk music ,and volunteer with homeless and disability support groups. I am currently working on a project with organic farmers in the town of Aya to invite kids from Fukushima to participate in summer camps. As if that were not enough, we are planning on opening up an organic cafe/wine bar that will feature products made by local people with disabilities. I hope that I can help many of you discover the warmth of the people in Miyazaki and southern Kyushu.
Indian food is one of my favorite cuisines and this looks tasty!


text:
Going Negative
C-SPAN Video: Negative Campaign Advertising
In Shanto Iyengar's 1995 talk at George Washington University he discusses the research methodology and results described in Going Negative: How Campaign Advertising Shrinks and Polarizes the Electorate.
Advertising Manipulations
1992 California Primary and General Elections
Primary Election: Competence/Integrity/Tone
News/Ad Manipulations: Los Angeles Riots
Ad Fact Checking: John Seymour Truthbox
Women's Rights: Hill/Thomas Sexual Harassment
Unemployment: Ad Tone
Ad Fact Checking/Horse Race Coverage
Strategy: Ad Tone
Strategy: Ad Tone/Ad Fact Checking
Excerpt from Going Negative
Winning, but losing
How negative campaigns shrink electorate, manipulate news media
By Stephen Ansolabehere and Shanto Iyengar
Once upon a time, this country divided itself neatly along party lines. Most people voted; those who did not tended to be poorer, less well educated, and more apathetic, but still party loyal. Television has changed all that. Now, we are split by a new division: between loyalists and apathetics. On the one hand, media propaganda can often shore up loyalists to vote for their traditional party; on the other hand, that same propaganda is increasingly peeling off a band of citizens who turn from independence to apathy, even antipathy, toward our political institutions.
Political advertising is everywhere. In the past, every two years, like clockwork, the American public would be bombarded for a few weeks with televised campaign advertisements; now, with advertising increasingly being brought to bear on such major legislation as trade agreements and health care, it is hard to avoid contact with paid political advertising. The amounts of money spent on political advertising are staggering: hundreds of millions of dollars are poured into what has become the main means of political communication in the United States.
Public regard for politicians has sunk to an all-time low; by wide margins, Americans believe that governmental institutions inflict more harm than good on their collective well-being. The more the campaign rages, the less we seem to respect and like any of its contestants, or even the contest itself
Since 1960, voter turnout in presidential elections has dropped 10 percentage points, from 62 percent of the voting-age population to 52 percent in 1992. The public's sense of its own effectiveness has taken an even more dramatic dive, in 1960, nearly 75 percent of the American public felt confident in the capabilities of government and their own efficacy; today only 40 percent do.
Alabama to Wyoming, New York to California–candidates have taken the "attack dog" tenor, and their bark has kept many voters away from the polls.
Our experiments, and corroborating evidence from actual Senate election results, reveal that high-tech advertising campaigns can stimulate people to vote and instill a sense of confidence in government, but only through positive campaign messages
We monitored each of the 34 U.S. Senate campaigns in 1992. Senate elections provide an especially good test of our claims, since Senate candidates rely heavily on advertising and since many of our experiments dealt with the two California Senate campaigns during the 1992 elections.
We recorded whether the tone of the overall campaign in the state was negative, mixed, or positive. A race was negative if both candidates in the general election relied heavily on attack advertisements. A race was positive if both candidates largely avoided personal or issue-based attacks and, instead, focused on reasons to vote for the candidates. A race had mixed tone if one candidate relied on positive and the other on negative messages or if both candidates used a fairly even mix of positive and negative messages.
Although 1992 was "the year of hope and change," the tenor of the Senate campaigns was overwhelmingly negative. Positive campaigns occurred in 12 states: Alaska, Hawaii, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Maryland, Nevada, North Dakota, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, and Wisconsin. While these states accounted for a third of the Senate races, they contained only 13 percent of the nation's voting-age population. The rest of the electorate feasted on negative advertising. Six states, containing a quarter of the electorate, had mixed campaigns: Alabama, Arizona, Florida, Illinois, Missouri, and Oklahoma. Fifteen states, with 62 percent of the voting-age population, had full-blown negative campaigns: Arkansas, California (two Senate seats), Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Washington.
The best single predictor of campaign tone, it turns out, is the closeness of the race. The tighter the contest, the meaner the campaign.
The hostility of the 1992 Senate campaigns drained the electorate as much as it wore down the opposition. The positive Senate campaigns averaged high turnout rates–57 percent of the voting-age population. Turnout in the mixed tone races was almost five percentage points lower, 52.4 percent, and turnout in the negative races was down even further, to 49.7. After removing the effects of other factors, the difference in turnout between the positive and negative races was 4.5 percentage points–strikingly similar to the size of the effect produced by our experiments.
An even more stringent test of the demobilizing effects of negative campaigning in 1992 is ballot rolloff. Ballot rolloff occurs when people vote for offices high up on the ticket, but ignore less important elections. In the positive Senate races in 1992, 3.3 percent of those who voted for president did not vote for senator. In the negative Senate races, the rate of ballot rolloff was 6 percent.
Negative campaigning may keep people away from the polls for three different reasons. First, negative advertising may discourage supporters of the candidate who is attacked, Attack advertising might defuse partisan support for the opposition, just as advertising in general reinforces partisan preferences. For a supporter reacting to negative information, dropping out may be easier than switching to the attacker.
An alternative explanation is that negative advertising makes the public disenchanted with both candidates. The electorate may curse a "plague on both houses." By this account, candidates unintentionally depress turnout among their own supporters by using negative advertising. If this were true, the effects of negative advertising would set in equally among the ranks of both the candidates' supporters and nonpartisans.
Finally, negative campaigning may diminish the power of civic duty and may undermine the legitimacy of the entire electoral proccess. Campaigns that generate more negative than positive messages may leave voters embittered toward the candidates and the rules of the game.
The negative tenor of campaigns can he traced to the competitive nature of political advertising, to the activities of organized interests, and, last but not least, to the ways in which reporters cover the campaign. Politicians, interest groups, and journalists all act in ways that serve their own best interests. Few of these players really want to produce highly negative campaigns, but the interplay among them produces the kind of campaigns that voters have come to loathe.
"Politics," Lloyd Bentsen reflected after the 1988 election, "is a contact sport." The main event is the head-to-head competition between the candidates. This, above all else, drives candidates to assail one another with 30-second spot ads. Put bluntly, candidates attack out of fear: fear that the opposition will throw the first punch, fear that they will appear weak if they don't respond in kind.
In addition, candidates attack to expand the scope of the political conflict, to drag organized interests and the media into the fray. The more intense the conflict, the more people are drawn to it. The more a candidate attacks, the more he or she makes news; the more conflict there is, and stories about the conflict, the more likely the candidate's proponents are to join the fray.
The media are less partisan, but have an equally important effect on the tenor of campaigns. Journalists report the campaign with the verve of sportswriters covering a title fight. Their job, after all, is to sell papers and attract viewers, and elections are full of great material–the mistakes and weaknesses of the candidates, the twists and turns of public opinion, and the jabs and hooks of political debate. Campaign commercials, especially the negative ones, are ideally suited to the dictates of a good news story. They pack a sensational story with good visuals and good sound into 30 brief seconds. Nothing grabs the public's attention like the smell of a scandal or the prospect of a political upset.
The need to punch back and the temptation to get in the first blow are driven by the same electoral forces. Voters are often most receptive to attack advertisements when the candidate who is attacked responds with self-promotional advertisements rather than a counterattatck, Republicans and Democrats want to see their own candidate score points. Partisans get an extra charge when the man or woman they support blindsides the opposition with a negative ad. By the same token, partisans are averse to seeing their own candidates on the receiving end of such a blow. This sort of judgment by voters drives candidates to run negative commercials. Even candidates who would in principle like to run wholly positive campaigns are led to attack to protect themselves from the airborne assault of the opposition.
On September 7, 1964, Lyndon Johnson's presidential campaign launched "Peace, Little Girl" The advertisement shows a sweet young girl plucking the petals from a daisy and counting from one to nine. Then, a male announcer counts down from ten. With each successive number the camera jumps to a closer shot of the child's face. At zero, a nuclear blast fills the screen, and President Johnson says: "These are the stakes–to make a world in which all of God's children can live, or to go into the dark. We must either love each other, or we must die."
The commercial aired just once, but it caused an instant furor. NBC, the network on which the commercial aired, was flooded with phone calls and letters. Sen. Barry Goldwater requested equal time from NBC to clarify his positions on the tactical use of nuclear warheads. Out of shock and voyeurism, television news programs on all three networks featured the commercial and the resulting controversy. Bill Moyers, President Johnson's press secretary, reported to the president a week after the spot aired:
[W]hile we paid for the ad only once on NBC last Monday night, ABC and CBS both ran it on their news shows Friday. So we got it shown on all three networks for the price of one. This particular ad was designed to run only one time.
Three decades later, campaign commercials remain very much in the media spotlight. Newspapers and television news programs that give even the most superficial attention to the campaign cannot avoid reporting on the candidates' paid messages.
Political advertisements also make the nightly news because they are perfect news stories. Reporters need low-cost, high-impact stories that can be compressed into a half-hour newscast. Most aspects of political campaigns are time-consuming to cover and don't make for good TV. In contrast to the standard campaign fare, 30-second spot ads contain great sound bites, arresting visuals, and sensational attacks, all in a package that firs easily into the two-minute format of television news or the fast format that many newspapers have copied from USA Today. Campaign advertisements are made for TV. They're made for TV news.
Negative advertisements make particularly tasty morsels for the media. For journalists, it is a no-lose situation when candidates attack one another. Allegations of dishonesty and incompetence lay the seeds of controversy and scandal. Even if the charges prove to be false, reporters can always rail against the candidate who aired the attack for slandering his or her opponent and engaging in sleazy campaigning. The fight itself often becomes the story.
Political consultants cater to the incentives facing newsrooms. Campaign managers produce materials that journalists can easily use. Copies of advertisements are regularly sent to television news stations and newspaper op-ed page editors even before the spots air. Sometimes campaigns do not even bother to purchase air time; they simply rely on local television stations to show the commercials for them.
Consultants also dovetail their advertisements with the candidates' speeches and staged events. One technique is "the message of the day." Running a spot on crime and visiting a ward of AIDS babies on the same day only produces confusion. Running a spot on crime and giving a speech in front of 100 uniformed policemen whose union has endorsed the candidate enables the campaign to set the public agenda. The advertisement can ride the wave of favorable news about the endorsement. What is more, by focusing on a single issue, the campaign can lead the press to focus on that issue as well. A story about the endorsement makes a natural lead-in for a story about the concerns raised in the advertisement.
All of this works to the advantage of the candidates. Turning advertisements into news stories allows candidates to set the campaign agenda and magnifies the effects of the ads considerably. Coverage of particular issues boosts the candidates and parties who are already associated with those issues in the voters' minds. Of course, news coverage of the advertisements recycles the sponsoring candidates' messages, providing them with valuable prime time, free of charge.
Not surprisingly, voters increasingly give election coverage poor marks. In 1994, for example, the Times Mirror survey of the electorate gave the media a C grade. The problem is not lack of substance, but the negativity of the message that the media convey. Seventy percent of the voters in the 1994 survey said they had learned enough to make a reasoned decision, but a majority also complained about the negativity of the news. In states where the campaigns were highly negative, people rated the media especially badly.
Following the 1988 election, reporters and editors were deeply critical of the machinations of the Bush campaign and their own complicity in the "Willie Horton" saga. How could they be so readily manipulated by one campaign? What perverse incentives led sensible, experienced reporters to cave into television's single-minded quest for good visuals and good leads?
A number of journalists decided to fight back. All came to the same conclusion: the media should act as referees. A new genre of campaign journalism, devoted to monitoring campaign advertising, was born,
By 1992, "truth-box" or "ad-watch" journalism had come into its own. The Los Angeles Times, for instance, published more than 20 ad-watch stories focusing on the two races for US Senate in California. Ad-watches appeared regularly on national and local newscasts. The producers of CNN's Inside Politics program assigned a senior correspondent, Brooks Jackson, to the task of inspecting and analyzing advertisements aired by the presidential candidates. Today, ad-watches are standard fare in print and broadcast outlets at both national and local levels.
Ad-watches represent an important shift in campaign journalism. They give reporters and editors a tool with which to assert their independence and to rebuild the integrity of their media. Now, journalists subject the candidates' messages to critical analysis and, thereby, alter the incentives facing the candidates.
The media's foray into truth in political advertising also presents an important rest of the role that journalists play in campaigns. Are journalists inadvertent boosters for whomever they happen to cover, or can they serve as the referees in increasingly hostile campaigns? Can they defuse the effects of unfair advertising or do they only magnify the effects?
Since ad-watch journalism is relatively new, little evidence has been collected concerning the effects of these reports on public opinion. We conducted three experiments using actual ad-watch stories from the 1992 presidential election campaign. Each experiment involved two videotapes of a newscast. The presentations were identical except that one of the newscasts contained an ad-watch story; the other contained a nonpolitical (personal interest) filler story. Two of the ad-watch stories analyzed advertisements run by the Clinton campaign; one examined an advertisement run by the Bush campaign.
The ad-watches were actual news stories done by CNN's Brooks Jackson. Each story first replayed the particular commercial, then questioned its facts and assumptions, and offered contrary information. Whenever a false or misleading statement was encountered, the label MISLEADING or FALSE, in bold, red, capital letters, was slapped on the advertisement, Each story concluded by rating the advertisement as either inaccurate or misleading. In sum, these were actual ad-watch stories; they were representative of the genre; and they accented the misrepresentations and falsehoods in the advertisements.
If ad-watches have their intended effect, then viewers should be less favorably disposed toward and less likely to vote for the candidate whose advertisement is criticized. Specifically, we considered the margin (electoral lead) of the candidate who sponsored the ad shown in the ad-watch. To examine the effects of the ad-watches we compared those viewers who saw the story against those who saw no ad-watch (the control group).
The ad-watch stories clearly backfired. In addition, the ad-watches aimed at the negative commercials seem to benefit the candidates somewhat more. Clinton got a slightly bigger boost from the ad-watch about his negative advertisement than from the ad-watch about his positive advertisement, and the message of the Bush attack clearly got through the truth-box filter. In short, just as with the ads themselves, negativity wins in campaign reporting, and the referees can't stop it.
The stories in our experiments produced no significant changes in the intentions to vote and the feelings of political efficacy of Republican and Democratic viewers. Thirty-eight percent of the Independents in the control group reported high levels of confidence in government; only 29 percent of the Independents who saw the ad-watch did.
There are a variety of reasons that these ad-watch stories failed. First, by repeating
the advertisement itself, the ad-watch may strengthen recall of the advertisement, thus making favorable information about the candidate and unfavorable information about the opponent more accessible in memory.
Second, the ad-watch frames the issues in the terms used by the candidates, further reinforcing the sponsoring candidate's messages.
Finally, the audience may consider the ad-watch an unfair attack by the media and side with the candidate whose advertisement is scrutinized. By singling out a particular candidate for criticism, ad-watch reports run the risk of violating the basic journalistic norm of fairness.
Our findings are by no means the last word on ad-watch journalism. This form of campaign coverage is still in its infancy, and our experiments may have detected the flaws with current practices as much as with the genre itself. The challenge facing reporters and editors is to develop methods of covering advertising that do not inadvertently benefit one candidate or the other. To facilitate their roles as monitors, journalists might change the ad-watch story format along the following lines:
Avoid repetition of the advertisement. While the ad's visuals make the story more attractive, refraining from showing the advertisements will minimize the danger of recycling the candidate's message.
Develop two-sided ad-watches. Almost all ad-watches single out just one candidate for scrutiny. As a result, the candidate's agenda becomes the media's agenda. To prevent this, reporters should produce ad-watches that focus on a common theme on which both candidates in a race have advertised.
Use nonpartisan sources. Ad-watches often include sound bites from representatives of the campaigns. This provides the candidates additional free air time and an opportunity to spin the news.
Whether these suggestions will actually improve matters is an open question. Our results counsel caution. Attempts to police the airwaves can backfire just as surely as they can succeed.
Each player in the campaign game acts, reasonably enough, to defend his or her Own interests. Candidates, groups, and journalists all have strong incentives to emphasize the negatives.
This excerpt from Going Negative: How Political Advertisements Shrink and Polarize the Electorate was originally published in Quill Magazine:
© Stanford University
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text:
Q: ¿Guargar grafico de funcion de MATLAB atraves de Visual Studio? Hola hay alguna forma de guardar una grafica que esta en MATLAB ,guardarla en una ruta especifica atraves de Visual Studio ?
Trate de hacerlo si :
 PictureBox1.Load(Matlab.Execute("ezplot('x^2',[-2,2]) "))

Pero salta la ventana de MATLAB pero se muestra en el PICTUREBOX.

Me brindan ayuda por favor.

A: Cuando usas la función Execute con Matlab.Execute esto abre una instancia de Matlab y le pasa como parámetro la cadena de texto entre paréntesis, pero Matlab es quien decide como ejecutar el script y no tienes control de ese contexto desde tu aplicación, funciona como un hipervinculo web.
Como alternativa:
Podrías escribir una función mas compleja en matlab que guarde el resultado en un archivo y luego tratar de leer el archivo desde tu aplicación.


text:
Q: Probability of getting a number having last digit among 1,3,5,7 ,which is formed by multiplying randomly four numbers If any four numbers are selected and they are multiplied then the probability that their product will have the unit digit to be either $1,3,5,7$ is ?

My progress :
Since the sample space is not given i thought maybe taking it to be $1-100$ ? Thought i dont know whether this will give correct probability or not but atleast i can solve for a small version of the problem ,                       .
The numbers should be first all odd otherwise any even coming will cause remainder to be a multiple of 2 not allowed . So now we have to check cases in which there is a $9$ unit digit coming from the modulo 10 residues $1,3,5,7,9$ .  By checking j found all cases are $3337, 7773 ,1133, 1999,1379,1177,1119,3399,7799$ where $9$ comes in unit digit . When multiples all four numbers having these residues modulo $10$ . So now from $1-100$ we take all $6$ cases and subtract the ones where $9$ unit digit comes ? Is my approach all correcy or something wrong ?

A: "since the sample space is not given..."  It might as well be just picking from $\{0,1,2,3,\dots,9\}$ with repetition as this will give the same result as if it were picking from $\{0,1,2,\dots,10n-1\}$ for any $n$ and the same limiting probability if we were picking from $\{0,1,2,\dots,N\}$ as $N\to\infty$.
Let the four numbers in sequence be $a,b,c,d$.  Now... in order for the final product to have units digit equal to $9$ the following two things must be true:

*

*The first three numbers' can be anything so long as their units digits must have been chosen from $\{1,3,7,9\}$ (since any others are zero divisors in $\Bbb Z_{10}$ and would make it impossible to have the final units' digit be a nine, i.e. would make the product even or a multiple of five).  This will make it so that $a,b,c$ are all coprime to $10$.

*The fourth number $d$ must be equivalent to $9\times a^{-1}\times b^{-1}\times c^{-1}\pmod{10}$.  There is always exactly one possibility for $d$'s unit digit that will satisfy this.
So then, the probability that the first three numbers do not "mess it up" and that the fourth number has an odd digit matches exactly with the needed units digit to make the final result's unit digit a 9:
$$0.4^3\times 0.1$$
The probability that the numbers produce an odd final digit different than nine is then the probability all units digits were odd minus the above probability:
$$0.5^4 - 0.4^3\times 0.1$$