Where's the Chinese equivalent of Dukes Wooters when you need him? No one mentioned the man generally credited with making Cotton Incorporated what it is when the American Cotton Producers and The Cotton Foundation met in New Orleans, but Wooters' legacy clearly was on some of the speakers' minds.
Woods Eastland, the National Cotton Council's chairman, noted that worldwide sales of textile and apparel products have grown from the equivalent of 125 million 480-pound bales of cotton in 1990 to an estimated 220 million bales in 2005.
But cotton's portion of the total consumption of cotton, wool and manmade fibers has not kept pace, declining from a 75 percent share of the world market (or 85 million bales) in 1990 to about 50 percent (or 110 million bales) today.
Allen Terhaar, the NCC's vice president for foreign operations, says declining market share is hurting cotton farmers everywhere. "If cotton had the same world market share in 2004 that it had in 1990, the world would have used an additional 26 million bales of cotton in 2004," he said.
"If cotton's decline had only been half that — to 66 percent instead of 50 percent — I don't think we would be facing a WTO Brazil case," he said. "I don't think we would be facing the question of cotton being singled out in the Doha Round or the adverse publicity in some of the news media.
Although Terhaar didn't single out China in his remarks, China's declining consumption of cotton within its borders clearly represents a major challenge for U.S. market promotion efforts.
Cotton Council International, the overseas market promotion arm of the U.S. cotton industry, has been staging events in China to try to help reverse the decline in cotton's share of fiber consumption.
The event, which featured showings by Benetton, Lee, Nautica and Tommy Hilfiger of their spring/summer collections with fabric manufactured by some of U.S. cotton's best customers, generated an estimated $2.7 million in advertising value from pick-ups in newspapers, magazines, TV and the Internet.
Terhaar believes there are more opportunities for generic promotion of cotton in China. That's where a Chinese equivalent of a Cotton Incorporated-type organization would be helpful.
Cotton Council International's efforts are having an impact, however. Following a recent 10-day tour in the United States, a Pakistani company committed to buy $10 million of U.S. cotton annually and devote an entire mill to U.S. upland and Pima cotton.


忽然想到(之10) 菩萨蛮 飞越长江 2017年1月23日 极目远眺白茫茫, 雨雪纷飞落大江。 大地转旋急, 高铁飞天登。 闯荡天南北, 潇洒走四方。 休理漫天雪, 跨越中永生。 插曲:昨感事独徘徊,夜不能寐,通宵达旦,忽然想到,记之。 PS. 这是父亲写的诗词,我记录下来。 如果你喜欢,请在上面点个赞!!( If you like this Calligraphy, please give me a "thumbs up" rating on the button above!
忽然想到(之6) 卜算子 咏玉 2015年8月12日 曾为旷世宝, 却有不识璐。 翻滚零落还称琦, 总是洁如故。 从不扬显外, 还是一明珠。 待到光阴适时宜, 自有惜者顾。 PS. 这是父亲写的诗词,我记录下来。 如果你喜欢,请在上面点个赞!!( If you like this Calligraphy, please give me a "thumbs up" rating on the button above!
七律 南海早晨 2016年2月27日 朝阳普洒人行稀, 春风柔吻绿海堤。 渔船点闪天边远, 碧波逐逐灰迷离。 浩瀚大海千年在, 鸥飞鸟跳欢嬉戏。 望洋寄思云飘送, 再回往昔无时机。 PS. 这是父亲在2016年写的诗词,我记录下来。 如果你喜欢,请在上面点个赞!!( If you like this Calligraphy, please give me a "thumbs up" rating on the button above!


So It will be like a special pages for each expert and he will put (the items he likes) Inside his page .. can you help me how I can make it ?
Demo Site, before you send some money, or you might end up in Frustration.
So, good Luck, and take Care, OC is about money, for most everybody involved ... !


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Tonight's episode of WWE Raw will feature Hall of Famer Trish Stratus on-stage at Scotiabank Arena in Toronto, Ontario (her hometown).
We also know that Edge will face former Judgment Day ally Damian Priest on the July 29 episode of Raw.
This will be The Rated R-Superstar's first match since Judgment Day kicked him out on the June 6 episode of Raw.
According to a report from Mike Johnson of PWInsider, Beth Phoenix, the wife of WWE Hall of Famer Edge, is also in Toronto.
Phoenix has made occasional appearances for WWE throughout her husband's second run with the company.
We don't know if Phoenix will appear on television, so we'll just have to wait and see how Raw plays out.
Phoenix teamed up with her husband at the Royal Rumble pay-per-view in January, where they defeated The Miz and Maryse in a tag team bout.
She was ringside for Edge's victory over The Miz (Maryse was also present) on Day 1 of the event.
Triple H has been in charge of talent relations and creative direction since taking over from Vince McMahon following his retirement.
With The Game now at the helm, WWE's flagship program has enjoyed tremendous improvement.
Viewership has increased in recent weeks, and the superstars getting long overdue pushes are those other than Triple H.
Furthermore, he has brought back several previously released talents since taking over.
Perhaps we'll see more recently released stars return over these next few weeks on Raw, too.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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How the Immune System Fights Invaders Like the Coronavirus
Written by Shawn Radcliffe on December 20, 2021
Aleksandar Nakic/Getty Images
The production of antibodies is a key immune response to viruses, bacteria or other pathogens, but it's not the body's only way of fighting infection.
Booster doses are seen as a way to shore up the immune protection against SARS-CoV-2, the coronavirus that causes COVID-19.
More countries are rolling out boosters in the face of the Omicron variant, which can overcome some of the protection offered by vaccines.
As more countries roll out booster doses of COVID-19 vaccines, conversations over how well these additional doses will protect people have centered on three things — breakthrough infections, waning antibody levels, and highly transmissible variants such as Delta and Omicron.
All of these, of course, are interrelated.
The concern is that as antibody levels decline during the months after full vaccination, people will be less protected, especially from the highly contagious Delta and Omicron variants, which could increase breakthrough infections.
In addition, preliminary data suggests that Omicron may be able to overcome some of the immune protection offered by vaccines and prior infection.
Booster doses are seen as a way to shore up immune protection against SARS-CoV-2, the coronavirus that causes COVID-19.
However, the booster shot debate is more complicated than this.
When talking about how well COVID-19 vaccines work over time, there's not only one type of effectiveness. Some vaccines might still prevent most people from getting severely ill or dying but may have less protection against infection that leads to minor symptoms.
In addition, antibodies are only one tool used by the immune system to fight infection. Focusing solely on antibody levels misses the protection offered by the other parts of the immune system, some of it longer-lived.
Still, it's important to understand how antibodies work and what waning levels might mean for protection against COVID-19.
What are antibodies?
Antibodies are Y-shaped proteins the immune system produces in response to an infection. They recognize and bind to specific molecular structures — known as antigens — such as those found on the surface of a virus or bacterium.
Many of the antibodies involved in preventing coronavirus infection bind to the virus's spike protein on the surface, which the virus uses to infect cells.
Antibodies are produced by immune cells called B cells, found in the blood, lymph nodes, spleen, and other tissues. Each B cell produces a specific type of antibody.
Scientists estimate that the human immune system can produce at least a trillion unique antibodies, although it could be substantially higher.
When the body encounters a virus or other pathogen for the first time, and a B cell can bind to that pathogen, the B cell is activated.
Once activated, a B cell multiplies and forms different cells, including plasma cells, which are antibody-producing factories.
Antibodies remain in the body for some time after infection, although their numbers wane over months or years, depending on the pathogen and other factors.
Adaptive and innate immune system: What to know
B cells and antibodies are part of the adaptive immune system, the branch that targets specific pathogens.
The other branch is known as the innate immune system, which provides a general defense against infection.
These two branches can work together to fend off a virus or bacterium before you get severely ill. If there is a virus or bacterium that your immune system has never encountered before, the innate immune response may sense something is wrong and respond quickly to an invading virus or bacterium.
This is important because it can take days to weeks for the adaptive immune system to effectively build up enough antibodies to fight the specific pathogen.
However, once your immune system has that exposure to the pathogen, it can then be ready to respond more quickly next time. Meaning it may be able to fend off invading bacterium or virus you're exposed to before you develop any symptoms.
"If you've been exposed for the first time to a particular pathogen, and your adaptive immune system was involved, you will develop what are called memory cells — both on the T-cell side and the B-cell side," explained Ralph Pantophlet, PhD, an associate professor at Simon Fraser University who studies antibody responses to HIV and other viruses.
One type of T cell, called helper T cells, stimulates B cells to produce antibodies. Another type, known as killer T cells, attacks cells that have already been infected by a pathogen.
"If you are re-exposed to the same pathogen or a very similar one, it's usually the antibodies that help protect or blunt that second exposure," said Pantophlet.
How vaccines work
Vaccines trigger a similar immune response without the risk of severe disease that comes with natural infection.
"[Vaccination] is basically a trick to provide the body with antibodies," said Pantophlet, "so when you are exposed to 'the real thing,' you are protected, at least somewhat, from that assault."
Vaccines accomplish this by presenting the immune system with an antigen from a pathogen.
Some vaccines contain the entire pathogen but in a weakened or inactivated form. Others contain only a specific piece of the pathogen.
The COVID-19 mRNA vaccines teach our cells how to make antibodies that target the coronavirus spike protein.
What antibody level is needed?
The immune system doesn't produce only one antibody in response to a pathogen, but many different kinds. Some of these antibodies bind strongly to an antigen, others less so.
They can also be divided into neutralizing and non-neutralizing antibodies. As the name suggests, neutralizing antibodies can "neutralize" a pathogen.
For example, to respond to SARS-CoV-2, certain neutralizing antibodies bind tightly to the coronavirus spike protein and keep it from infecting the cell.
Although non-neutralizing antibodies don't do this — or do it only weakly — they can still play a role in fighting pathogens.
"Non-neutralizing antibodies do not protect the cell from infection," said Pantophlet. "However, non-neutralizing antibodies can recognize viral antigens that are exposed, or presented, on the surface of infected cells."
When non-neutralizing antibodies bind to these surface antigens, other parts of the immune system can come along and eliminate the infected cells.
Pantophlet says that for COVID-19, most labs measure neutralizing antibodies "because that gives you a reasonable measure of protection [against infection]."
However, with COVID-19, he says we don't yet have a clear sense of how high neutralizing antibody levels need to be to provide some protection from infection or severe disease.
Emily S. Barrett, PhD, an associate professor of biostatistics and epidemiology at the Rutgers School of Public Health, said identifying this minimum immune response is complicated because the immune system has other ways of protecting you besides antibodies. This includes the cellular, or T-cell-mediated, immune response.
"So, unfortunately, although we would all like to identify a threshold of protection, there's no simple answer at the moment," she said.
Still, "what we do know from just monitoring and measuring vaccine effectiveness," said Pantophlet, "is that as the level of neutralizing antibodies decline, there is more chance of a breakthrough infection."
In recent weeks, scientists have inched closer to defining this protective immune response — or "correlate of protection" — for COVID-19, but we're not quite there yet.
In the meantime, scientists rely on other measures to know how well vaccines are working. This includes looking at the effectiveness of vaccines in the real world, both in certain groups of people and over time.
This is the approach that Israel used in deciding to roll out COVID-19 boosters over the summer.
Data from the country showed that breakthrough infections were occurring more often in people who were vaccinated earlier in the year than those vaccinated more recently.
The lack of a correlate of protection for COVID-19 is also why you can't take an antibody test — after vaccination or natural infection — to see how well protected you are against the coronavirus.
Waning antibody levels not surprising
After vaccination or natural infection, antibody levels increase but then start to decline. This is not unexpected.
"Antibodies only survive for a certain amount of time," said Pantophlet, "and it depends on a whole bunch of biological factors as to how long they may persist."
How long antibodies remain in the blood varies.
After two doses of the measles vaccine, antibody levels against the measles virus persist for at least 10 years, according to some research.
But with the COVID-19 mRNA vaccines, some studies have found that antibody levels start to drop within several weeks after the second dose.
This doesn't immediately translate into a noticeable loss of immune protection.
However, research suggests that the effectiveness of the Pfizer-BioNTech and Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccines starts to wane around 6 months after the second dose.
"It's clear that once [antibody levels] start to go down to a particular level, your likelihood of getting a breakthrough infection increases," said Pantophlet. "Basically, all that means is that the virus has a greater chance of being able to infect you."
But "that does not automatically translate to you ending up in a hospital or developing severe disease," he added.
According to a recent Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) study, 2 to 12 weeks after the second dose of an mRNA vaccine, the vaccine effectiveness against hospitalization was 86 percent overall. After 13 to 24 weeks, it was 84 percent.
This decrease was not statistically significant.
Even several months after COVID-19 vaccination, "it appears that your immune system as a whole — antibodies, T cells and the other parts that are involved — have the ability to protect you enough that you don't necessarily end up in the hospital," said Pantophlet.
"But we don't know — and this is this is a big 'if' — whether that protection will remain for another 6 months," he said. "And that's why there's this debate as to whether a booster should be given."
Scientists continue to monitor breakthrough infections and people's immune responses to understand how long the immune protection lasts after COVID-19 vaccination or natural infection.
Because antibodies are proteins, they cannot replicate. In contrast, antibody-producing B cells can linger in the body and multiply when needed.
One study found that SARS-CoV-2 antibodies are still detectable after 11 months. Researchers also found plasma cells in the bone marrow capable of producing these antibodies if needed.
One of the study's authors told NPR that these cells might be capable of producing antibodies for decades.
However, if the coronavirus changes significantly during that time, the immune system may need to learn to recognize and attack this new variant.
Understanding how well a certain antibody level protects against coronavirus infection or severe COVID-19 is also complicated by other factors that can affect the effectiveness of a vaccine.
A vaccine's effectiveness means how well it works in the real world.
This is in contrast to its efficacy, which is a measure of how well a vaccine works in a clinical trial. During a vaccine trial, researchers try to consider other factors that can influence the risk of infection or severe disease.
Whether a vaccinated person wears a face mask or practices physical distancing can influence their risk of infection after vaccination. Even community-wide mask or vaccine mandates can influence vaccine effectiveness.
Shortly after California dropped its mask mandate in June of this year, coronavirus cases among fully vaccinated UC San Diego Health employees had risen compared to earlier in the year, according to a recent study.
This also coincided with the spread of the Delta variant, which may have also increased the risk of breakthrough infections.
Still, researchers found that people vaccinated in January and February had a higher risk of breakthrough infections than those vaccinated in March through May.
A combination of these factors is likely at work.
Immune response varies among people
Although scientists often look at vaccine effectiveness for large groups, people's immune response to vaccination and natural infection can vary, sometimes widely.
In one study, researchers found that people with severe symptoms of COVID-19 were more likely to have detectable antibody levels than those with mild/moderate symptoms. People with no symptoms had even lower antibody levels.
"This was a pattern that emerged almost immediately following infection and persisted throughout up to 6 months of follow-up," said Barrett, one of the study's authors.
Most study participants had sustained antibody levels up to 6 months after infection, but the levels increased differently during that time based on symptoms.
People with severe symptoms saw a sharp rise in antibody levels within the first 2 months, while people with asymptomatic infections had slow increases in antibody levels over 6 months.
Researchers did not look at whether people with higher levels of antibodies were better protected against reinfection.
However, "antibodies were detectable in the vast majority of infected individuals," said Barrett, "and you don't need high circulating antibody counts to mount a response to an infection."
Another study found that even people who had mild COVID-19 cases appear to be protected against reinfection, at least during the 6 months after infection.
When it comes to waning antibody levels after vaccination, one preprint study suggests that different groups see a similar decline.
Researchers studied blood samples from 120 nursing home residents and 92 healthcare workers who had received 2 doses of the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine.
After 6 months, antibody levels decreased more than 84 percent in both groups.
Researchers also found that the declines were similar in people who had previously contracted the coronavirus compared to those who were "infection-naive."
However, older adults who were infection-naive generated less of an initial antibody response to vaccination.
This kind of lower immune response occurs among this age group with other vaccines, including the seasonal flu vaccine.
By 6 months after vaccination, 70 percent of these nursing home residents had "neutralizing [antibody] levels that were very low, at the limit of detection," said study author Dr. David Canaday, a professor in the School of Medicine at Case Western University.
The study has not yet been peer-reviewed.
Canaday said the waning antibody levels, coupled with the lower starting point for nursing home residents, are particularly concerning for this group because they may be frail or have other chronic health conditions.
"This huge drop in antibodies puts them at continued high risk, and even higher risk, due to those extra conditions," he said. "This means a higher risk of requiring hospitalization or of passing away."
People with weakened immune systems may also not generate a strong immune response to vaccination, putting them at a lower starting point for antibody levels.
This includes organ transplant recipients and people undergoing cancer treatment or taking drugs that suppress the immune system.
In the CDC study, the vaccine effectiveness against hospitalization in people with immunocompromising conditions was 63 percent over the entire study period.
As of Dec 9, the CDC also recommends boosters for everyone 18 years and older who received an mRNA vaccine, and for everyone 18 years and older who received the Johnson & Johnson vaccine. This includes people who are immunocompromised.
In addition, 16- and 17-year-olds who received an mRNA vaccine can choose to get a booster based on their individual benefits and risks.
People eligible for a booster can choose from any COVID-19 vaccine authorized by the Food and Drug Administration for their extra dose.
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The Healthline News team is committed to delivering content that adheres to the highest editorial standards for accuracy, sourcing, and objective analysis. Every news article is thoroughly fact-checked by members of our Integrity Network. Furthermore, we have a zero-tolerance policy regarding any level of plagiarism or malicious intent from our writers and contributors.
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Everything You Want to Know About the Pfizer-BioNTech Vaccine Efficacy
Medically reviewed by Meredith Goodwin, MD, FAAFP
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Experts say Omicron symptoms seem to be similar so far to other COVID-19 variants. Cases also appear to be mild, but that may help the virus spread.


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Melina Sherman
Ph.D. in Communication || Academic, Translator, Writer
The "How" and "Why" of Power: From Marx to Foucault to Power Today
Power relationships are the foundation of culture and society. For centuries, philosophers, cultural scholars, social scientists, political theorists, and others have been trying to capture the nature, function, and mechanisms of power that structure the dynamics of social life. In this paper, I address the concept of power in terms of the ways it has been theorized by two of the world's most influential thinkers: Karl Marx, who never developed an explicit theory of power, but whose work implicitly, constantly, addresses it, and Michel Foucault, whose work explicitly attends to the question of power, and whose theorization of it is possibly the most well-known and widely used today.
If the quotations included in the following pages feel somewhat unbalanced, it is because we cannot ask Marx directly what he would say about power, and about Foucault, while we can look directly to Foucault for answers. This paper, then, draws more heavily from Foucault's words when he discusses Marx – whether explicitly in interviews or implicitly across his oeuvre – than from Marx himself. From this position, I think, we can identify ruptures, tensions, and connections that will help to give us a sense of the kind of relationship between Marx and Foucault, and their ideas about power.
What is Power?
Before delving into an analysis of power a la Marx and Foucault, I will first lay out the basic assumptions each makes about the fundamental nature of power. These assumptions color each of the topics that will be developed throughout the rest of the paper.
Marx, whose historical materialism launched an attack on German idealism, attempted to bring power out of the sphere of ideas (where the German philosophers were always "fighting against phrases" (Marx & Engels, 1970, p. 41)) to address its relation to the material underpinnings of everyday life. As Marx and Engels put it, "It has not occurred to any one of these philosophers to inquire into the connection of German philosophy with German reality, the relation of their criticism to their own material surroundings" (Marx & Engels, 1970, p. 41). Power, for Marx, was not a religious/philosophical/political dogma, but a resource. And as a resource, power is always in limited supply. It is therefore concentrated among certain actors and groups – namely, the ruling class and the State – who wield it over an unsuspecting (proletariat) population. Its instrumentation is always captured by economic processes, and the logic of its distribution is the accumulation of capital (Marx, 1976). Although the origins of power are material, its effects are less so, since power (conceived as the control of economic processes) translates into the control over ideas. Ideas feed back into material reality, where they are implemented in everyday life as ideologies that lure the working class into a false consciousness, thereby ensuring their subordination. Power, for Marx, is negative, insofar as its effects are repressive (the loss of freedom). Power obscures "truth." A counter-attack by the working class subject, which would reveal the "truth" that power hides from view, is only possible once the scales have been lifted from his eyes.
Critiques of Marx often point to his somewhat narrow focus on the State as the ultimate wielder of power. Such critiques suggest that this focus came at the expense of recognizing the ways in which power is dispersed and exercised within the nooks and crannies of everyday life (rather than being concentrated and in limited supply). Foucault's critique of Marx certainly falls along these lines. For Foucault, power is not a resource, but a relation. It is never "held" nor "owned" but is strategically exercised. Furthermore, the logic of its distribution does not always imply the accumulation of capital. Although like capital, power is distributed unevenly, it exists and is exercised throughout the social body. And wherever there is power there is always counter-power. Perhaps most importantly for Foucault, power has positive effects. It is not repressive, but incredibly productive. Its instrumentation, moreover, is highly specific, and cannot be captured by economic processes alone.
While Marx refers to economic processes in capitalism as the sole technology of power, Foucault identifies at least two political technologies of power, which he refers to as disciplinary power and bio-power. Taking for the moment the concept of disciplinary power, we can identify some fundamental points of convergence between Marx and Foucault in their otherwise distinct analyses of power.
Capital and Discipline: The How and Why of Power
In analyzing disciplinary power, Foucault saw a kindred spirit in Marx. He draws heavily upon Marx's discussion from Capital concerning the disciplinary practices necessary for the development of the productive factory worker. In this context, Foucault recognizes a Marx who acknowledged the infiltration of power outside the specific domain of the State, which could be exercised within and across differing institutions where, importantly, it lays hold on the body.
Moreover, Foucault articulates that the rise of disciplinary power as a central feature of modern society went hand in hand with the development of the capitalist mode of production, which was a necessary condition for the management of a rapidly growing population – and thus, a bigger labor force – in a burgeoning factory system. To manage its workers properly, the space of the factory had to be organized in such a way that guaranteed the docility and utility of its workers: "The growth of a capitalist economy gave rise to the specific modality of disciplinary power, whose general formulas, techniques of submitting forces and bodies, in short, 'political anatomy,' could be operated in the most diverse political regimes, apparatuses or institutions" (Foucault, 1977, p. 221). This is to say, the productivity of disciplinary power – which produces docile bodies – is intimately related to the need for controlling human subjects under capitalism, by regulating the movements of their bodies in time and space. With that said, however, Foucault is also quick to point out that understanding the material bases of disciplinary power is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for analyzing power. While examining the relations of production in capitalism might tell us why disciplinary power operates, it does not tell us how.
The why of Marx and the how of Foucault point to another significant difference in approach each takes to understanding power. At the risk of sounding too simplistic, we might characterize this difference as the relative uniformity of the former and specificity of the latter. Foucault saw it this way, when he addressed Marx in his "Two Lectures" by asking, "Is power always in a subordinate position relative to the economy? Is it always in the service of, and ultimately answerable to, the economy? …Or, on the contrary, do we need to employ various tools in its analysis…" (Foucault, 1976, p. 89).
What Foucault's question points to is the basis for his analysis of power as micro-politics. Foucault recognized that by remaining fixed on the economic landscape of power, Marx risked overlooking its specificities. Foucault wants to emphasize that an analysis of power must attend to details, an idea which is conveyed in his use of the term "micro-politics." Micro-politics implies an analysis of power that works from "the bottom up." Such an analysis must then begin by examining its most minute mechanisms and intricate procedures and the ways in which these operate directly on individual bodies. Micro-politics, for Foucault, is power working at a level of extraordinary detail; it is "the conduct of conduct" (Foucault, 1977).
Consciousness, Power and Knowledge
In Marxist thought, the material basis of ideas provides an answer to the question of where consciousness (and also culture) comes from. Since material life determines, or at least 'conditions' social life, the primary direction of social explanation is always from material production to social forms, and thence to forms of consciousness. Put another way, ideas become ideology once they are integrated into our everyday activity, where they become normalized and naturalized (and thus invisible). Ideas become ideology becomes culture. According to Marx, it is the ruling class which has the power to disseminate its ideology to the working class proletariat; thus, it is also the ruling class which has the power to shape consciousness and society as a whole. As Marx famously put it, the ruling ideas are those of the ruling class (Marx & Engels, 1970). If you want to change culture, you must first dismantle the social and material base that conditions it since, after all, "The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships…" (Marx & Engels, 1970, p. 64).
Knowledge, then, is understood by Marx as a resource used in the services of power, which is shaped by the political and professional interests of those who control the economic means of production. Naturally, the maintenance of this system of production – the different roles human beings play within it, the hierarchical class relations it reproduces – is the most fundamental interest of the ruling class. This being the case, knowledge serves a social function of legitimation. It functions to mask the manipulation of human beings to ensure the stability of the social order and the accumulation of private profit for the upper class. As Marx understands it, the relationship ideas (or knowledge) have with power hinges on a false promise, which is the basis of his ideology critique. Power manipulates human beings, masks reality, and therefore compromises knowledge's claim to truth.
Marx's conception of ideology thus reduces the relationship of power and knowledge to a question of class power and class interests, and situates it in a binary of truth/falsity. But is it possible to think about knowledge as something other than "true" or "false"? Foucault certainly thought so, and we can turn to his writing about the co-constitutive relationship of power and knowledge as a way of moving out of this binary, toward a theory of power that is generative, that makes things thinkable and do-able.
In Foucault, power/knowledge refers to the co-constitutive capacities of knowledge and power to produce apparatuses of control, regulation, and production. Knowledge, then, is not simply descriptive; it is productive. What it produces, among other things, are normative categories (i.e., sick/healthy), prescriptions for proper conduct, and relations of power (i.e., patient/doctor). Power and knowledge come together in Foucault's notion of discourse. Discourse, as something immaterial, appears initially as anti-Marxist. And in a sense it is, since it does not necessarily revolve around empirical reality. The use Foucault puts to discourse, however, is primarily to reveal the materiality of power relations within discrete sites – the prison, the hospital, the mental institution, and so on, which is to say, it has a materiality. Discourses, like science, medicine, or psychology, assert their monopoly over truth claims, which also gives them power to determine the face of "reality" at a given moment. This is not incompatible with a Marxist conceptualization of ideology, except that it does not necessarily refer back to a prevailing mode of economic production.
In Foucault, power/knowledge and the way they come together in discourse, are not repressive (as is power in Marx) but extraordinarily productive. As previously mentioned, power is that which makes things do-able and thinkable. Even more, power is that which "makes" individuals.
The Subject of Power
Maybe the most certain of all philosophical problems is the problem of the present time, and of what we are, in this very moment. – Foucault, "The Subject and Power" (1983/2003)
In this section, I will attend to the ways in which Marx and Foucault theorize the relationship of individual subjects to power, and vice versa. To do so, I will begin with Marx's concept of "fixed capital," which might help us understand the formation of "the subject" under capitalism.
In Marx, the formation of subjects is always tied to the development of a capitalist system, and cannot be extracted from the relations of production that structure individuals' experience of the world (Marx, 1973; 1976). In Gundrisse, Marx uses the term "fixed capital" – a term he generally associates with machinery, factories, and other investments in the means of production – to refer to subjectivity (Marx, 1973). In particular, he refers to the subjectivity of the worker, whose concrete essence is defined in terms of his labor. Gradually, as man labors, his worker's subjectivity develops alongside the progression of capital until he is himself incorporated into its machinery and becomes a replaceable "cog in the machine."
The capitalist system is capable of transforming man's essence precisely because it is what transforms labor into surplus value, into profit. Because labor, for Marx, is part of the sphere of exploitation, subjection is a necessarily exploitative process. Yet again, we see the power that "makes" subjects working through an ideology of individuality, a "false promise" that alienates the working subject from his labor power, from other workers, and from himself. This conception of the subject is negative: It hinges on the repression of an identity whose truth has been subsumed in machinery. This negative conception of the subject of power stands in marked contrast with the subject in Foucault, whose relation to power is positive, in the sense that his "truth" is not repressed, but rather generated through the different technologies of power. Despite this fundamental dissimilarity, there is a resonance between Marx and Foucault on the topic of labor, which both thinkers – albeit in different ways – understand as a catalyst, which forges a powerful link between systems of power and the subjects they address. I will say more about Foucault's utilization of labor at the end of the section, but first some contextualization is in order.
It is perhaps surprising that Foucault did not see power, but rather the subject as his main scholarly project[1] (see Foucault, 1983/2003). But if we look closely at the two "technologies of power" that divide the first and second half of his writing, we see that the most profound task of each is the production of particular kinds of subjects. In Discipline and Punish (1977) and the rest of his work that precedes The History of Sexuality (1978), Foucault identifies a technology of power he calls "disciplinary power," which (as discussed previously) generates norm-governed "disciplinary subjects," whose subjection is ensured through their production as obedient and efficient "docile bodies." Beginning with The History of Sexuality (1978), Foucault identifies a second technology of power which developed within, and ultimately transformed, disciplinary power. This "new" power is what Foucault terms bio-power.
Bio-power and disciplinary power differ in the objects each addresses: While discipline addresses the individual subject through power exercised directly on the (corporeal) body, bio-power takes as its central object the social body (Foucault, 2003). Bio-power belongs to system of government that addresses the population body (rather than the body of individuals) vis-à-vis the biology of individual bodies. In doing so, it is able to manage social risks (which would formerly have been responsibilities of the State – preventing illness, unemployment, poverty, etc.) by re-casting them as individual problems of self-care.
We can see how Foucault echoes a Marxist emphasis on labor when he discusses bio-power and the "making" of bio-political subjects. Contra to Marx's worker subject, bio-political subjects are not "cogs in the machine." They are active participants (and not un-knowingly) in the process of their own subjection. As such, subjection is not imposed on them from above, but through themselves. Put another way, the bio-political subject is a self-governed individual. She governs herself through forms of regulation and modulation that Foucault refers to as technologies of the self (Foucault, 2008). Taking an example from medicine, we can see how technologies of the self (i.e., birth control) function as conduits through which social problems (population control) become individual problems (unwanted pregnancy/motherhood), which necessitate a kind of labor that the bio-political subject is obligated to perform (i.e., taking her pills on time, every day). Her labor, which has been recast in terms of self-care, ensures her continued (self-) subjection (Foucault, 1984/1986).
By way of concluding, I want to acknowledge a third approach to power that borrows from and builds on Marx and Foucault, and which develops an analysis of power today. In Communication Power (2009), Manuel Castells develops an alternative theory of power that focuses on the ways in which power moves through multi-media communication networks which are, for him, the dominant guarantors of culture and meaning in our lives. As Castells explains, "…all networks of power exercise their power by influencing the human mind predominantly (but not solely) through multimedia networks of mass communication. Thus, communication networks are the fundamental networks of power making in society" (Castells, 2011, p. 774).
It goes without saying that such an approach to power, which takes communication as its primary object, is absolutely essential for communication scholars, cultural studies practitioners, and anyone who writes about media, politics and/or popular culture. Neither Marx nor Foucault attended to this dimension. Marx, because he could not possibly have envisioned it. Why Foucault neglected communication networks, however, is more difficult to understand – particularly when we consider his emphasis on discourse. It seems to me, and I'd venture to guess that Castells would agree, that the texts which circulate through communication networks, are in and of themselves discursive sites; they exercise a powerful influence in the production and circulation of knowledge.
Indeed, Foucault has been criticized for his over-reliance on discourse, which led him to ignore the more coercive and violent forms of power exercised by the State.[2] Castells' analysis of communication power attends to this gap, as well as to the gap left by Marx, who focused exclusively on the economic processes that give rise to power. Unlike Marx, Castells' analysis extracts power from economic processes and re-situates them in social processes. And unlike Foucault, Castells acknowledges a mechanism of power that belongs to State, which is exercised through coercion and intimidation in the name of private and political interests. This mechanism is what he terms "intimidation power." Intimidation power exists alongside another – far more decisive – mechanism of power that belongs to discourse, spreads through communication networks, and is exercised through persuasion. Castells uses Foucault's term and refers to this second mechanism of power as "disciplinary power" (Castells, 2009). But why is this this second mechanism understood as being more decisive than the first? Castells's answer is simple: Power that moves through communication networks has a unique ability to shape the human mind, in part because it is accessible by nearly every individual in every society, and in part because it is tightly controlled by a concentrated media elite whose discourses it tends to reproduce. There is a Gramscian slant to this idea: "Coercion alone," as Castell explains, "cannot stabilize domination. The ability to build consent, or at least to instill fear and resignation vis-à-vis the existing order, is essential to enforce the rules that govern the institutions and organizations of society" (Castells, 2009, p. 3). Communication power in its most effective form is the power to persuade, to change people's minds. This brings me to the final point I'd like to make about power, which I have not yet attended to – that power is always-already about struggle.
While Marx envisioned a particular kind of struggle that would dismantle power relations by overthrowing the system of capitalism, he devoted little time to describing the logic, mechanisms, and techniques of a revolutionary counter-power. The same can be said about Foucault, who insists time and time again that power is always accompanied by counter-power but says little else about what counter-power might actually look like. Castells, however, makes a point to do just that. In Communication Power, he draws for us two maps – one of a network of power, and another of a network of counter-power. Throughout a number of case studies about political upheavals, social movements, and civil disobedience, he points out the characteristics of various concrete sites where counter-power is exercised. In every instance, as he shows, counter-power operates vis-a-vis the determination of real people acting autonomously (that is to say, apart from the State) to construct their own discourses and projects.
Perhaps Castells' analysis of power is a utopian one, or perhaps not. In any case, what is striking about his analysis is that it leads us – through communication networks – back to the human heart and mind. Castells' theory of power is the first I have seen to take seriously its emotional register. Though power may certainly operate economically, politically, and strategically, it is not merely an impassive force (as in Foucault) nor a machine (as in Marx). Fundamentally – and above all else – power is human.
Castells, M. (2009). Communication power. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
Castells, M. (2011). A network theory of power. International Journal of Communication, 5, 773-787.
Foucault, M. (1965). Madness and Civilization: A history of insanity in the age of reason. New York, NY: Random House.
Foucault, M. (1976). Two lectures. In C. Gordon (Ed.). (1980). Power/knowledge: Selected interviews & other writings 1972-1977. New York, NY: Pantheon.
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison. New York, NY: Random House.
Foucault, M. (1978). The history of sexuality, volume 1: An introduction. New York, NY: Random House.
Foucault, M. (1983/2003). The subject and power. In P. Rabinow & N. Rose (Eds.), The essential Foucault. (pp. 126-144). New York, NY: The New Press.
Foucault, M. (1984/1986). The care of the self: The history of sexuality, volume 3. New York, NY: Random House.
Foucault, M. (2008). The birth of biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1978-1979. New York, NY: Picador/Palgrave Macmillan.
Marx, K. (1973). Gundrisse. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin.
Marx, K. (1976). Capital, vol. I. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin.
Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1970). The German Ideology. New York, NY: International Publishers.
[1] In "The Subject and Power," (1983/2003) Foucault explicitly states that "…it is not power, but the subject, that is the general theme of my research" (p. 127).
[2] Although it could also be argued that this near total rejection of power in the Weberian sense – conceived as the State's legitimate monopoly over violence – is exactly what Foucault intended to do.
Posted in Blog and tagged Culture, Foucault, Manuel Castells, Marx, Power on April 13, 2015 by melinasherman2013. Leave a comment
Bass Migrations
The Politics of Musical Space, Place and (Temporary) Escape
By Melina Sherman
In a recent article published in The Guardian, dance music journalist Simon Reynolds offered an insightful commentary on the growing popularity of electronic dance music in the United States. Reynolds notes how EDM only recently exploded within the U.S. musical mainstream, where it is now produced and consumed on a massive scale – at commercial concert events which are often referred to as megafestivals. While the size and scale of today's stateside EDM scene is historically unprecedented, Reynolds argues that the megafestival itself is actually part of a historical pattern, a cyclical trajectory in which EDM emerges from the underground, toward popularization, massification, and eventual fragmentation. According to Reynolds, the rise of megafestivals is the main indication that bass music has been "re-branded" in the American musical mainstream (Reynolds, 2012).
Indeed, it is undeniable that the stateside megafestival is a growing phenomenon within the commercial mainstream. But I also think there's more to the story: Rather than talking about the bass music festival as yet another example of a subculture "selling out" or as a bombastic commercial superspectacle, I'd like to focus on discussing the megafestival in terms of its situation within a globally networked scene of musical practices, where it is part of a much longer history that is marked by issues of race, identity, and the flow of culture. More than "rave re-branded," the story of the EDM megafestival is a story about how culture gets "remixed" in new ways as it migrates through space and time.
This is a story about bass migrations.
"Bass migrations" is, for me, a way of thinking about electronic bass music culture as both an object and a process. It is also a way of telling a story about the evolution of a musical paradigm that has been articulated in different ways – with particular musical spaces, places, and practices – at different moments in history. Bass migrations emphasizes the dual nature of bass music culture as global and local; it inhabits and extends multiple localities in a transnational network. The megafestival, then, is best thought of as an expression of a global-local music culture whose roots have always been informed by its routes. That is to say, the stateside EDM megafestival is but one coordinate in a global network of bass migrations. As such, it represents just one of the many places this type of music has ended up.
While I want to insist on focusing on the migratory dimensions of bass music culture, a balanced discussion of bass migrations also includes thinking about how this music corresponds to local place and the social, technical, economic, and political practices constructed therein. In tracing the migration of bass music cultures over the past half-century, my analysis of bass migrations depends on case studies of three distinct, yet interrelated bass music cultures: I look at the articulation of bass music in the 1970s, with the construction of the "remix", a novel musical paradigm that was born out of Jamaican dub sound system culture in the early years of Jamaican independence. Then, over the following two decades, I trace the migration of Jamaican bass music culture to post-imperial Britain where, in the midst of a cultural and economic crisis, many of the elements of dub were nurtured and re-purposed in the underground dubstep movement, before migrating to the United States in the mid-2000s.
Jamaica, the United Kingdom, and the United States represent three key nodes in the global-local network of bass music migrations. These three coordinates and the lines of flight that connect them also correspond with a historical pattern of cultural flow that sociologist Paul Gilroy has referred to as the "Black Atlantic" (1993) – a transnational network of routes that mobilize complex histories of decolonization and the formation of fragmented diasporic identities.
Jamaican dub pioneer, King Tubby
UK-based dubstep DJ, Skream
US "brostep" king, Skrillex
In an essay discussing cultural flows and the globalization of "world music," Martin Stokes (2004) explains that "relatively free movement of sounds (and other commodities) across the border contrasts with the relatively restricted movement of musicians and their audiences" (Stokes, 2004: 63). This is an important insight, because it emphasizes the nature of migratory processes as always-already disrupted, where nothing that flows remains perfectly intact. That is to say, when cultural commodities (like bass music) circulate, some of their dimensions are lost in translation. They fade, they mutate, or they are remixed into new and unrecognizable forms. Put another way, when music migrates to other parts of the world, the structure of it—its spaces, sounds, and practices—are subject to transformation in different geopolitical and economic contexts.
But how, exactly, is the musical space, place, and practice of bass music culture transformed when the sound moves? How do musical routes generate new musical roots? And how are routes transformed by musical routes? How has the political power of bass music taken on different forms in different historical and geopolitical contexts?
And what kind of politics is this?
Recognizing and describing the political power of bass music at the megafestival requires us to traverse the roots as well as the routes this sound has taken, while acknowledging that the bass music culture has always been shaped, yet not determined, by circuits of commerce and the multi-directional flow of popular culture. Borrowing from George Lipsitz, I want to suggest that we think about the megafestival as a "dangerous crossroads" where a plurality of cultural practices coincide with the politics of place, as well as with processes of identification and community formation that are interconnected within the broader sphere of capitalist culture. Here, the political is not in contradiction with commodification, but is actually mobilized through participants' highly selective and creative uses of commercial culture. The commercial space of the megafestival is used by festival-goers who craft a space of autonomy where they can perform subcultural identities in a relatively risk-free way. My hope, ultimately, in traversing the routes of bass migrations, is to contribute to a theory of the political dimensions of aesthetic part-taking that will force us to refine our understanding of how identity and community function within youth music subcultures.
If you are interested in reading more on the politics of musical space and place, keep an eye out for other posts on "Bass Migrations", COMING SOON!
Posted in Blog and tagged aesthetics, bass music, Culture, EDM, Music, politics, subculture, youth on June 12, 2014 by melinasherman2013. Leave a comment
New Panopticism: The Materiality of Surveillance in Society
This post is also available on the Annenberg Surveillance Project Page
To begin to examine the importance of panopticism in the ongoing scholarly and popular debates about surveillance in society, we have to begin by reviewing the concept of panopticism as conceptualized by Michel Foucault (drawing from Jeremy Bentham). For Foucault, the panopticon is a generalizable mechanism of surveillancethat infiltrates (although sometimes undermining) but nonetheless connects disciplinary modalities in society, thus making it possible to distribute power relations infinitesimally, so that these become the fundamental relationships that structure society at every level1. As I argue in the pages below, panopticism remains an important concept that has relevance for thinking and theorizing about the role of surveillance in society.
Power Relations and Panopticism
As Foucault first theorized and other researchers such as Castells (2009) have found to be empirically supported, resistance to power (terms "counter-power") is mobilized vis-à-vis the establishment of horizontal conjunctions, or networks. Horizontal (or rhizomatic) networks are characterized by their flexibility, mobility, by the spontaneous organizations, coalitions, and revolts they enable. It makes sense then, that to impose order over resistance mobilized through horizontal networks of counter-power, the mechanisms of disciplinary power involve fixing, partitioning, and hierarchizing. In vertical networks, or hierarchical networks, power is dispersed throughout multiple levels where it operates insidiously, and shapes the anatomy of populations. Here is where we might begin to think about the principle of the panopticon.
The idea of the panopticon that Foucault writes about was first developed by Jeremy Bentham as an ideal architectural model of modern disciplinary power. Bentham's panopticon was initially conceived as a design for a prison, but is relevant for Foucault because the design itself incorporates disciplinary power through procedures of fixing, partitioning, and verticalizing that enable surveillance of members of a population. For example, the prison is built so that each inmate is invisible to the others since he or she is confined (fixed) and separated (or partitioned) in his or her individual cell. Next, inmates are always visible to a monitor situated in a central watchtower. What is most important to note about the panopticon model is that it is extremely efficient in two ways. First, the panopticon's watchtower "monitors" or surveils inmates regardless of whether or not a human monitor is actually watching them. Second, the surveillance mechanisms of power produced by this design are reiterative: Inmates never know whether they are being observed and thus must always assume and act as if they are being monitored. Because of the possibility that they are always already being watched, prison inmates continually produce their own docility. As a result, control is achieved as much by the physical constraints of the prison as it is by the internalization and self-regulation of the inmates themselves.
Although Bentham was never able to actually build his prison, the principle of the panopticon has come to pervade every aspect of modern society and is the instrument through which modern forms of discipline replaced pre-modern sovereignty as the fundamental mechanism of power that defines power relations. Thus, panopticism not only represents a key spatial figure in the modern system of surveillance, but also is a central mechanism for constructing modern subjectivity and the re-making of people, communities, populations, and societies in the image of modernity. As Foucault explains, "He who is subjected to a field of visibility, and who knows it, assumes responsibility for the constraints of power; he makes them play spontaneously upon himself; he inscribes in himself the power relation which he simultaneously plays both roles; he becomes the principle of his own subjection" (Foucault, 1977, p.202-203). In other words, the panopticon produces in subjects the internalization of surveillance, the desire gaze outwards as well as constantly inwards, in a process where visibility becomes a trap that we ourselves help to construct and maintain.
The Panopticon Debates: Post-Panopticism and Digital Surveillance In their 2013 book Liquid Surveillance, Zygmunt Bauman and David Lyon characterize today's world as "post-panoptical," meaning that in contrast to the watchmen in Foucault's model who took some responsibility for the lives of inmates (or for keeping them in line), today's inspectors are digital monitors who can escape at will to unreachable realms. In other words, because surveillance is "liquid," it does not operate through the same panoptic mechanisms of "fixing" and "containing" subjects. According to Bauman and Lyon, the "architecture" of digital space does not include walls or partitions, and thus has "no obvious connection with imprisonment" (Zygmunt & Lyon, 2013, p. 4). The "liquid character" of institutions of modern life are no longer bounded structures but rather "dissolve before our eyes" (p. 3). In the cultural logic of "liquid modernity" that the authors lay claim to, the problem of surveillance, much less of panopticism, is outdated if not completely obsolete. The stance Bauman and Lyon take toward panopticism in Liquid Surveillance is representative of the stance that a large majority of recent surveillance research is taking toward panopticism, which tends to be either oppositional ("re-thinking Foucault") or absent.
For me, the absence or rejection of panopticism in resent surveillance studies is not without consequences, but in some ways is also quite reasonable. It is reasonable because Foucault's panopticism is not a good conceptual fit with the issues and phenomena around which the recent surveillance debates revolve. Over the past four years, the surveillance debate has been largely constituted by issues and events starting with (and following) the 9/11 World Trade Center attacks, and has focused primarily on debating government and state surveillance tactics (counter-terrorism, the PATRIOT Act, NSA activities, the u se of drones, etc.) and on situating surveillance in and around digital landscape (e.g., Andrejevic, 2007; Bauman & Lyon, 2013; Doyle, 2011; Fuchs et al., 2011; Harris, 2010; Monahan, 2010; Pariser, 2011; Sing & Lyon, 2012; Trottier, 2012). These authors discuss digital surveillance in relation to journalistic practices (whistleblowing, leaking, the Snowden debates), online privacy protocols (data collection, cookies, net neutrality, etc.), new technologies (webcams), and social media platforms (Facebook, Google, Twitter).
The conversation about surveillance taking place in the aforementioned areas is, of course, enormously important. That much is clear. But what still needs clarification is why Foucault's conceptualization of the panopticon does not fit into these conversations and what, if any, are the implications of tossing panopticism out the window?
Back to Basics: The Materiality of Surveillance As I mentioned earlier, Foucault's panopticon is not a very good theoretical construct for thinking about surveillance discourse in the digital era, or for understanding how surveillance mechanisms operate in digital space. Why not? First, it's important to remember that when Foucault wrote about the panopticon as a mechanism of surveillance and control he did not have the Internet in mind. On the contrary, panopticism as such is a concept that applies primarily to structures and institutions with architectural designs that facilitate the fixing and partitioning of individuals who are then controlled and contained within these structures. Because the space of placesis constituted by a physical partitioning of spatial dimensions in a way that the space offlows is not, it follows that panopticism—as a theory of surveillance by means of the containment of subjects in physical space—is not apt for theorizing surveillance in the digital realm. While moving away from panopticism in surveillance studies makes sense for conceptualizing digital surveillance, the near complete abandonment of the concept has produced a kind of tunnel vision in surveillance studies to the effect that our debates neglect another important dimension of surveillance in society; this is the materiality of surveillance.
Panopticism on the Ground: The Problem in Prisons On February 8, 1971, Michel Foucault and a group of activists issued a statement on the conditions of French prisons during a press conference organized by the Groupe d'Information sur les Prisons (Prisons Information Group or GIP). In his 1971 statement, Foucault commented on the inhuman conditions in French prisons that were becoming increasingly overcrowded. He tied the issue of prison overcrowding to the issue of surveillance in French society:
None of us is sure to escape prison… Police control over day-to-day life is tightening… we are kept under 'close observation.' They tell us that the system of justice is overwhelmed. We can see that. But what if it is the police that have overwhelmed it? They tell us that prisons are over-populated. But what if it was the population that was being over-prisoned?
Today in the United States, the issue of prison overcrowding and the overwhelming of the U.S. justice system remains a pertinent issue, one that has been largely ignored in the recent surveillance debates. Let's take California as one example, since its prison population is consistently one of the largest in the country (American Legislative Exchange Council, 2013). The Huffington Post recently published an article detailing some of the effects of prison overcrowding that relate directly to surveillance issues (Thompson, 2013). The report detailed some of 278 reported cases of misconduct between prison officers and inmates, including incidents of officers encouraging inmates to engage in "gladiator fights" (to kill each other off systematically) and developing codes of silence to protect officers who broke the rules. Now, we've all heard stories of prison guards colluding with inmates to traffic contraband (see recent article in the Washington Post, "Seventh prison guard admits helping prison gang in drug-smuggling scheme") and many of these documented cases of collusion involve prison officers trafficking drugs for prisoners in exchange for those inmates taking over some of their surveillance responsibilities. In these cases, prisoners become informal monitors, and new relations of power and surveillance are put in play that simultaneously undermine and reproduce panopticism in prison life.
I gave this example of panopticism in prison life to provide support for the intervention I am attempting to make into the ongoing surveillance debate. As we continue to think about the implications of surveillance mechanisms in society, we cannot limit the scope of our conversation to digitality and virtuality but must reintegrate the materiality of surveillance into the conversation. After all, the dominant institutions that exert control and surveillance over members in society are still structured materially inside the buildings of schools, hospitals, and prisons. These institutions are panoptical in their very material design as well as and in the mechanisms of surveillance that produce power relations within and among them. Thus, "panopticon effect" is no pervasive today than it was 100 years ago. And while it may be necessary to re-think or set aside temporarily the panopticon concept when it seems theoretically and/or empirically irrelevant, we cannot abandon it completely. On the contrary, I insist that it is necessary that surveillance scholarship reintroduce panopticism insofar as the concept will provide this area of scholarship with a renewed focus on the materiality of surveillance in society.
American Legislative Exchange Council. (2013). Prison overcrowding: California. Retrieved from http://www.alec.org/initiatives/prison-overcrowding/prison-overcrowding-california/
Andrejevic, M. (2007) iSpy: Surveillance and power in the interactive era. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.
Bauman, Z., & Lyon, D. (2013). Liquid surveillance: A conversation. John Wiley & Sons.
Castells, M. (2009). Communication Power. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Doyle, A. (2011). Revisiting the synopticon: Reconsidering Mathiesen's 'viewer society' in the age of web 2.0. Theoretical Criminology, 15(3), 283-299.
Fuchs, C., Boersma, K. Albrechtslund, A., & Sandoval, M. (eds). (2011). Internet and surveillance. London, United Kingdom: Routledge.
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish. New York, NY: Vintage.
Harris, S. (2010). The watchers: The rise of America's surveillance state. Penguin Press.
Marimow, A. E. (2013, October 29). Seventh prison guard admits helping prison gang in drug-smuggling scheme. The Washington Post. Retrieved fromhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/local/crime/seventh-prison-guard-admits-helping-prison-gang-in-drug-smuggling-scheme/2013/10/29/06e7bad2-40e6-11e3-8b74-d89d714ca4dd_story.html
Monahan, T. (2010). Surveillance in the time of insecurity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Pariser, E. (2011). The filter bubble. What the Internet is hiding from you. New York, NY: Penguin.
Singh, S., & Lyon, D. (2012). Surveilling consumers: The social consequences of data processing on Amazon.com. In R. W. Belk & R. Llamas (Eds.) The Routledge companion to digital consumption. London, United Kingdom: Routledge.
Thompson, D. (2013, April 3). California prison abuse detailed in new report.Huffington Post. Retrieved fromhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/04/03/california-prison-abuse-d_n_3009926.html
Trottier, D. (2012). Social media as surveillance: Rethinking visibility in a converging world. London, United Kingdom: Ashgate.
Wood, D. (2003). Editorial: Foucault and panopticism revisited. Surveillance & Society, 1(3), 234-239. Retrieved from http://surveillance-and-society.org
[1] The title of Foucault's famous book Discipline and Punish is a rather unfortunate mistranslation of his original title in French, Surveillir et Punir, which actually translates directly to To Surveil and to Punish. From what I understand, Foucault did not use the terms "discipline" and "surveillance" to mean the same thing. So, if needed, I will be careful to clarify how I am using these terms.
Posted in Blog and tagged Culture, Foucault, Materiality, Surveillance on June 6, 2014 by melinasherman2013.
Foucault, Then and Now: On Modalities of Power and the Making of Subjects


text:
Father Secretly Records His Daughter's Teacher In The Act.
by Max D June 13, 2021, 2:23 pm
When a couples' young daughter became depressed because of her teacher's bullying, they thought of an ingenious way to catch her in the act. The kindergarten-age girl attends Pine Grove Elementary School in Spring Hill, Florida. She was once very excited and happy about going to school, but after a short while, her enthusiasm stopped, and she told her parents she was afraid of her teacher, who was bullying her and other students.
The father, Tomas Valerio, wanted to get to the bottom of that. So he attached a small microphone to her hair and sent on her way to school. While at school, the microphone picked up the teacher, who has not been identified, screaming at her students, and berating them.
WFTS
At one point, she said: 'Stop talking! For once in your lives stop talking!' Another recording caught her snapping: 'Why would you put an open drink in your backpack? It's common sense… 'What's going to happen to an open drink that goes into your backpack? 'It's going to spill all over everything!'
The recording also caught the teacher berating a student over a math problem, saying: "Obviously, you don't understand it."
Tomas said he does understand that teachers sometimes have to get loud, but he feels her tone and attitude were unacceptable, and more favored bullying than teaching. It was because of this that his young daughter dreaded going to school. But Tomas did not expect the brick wall he would run into when trying to share the evidence with the school's principal. The school leader refused to listen to it, citing a policy to ignore any such recordings that were done in secret.
Although Tomas was met with this from the principal, another official associated with the school explained they were all very much aware of the concerns expressed by Tomas and even other parents. The teacher was, in fact, disciplined by the school board for her behavior. It was suggested to Tomas and other parents that they begin the process of changing their child's teachers to avoid any further conflict.
One In A Million Odd OF Success When Doctor Performed Surgery On The Conjoined Twins.
She Bled All Over The Gym Floor When P.E Teacher Refused Her To Use The Bathroom.


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text:
Changing How You View The World
12 MAJOR PROBLEMS WITH THE SCHOOL SYSTEM
The Paradigm Shift Class
Train Your Brain – Reduce Your Stress in 2023
Home / Supernatural/Occult / The 25 Most Haunted US Destinations
The 25 Most Haunted US Destinations
Category: Supernatural/Occult.
Top 25 Most Haunted U.S. Destinations
I'm covering everything from things that go bump in the night to full out apparitions that have been officially documented and reported.
I'm not just covering haunted houses either, but I'm also filling you in on the most talked about haunted hotels, hospitals, sanitariums, asylums, prisons, ships, lighthouses, and more!
I will reveal some of the most talked about places that you can still visit and tour today…some even offering an overnight investigation with a bed and breakfast! Some that people love to visit and then some places that many people will not dare even go near!
I guarantee this will produce a vivid shock factor for you in your quest of the paranormal and its unknown world!
You name it I've got it in here! Don't just take my word for it…
Just look at what all this MONSTER 71 page ebook holds!
Relive the shocking tales of the Stranahan House where the suicide of Mr. Stranahan and the untimely death of a child took place!
Have you ever wondered what it would be like to be in the presence of 51,000 ghosts? Take a trip to Gettysburg and find out first hand!
Find out why the Magnolia Lane Plantation is said to be cursed by the spirits of slaves who practiced voodoo and encounter the fear of the locals who won't even step foot on its grounds!
On the surface Robert the Doll looks like just another toy, but we will take a deeper look into this demonic present given to a boy that made his life a living hell!
One of the most famous hauntings ever is the Bell Witch and we will go through all the spine tingling details of this nightmare a family endured for many years!
We will investigate the slayings of the Villisca Axe Murder House where the spirits of the family and the killer still roam and how you can stay overnight for a one-of-a-kind experience!
Alcatraz is still keeping ghosts at bay in its walls today with the spirit of Al Capone and dozens of others who endured horrific conditions and went mentally insane while incarcerated!
Bachelor's Grove Cemetery is said to be one of the most haunted places ever where the Lady in White still carries her baby in her arms!
The White House carries the spirits of many famous people including Abraham Lincoln. Find out when you can be sure to spot him!
Get the TRUE FACTS to the real Amityville Horror House and the tragic murders of 6 family members and a look inside the controversy of its claimed haunting!
The Pensacola Lighthouse has had many people try to clean the bloodstains off the floor in the keeper's quarters, but they all have failed. I will explain why and what actually happened!
Steven King's stay at The Stanley Hotel inspired him to create the movie "The Shining"…find out why room 217 had so much to do with it?
The Trans-Allegheny Lunatic Asylum housed many mentally ill patients including Ruthie, an elderly woman who's ghost is as vicious now as she was when she was alive!
Take a look in on the story of The Lizzie Borden House and the horrible murders that took place there; trapping spirits for eternity!
As I said before, when it comes to hauntings I'm going over all the top houses, hospitals, prisons, ships, lighthouses, and hotels. If it's haunted, it's here!
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What Is the Basic Trigger Point Injection Course?
The basic trigger point injection (TPI) course is for medical doctors and nurse practitioners who are interested in enhancing their skill set by learning an injection technique for releasing myofascial bands when patients have chronic pain.
You will be provided the necessary information to set up your office with equipment, consent and information forms, intake forms and you will be given homework to practice the injection technique on lemons and tangerines before you start on your patients. This practice gives you an appreciation of fascial tightness that you will find upon injecting your patients. The TPI technique is reviewed, along with five body areas for treatment. A safety video is provided to review the most important risk areas with TPI.


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Introducing Gavel Curated Cafe
Raise your mug—the long-awaited coffee bar is finally here.
Suzanne Krowiak
Gavel Curated Cafe Suzanne Krowiak
So, let's just get this out of the way first: Hoo boy, marketing firms know how to roll out a coffee shop. Well, at least MilesHerndon does. The 4-year-old business moved from Monument Circle to Fountain Square in September, and decided to use 900 square feet of lobby space to launch a real-deal coffee-and-cocktail bar. They started posting bits and pieces (and walls and countertops) on Instagram in December, alluding to a coffee space without committing to details. The photos were gorgeous, though not fussy (which any IG photo obsessive understands actually takes some degree of fuss), and before you know it, Indy wanted a seat at Gavel before it knew what was on the menu. Consider it a real-time lesson in how to build buzz before you serve your first cup of coffee, valuable intel in a market where every day brings fresh competition in the food-and-beverage biz.
The counter at Gavel Curated CafeSuzanne Krowiak
It must also be said that all of the above would be a little annoying if the big reveal this week was a big dud; a promise of sleek interiors and curated coffee that turned out to be more "perfectly fine coffee served in the lobby of some random building that's on my way to somewhere else so OK why not, I guess."
It is not that. The coffee is great. The cocktails are sexy. The menu is small, but satisfying. The space is somehow warm and cool at the same time. How? I don't know. All I can say is that the blue walls and classic movie on the TV (My Fair Lady, sound off) were a calming change from cable news tickers, and the Tinker Coffee Co. Ethiopian blend served in an individual-size Kalita coffee carafe with a gummi-bear chaser made me feel about 20 percent cooler as a person than I actually am.
Founder and owner Daniel Herndon always dreamed of a non-traditional lobby for his marketing business; a place where clients would actually want to hang out, rather than sit uncomfortably on the other side of a reception desk. When it became clear this was an option in the Fountain Square building, he originally planned to offer the square footage in front to an existing coffee shop owner as a satellite location. As time went on and this seemed less likely, he decided to do it himself. He named it Gavel (a nod to the space's previous life as a Marion County courtroom), and started planning for an operation that would be open to the public from 7 a.m. to 9 p.m., offering coffee, cocktails, and food that showcased local producers and chefs. He hired former Bluebeard bartender Kevin Sanders as the general manager, and started reaching out to local food businesses to round out the menu.
Wall of Tinker Coffee Co. beansSuzanne Krowiak
Ingredients for the charcuterie board and sandwiches are sourced from Fountain Square neighbor Turchetti's Salumeria (on Amelia's bread), breakfast pastries are from Gallery Pastry Shop, and the soups on the menu are "neighborhood soups," named for the fact that they're made by popular restaurants and chefs in the area, and rotate regularly. "Everything that we bring in from outside is because that's the freshest way to do it," says Herndon. "And we're bragging about that instead of trying to pretend like we created everything behind some curtain." There are also signature housemade items, like the jalapeño dip (a creation of Herndon's wife, Carrie), and an old family recipe for Cheques Micks.
Pour-over coffee with the perfect level of cream and sweetener, with a gummy bear chaserSuzanne Krowiak
Herndon and Sanders modeled the cocktail menu after the vermouth bars that intrigued them (popular in France and Italy), and settled on vermouth and amaro as the alcohol building blocks. "Amaro and vermouth are grape-based," says Herndon, "so your alcohol level is more like a stronger wine, with a lower proof." There's no Old-Fashioned on the menu, but there is a cold fashioned, with Tinker nitro cold brew, raw cane syrup, and amaro Angostura.
Don't go looking for lattes, cappuccinos, or espresso of any kind at Gavel. It's pour-overs only. You also won't find a station in the room with dairy pitchers and sweetener packets of all sorts for you to finish "making" your drink. The barista will ask you how you like your coffee and take it from there. Black? With cream? Sweetened? When your coffee comes to your table (or in your blue, Gavel-branded to-go cup), it will be ready to drink. As a fairly high-maintenance coffee drinker with preconceived notions of how I "liked" my coffee (something I'm not proud of, by the way), I was a little nervous when all the barista wanted to know was if I wanted cream and sweetener. "Yes," I said, and waited for more questions that did not come. (Again—not proud!) A few minutes later my coffee arrived at my table with just enough cream, just enough sweetener (housemade cane syrup), and just enough of a departure from my usual routine to make me question why I thought I knew diddly squat about how I like my coffee anyway. Herndon compares it to ordering a cocktail from a bartender. "You don't take the drink over to the counter and finish making it," he says. "We wanted to treat coffee like a culinary experience. So the optimal level of cream, the optimal level of sweetener. And by warming it before we add it to the coffee, it keeps everything really smooth." (Don't worry—if this idea of relinquishing total control keeps you up at night, you can request a caddy with cream and sweetener and keep a firm, sad grip on things.)
Herndon has plans to eventually sell some of the house syrups they make, along with curated coffee-making equipment for people who are interested in replicating the Gavel experience on their own. That will include coffee classes and other educational programming for wannabe home baristas.
But even with the ever-present pour-overs on the tables and the traditional visual cues of a coffee shop (bags of coffee beans as a de facto art installation along one wall), Gavel feels like something else, too. Which brings us back to the fact that its owner may be a coffee obsessive, but he's also spent his career helping businesses differentiate themselves from the competition. "It felt like a bold decision to say we're not even going to attempt to be like your traditional coffee shop," says Herndon. "There are lots of places in town that are doing delicious lattes. We want to be something else. If you look at our menu, we clearly have coffee and hope it tastes great. But it's an eighth of what we have to offer. We're a coffee shop that became more of a cocktail bar with a coffee emphasis. And of course we're always learning how this plays out in real life, but we're doing our best." Gavel Curated Cafe, 902 Virginia Ave., 317-681-2086
Tags Fountain Square, Gallery Pastry Shop, Gavel, Gavel Coffee, Gavel Curated Cafe, MilesHerndon, Tinker Coffee Co.
Five Fab Al Fresco Dining Spots
Inside or out?
The Feed: Fountain Square Welcomes Maialina And Upland Brewing
This week's roundup of Indy's hottest dining news.
The Feed: Tenderloin Tuesdays And More
Restaurant Guide Update: July 2019
A tour of the city's best dining.


Our Diversity Roundtable series is aimed at professionals actively working on improving diversity in their organisation.
In 2018 the Knowledge Quarter launched a series of Diversity Roundtables, the aim of which was to provide a forum for the sharing of best practice across Knowledge Quarter organisations and to explore the concept of staff diversity.
At past Roundtables, Partners have shared Diversity and Inclusion Toolkits, as well as valuable research and contacts.
Diversity Roundtables are held bi-annually. Chatham House rules apply, so partners can openly discuss advances made since a previous roundtable as well as any challenges they face in this area.
The write-up of the first Diversity Roundtable is available on request. The write-up of our second Roundtable can be found here.
Anyone working in the field of Diversity and Inclusion or HR professionals at a Knowledge Quarter partner organisation.
Share your current work on staff diversity, including achievements and challenges with other Knowledge Quarter partners. Sharing of best practice and resources available.
Bi-annually, upcoming dates available upon request.
Email Jemima.Barnes@bl.uk to be added to the attendee list for an upcoming roundtable.


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Tag: Umagang Kay Ganda
MOVIE REVIEW: BLOODY CRAYONS (Topel Lee, 2017)
July 17, 2017 May 7, 2020 jsonwho3 Comments
My notes on Bloody Crayons:
1. During the height of Scream fever in the late '90s, Viva Films attempted to create (read: blatantly ripped-off) a Pinoy version of that popular slasher flick and came up with the terrible Sumigaw Ka…Hanggang Gusto Mo. It was directed by Eric Quizon who had the audacity to cast himself as the movie's killer and also included the entire cast of T.G.I.S. (kids today would never know the kilig brought by the Wacks and Peachy love team), plus other GMA Artist Center artists question mark.
In one scene, the killer (probably a fan of Mara del Valle) was running after Gladys Reyes who actually tried to escape by climbing up a fireplace. She ended up getting roasted, of course (silly girl, not even Becky would go up a chimeneya to run away from Ms. Minchin).
It was the kind of So Bad, It's Horrible type of movie that you would only want to see once in your life due to severe trauma, but couldn't resist to mock whenever it would get shown on cable. It was also the reason why a number of my friends that I forced to watch with me ended up swearing off ever watching Pinoy films in cinemas. I hope you could forgive me, FDCP.
2. Bloody Crayons would probably be the millennial equivalent of that trashy movie, only this time produced by Star Cinema and starred a number of Star Magic starlets. Most of the previous horror films directed by Topel Lee had obvious influences from popular Asian counterparts and this one was no exception (albeit more of Hollywood movies from the opening film-within-a-film sequence used in the Scream series down to the other ones reminiscent of the Final Destination series, Identity, Cabin in the Woods, Don't Breathe, and countless others of the same genre).
I hadn't read the Wattpad novel that this was based on so I really wasn't sure if the lack of originality was from the actual material or the treatment itself. (I was also confused by the separate original story credit given to its three writers when this was clearly an adaptation.)
3. The horror genre had always been the waterloo of our best local directors so I really wasn't expecting much from this slasher flick. Unfortunately, it still lacked the fun and excitement of seeing mostly annoying characters get killed one by one. Really, all I hoped for was that the cast would be killed according to their acting prowess (naturally starting with the most bano ones), but that obviously didn't happen with Ronnie Alonte and Elmo Magalona as two of the three remaining survivors.
I actually couldn't decide who gave the worse performance since both of them could easily replace Aljur Abrenica as the real-life Machete. Ronnie still sounded like a talking robot jakono while Elmo acted like he was a hypnotized victim of the Budol-Budol Gang (except in one kitchen scene where he delivered his lines like he was having a seizure, complete with flailing hand movements). Seriously, mas gusto ko pa si Elmo nung nagpagulong-gulong siya sa burol with Julie Ann San Jose in Just One Summer.
4. Wait, a young wannabe director obsessed with shooting a horror movie near a body of water? Oh, Dawson Leery!!
5. I still couldn't fathom why there had to be a sequence where the entire gang decided to go for a swim at the beach and they took their clothes off one at a time while the camera voyeuristically lingered on their young bodies (slow motion shots of topless, abs-less guys and granny bathing suit-wearing girls, really?!).
I could almost hear the director saying, "Pasensiya na kayo sa acting ni Ronnie. Eto additional three seconds ng pusod nya para di kayo masyadong lugi." Next time please leave this type of sexploitation to the experts (yes, Seiko Films of course!).
6. Speaking of acting, I really liked the performances of Jane Oineza and Maris Racal. I wish they could be given more to do in future Star Cinema movies other than the typical best friend or sister roles.
On the other hand, could somebody please tell Yves Flores not to imitate Jake Cuenca's "akting na akting" delivery? People laughed hysterically in the scene where he was screaming "Bro, anong nangyari sa'yo??" to a corpse with huge stab marks on its neck. Was he gunning for the PMPC Star Award for Best New Movie Actor?
7. If you'd seen a lot of horror movies (or read a lot of R.L. Stine and Christopher Pike) with fake twists and red herrings (this one reminded me of The Last Act), it really wasn't too hard to guess the identity of the killer. All it took was just a single head shot to ruin the surprise.
8. I was really interested to know more about the Bloody Crayons game since it looked fun to play during a barkada night out. Sadly, I couldn't see any group including it in any of their parties any time soon since the rules were just too complex (relative to Truth or Dare). Who would even remember what each color stood for when all of you would be presumably drunk on Red Horse?
Also, was it just my oily skin or do crayons really not work as markers on the face? Did they use craypas instead? So this should have been Bloody Craypas?
9. Where was this movie shot? (I noticed one of the characters was carrying a Bohol bag so…) The place looked gorgeous. At least maganda ang cinematography.
10. One character's words of wisdom to another standing on a cliff: "Mag-ingat ka ha. Pag mahulog ka dyan, baka di ka na makabalik."
Wehhh, di nga??
11. I wasn't sure if I laughed the loudest when the group used a rattan chair as a battering ram, or when a character was miraculously saved from a gunshot by his dog tag, or when Umagang Kay Ganda suddenly played during the final sequence.
12. BBC One recently adapted Agatha Christie's And Then There Were None into a mini-series. Better actors, better production values, better use of your time.
13. Hanggang sa horror movie may hugot pa rin ang hindi maka-move on na killer? Tengene lungs.
Posted in (1/5), Pinoy - 2017Tagged Agatha Christie, Aljur Abrenica, And Then There Were None, BBC One, Becky, Bohol, Budol-Budol Gang, Cabin in the Woods, Christopher Pike, Dawson Leery, Don't Breathe, Elmo Magalona, Eric Quizon, FDCP, Final Destination, Gladys Reyes, GMA Artist Center, Identity, Jake Cuenca, Jane Oineza, Julie Ann San Jose, Just One Summer, Machete, Mara del Valle, Maris Racal, Ms. Minchin, Peachy, PMPC Star Awards, R.L. Stine, Red Horse, Ronnie Alonte, Scream, Seiko Films, Star Cinema, Star Magic, Sumigaw Ka...Hanggang Gusto Mo, T.G.I.S., The Last Act, Topel Lee, Truth or Dare, Umagang Kay Ganda, Viva Films, Wacks, Wattpad, Yves Flores


Québec is a friendly, safe place with a high standard of living. Low crime rates, great student health benefits, and schools focused on student security make studying with us a good choice for you.
Québec is the cradle of French civilization in North America. It's a living history lesson with a remarkable mix of architecture, heritage, art, and culture.
A UNESCO world heritage treasure, Québec City is the only fortified city in North America. In addition to historic neighborhoods, Québec features contemporary exhibitions, theatre, a famous summer festival and a world-renowned winter carnival.
The illuminated streets of old Québec and the Petit-Champlain are an invitation to travel back in time to the founding of Québec over 400 years ago.
The 100km Saguenay river from north of Chicoutimi to the village of Tadoussac feeds into the cold waters of the St. Lawrence.
Formed during the last Ice Age, the fjord du Saguenay is overflowing with delightful hidden treasures to discover at a tranquil pace.
In Saguenay you will find an enviable adventure tourism offering to enjoy all year long: hiking, biking, rafting, snowmobiling, dogsledding, ice fishing, skiing and more.
Between Montréal and Québec you will find the city of Trois-Rivières, the second francophone city founded in North America. Rich in its past it offers you a big diversity in culture, food and sports.
Further north you will find Shawinigan. The perfect balance between nature and urban life. When snow settles, this city becomes a natural playground sought by lovers of winter and nature.
La Tuque north of the Mauricie area offers you a variety of sporting activities. You will discover the great Québec's nature.


text:
using System;
using System.ComponentModel;
using System.Web.UI;
using System.Web.UI.WebControls;
using System.Collections.Generic;

using Nucleo.Web;

namespace Nucleo.Web.Templates
{
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	/// Represents the template to display for a control.
	/// </summary>
	public class ControlElementTemplate : IElementTemplate
	{
		private ITemplate _template = null;

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		/// Gets whether the control returns its content.
		/// </summary>
		public bool ReturnsContent
		{
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		/// Gets or sets the template to display within the control.
		/// </summary>
		[
		PersistenceMode(PersistenceMode.InnerDefaultProperty),
		MergableProperty(false),
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		]
		public ITemplate Template
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			get { return _template; }
			set { _template = value; }
		}

		#endregion

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		#endregion
	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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