text:
in Social Science
John McPhee
The Survival of the Bark Canoe
Author: John McPhee
Publisher: Farrar, Straus and Giroux
In Greenville, New Hampshire, a small town in the southern part of the state, Henri Vaillancourt makes birch-bark canoes in the same manner and with the same tools that the Indians used. The Survival of the Bark Canoe is the story of this ancient craft and of a 150-mile trip through the Maine woods in those graceful survivors of a prehistoric technology. It is a book squarely in the tradition of one written by the first tourist in these woods, Henry David Thoreau, whose The Maine Woods recounts similar journeys in similar vessel. As McPhee describes the expedition he made with Vaillancourt, he also traces the evolution of the bark canoe, from its beginnings through the development of the huge canoes used by the fur traders of the Canadian North Woods, where the bark canoe played the key role in opening up the wilderness. He discusses as well the differing types of bark canoes, whose construction varied from tribe to tribe, according to custom and available materials. In a style as pure and as effortless as the waters of Maine and the glide of a canoe, John McPhee has written one of his most fascinating books, one in which his talents as a journalist are on brilliant display.
Harri Luukkanen
The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of Northern Eurasia
Author: Harri Luukkanen
Publisher: Smithsonian Institution
The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of Northern Eurasia is a history and description of bark and skin boat traditions of the native peoples of Scandinavia and northern Russia. The history of northern peoples and cultures is inextricably linked to the technology of water transport. This is particularly true in northern Eurasia, where lakes and rivers can connect when overland summer travel is restricted by thick forests or bogs. For thousands of years, native peoples used a variety of bark and skin boats for fishing, hunting, trading, making war, and migrating. The Eurasian peoples, responding to their geography, climate, and environment, learned to construct--and perfect--small watercraft made from dug-out logs or the bark of birch, aspen, larch, and other trees, each variety crafted for its special use and environment. The text describes the design, construction, and uses of skin and bark boats for thirty-five traditional cultures ranging from northern Scandinavia to the Russian Far East, from the Bering Strait to northern China, and from South Siberia to the Arctic Ocean. Regional chapters use evidence from archaeology, historical illustrations and maps, and extensive documentation from ethnography and historical literature to reveal how differences in cultural traditions, historical relationships, climate, and geography have influenced the development and spread of watercraft before the introduction of modern planked boats. This definitive volume is richly illustrated with historical photographs and drawings, first-person explorer accounts from the 16th-19th centuries, and information on traditional bark and skin preparation, wood-bending, and other construction techniques. The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of Northern Eurasia presents a first-ever overview of northern Eurasian boating traditions and serves as the companion to Charles Adney's and Howard Chapelle's classic, The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America (1964).
Edwin Tappan Adney
The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America
Author: Edwin Tappan Adney
The bark canoes of the North American Indians, particularly those of birchbark, were among the most highly developed manually propelled primitive watercraft. They could be used to carry heavy loads in shallow streams but were light enough to be hauled long distances over land. Built with Stone Age tools from available materials, their design, size, and appearance were varied to suit the many requirements of their users. Upon arrival in North America, European settlers began using the native-made craft for traveling through the wilderness. Even today, canoes are based on these ancient designs. This fascinating guide combines historical background with instructions for constructing one. Author Edwin Tappan Adney, born in 1868, devoted his life to studying canoes and was practically the sole scholar in his field. His papers and research have been assembled by a curator at the Smithsonian Institution, and illustrated with black-and-white line drawings, diagrams, and photos. Included here are measurements, detailed drawings, construction methods, and models. The book covers canoes from Newfoundland to the Pacific Ocean, as well as umiaks and kayaks from the Arctic.
John Jennings
Bark Canoes
The Art and Obsession of Tappan Adney
Author: John Jennings
Publisher: Richmond Hill, Ont. : Firefly Books
The definitive reference to indigenous peoples' watercraft around the world. Tappan Adney (1868-1950) was an artist, writer, ethnographer, historian and modelmaker of unparalleled ability. He tirelessly documented the cultures and languages of vanishing native cultures. His most enduring legacy is the extraordinary 110 birchbark canoe models he handbuilt to exacting standards. The models, now held at The Mariners' Museum in Newport News, Virginia, were built to ensure future canoe builders had exact reproductions for reference. These historically accurate, 1:5 scale models were meticulously researched, and traditionally constructed using the identical materials of the originals. Many are based on canoes that were the last example of their type. Before such a canoe disintegrated, Adney measured and recorded its dimensions, consulted with native builders and studied historical photographs and paintings. The canoe models are organized into eight distinct groups: Maritimes Eastern Woodland Northwest Lower British Columbia Fur Trade Amur Valley Asia South America Each canoe model is beautifully photographed and accompanied by captions that outline the craft's origins, uses and technical details. Adney's amazing technical drawings for the models are also included. An extensive introduction covers Adney's life and provides information about native model builders, canoe decoration and fur trade heraldry. Bark Canoes is the definitive reference to indigenous -- and ingenious -- watercraft used around the world.
in Canoes and canoeing
William Rossman
Builder of Birch Bark Canoes
Author: William Rossman
Category: Canoes and canoeing
in Aboriginal Australians
Robert Edwards
Aboriginal Bark Canoes of the Murray Valley
Author: Robert Edwards
Publisher: [Adelaide] : Published for the South Australian Museum by Rigby
Category: Aboriginal Australians
"This book describes the canoes of the Aborigines of Australia. In particular, it tells of the simple bark canoe of the Murray Valley and the large river population whose needs it served for many centuries"--Forward.
Walter A. Hazen
Author: Walter A. Hazen
Publisher: Good Year Books
Educational resource for teachers, parents and kids!
Publisher: Robert Hale
The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America (Classic Reprint)
Publisher: Forgotten Books
Excerpt from The Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America Bark canoes of the North American Indians, particularly those of birch bark, were among the most highly developed of manually propelled primitive watercraft. Built with Stone Age tools from materials available in the areas of their use, their design, size, and appearance were varied so as to create boats suitable to the many and different requirements of their users. The great skill exhibited in their design and construe tion shows that a long period of development must have taken place before they became known to white men. The Indian bark canoes were most efficient water craft for use in forest travel; they were capable of being propelled easily with a single-bladed paddle. This allowed the paddler, unlike the oarsman, to face the direction of travel, a necessity in obstructed or shoal waters and in fast-moving streams. The canoes, being light, could be carried overland for long distances, even where trails were rough or non existent. Yet they could carry heavy loads in shallow water and could be repaired in the forest without special tools. Bark canoes were designed for various conditions some for use in rapid streams, some for quiet waters, some for the open waters of lakes, some for use along the coast. Most were intended for portage in over land transportation as well. They were built in a variety of sizes, from small one-man hunting and fishing canoes to canoes large enough to carry a ton of cargo and a crew, or a war-party, or one or more families moving to new habitations. Some canoes were designed so that they could be used, turned bottom up, for shelter ashore. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
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text:
Staff training key to shifting attitudes on accessibility for disability community
House Modernization Committee follows up on recommendations
Rep. Jim Langevin says training and engagement can increase accessibility and understanding of the disabled on Capitol Hill. (Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call file photo)
Posted June 2, 2021 at 5:00am
Many staffers are heading back to Capitol Hill, and official visitors aren't far behind, but the return to offices is prompting questions about gaps in physical and digital accessibility in Congress for staff, lobbyists, constituents and lawmakers with disabilities.
With historic buildings and slow adoption of technology, Congress still has a long way to go to make itself accessible not just in the physical space but also online, where so much business has been conducted in the past year.
The House Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress dug into this issue at a recent hearing, following up on three recommendations the panel made in the 116th Congress to improve website access, closed captioning and to study physical barriers across the Capitol campus.
Staff training and awareness
Rep. Jim Langevin, D-R.I., who co-chairs the Bipartisan Disability Caucus and is the first quadriplegic to serve in the House, says that training and awareness among Hill staff could go a long way to improving both access and dignity for people with disabilities working and visiting the Capitol.
While there are a long list of physical changes to office buildings to be made, those involve a tangle of jurisdictional issues, funding and work orders.
But educating personal office, district and committee aides about accessibility and disability rights and resources could be an effective way to improve access and limit uncomfortable, disrespectful and exclusionary treatment for people with disabilities on Capitol Hill.
Phoebe Ball, who serves as Disability Policy Counsel for the House Education and Labor Committee, described "attitudinal barriers," including watching staffers gawk as she, a wheelchair user, approached them.
"I have sometimes been greeted by congressional staff with panic, obvious discomfort and occasionally condescension," Ball told the committee at a hearing on May 27. "Whether these barriers are intentional or unintentional they are unacceptable and some basic disability awareness training can help, as long as the training doesn't include disability simulations, which can reinforce stereotypes."
Langevin emphasized that staff without knowledge of disability and accessibility resources can't fully engage constituents, whether they are looking to take a tour of the Capitol or voicing concerns about a policy issue.
"Many House staff are simply not familiar with disability rights or accessibility services and procedures. By requiring the staff to have accessibility training, we can help the press staff put out communications in an accessible manner, enable administrative staff to handle internal and external accommodation requests properly and ensure staff with disabilities know where to request an accommodation, without fear of it impacting the job," Langevin testified in that same hearing.
Security screenings is one issue that Heather Ansley, associate executive director of government relations at Paralyzed Veterans of America, raised to the Modernization panel.
"Training should also be provided to congressional staff about how to interact with people who do not use speech to communicate, or who appear to behave in a non-typical manner," she told the committee.
While the rapid move to remote work, virtual meetings and digital broadcasts of congressional action during the coronavirus pandemic accelerated some much-needed technological advances on Capitol Hill, there are still significant gaps in the accessibility of these online tools.
While there are regular audits of physical barriers and ADA compliance, there is much less accountability for ensuring that websites, online forms and social media posts are compatible with assistive technology such as screen readers, which enable people who are blind or have low vision to interact with websites, apps and other digital platforms.
While the ADA was enacted before smartphones were ubiquitous, rulings by the Justice Department and updates to the original law require web-based services be included in the reasonable accommodations under the ADA.
Judy Brewer, Director of the Web Accessibility Initiative at the World Wide Web Consortium, said that while the changes made during the pandemic in some ways made Congress more accessible, it also revealed a chasm between the minimum standards and what is truly equitable.
"Given that the pandemic has accelerated society's move from physical to virtual, COVID has at the same time, put the digital disability divided into sharp relief," Brewer told the panel.
Langevin and Modernization Chairman Derek Kilmer, D-Wash., both acknowledged that a digital broadcast, which may open proceedings to a wider audience, is not accessible to the deaf community without closed captioning or an interpreter.
The Modernization Committee's May 27 hearing, which was conducted virtually, did include closed captioning.
Brewer commended the panel for its recommendation to assess all House websites for accessibility standards, but also stressed that congressional documents should be posted in accessible formats.
"We are now seeing progress through innovation, driven by necessity. People with disabilities do not want to lose this virtual access that has opened new doors during this difficult time," said Brewer.
Physical barriers remain
The Capitol complex is replete with bulky doors and narrow hallways.
Dozens of rooms, including many public restrooms, have doors too heavy to be ADA-compliant or have narrow double-leaf doors and no push-button entry.
According to John Uelmen, general counsel at the Office of Congressional Workplace Rights, his agency's most recent audit of accessibility found 1,632 barriers to access in House buildings, 447 of them in member offices.
While the the observation of a barrier does not necessarily mean that the ADA was violated, Congress does give itself significant leeway in complying with the 31 year-old law. The OCWR doesn't have strong enforcement power and the tangled web of jurisdictions among the legislative branch disperses accountability.
Uelmen told the committee that the issues in member offices could be easily solved by moving furniture, putting materials within reach or keeping both sides of a double leaf door open.
Ansely cited situations where veterans using power wheelchairs cannot fit into an office or conference room, so they end up meeting in a hallway.
"Now all of us have had hallway meetings if you've been on Capitol Hill. But when that's your standard, because literally you cannot get into the office to navigate it, that's troublesome, particularly for a woman who has served her country and has a disability as a result," said Ansely.
Another 532 barriers were found in multi-user restrooms across the House, where sinks and dispensers need to be adjusted to the correct height and door pulls need to be added. But some need to be completely reconfigured to be accessible.
The audit, completed last year, is not available on the OCWR website, where the most recent biennial inspection report on Americans with Disabilities Act compliance is from the 114th Congress.
Uelmen proposed the creation of an ADA coordinator position in the House to facilitate the chamber's efforts on ADA compliance.
Those efforts are currently being run by close to a half dozen different offices and agencies and are not well coordinated.
He suggested that the position would work alongside and complement the newly created Office of Employee Advocacy and Office of Diversity and Inclusion.
The Senate doesn't have a committee dedicated to digging into the chamber's operations like the House Modernization panel.
That leaves much of the oversight to the Rules or Appropriations committees, each with many other agenda items.
But one key Senate danger spot identified in a previous audit of the Capitol has been upgraded in recent years. The Senate subway, which lacked detectable warnings at the platform boarding edges, now has textured warning strips for those with vision impairments and audible announcements about trolley doors closing.
Sen. Pat Toomey, R-Pa., waits for the Senate subway, in between the rumble strips, after a vote in the Capitol on Tuesday, Jan. 26, 2021. (Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call file photo)
There is no data available on how many people working on Capitol Hill identify as having a disability, despite a push to study the representation of demographic groups among staff in Congress and how they compare with demographics nationwide or in a state or district.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Der Kommandobunker Börfink, genannt Bunker Erwin, ist eine ehemals geheime Unterirdische Führungsanlage der NATO in der Nähe von Börfink bei Birkenfeld im Hunsrück (Rheinland-Pfalz) am Hügel Ruppelstein im Schwarzwälder Hochwald, von dem aus die Luftraumüberwachung Mitteleuropas im Kalten Krieg gesteuert wurde. Dafür wurden verschiedene militärische Anlagen in dem Gelände betrieben.
Auf dem Ruppelstein befindet sich eine noch genutzte militärische Fernmeldeanlage der Bundeswehr in einem Militärischen Sicherheitsbereich. Die oberirdischen ehemals militärisch genutzten Gebäude auf dem Gelände bei Börfink werden inzwischen von Mitarbeitern des Nationalpark Hunsrück-Hochwald genutzt, während im Bunker bei Börfink entsprechend Medienberichten von einem privaten Unternehmen ein Rechenzentrum betrieben wird.

Einige der ehemaligen Anlagen zur Luftraumüberwachung auf dem Erbeskopf werden durch die Bundeswehr weiterhin betrieben. Die 2. Luftwaffendivision in der Heinrich-Hertz-Kaserne in Birkenfeld war jedoch im Jahr 2013 aufgelöst worden. An Fernmeldeobjekten befindet sich u. a. noch auf dem Kahlheid der Fernmeldeturm Kahlheid. Auf dem Sandkopf bei der Ortschaft Züsch befand sich bis zum Verkauf 2012 eine Fernmeldeeinrichtung mit Fernmeldeturm der 86. Einheit der United States Air Force, die auf der Ramstein Air Base stationiert war. Die oberirdischen Gebäude der US Air Force auf dem Sandkopf wurden beseitigt. Der Fernmeldeturm trägt nur noch wenige Fernmeldeanlagen und ist bei der Bundesnetzagentur registriert.

Geschichte
Der Bau der Anlage begann am 1. April 1960 und dauerte circa drei Jahre. 1963 wurde der Bunker zunächst für ein Jahr in Probebetrieb genommen. Am 1. Juni 1964 erfolgte schließlich die Inbetriebnahme der Anlage durch die deutsche und US-amerikanische Luftwaffe. Der Bunker wurde ursprünglich für 250 Soldaten konzipiert, war aber während des allgemeinen Dienstes mit über 300 Soldaten und bei Übungen mit bis zu 750 Soldaten besetzt und wurde deshalb auch mehrfach umgebaut. 1973 wurde die Anlage dann durch die Mitbenutzung durch die NATO zum NATO-Kommandobunker. Ab 1975 folgte eine zweijährige Umbauphase, in der der Betrieb eingestellt wurde. 1977 wurde die Anlage als Primary War Headquarters Allied Forces Central Region wieder in Betrieb genommen. Auf dem Gelände befanden sich dann bis 1994 das gemeinsame Kriegshauptquartier AFCENT/AIRCENT, die Radarführungsabteilung 21, eine nationale satellitengestützte Feindnachrichtenzentrale der US-Streitkräfte und eine Außenstelle des Amtes für Nachrichtenwesen der Bundeswehr. 1990 bis 1994 wurde ein neuer Energiebunker gebaut, der allerdings nie in Betrieb genommen wurde. Mit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges wurde der Bunker "Erwin" militärisch überflüssig. 1994 wurde die Anlage an das Stabsbataillon Birkenfeld und 1996 an das Heeresführungskommando in Koblenz übergeben. 2002 wurde der Bunker dann endgültig stillgelegt und der Standortverwaltung in Idar-Oberstein zum Zwecke der Veräußerung übergeben und 2011 an ein schwäbisches IT-Dienstleistungsunternehmen verkauft.

Einzelnachweise

Bunker in Rheinland-Pfalz
Börfink
Borfink, Kommandobunker
Borfink, Kommandobunker
Geschichte (Hunsrück)
Bauwerk im Hunsrück
Bauwerk im Landkreis Birkenfeld
Erbaut in den 1960er Jahren
Börfink

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Articles - February - 2015 Issue
Fitting the Past into the Present
- by Bruce E. McKinney
On a busy day in November in Boston in 2014 I visited the Shadow Fair and stopped to speak with Cheryl Needle, a displaying dealer and long time research member of AE. She said she had something for me, an Ulster County, New York item: a 22 page petition dated August 6th, 1821 addressed to the Supreme Court [of New York] to partition the [Town of] Shawangunk lands of Cornelius Bruyn to three heirs. Several foldout maps on the final 4 pages situate the parcels in relation to the Wall Kill or Paltz River. The stenciled wallpaper-cover was visually appealing even before I opened the document. I had never seen anything like it before.
Any document of this type relating to the Hudson Valley would be interesting but the fact that the document is a Shawangunk transfer on the Wallkill River that a few miles north flows through New Paltz on its way to the Hudson River at Rondout/Kingston made it one of the most complex southern Ulster documents I had ever seen. I grew up in New Paltz, collecting local material and such material is impossibly rare.
In looking it over I realized the challenges to understanding it would be substantial but that it would also test the many printed and online resources I've accumulated over the years. For books the AED provides immediate clarity on often obscure sources and questions. But genealogy which would be at the heart of this study is another thing altogether. For that I would need genealogy.com, ancestry.com and politicalgraveyard.com.
So this would be a challenge.
The petition, on behalf of three heirs, Morris Bruyn, Sylvanis J. and Sylvanis M. Bruyn's representatives following his death in 1815 asked the state to recognize the division of his Shawangunk land and explains the division, in addition to providing detailed descriptions also with maps that place the Bruyn properties on what we now call the Wallkill River. So who was Cornelius Bruyn and where was this land in the Shawangunk of his day? I ask this because the maps predate development of the town.
Cornelius was an heir himself to a storied history of patriots and politicians. The Bruyn family traces its connection in Ulster County to the earliest days under the British who took control of New York from the Dutch in 1664. Hoe's Registers of the Old Dutch Church of Kingston, New York mention the baptism of Hester to Jacob[us] and Geetruy 1650-1719 [Gertruyd Yselsteyn 1650-1719] Bruyn in 1683. Jacobus would die in 1694 after they moved to Shawangunk but leave an ambitious widow we now identify as Gertrude who obtained a royal patent for a substantial tract of land given to her and her three children Jan, Jacobus and Esther. Jacobus, the younger, [1680-1744] would marry Katrina and she bear fifteen children down through which, three generations hence her great grandchildren would become the principal heirs to her grandson Cornelius' land division and transfer in 1821.
Cornelius would become the link between the extraordinary early history of the Bruyn family and his heirs who would receive portions of these Bruyn lands.
As to what role these early generations of Bruyns played in the history of Ulster county, New York State and nation here is a short list. For the sons born to Jacobus and Jane [Graham] Bruyn four sons, including Cornelius, would dominate the local New York Assembly seat for most of two decades [1770-1790] and serve in the New York State Senate for a decade. Johannes, his brother, would be a presidential elector in 1792 with the opportunity to cast his vote for George Washington for a second term. Cornelius served two years in the Assembly: 1793-4. He seems the least political of the brothers.
In their time the Bruyns were important people but as the family's presence reached one hundred fifty years in th county they began, as this document confirms, to divide their properties into smaller and ultimately unsustainable parcels. We in part know this from their omission 45 years hence in the list of Shawangunk men who served in the Civil War [Slyvester's History of Ulster County]. And we also believe this because today there are no Bruyn surnames in the current Wallkill [Shawangunk] phone book. But they did not go easy. In the 1871 Ulster County Directory there were three:
Edmund Bruyn [Bruynswick], lumber dealer and farmer.
Edward H. Bruyn [Shawangunk] groceries, dry goods, boots, shoes, crockeryware etc
Mrs. Harriet Bruyn [Ulsterville] farmer
And in the 1885-6 Crum & Fowlers Ulster County Directory 4:
Edward Bruyn, farmer Bruynwick
John O. Bruyn Brunswick
Mrs. Margaret Bruyn, Wallkill
Bruyn [William] & Russell, felloe manufacturers Dwaarskill
And today there are none living under the Bruyn surname in Shawangunk and the various hamlets within its borders.
As to the property of Cornelius Bruyn that was divided and gifted we can place his parcels on the Shawangunk map in the Walker & Jewett Atlas of Ulster County [1875].
We can see what was a toll bridge across the Wall Kill and the location of his homestead nearby. We also know from the 1875 Atlas that a paper manufacturer was later built on his land.
But a question remains. Within Shawangunk where are these lands that are so precisely mapped in this petition to the court? For the answer I sent copies to Harold Van Aken, an engineer and web master of the wallkillhistory.com site. He was able to precisely place the Cornelius Bruyn lands along the east side of the Wall Kill River where a waterfall would have facilitated one of the early Bruyn endeavors, a grist mill.
This family name has since receded leaving only place names to remember them. In one part of Shawangunk there is the Brunswick Turnpike and in another the hamlet of Brunswick. And they who look west can see the outcropping jutting south along the ridge line that divides Minnewaska State Park from the town to an outcropping called Gertrude's nose, named for the feisty widow who at the beginning of the 18th century secured for her descendants the land that Cornelius's representatives deeded to his heirs in 1821.
So this document and its maps are precisely what a collector would want, a document that is simply the entry point to an exploration that tells a story and illuminates both the past and present.
This article has been made possible by the help and cooperation of Harold Van Aiken, who in addition to being an engineer, is also the webmaster various New York State historical sites:
Wallkillhistory.com
Livingstonmanor.net
Coldenpreservation.org
Neversinkantiquetractor.com
With Harold the past and the present are a continum. If your passion is history and your focus Ulster county you can reach Harold by email at mail@hvanaken.com.
Posted On: 2020-02-22 22:56
User Name: genealojist
Is there a way to get a better look at the maps you found? Also, I think the individual in your description is a different Cornelius Bruyn from the one who lived on the river. Pls contact me at genealojist@gmail.com.


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Many businesses will charge you extra for keeping the dumpster longer than concurred. Be sure to plan ahead so you can keep the dumpster for a suitable amount of time. You must also ask about additional fees so that you'll learn how much extra days cost.
Most dumpster rental firms in Lyford commonly rent containers for a conventional speed for 7 days, although most one-time customers end up keeping their container an average of three and a half days. When you phone to allow the container, chat with all the customer support representative about the period of time you believe you'll need.
If it turns out that your project takes longer than you expected, just call the dumpster company to explain. Most firms will charge you on a per-day basis after your first 7 days. It is important to communicate this additional need when you understand you have it since most dumpster companies have a restricted number of bins that could already be reserved. Most firms will work with you to adapt your extra rental time. Should you believe you'll want the dumpster for an extra week or more, be sure to mention that; rates may change based on a longer time frame.
What Size Dumpster Should I Get for a Residential Clean Out in Lyford?
Residential clean outs generally do not require large dumpsters. The size that you need, though, will be contingent on the size of the project.
Whenever choosing a dumpster, though, it is frequently a good idea to ask for a size bigger than that which you think you will need. Unless you are a professional, it is difficult to estimate the exact size required for your project. By getting a somewhat bigger size, you spend a bit more cash, however you also avoid the possibility you will run out of room. Renting a bigger dumpster is nearly always cheaper than renting two small ones.
All major credit cards accepted for dumpster rentals in Lyford.


Friends are interested to know if there might be any firework or bonfire night activities planned for 5th November or over that weekend?
I figure you are trying to find out if there are any Guy Fawkes celebrations going on November 5th. Sorry for the confusion.
There have been a number of requests on our Facebook page about this holiday as well, so I´ve been doing lots of research.
Unfortunately, there is not much going on...or at least advertised. Many friends have said that there used to be a bonfire night in Sotogrande years ago, while Gibraltarians recall plenty of celebrations in Gibraltar in their youth. However, no one seems to know of anything going on either on the Coast or in Gibraltar for Guy Fawkes Day this year. Many say that it is possibly due to the prohibitions put in place on building fires on the beach and launching fireworks for safety reasons.
I have browsed so many Gibraltar websites and left messages via email requesting information, but unfortunately, no has answered. I´ve even called the Tourist Information office in Gibraltar and they say that there is nothing official planned for the day.
I´ll keep this holiday in mind and post anything (even if it´s after the fact for next year) I find.
Are you sure that we are talking about November 5th and not confusing it with All Saints Day on November 1st (a national holiday)? I can´t seem to find anyone who knows of a holiday on that day, but will continue searching and will let you know.
As far as I know there is no holiday on November 5th. Maybe you are confusing the date with November 1st and the weekend just before - All Saint´s Day, also known as Dia del Toston?


text:
Recaps from The A.V. Club's TV experts
TV ReviewsBloodline 6/16/16
The Rayburns make everything worse in Bloodline's season-two finale
Kayla Kumari Upadhyaya
Another season of Bloodline has concluded and another Rayburn sibling has brutally murdered someone else. Hey, at…
Bloodline mechanically meanders through plot in season two's penultimate episode
Every once in awhile, Bloodline does an episode that amounts to a lot of the characters talking about the same shit…
Owen Teague captivates in a densely plotted Bloodline
"Part 21" doesn't nearly flow with the same rhythmic emotional turmoil as "Part 20." But it weaves together a…
TV ReviewsBloodline 6/8/16
Diana Rayburn wakes up on Bloodline
This episode of Bloodline belongs to Jacinda Barrett. I've been waiting to say that for a while now. Bloodline most…
Bloodline finally lets John Rayburn boil over
Is the Rayburn bloodline too poisoned to ever recover? By the end of "Part 19," Kevin has decided he can't be a…
Bloodline's universe continues to expand
It's hard not to write about season one of Bloodline when writing about season two. I worried all my reviews would…
Bloodline asks how far John Rayburn is willing to go
This felt like the episode of Bloodline I've been waiting for. It doesn't necessarily fix all the shortcomings of…
On Bloodline, family is purgatory
After the unrewarding slog that was last episode, "Part 16" offers a bit more energy and, most importantly, more…
John Rayburn makes the dumbest decision of all on Bloodline
John Rayburn is running for Monroe County Sheriff. John Rayburn has lost his damn mind. Diana, who is maybe the only…
Bloodline remains too committed to the slow burn in season-two premiere
Cruising into its second season, Bloodline needed to find its hook almost immediately. Ben Mendelsohn became the…
Netflix's Bloodline goes from a slow burn to a snuffed candle in season two
Joshua Alston
In dramatic television, there's a huge difference between "What happens next?" and "What happens now?" The first…
Bloodline: "Part 13"
All along, Bloodline begged viewers for patience. Between the nonlinear story structure and John's foreboding…
Somewhere between the very fraught "Part 11" and this penultimate episode, Bloodline lost its steam. "Part 12"…
Over time, Sarah Rayburn's seahorse necklace has become one of the most important symbols on Bloodline. Watching the…
"I'm always at the end of the story now," John teases in voiceover at the start of "Part 10." It's almost like the…
Bloodline: "Part 9"
Sally Rayburn has been a weak spot for Bloodline. I feel like I'm still waiting for the show to realize it has the…
Watching Bloodline is an intense exercise in patience. Getting through the series takes times—quite literally, with…
Bloodline's seaside setting, mystery elements, and slow pacing make show feel tonally and thematically similar to…
Bloodline's sluggish pace has been its most divisive quality, with viewers expecting more of a thriller with some…
Ever since he collapsed, Robert Rayburn's death has been iminent. Otherwise, all this conflict over estates and…


text:
Q: Define a required attribute for  Is it possible to define the stylable attributes as required? (as in XSD schemas)
<declare-styleable name="PieChart">
    <attr name="name" format="string" use="required"/>
</declare-styleable>

The above XML does not work, is there another syntax to achieve it?

A: What if you throw exception in your constructor in case the attr value is null?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Issue 17	| Politics | September 29, 2018
Go Directly to Jail
by Kaya Naomi Williams
From Pennsylvania Ave. to Virginia Ave.
(Two Court Cases)
This is the story of two court cases that have captured the American imagination, and of the dangerously misunderstood American institution at the heart of each case: the local jail. Although many Americans do not know this, jail is not the same thing as prison. And the difference between the two institutions is not subtle: it is monumental. Prisons in the United States are the responsibility of state and federal governments, designed around the long-term incarceration of individuals convicted of state and federal felony offenses. Jails, on the other hand, are run by municipal and county governments and primarily hold people in three categories of legal trouble: people awaiting trial who have not been convicted of a crime, people on probation or parole awaiting the adjudication of an alleged violation of the terms of their supervision, and people serving short sentences for minor crimes.
Despite these differences, the two words—jail and prison—are often used interchangeably in talk about crime and punishment. This is no casual slip of the tongue; the confusion of the two terms in everyday conversation points towards a much broader confusion. We cannot understand mass incarceration in America without a clear understanding of what jail, in particular, is for. In the United States, jail serves two primary functions: to disrupt and to dispossess. The story I'm telling here will make these purposes of jail clear through a comparison of its role in the lives of two famous Americans—one black and one white—whose experiences of the institution could not be more different.
It was a traumatic experience and I'm happy to be back and be a part of what I call history.
—Meek Mill, shortly after his release from prison in April 2018
In late January 2007, nineteen-year-old Robert Rihmeek Williams, aka Meek Mill, was leaving a family home in North Philadelphia, a gun in his waistband, when he was surrounded by police officers from a narcotics field unit who claimed to have seen him selling drugs down the street. In Meek's telling of the incident, the police beat him so badly that he lost consciousness three or four times, pushing him headfirst through a closed door and ripping a row of braids out of his head before arresting him and charging him with nineteen criminal counts, including gun and drug possession. Recalling the traumatic incident to reporters for Dateline NBC over a decade later, Meek mused about his mug shot from that arrest, "You know, no one has ever asked me how did my face get so beaten in like that. It was just like, normal that a black guy had a mug shot like that."
Meek Mill's hometown of Philadelphia has long held pride of place as one of the most prominent historically black cities in the United States, boasting a significant black population both in absolute numbers and relative to the total population of the city. Philadelphia has also ranked consistently high for the past several decades on the list of the United States' most heavily incarcerated cities. Meek was young, black and poor, from a black and poor part of town. And so he spent the time between his brutalizing arrest and the adjudication of his case where those who fit that description usually spend their pretrial period: in Philadelphia's municipal jail. Meek spent several months locked up before being found guilty at a bench trial—a trial in front of a judge alone, and a much quicker option than a trial by jury. He was sentenced to eleven to 23 months of incarceration to be served in the county jail, plus an additional eight years of probation. Meek was released from jail early, but probation proved to be its own form of captivity: in the years that followed, as his rap career took off, the demands of touring ran up against the strict travel restrictions of probation and resulted in several technical violations. A period of struggle with opioid addiction landed Meek in further trouble with the terms of his probation, and each violation came with consequences, ranging from incarceration to house arrest to mandatory drug testing, a $10,000 etiquette class and years added on to his probation sentence.
If you like this essay, you might also be interested in other articles from
our "What is prison for?" symposium, such as "Another Justice," a dialogue between
James Forman, Jr. Mychal Denzel Smith, and "Socializing Punishment" by Benjamin Ewing.
In many states, contact with the police, regardless of reason or outcome, constitutes a technical violation of probation. In 2017, Meek violated his probation twice: once for getting into a fight in the St. Louis airport, and then again later that year for popping a wheelie on his dirt bike in Manhattan. Despite consensus from the prosecution and defense that Meek should not be incarcerated, the judge in his case sentenced him to two to four years in prison, telling him, "I gave you break after break, and you basically just thumbed your nose at this court."
The idea that the rising star would spend years of his life in prison for something so minor as "popping a wheelie" outraged Meek's growing fan base and his expanding network of influential friends. #FreeMeekMill became a trending hashtag and a movement, voiced both by protesters gathered outside the Philly courthouse and by high-profile supporters like Jay-Z. The co-owner of the Philadelphia 76ers basketball team, billionaire Michael Rubin, became an outspoken advocate for Meek's legal case. In the long term, Meek's appeal argues that his original 2007 arrest was based on false charges by an officer with a documented history of brutality and false testimony. In the short term, Meek's lawyers argued that he should be allowed to go free on bail while his appeals are pending in court.
On April 24, 2018, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ordered that Meek Mill be released on bail. Within hours, Meek was in a helicopter on his way to ring the opening bell for the 76ers in the final game of the first round of the NBA championship series. His fans across the country were exuberant. Since his release, Meek has been using his fame and the high profile of his case to shed light on the United States' system of criminal punishment. He has found an unexpected ally in his home city's newly elected and reform-oriented district attorney, Larry Krasner. A former defense attorney and civil rights litigator, Krasner made headlines this past year when his memo went public outlining new guidelines aimed at fighting, rather than perpetuating, mass incarceration. The new guidelines instruct prosecutors to decline prosecution for a list of minor crimes and insist on highlighting the cost of incarceration to the taxpayers (estimated at between $40,000 and $60,000 per person per year in Philadelphia). Any time a prosecutor recommends incarceration, Krasner's new rules require that they also calculate and justify the cost. When asked to comment on Meek Mill's release from prison, Krasner lauded the decision as a step in the right direction, adding pointedly, "the irony here is that no one lifted up a poor person."
There's money, and there's really big money.
—A friend of Paul Manafort, quoted in the Atlantic, March 2018
In 1980, 31-year-old Paul Manafort opened a political lobbying firm in Washington, D.C. with his partners Roger Stone and Charlie Black. By 1992, the firm had made an unthinkable fortune and was on a short list of organizations known as "The Torturer's Lobby." During the Cold War, the United States had begun to spend vast amounts of money to support anti-communist projects across the globe. Manafort's firm charged extravagantly to provide authoritarian regimes with a public image that appealed to right-wing politicians in the U.S. That public image was then translated into funding and arms deals. Reporting on Manafort's business highlights in particular the firm's work to support the dictatorial regimes of Viktor Yanukovych in Ukraine, Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire and Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines, among others. Manafort's lobbying firm is credited, notably, with facilitating both the supply of arms and the political climate necessary to sustain a protracted civil war in Angola in the late Eighties; a conflict that killed hundreds of thousands of people while making Paul Manafort and the CIA-backed head of the Angolan guerrilla group UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, millions of dollars.
In 2016, Manafort signed on as the campaign manager for Donald Trump's bid for the presidency. As federal investigators and journalists alike began pursuing information about ties between Trump's campaign and Russian state interference in the U.S. electoral process, Manafort quickly became a key figure in those investigations. In the fall of 2017, a series of indictments against Manafort were filed in multiple federal courts, outlining charges that ranged from money laundering to conspiracy against the United States. Manafort was given the opportunity to voluntarily surrender to federal authorities, which he did. Judging Manafort to be a flight risk due to the nature and severity of his charges, each court opted to place the defendant on house arrest. Manafort owns multiple homes in multiple U.S. states, and was granted the liberty of spending his pretrial period at the home of his choosing, in a gated community in Palm Beach Gardens, Florida, far from the jurisdictions overseeing his cases in Washington, D.C. and Alexandria, Virginia.
In June of 2018, prosecutors in Manafort's case requested that the terms of his pretrial release be revoked on the grounds that while on house arrest Manafort had tampered with witnesses in his case. On June 15th, in what she described as an "extraordinarily difficult decision," the federal judge in Washington, D.C. overseeing his case remanded Manafort to jail. In the order of detention filed in court, she explains that although Manafort does not represent a "typical" threat to the community as would an individual accused of selling drugs or illegally possessing a weapon, his case represents a more abstract threat in the form of "harm to the administration of justice" and "harm to the integrity of the courts." Manafort was subsequently booked into the Northern Neck Regional Jail in Warsaw, Virginia where he was assigned a "VIP" status classifying him as someone to be kept separate from the jail's general population. He was, during the writing of this piece, appealing his incarceration from the relative safety of the same single-occupancy jail cell that once held star NFL quarterback Michael Vick.
Do Not Pass Go
Do Not Collect $200
So how might we understand the two very different paths taken to jail by Paul Manafort and Meek Mill, and how are those paths shaped by trauma, by history and by really big money?
Meek Mill was just a nineteen-year-old kid when he was arrested, beaten and criminally charged based solely on the word of a corrupt police officer (currently on the Philadelphia district attorney's list of police officers who cannot be relied upon to testify truthfully in court). Meek subsequently spent several months in Philadelphia's municipal jail before being released to the supervision of Philadelphia's Adult Probation and Parole. He continues to face serious prison time today based on technical violations of that supervision, despite the lack of evidence that he ever committed a crime in the first place.
Paul Manafort, on the other hand, was a full adult when sent to jail as a last resort, facing mounting evidence of serious crimes committed not only prior to indictment but throughout his pretrial period. His judge agonized over the decision. It is telling that upon booking into jail, Manafort was placed in housing designed to protect him from the conditions in general population. These conditions—including crowded cells, isolation, lack of access to clean water and food and regular exposure to physical and sexual violence—are tolerated for the more than 600,000 people locked up in American jails on any given day. And yet they are immediately understood to be unacceptable for Manafort, whose amenities in the jail included a personal bathroom and shower, access to a phone and laptop, regular and sufficient meals and all-day access to a room in which he could meet with his legal team.
As the disparity in treatment experienced by these two men makes visible, the local jail exacerbates the racial and economic disparities of the U.S. prison system. Because jails are primarily places of pretrial detention, the outcome of a criminal case does not determine who spends time in jail. Instead, the experience of jail is determined by one's race, wealth and social status. At the start of a typical criminal case, a judge can issue three kinds of orders: during the time leading up to the case's conclusion, the defendant may be released without any conditions attached, incarcerated with no option of release or released with certain conditions. Of these, conditional release is the most common, and the most common condition set is bail. Thus, for the majority of arrestees, bail amounts set by local judges set a cash price on personal freedom. Those who can afford the price go free. Everyone else goes directly to jail.
From the perspective of the court system, jail is often understood as a transitory space: a legal anteroom on the journey towards either freedom or prison. Increasingly, however, the time people spend in jail is anything but temporary. As over-policing of poor black and brown spaces fills overburdened courts with criminal cases, case-processing times across the country have ballooned. In municipalities like Philadelphia, with a significant number of residents living below the poverty line, long case-processing times mean long stays in jail for people unable to afford bail. Larger jail populations mean high expenditures on incarceration for municipalities that can no more afford the cost of incarceration than can their residents afford the cost of freedom.
In part because they are imagined as temporary, jails are much harder places to live than prisons. Prisons are, for example, constitutionally required to have law libraries; jails are not. Prisoners in state or federal prisons can expect to spend some limited time outdoors; prisoners in local jails cannot. Jails are also much more unstable environments than prisons: there is constant turnover as people are booked and released, and jails are disproportionately filled with people actively detoxing from chemical addictions. Because incarceration is both disempowering and degrading, jails and prisons are both spaces in which everyone is more vulnerable to physical and sexual violence, whether as victim or aggressor. The instability of jails only heightens this reality. Jails are also places in which people's mental health tends to rapidly decline. Particularly for those already struggling to maintain composure, the longer one spends in jail the harder it is to stay sane: thus, jails are both the primary providers of mental-health care in most municipalities and the primary trigger of the very psychological symptoms they aim to manage.
Every day a person spends in jail is a day they risk losing their job, their housing and custody of their children. Every day is a day they are likely to either be harmed or bear witness to harm. They may be abruptly denied—or forced to accept—medical care that is often both inadequate and inhumane. They will certainly feel lonely, hungry and have trouble sleeping. Though the Constitution guarantees the right to a speedy trial, it does not specify an exact speed: for many individuals held captive in local jails, the pace of the trial is greatly outstripped by the pace of their own declining life chances. The possibility of a path out of jail is a serious temptation for many, even and often when that path leads towards a different form of captivity. Remember, for example, that Meek Mill chose a bench trial—a relatively speedy court process that limited his stay in jail to a few months—and paid for the quick resolution of his case with a lengthy probationary period that ultimately landed him in state prison. And in a very real way, this was a wise choice. Readers may remember the story of Kalief Browder, who was fiercely committed to receiving a fair trial for a minor charge, and who paid for that commitment with three years in New York City's municipal jail, and, ultimately, his life.
Jail is thus, crucially, a weapon in the hands of law enforcement. Individuals held captive pretrial have an incentive bordering on desperation to end their court case quickly, giving prosecutors incredible leverage in court. Across the United States, experts report that somewhere around 94 percent of state felony cases and 97 percent of federal cases do not end in a trial by a jury of one's peers, but in a plea deal—essentially a guilty plea negotiated between lawyers for the defense and prosecution, the terms of which are affected not only by the evidence in the case but also by the amount of pressure on the defendant. An individual permitted to spend his time pretrial in the safety and comfort of his own home with access to quality medical care is much harder to pressure into a plea deal than someone incarcerated in a local jail. This begins to explain a recent headline by Vice News, in the wake of Paul Manafort's jailing: "Prison is going to make Paul Manafort much easier to flip, prosecutors say. 'If convicted, he will die in jail.'"
Though accurate in its intended meaning, the headline is wildly inaccurate in fact. It would be accurate if it read, "Jail is going to make Paul Manafort much easier to flip … if convicted he will die in prison." The ease with which a major media organization might misunderstand the institutions at stake twice in one headline is symptomatic of a broader refusal to care for the difference between jail and prison. And, tellingly, the argument itself—that jail tips the scales for the prosecution—is true for every person currently incarcerated in an American jail. But it only became newsworthy when applied to Paul Manafort.
This particular disparity is deeply racial. Recall that Meek Mill was beaten and sent directly to jail for the type of gun-and-drug case described by Paul Manafort's Washington, D.C. judge as a "typical" threat to public safety; while Manafort, responsible through his war profiteering for hundreds of thousands of deaths, was jailed only as an extreme and extraordinary last resort. Following his arrest and incarceration, Meek Mill was subject to a series of punishments, many of which seem more concerned with reminding him of his social standing as a black man raised poor than responding to any crime: mandatory (and expensive) etiquette classes for his manner of speaking in court and, ultimately, prison time for perceived disrespect. Sanction for something so subjective as "disrespect" is unimaginable, however, for Manafort, who is often described as someone who "thinks the rules don't apply to him," but whose whiteness and wealth guarantee him all the constitutional rights denied Meek Mill. When Meek Mill finally did regain his freedom, it was at a price that required billionaire friends to afford: in public statements following his release, Meek emphasized the great responsibility he feels to all the people he left behind who look just like him and who lack the monumental resources needed to get free.
The high cost of freedom is a profiteering game as deep and deadly as Manafort's war profiteering abroad; and as reliant, too, on black death and dispossession. Take the commercial bail industry, for example. Journalist Shane Bauer, reporting for Mother Jones, found that in 2012 the 32 national surety companies that insure local bail bondsmen collectively underwrote over $13.5 billion in bail bonds. These companies extract the bulk of their wealth from poor families with a loved one in jail. They lobby heavily in state and federal legislatures to promote laws that support the structure of commercial bail and drive up the industry's profits. Since the Nineties, the American Bail Coalition has worked closely with the infamous American Legislative Exchange Council to aggressively promote pro-bail legislation. And, over those decades, the use of commercial bail nationwide has more than doubled—so has the average cost of pretrial freedom, and the number of people incarcerated in the United States awaiting trial.
And national surety companies are not the only industries to profit heavily from jail. Although jails, unlike prisons, are not typically run by private corporations, they are built by private contractors and often contract with private corporations for many necessary services. The website of Correct Care Solutions, for example, boasts of servicing 333 jails; the company is currently facing close to 150 lawsuits over negligent health care. The $9 billion food-services corporation Aramark, which until recently received approximately $14 million a year from Philadelphia's municipal budget, claims to serve 380 million meals each year to the incarcerated; Aramark has been plagued with accusations of rotten and maggot-filled food. Securus Technologies, which charges its captive market exorbitantly for phone calls to loved ones, currently pulls in close to half a billion dollars yearly in revenue. And the list could go on.
What is critical to understand here is that these corporations are not run by some abstract machine: they are run by wealthy men who, like Manafort, think the rules don't apply to them. And they do not produce this profit out of nowhere. They violently extract and extort it from particular municipal spaces and from the people trying to make a life within those spaces. And they do so using the criminal court system as a weapon: it does not matter if you have committed a crime; if you are poor and black, an arrest will send you directly to jail and survival in jail will cost you and your loved ones dearly.
Consider the game of Monopoly as the cautionary tale it was originally intended to be. Designed in 1903 to educate the public about the dangers of concentrated wealth, game play progresses along capitalist logics of wealth extraction and concentration that encourage such heartless behavior that the game was banned in my home as a child. Jail plays a key role. It is a means of interrupting movement around the board and it is a tool of wealth extraction. In Monopoly, when you go to jail you go directly to jail. You do not pass "Go." You do not collect the $200 that serves as the only source of income for players who do not own property. A player can get out of jail with a lucky roll of the dice (this is what distinguishes the game from the real world), use or purchase a "Get Out of Jail Free" card or pay cash. Those with property and access to Get Out of Jail Free cards needn't worry about the effects of jail. For everyone else, jail makes it impossible to accumulate wealth while simultaneously siphoning off what little resources one has, preventing movement around the board and ensuring the concentration of wealth for the winning player.
Meek Mill, famous for the art he creates, was able to translate his fame into a Get Out of Jail Free card after twelve years trying. Paul Manafort, famous for the crimes he committed, has played many of the cards he was born with and was ultimately sent to jail. His trial began just a month and a half after the date of his jailing. When his trials conclude, he will leave behind in that local Virginia jail many hundreds of people accused of much less who have been incarcerated much longer, still awaiting their day in court.
By Robert Bird
It was, in retrospect, merely the hollow shell of a once-fearsome system, but we still felt trepidation as we passed by train from Finland into the…
Bad Infinity
By James Duesterberg
"In the United States at this time," Lionel Trilling wrote in 1949, "liberalism is not only the dominant but even the sole intellectual tradition." These…
By Nargol Aran
He is the ambassador of a Jewish community rooted in an old Tehran that no longer exists.


text:
La liste des stations du tramway de Montpellier, en France, comprend 84 stations, depuis le .

Ligne 1

Ligne 2

Ligne 3

Ligne 4

Ligne 5 (en projet)

La ligne 5 du tramway de Montpellier est un projet de ligne qui, sur une longueur de 20,5 km, devrait desservir les communes de Lavérune, Montpellier, Clapiers, Montferrier-sur-Lez et Prades-le-Lez. Elle est censée venir compléter le réseau existant en desservant des zones qui ne le sont pas actuellement avec le tramway. Le projet de la ligne 5 est envisagé à l'horizon 2025 sous un tracé moins coûteux après un moratoire de 2014 à 2016.

Stations prévues sur le projet initial de tracé de la ligne 5 du tramway de Montpellier

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Transports de l'agglomération de Montpellier
 Tramway de Montpellier
 Autobus de Montpellier
 Vélomagg'
 Modulauto
 Liste des tramways en Europe

Lien externe
 Site de TAM

Montpellier
Stations