text:
Xavier Zevaco, né le  à Paris et mort le  en banlieue parisienne, est un dessinateur et peintre français. Il passe très tôt à l'abstraction géométrique et dès les années 1950 expose avec Jean-Michel Atlan, Nicolas de Staël et Serge Poliakoff. C'est un des neveux de l'écrivain Michel Zévaco.

Jeunesse

Xavier Zevaco grandit à Paris au pied de la rue Mouffetard dans une famille aisée où plane l'ombre de son oncle l'écrivain Michel Zevaco, anarchiste de première heure qui alla jusqu'à provoquer le ministre de l'intérieur en duel.

La famille est catholique mais lui n'est pas croyant. Il dira simplement qu'il ne lui est pas nécessaire  Il disait : .

À partir de 1940 il est scolarisé au lycée Louis-le-Grand puis intègre le lycée Henri-IV, où règne une grande liberté d'expression. C'est dans ce lycée prestigieux qu'il a la chance d'avoir Georges Pompidou comme professeur de lettres et fait son portrait en fin d'année scolaire que celui-ci achètera. Georges Pompidou écrira sur le livre d'or d'une des premières expositions de Xavier Zevaco « À Zevaco, tel qu'en moi-même je me retrouve. »

Lors de ses week-ends à la campagne dans la maison familiale des Yvelines, il s'entraîne déjà à peindre avec un de ses amis, Claude Aubry, fils du galériste dont les locaux se situent à l'époque rue de Seine. Quand ils n'ont plus de toile à leur disposition, ils leur arrive de peindre sur l'envers des Pascine !

Il entre aux Arts Décoratifs en 1943, où il obtient la meilleure note des postulants. À la fin de son cycle, en 1947, et grâce à la bourse d'études acquise car sorti major de sa promotion, il passe un an aux Beaux-Arts d'Amsterdam. Il en profite pour visiter l'Allemagne et la Pologne, ravagées...

À son retour en France, d'abord décorateur d'intérieur, il abandonne cette voie pour la publicité auprès de laboratoires pharmaceutiques puis devient maquettiste à Uni France Film et auprès de divers éditeurs, notamment Belfond.

Le peintre
Dès 1950, Zevaco expose pour la première fois à la galerie Colette Allendy où il fait la connaissance de Paul Cognasse et à la galerie Denise René, grandes références en matière d'abstraction. Ne sachant ce que le public et les critiques vont penser de ce nouveau mouvement, les jeunes peintres fondent le groupe Tendance.
Il rencontre plus tard la galeriste Suzanne De Conninck avec qui il devient ami et expose donc régulièrement chez elle.

Entre 1956 et 1960, il se marie et devient père de 3 enfants mais le premier meurt en bas âge d'une dextrocardie. Après quelques années passées à Meudon-la-Forêt, il s'installe définitivement dans la maison familiale, entre Montfort-l'Amaury et Houdan, à Orgerus.

En , il présente la mannequin Annabel Schwob au peintre Bernard Buffet qui venait de rompre avec Pierre Bergé.

Durant les années 1960, il multiplie les expositions en France mais aussi à l'étranger ; Salon des Réalités Nouvelles à Paris, dans plusieurs galeries en Espagne, en Italie ou encore à l'Académie des Beaux-Arts en Turquie et fait la connaissance de Claude Rivière, amie de Malraux et critique d'art, qui fait l'éloge de la peinture de Zevaco dans diverses revues. Il côtoie des peintres tels que Paul Cognasse, Sonia Delaunay, , Auguste Herbin, Hartung, Georges Mathieu et César.

Au début des années 1970, il s'essaye à la sculpture cinétique : réalisation de structures faites de coques en plastique rigide dans lesquelles il coule une mousse de polyuréthane expansé qui gonfle en quelques secondes et dont il laque l'extérieur. Trois modèles de tailles différentes sont présentés, pouvant s'imbriquer les uns aux autres. Enfin, il incorpore un moteur entraînant des formes peintes. L'exposition fait un scandale. Les critiques notent que  et l'on prédit la fin de l'artiste.

Lors d'un déjeuner, il croise le peintre Bram Van Velde, qu'il admire, et qui l'incite à continuer quoi qu'il arrive. Les très bons articles de Pierre Courthion, critique renommé, l'encouragent également.

En 1972, chez la galériste Inna Salomon, il persiste et cette fois, le mouvement des sculptures s'accompagne d'un fond musical. Il réalise par la suite une sculpture toute de fer souple de quatre mètres de haut sur trois mètres de large reposant sur un socle en ciment. Cette commande est passée par le maire de la commune d'Orgerus, là où il vit, pour orner la cour de l'école communale. Le préfet des Yvelines ainsi que le vicomte de la Panouse, propriétaire du fameux Zoo de Thoiry et avec qui Zevaco est en bons termes, sont présents lors de l'inauguration. Malheureusement, au début des années 1990, le nouveau maire d'Orgerus fait détruire cette sculpture qu'il juge dangereuse pour les enfants sans en parler à l'artiste qui aurait souhaité la récupérer et l'installer dans son jardin. Reste la maquette.

Grâce à Gérard Matisse, petit-fils du peintre Henri Matisse, Zevaco rencontre sa nouvelle femme, Françoise Lelli, amie des peintres de la Figuration Narrative tels qu'Aillot, Recalcati, Arroyo, Crémonini, Quilici et a un nouvel enfant. Il expose moins à l'étranger et préfère les lieux parisiens : Galerie Inna Salomon, Galerie du Chapitre, Salon International d'Art Contemporain.

À partir de 1980, Zevaco se met enfin à dater ses toiles qui, pour certaines, n'étaient pas signées. , dira-t-il. C'est la période la plus difficile financièrement et, encouragé par Patrice Dard, fils du célèbre San Antonio, il reprend la photo dans son studio installé au premier étage de sa maison et honore diverses commandes ainsi que quelques contrats de décoration d'intérieur.

Il continue d'exposer régulièrement à Paris dans diverses galeries dont la Galerie Fürstenberg, l'Hôtel Saint Aignan et repart en province : Maison de la Culture d'Angers, château de Gramont en Tarn-et-Garonne.

Mais c'est certainement durant cette période que Zevaco peint le plus et atteint ce qu'il cherche ; souvent des toiles épurées. Son rêve n'est-il pas de peindre, sur sa dernière toile, une unique virgule noire ? Il dit que sa peinture se situe entre Vermeer et Miro. Vermeer pour la maîtrise et Miro pour l'allégorie. Il avait une grande admiration pour Miro.

En 1990, sa dernière amie, Christiane Peugeot Peyron ouvre un atelier, l'Atelier Z, lieu d'expositions permanentes avenue de la Grande-Armée à Paris. Ce lieu est plus tard agrandi et rebaptisé Atelier Z - Centre Culturel Christiane Peugeot

Zevaco reprend l'idée d'œuvres en mouvement. Dès lors, certaines de ses toiles incluent des moteurs animant des formes colorées.

En 2000, commençant à être fatigué, il assiste à  ses derniers vernissages quai de la Tournelle à Paris, puis rue Sainte Croix de la Bretonnerie et à l'Orangerie du Sénat, tous organisés par son amie Christiane Peugeot. Sa dernière série de toiles est structurée, dynamique et toujours colorée, ce qui lui fait dire que sa peinture est « fraîche et joyeuse ». Bien qu'il se retire de la vie sociale, cela n'empêche pas ses œuvres d'être exposées au siège de l'ONU à New York, à l'UNESCO à Beyrouth, à Malte lors de la Biennale et à l'Orangerie du Sénat pour une rétrospective.

Galerie

Expositions

Expositions personnelles

 Galerie Colette Allendy - Paris - 1950
 Galerie Jean Mermoz - Paris - 1961
 Galerie Hoche Saint Honoré - Paris - 1962
 Galerie de Beaune - Suzanne De Coninck - Paris - 1966
 Galerie Pagani - Milan - 1967
 Galerie de Beaune - Suzanne De Coninck - Paris - 1966
 Galerie l'Agrifolio - Milan - 1968
 Galerie de l'Ataneo - Madrid - 1969
 Cimaises Vendatour - Paris - 1970
 Maison de la Culture - Robinson - 1970
 Galerie Inna Salomon - Paris - 1972
 Studio AB - Versailles - 1972
 Galerie Inna Salomon - Paris - 1973
 Galerie du Chapitre - Paris - 1975
 Galerie Artpress International - Nice - 1976
 Chapelle - Dreux - 1980
 Galerie Fürstenberg - Paris - 1981
 Maison de la Culture - Angers - 1982
 Hostel Saint-Aignan - Paris - 1983
 Château de Gramont - Tarn - 1984
 Cassina - Paris - 1986
 ADN - Paris - 1986
 Centre Régional de la Culture - Mantes la J - 1988
 Atelier Z - Centre Culturel Christiane Peugeot - Paris - 1990
 Galerie Cath'Art - Paris - 1991
 A.P.A.M.E - Voisin le Bx - 1992
 A.S.A.C - Paris - 1994
 Ferme du Manet - Montigny le Bx - 1995
 Palais des Congrès - Versailles - 1995
 Musée du Prieuré - Maule - 1997
 Orangerie du Sénat - Paris - 2007
 Galerie du Bourdaric - Vallon Pont d'Arc - 2014
 Galerie du Bourdaric - Vallon Pont d'Arc - 2015
 Galerie du Bourdaric - Vallon Pont d Arc - 2016

Expositions collectives

 Tendance - Galerie C. Allendy - Paris - 1948 avec les peintres Atlan et Poliakoff
 Salon des Réalités Nouvelles - Paris - 1952
 Festival des Arts Plastiques - Cannes - 1960
 Académie des Beaux Arts - Istanbul - 1962
 Intégration des Arts - Barcelone - 1965
 École de Paris - Madrid - 1969
 Festival des Arts Plastiques - Dijon - 1970
 Salon International d'Art Contemporain - Paris - 1978
 Festival and Mascarades - Malte - 1998
 Centre Culturel du New-Jersey - U.S.A - 1998
 Hommage à la Biennale - Malte - 1998
 A.S.A.C - Paris - 1998
  international Grolla d'Oro - Trevise - 1998
 U.N.E.S.C.O - Beyrouth - 1999
 O.N.U - New-York - 2000
 Fiac - Paris - 2002
 Galerie de la Tournelle - Paris - 2002

Lien externe
 Statistique Insee relatives au nom de famille   Zevaco  fournies par le  Géopatronyme

Peintre abstrait français
Peintre français du XXe siècle
Naissance en juin 1925
Décès en avril 2006
Décès à 80 ans

Blog de Xavier Zevaco

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


LOT 2, SKAGIT COUNTY SHORT PLAT NO. 99-0035, APPROVED JANUARY 2, 2001, AND RECORDED JANUARY 10, 2001, UNDER AUDITOR'S FILE NO. 200101100017, RECORDS OF SKAGIT COUNTY, WASHINGTON, BEING A PORTION OF GOVERNMENTS LOTS 2 AND 3, SECTION 8, TOWNSHIP 34 NORTH, RANGE 2, EAST W.M.


text:
Antonio Gianetti Neto is a train station on CPTM Line 11-Coral, located in the city of Ferraz de Vasconcelos.

History
The first project for the station in the region was made by Brazilian Urban Trains Company (CBTU) in 1985, named that time as Parque de São Francisco. However, the construction never happened by lack of funds.

The station was built and opened by CPTM on 10 January 1998, named Lageado. On 19 August 1998, it was renamed to Antonio Gianetti Neto. It was the first station built by CPTM.

Toponymy
The renaming happened when a Project from State Deputy Guilherme Gianetti (PMDB) was approved in the State Legislative Assembly by the other deputies. Deputy Gianetti wanted to pay tribute to his uncle, already deceased, by his contribution to the city of Ferraz de Vasconcelos and its region. Antonio Gianetti Neto went to Ferraz with his family as a child. He was one of the first in confection of bricks, having a brick factory. In the 1950s, found Agricultural and Pastoral Industry, in the neighbourhood of Cambiri, where he lived. The industry provided quartz for Gothard Factory and employed at the time 120 employees. Around 1962, opened Brasil Construction Material Warehouse, in Rua Godofredo Ozório Novais. Donated part of the materials for the construction of a school and made it easy the purchase of materials for residents build their houses.

References

Companhia Paulista de Trens Metropolitanos stations
Railway stations opened in 1998


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text:
Facebook's latest policy update supported violence against Paul Joseph Watson and Alex Jones.
Facebook Condones Violence Against 'Dangerous Individuals' Before Reversing Itself.
By Ian Miles Cheong
Facebook issued, and later deleted, a new policy stating its position supporting violence against banned figures like Paul Joseph Watson and Alex Jones, both of whom have been banned from the platform.
The update went live on the site's Community Standards page before being retracted, following widespread online backlash.
The update read:
"Do not post: Threats that could lead to death (and other forms of high-severity violence) of any target(s) where threat is defined as any of the following:
Statements of intent to commit high-severity violence; or
Calls for high-severity violence (unless the target is an organization
or individual covered in the Dangerous Individuals and Organizations
policy),
or is described as having carried out violent crimes or sexual offenses, wherein criminal/predator status has been established by media reports, market knowledge of news event, etc." (Emphasis added).
In May, Facebook issued bans for a number of conservative political pundits including Paul Joseph Watson, whom they designated a "dangerous individual."
"[It] is now "progressive" to allow a handful of corporate monopolists to control who has free speech and what opinions they can communicate," wrote Watson of his ban. "What was the point of the trials of humanity over the past 300 years if we were just going to end up with some little nerds in California dictating the terms of human civilization to us from behind their MacBook screens?"
With the recent update, Facebook ostensibly deemed it permissible for its users to issue threats against Watson and other "dangerous individuals," who have been cast alongside ISIS and other terrorist organizations, some of which continue to maintain large presences on the platform, including jihadist organizations like Hezbollah and Boko Haram, and the left-wing Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Pages dedicated to these organizations can be easily found by typing their names into Facebook's built-in search engine.
"The largest social media company in the world with over 2 billion users literally says its fine to incite violence against me, despite this being illegal. They are painting a target on my back." – Paul Joseph Watson
As Watson says, violent threats issued against him on the platform are still considered illegal under U.K. law regardless of Facebook's stance on the matter.
"The largest social media company in the world with over 2 billion users literally says its fine to incite violence against me, despite this being illegal," he wrote. "They are painting a target on my back."
Following a backlash on social media, Facebook has modified the policy update. The company issued a statement to explain that the language it previously used was "imprecise."
"The language we previously used to describe our policies against violence and incitement was imprecise. We have since replaced it to more clearly explain the policy and underlying rationale," Facebook stated. "In some cases, we see aspirational or conditional threats directed at terrorists and other violent actors (e.g. Terrorists deserve to be killed), and we deem those non credible absent specific evidence to the contrary."
It's worth noting that in addition to its tacit support of violence against "Dangerous Individuals," the company also deemed it acceptable to threaten anyone "described as having carried out violent crimes or sexual offenses, wherein criminal/predator status has been established by media reports."
In other words, if you've been judged guilty in the court of public opinion, you're fair game.
Ian Miles Cheong is the managing editor of Human Events
Posted in Alert, Americans, Britain, censorship, Constitutional Rights, deadly, Injustice, Michael Savage, Mike Adams, Police State, Politicians, propaganda, Trump, Uncategorized, urgent, violent backlash, Warning	| Tagged Alex Jones, business, censorship, facebook, internet, Paul Joseph Watson, Technology | Leave a comment
February 8, 2019 by nootkabear
ALERT: Twitter blocks all Natural News / Health Ranger channels after Adams comments on the Jack Dorsey / Joe Rogan Bitcoin fraud
Image: ALERT: Twitter blocks all Natural News / Health Ranger channels after Adams comments on the Jack Dorsey / Joe Rogan Bitcoin fraud
Thursday, February 07, 2019 by: Mike Adams
https://www.naturalnews.com/2019-02-07-twitter-blocks-all-natural-news-health-ranger-channels-joe-rogan-jack-dorsey-bitcoin.html
(Natural News) Mere hours after I appeared on the Alex Jones Show yesterday to reveal the truth about Jack Dorsey's criminal fronting for Bitcoin and deep state money laundering, Twitter suspended all Health Ranger / Natural News accounts without explanation, simultaneously, mere hours after my appearance on Alex's show.
Importantly, the Health Ranger Twitter account (twitter.com/healthranger) tweets news stories that are more than 95% focused on health, nutrition, medicine, food science and similar topics. There is absolutely nothing in the HealthRanger twitter feed that could justify being banned by Twitter. It's clear this censorship order came from the top and was initiated to punish me for appearing on the Alex Jones Show.
As I mentioned on the show (see video below), Jack Dorsey, CEO of Twitter, recently appeared on the Joe Rogan Experience, hyping Bitcoin as the currency that would take over the internet. According to Hacked.com, Joe Rogan is being paid off to the tune of $300,000 per month via the Cash mobile app — owned by Twitter, of course.
During the Joe Rogan interview, Joe utterly failed to ask Dorsey any tough questions at all, and the entire interview turned into an apparent fraud fest of "pump and dump" front men (Dorsey and Rogan) pushing a massive crypto scheme onto Rogan's listeners, utterly without disclosing the severe conflicts of interest held by both Rogan and Dorsey. "In a version of what could have been an SEC enforcer's wet-dream, we have the CEO of a Bitcoin-specific payment app talking up the potential of Bitcoin, on a podcast which he also pays to advertise said payment app," reports Hacked.com.
What Dorsey and Rogan also failed to mention is that Jack Dorsey is an investor in the Lightning Labs project that's working to push a new protocol onto Bitcoin. Thus, Dorsey has a huge financial stake in the future success of Bitcoin. As I pointed out in my interview, Bitcoin is a creation of the deep state that is used to surreptitiously transmit payoffs and bribes to left-wing Democrats, for example, who are being bribed by Mexican drug cartels to oppose the border wall.
Apparently, Jack Dorsey does not want any independent journalist talking about the criminal dark side of Bitcoin, since he's pumping it up with the help of (paid off) Rogan.
In banning Natural News / Health Ranger accounts, Twitter did not cite any reason at all, utterly failing to points out any tweets that violated Twitter community guidelines. It's clear that Natural News / Health Ranger Twitter accounts were banned solely because Adams appeared on the Alex Jones Show and dared to comment on the Joe Rogan / Jack Dorsey Bitcoin fraud.
Watch the full episode in this Brighteon video. I join Alex at 38:18, and the comments on Jack Dorsey and Joe Rogan take place a few minutes later:
https://www.brighteon.com/embed/5999398886001
Brighteon.com/5999398886001
Joe Rogan and Jack Dorsey appear to be running a massive financial fraud scheme and using censorship to silence whistleblowers
What's clear in my mind from recent events is that Joe Rogan and Jack Dorsey are running a massive crypto fraud scheme while using the power of censorship to silence whistleblowers who are exposing their giant con. As Hacked.com reports:
Criticism of the Bitcoin core narrative was being censored on Reddit long before the hammer fell on the likes of Alex Jones. Dorsey's vision of a future Bitcoin-dominated internet doesn't address this point; and it's a point that only seems more scandalous in light of Twitter's similar predilection for censoring those who deviate from accepted scripts.
Jack Dorsey is just one of many tech giant CEOs that has now turned to the tyranny of censorship to silence critics for off-platform behavior. Twitter has not cited any violations of community guidelines as justification for suspending the Natural News / Health Ranger accounts. Instead, the actions were taken solely due to my appearance on the Alex Jones Show.
I think Jack Dorsey is running a massive financial fraud scheme, and he's paying off people like Joe Rogan to shill for his crypto profit schemes while selectively silencing anyone who might raise legitimate questions about the dishonesty and deception of his entire operation.
As more and more people are now noticing, the tech giants that dominate the world are now quite literally being run by financial fraudsters and censorship goons who despise freedom of expression precisely because independent journalists are exposing their frauds and cons. Any independent journalist who attempts to warn the public and expose the truth about the massive Bitcoin crypto con is targeted for selective censorship and defamation. Meanwhile, techno-schemers like Dorsey funnel money to front men like Joe Rogan to keep pushing the propaganda that hypes up their personal enrichment Ponzi schemes.
It's sick. It's even criminal, according to SEC rules. When will the SEC raid the offices of Jack Dorsey and Joe Rogan and charge them with securities violations for pushing a massive financial fraud, completely absent any honest financial disclosures are required by regulatory authorities? If Rogan and Dorsey were pumping Wall Street stocks in the same manner, they would have already been arrested and charged with securities fraud. Why do they get a free pass when they're pumping the very same crypto con that has already caused innocent participants around the world to lose hundreds of millions of dollars?
Read more about the Bitcoin crypto fraud at Bitraped.com and check out important news on the evil of the tech giants at TechGiants.news. Read Natural News for updates on whether Twitter decides to reinstate our channels or ban us permanently, utterly without any legitimate reason.
Watch more here about why the people of Earth must declare war on the tech giants and defeat them like we defeated the Third Reich:
Posted in Alert, American hero, Americans, Attack, censorship, Civil War, confiscations, Congress, Constitutional Rights, Corruption, crime, Cyberlaw, Danger, Uncategorized	| Tagged Alex Jones, censorship, Health Ranger, Jack Dorsey, Mike Adams, Twitter

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
History of the 1st Battalion the Worcsetershire and Sherwood Foresters Regiment (29th/45th Foot).
The History below follows the progression of The 29th Regiment of Foot, to whom the Warrant originally issued
29th Regiment of Foot (1694)
In 1694, Britain was at war with France and William III, needing more troops ordered Colonel Thomas Farrington, an officer of the Coldstream guards to form a new Regiment. This Regiment became known as Farrington's Regiment of Foot following the custom of the period of naming Regiments after their Colonel.
Colonel Thomas Farrington
In 1751 (by which time the Regiment had changed its name eight times under successive Colonels) the system changed and all Regiments were given numbers based upon the date of their formation and the Regiment assumed the title "The 29th Regiment of Foot"
The first few years of the Regiment's history were spent in England and Ireland, though with the War of the Spanish Succession developing in Europe it was not long before Farrington's regiment joined the Duke of Marlborough's force in Holland where it arrived in March 1704. However it was several months before the Regiment became actively engaged, namely at the lines of Brabant when Marlborough's force met that of Marshal Villeroi in an inconclusive action.
This was followed in 1706 by a decisive British Victory at the "Battle of Ramilies" in which the Regiment gained the first of its many Battle Honours.
THE WARRANT OF LODGE NO. ISSUED WHILST UNDER THE TITLE OF THE 29TH REGIMENT OF FOOT ON 3rd MAY 1759.
THE BOSTON MASSACRE - 5th MARCH 1770.
The Boston Massacre refers to an incident involving the deaths of five civilians by the 29TH Regiment of Foot on 5th March, 1770 the legal aftermath of which helped spark the rebellion in some of the British colonies in America which culminated in the American Revolution. A tense situation due to a heavy British military presence in Boston boiled over to incite brawls between soldiers and civilians, and eventually led to troops discharging their muskets after being attacked by a rioting crowd. Three civilians were killed at the scene of the shooting, and two died after the incident
The Boston Massacre - 5th March, 1770.
(19th October, 1735 – 4th July, 1826)
An officer and nine soldiers of the 29th Foot were subsequently tried for murder but were ably defended (seven being acquitted and two being found guilty of manslaughter), ironically, by John Adams who subsequently fought against the British in the War of Independence, and was the 2nd President of the United States of America and father of John Quincy Adams, 6th President of the United States of America.
29th (Worcestershire) Regiment of Foot (1782)
In 1782 individual Regiments began to be linked territorially to counties and the 29th Regiment of Foot was linked to Worcestershire becoming the 29th (Worcestershire) Regiment of Foot.
The 29th(Worcestershire) Regiment of Foot returned to their new home of Worcestershire in 1787. On June 1, 1794 the 29th were serving as marines aboard the English Fleet of Lord Howe as it defeated a French fleet in the North Atlantic, this battle became known as the "Glorious First of June". For this engagement the 29th earned the Naval Crown for their colours.
From 1808 to 1811 the 29th served with the Duke of Wellington's Army is Portugal and Spain. The regiment earned battle honors at the Battles of Rolica, Vimiera, Talavera and Albuhera. The 29th suffered heavy casualties at Albuera and was sent home to England to recruit.
In 1842 the 29th was sent to India and fought in the Sikh Wars earning more battle honors at Ferozeshah, Sorbraon, Chillianwallah and Goojerat. At the Battle of Sorbraon the 29th and the 10th Regiment of Foot met in the captured Sikh trenches cementing a friendship between the regiments that last to this day. Officers and NCO's of both regiments refer to each other as "My Dear Cousin".
In 1881 the Cardwell reforms of 1881 brought together the 29th and 36th Regiments of Foot with the Militia of Worcestershire together with the Volunteer Regiments. The 29th (Worcestershire) Regiment of Foot became the 1st Battalion of the Worcestershire Regiment and the 36th became the 2nd Battalion of the Worcestershire Regiment.
1st Battalion of the Worcestershire Regiment (1881)
At the outbreak of the Boer War both the 1st and 2nd Battalions were mobilized and sailed to South Africa. The 1st Battalion arrived in South Africa at the end of March 1900 and during April they concentrated at Edenburg.
WORLD WAR I, 1914 - 1918.
When the War broke out there were four Regular Battalions, two Militia and two Territorial Battalions forming the Regiment and from these eight Battalions the Regiment expanded to 22. Throughout its bloody course, the War claimed lives of over 9,000 of the 13,000 officers and men who filled its ranks.
Most of the actions in which the majority of the battalions took part were across the muddy, pock-marked battlefields of France and Flanders.
1st Battalion Worcestershire Regiment ~ Dublin 1907
However, some battalions were also engaged in the fighting in the Dardanelles, Salonika, Mesopotamia, Russia and Italy. In all, nine Victoria Crosses were awarded to members of the Regiment (of which two were awarded to members of the 1st Battalion). Six of these VC's are on display in the Museum. In addition the Regiment won 82 Distinguished Service Orders, 327 Military Crosses, 238 Distinguished Conduct Medals and over 800 Military Medals.
Major Frank Crowther Roberts, VC DSO MC
Major Frank Crowther Roberts, VC DSO MC 1st Battalion the Worcestershire Regiment At Pargny on the Somme on 23 March 1918. Over twelve days he showed particular courage and skill, endurance and energy. One night when the enemy had almost cleared a village of our troops he gathered a party of men and led a counter attack which drove the Germans out thus covering the retirement of flanking troops. London Gazette 8th May, 1918
Colonel George William St George Grogan, VC CMG DSO late 1st Battalion the Worcestershire Regiment. At Aisne on 29 May 1918. For most of three days of desperate fighting he commanded the remnants of a Division and on the third day with complete disregard for his own safety he rode up and down the line under heavy fire of all sorts encouraging his men and reorganising and leading back those who had begun to retire.London Gazette 25th July 1918.
Colonel George William St George Grogan, VC CMG DSO
NEUVE CHAPELLE
In March 1915 the British Army attacked the Germans at Neuve Chapelle. After two days of fighting, although the village had been captured the attack was still a partial failure; for the Germans had repaired the gap in their line and were preparing to re-take the village by counter-attack. Two Bavarian Battalions advanced against the front held by the 1st Battalion, who held their fire. When the enemy was within 70 yards the whole Battalion fired their 'mad minute' (at the rapid rate of fire of 20 rounds per rifleman per minute) and the Germans fell in large numbers. 'A' Company cleared the enemy from the abandoned trenches on the right, while the rest of the Battalion drove them back into their own lines and took part of the enemy trenches.
The counter-charge of the 1st Worcestershire
against the 21st Bavarians
Unfortunately this advance was unsupported and the Battalion was isolated and nearly surrounded. Although several attacks were beaten off, they were forced to withdraw across the open ground and met with heavy loss. On the following morning the Battalion was withdrawn into reserve, however, the situation had been saved by the defeat of the counter-attack and the ground previously won was held.
BETWEEN THE WARS 1919 -1939
As peace returned to the World, one after another the fighting Battalions of the Regiment were disbanded or reduced to Cadre and the soldiers who had gained the final victory came back in small parties to England. Between the Wars the 1st Battalion, apart from a period of active operations during the troubles in Palestine, divided its time between India, China and England in a relaxed peacetime way; with, in India, the usual diversions of polo and game shooting for the officers.
WORLD WAR II 1939 - 1945
When the War was imminent the 1st Battalion was in Palestine and its war service was, therefore, destined initially to be in the Middle East.
1st Battalion Worcestershire Regiment Officers at Barentu, Eritrea (2nd February 1941)
The first Regular Battalion to join battle with the enemy was the 1st Battalion. They moved from Palestine, via Egypt to the Sudan and following the entry of Italy into the War, formed part of the British force which attacked the Italian Colony of Eritrea in 1941. The first Italian resistance came at El Gocni from which, after stiff fighting the enemy was ejected. Barentu was likewise successful and essentially a company battle in which 'A' Company played a prominent part.
Ahead lay the fortress of Keren whose steep rocky approaches added to the stiff Italian resistance, however, this was also captured although the battalion suffered heavy losses.
At the end of August 1941 the 1st Battalion moved to the Western Desert, where in the summer of 1942 they took part in the Gazala Battle and in the defence of Tobruk. The Gazala line stretched from Gazala on the coast some fifty miles south to Bir Hachim. It consisted of a series of isolated infantry localities, wired and mined, which were called "Boxes" and between which were large gaps that could neither be held by artillery fire nor plugged by tanks. One such locality was Point 187 near Acroma, midway between Gazala and Tobruk, where the Battalion stood to meet the German onslaught. By 13th June, 1942 the Germans had penetrated the surrounding defences and the Battalion Box became isolated. Enemy tanks attacked relentlessly and although some twenty of them were knocked out, all of the Battalions anti-tank guns had become casualties. Throughout the day the Battalion stayed true to its Motto of "FIRM" and as evening fell and with the desert a blazing inferno, orders were received for the Box to be evacuated.
At Tobruk the German attack, which was launched on 20th June, 1942 was heralded by a fierce air bombardment after which came well co-ordinated artillery fire from both the Germans and Italians. This in turn led to a massive Panzer attack against which resistance was virtually impossible. Any attempt to break out to the coast was forestalled by the enemy who were too thick on the ground. A general surrender was ordered - unlike at Corunna and Dunkirk where the soldiers of the Regiment had withdrawn to safety; at Tobruk few escaped being made Prisoners of War.
German medics tend the wounded.
NORMANDY TO THE ELBE
On 1st January 1943 the 1st Battalion was reformed by disbanding the 11th Battalion, a Service Battalion formed in May 1940 and drafting its personnel to the 1st Battalion. Soon after D Day in 1944 the Battalion arrived in France and their first action, which resulted in the capture of Mouen, was described by the Divisional Commander as "one of the slickest attacks of the war". After the break out came the spectacular drive to the Seine - over one hundred miles in three and a half days. This was followed by some intense fighting in which every man in the Battalion - drivers, clerks, orderlies and signallers fought like demons. The fierce fighting gave cover to the armoured drive to Belgium and Holland. After a spell of comparative quiet the Battalion once more went into battle, to try and relieve the gallant men of Arnhem. The battle to keep the corridor open was some of the fiercest the Battalion had experienced and in the fighting round the Nederijn three of its Company Commanders were killed. From then on it was only a matter of time before victory in Europe was assured and when it came the Battalion had reached an area North of Luneberg, thus ending the advance from Normandy to the Elbe.
THE POST WAR YEARS 1945 - 1970
Since the Second World War the changing role of the Army resulted in drastic reductions.
During the Post War years the Regiment continued in its usual down to earth way. Not least during the Malayan Emergency in the early 1950s, when it established a fine reputation through its operational successes. A campaign in which the George Cross was awarded to Awang Anak Rawang, a tracker attached to the 1st Battalion.
Awang Anak Rawang
The London Gazette 20th November 1951.
During operations against the bandits in Malaya in May 1951 a section of a platoon of the Worcestersbire Regiment was ambushed by about 50 of the enemy. The leading scout was killed instantly and the Section Commander fatally wounded. Awang anak Rawang was hit through the thigh bone and at the same time a soldier, moving behind him, was hit below the knee, the bullet completely shattering the bone. Awang anak Rawang. although wounded and lying exposed under heavy rifle and automatic fire, collected his own weapons and that of the soldier and dragged him into the cover of the jungle. In view of the impending bandit attack Awang completely disregarding his own wound, took up a position to defend the injured man. There he remained, firing on every attempt made by the bandits to approach, and successfully drove off several attacks. Ultimately Awang was again wounded, the bullet shattering his right arm and rendering further use of his rifle or parang impossible. Despite loss of blood from his undressed wounds, be dragged himself over to the wounded soldier and took a grenade from the man's pouch. He resumed his position on guard, pulled out the pin of the grenade with his teeth and with the missile in his left band defied the bandits to approach. So resolute was his demeanour that the bandits, who had maintained their attacks for some forty minutes, and who were now threatened by the other sections, withdrew.
The coolness, fortitude and offensive spirit displayed by Awang anak Rawang were of the highest order. Despite being twice severely wounded he showed the utmost courage and resolution to continue the fight and protect the injured soldier.
Awang anak Rawang is is still alive, aged 89, and is one of 20 surviving holders of the George Cross (as of todays date 18th march, 2012).
The above Cap Badge of The Worcestershire and Sherwood Foresters Regiment (29th/45th Foot) combines elements of the Cap Badges of the 1st Battalion, The Worcestershire Regiment and the 1st Battalion The Sherwood Foresters (Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire Regiments)(45th Foot) shown below.
On the 8th February, 1970 The 1st Battalion, The Worcestershire Regiment amalgamated with the 1st Battalion The Sherwood Foresters (Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire Regiments) (45th Foot) to form The 1st Battalion The Worcestershire and Sherwood Foresters Regiment (29th/45th Foot).
On 16th December, 2004 the Secretary of State for Defence announced, under the Future Army Structure, that the Worcestershire and Sherwood Foresters Regiment (29th/45th Foot) would become the 2nd Battalion The Mercian Regiment (Worcesters and Foresters).
On Saturday 1st September, 2007 a new Regiment entered the order of battle of the British Army. That Regiment is THE MERCIAN REGIMENT (Worcesters & Foresters) and was formed by the merger of all regular and territorial elements of three (historically four) famous Infantry Regiments: The 22nd (Cheshire) Regiment, The Worcestershire and Sherwood Foresters Regiment and The Staffordshire Regiment.


text:
class RustcCompletion < Formula
  desc "Bash completion for rustc"
  homepage "https://github.com/roshan/rust-bash-completion"
  license "MIT"
  head "https://github.com/roshan/rust-bash-completion.git"

  stable do
    url "https://github.com/roshan/rust-bash-completion/archive/0.12.1.tar.gz"
    sha256 "562f84ccab40f2b3e7ef47e2e6d9b6615070a0e7330d64ea5368b6ad75455012"

    # upstream commit to fix an undefined command when sourcing the file directly
    patch do
      url "https://github.com/roshan/rust-bash-completion/commit/932e9bb4e9f28c2785de2b8db6f0e8c050f4f9be.patch?full_index=1"
      sha256 "3da76d5469e7fa4579937d107a2661f740d704ac100442f37310aa6430f171a2"
    end
  end

  def install
    bash_completion.install "etc/bash_completion.d/rustc"
  end

  test do
    assert_match "-F _rustc",
      shell_output("source #{bash_completion}/rustc && complete -p rustc")
  end
end

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
NewsPinellas County
Man arrested after he intentionally ran over 2 victims after an argument, police said
PINELLAS PARK, Fla. — Two victims were intentionally run over by a vehicle after an altercation in Pinellas Park early Sunday morning, police said.
Pinellas Park police say around 2:50 a.m., officers were called to Banquet Masters after learning a vehicle had intentionally run over two victims after a verbal altercation.
The intentional act led to a large fight in the parking lot with three people being taken to a local hospital.
Through an investigation, detectives learned there was an event at Banquet Masters with many guests, and uninvited guests arrived and the verbal altercation took place.
Detectives said three people were in a vehicle that drove into a crowd of attendees and struck two victims. The driver, Roberto Dothe, then backed up into the victims a second time.
A crowd then surrounded the car and attacked the three people inside the vehicle.
Another person inside the car, Anthony Benitez, was taken into custody and was charged with aggravated battery with a deadly weapon. Dothe fled the area, but was later found by police and was arrested. He was charged with two counts of attempted second-degree murder.
The two people struck, a 10-year-old girl and a 37-year-old man, both had serious but not life-threatening injuries, police said.
This is an active investigation and additional charges are pending.


2016's modern man squeezes a seriously broad portfolio of life-experience into a single day. We gym. We date. We work. We socialize. And thanks to technology, we do these things in a manner totally unimaginable to our forebears: we conference call during Crossfit, Tinder as we take lunch, and close deals over coffee. Work vs. life? Forget it. Today that dialectic – and the impossible quest for 'balance' – is old news. Whether at home or on the road, we live integrated, everything-at-once lives. And it makes them richer.
But modern life comes with its own unique demands. Because we can do anything, we need to be dressed for it too. The old cast-iron categories of masculine attire have rusted into irrelevance. Dressing for dinner? For real?
Clothes that are fit for purpose in 2016 need to have three key attributes; they need to be appropriate, they need to be stylish, and they need to be versatile. The last one is the clincher. Versatility. To get the most out of life we need clothes that are as versatile as we are.
That's why GQ, in partnership with Kit and Ace, has recruited three exemplary men of our time to help muster six handy guidelines to effort-free all-day dressing. So let's get to it.
Meet Rob Gregg, an always-on-his-toes footwear designer who juggles a serious gym habit with a modeling career and his own business. He cycles between meetings and casting calls, and needs to look fresh doing it. That's why he favors classic pieces with fitted, pristine silhouettes that stretch when he does, like Kit and Ace's Commuter Trouser, which marries the label's technical fabrics to an impeccable fit. They're the kind of pants that can take you from bicycle to boardroom, and keep you looking the part whether you're sitting on a Brooks saddle or an Aeron chair.
When you're really determined to sweat – like Gregg when he's kicking the living daylights out of that punch bag – it's eminently more comfortable (and fragrant) if you can avoid being wet afterwards. So find all-day technical clothing built to minimize any discomfort post-workout by wicking moisture away from the body. You'll avoid rashes, and leave the gym looking cool and unflustered enough to go straight into your next photo-shoot.
For stylist Preston Konrad, a typical day begins at the neighborhood coffee shop, but it might end with an unexpected flight. Short of keeping your ID and credit card handy, the way to prepare for an unexpected day is to dress in clothes that will keep you comfortable without ever looking rumpled, even when you might be jumping in and out of cabs or on and off planes. Pieces like Kit and Ace's Commuter Trouser and To The Nines Polo are made of wrinkle resistant fabric that's ideal for travel, whether that means rush hour on the subway or a more far-flung journey.
When Preston's day goes from styling a shoot to pitching a TV segment uptown, he needs to take his attire from casual to smart without a full outfit change. That's where a versatile piece like the Kit and Ace Bomber Blazer comes into play. This light-as-a feather, heavy impact mid-season hybrid looks like a jacket and wears like a bomber, meaning you can dress it up or down depending on your needs.
Luke Ditella is a pro surfer turned creative brand strategist and entrepreneur. He used to chase big waves for a living – now he chases big ideas instead (while surfing on the side). When Ditella takes meetings he favors duds that reflect who he is off the clock. So he thinks nothing of wearing smartly tailored shorts straight from a surf session to a strategy meeting. A button-up adds a little formality to the mix, while keeping things easy and making it clear that he's a multi-faceted guy, with ideas to match.
Clothing for an active lifestyle needs to be functional, but it also has to serve your sartorial needs. When you wear a piece like the Compare and Contrast Henley, the side seams are positioned to reduce friction as you move, but anyone you encounter will focus on the smooth look of the Technical Cashmere™ fabric and the eye-catching contrast-colored sleeves and placket. When dressing for an active day, make sure you look as good as you feel.


Not as I write this. It's not even the day UTW releases the latest fansub of Fate/Zero.* I might even settle for Sunday. But no, it's not that either.
*And was that ever brutal and bloody this week. After keeping all the participants alive for the entire first half-season, they're being slaughtered left and right now. What did we lose? Two Servants, a pair of co-masters, another came close to dying, and a master last week.
This entry was posted in All Reviews and tagged Dusk Maiden of Amnesia, Fate/Zero, Miniskirt Space Pirates. Bookmark the permalink.


text:
Knowing where to begin can be overwhelming: each state has dozens – if not hundreds – of relevant laws governing criminal justice debt. The cards below provide state-specific facts about the operation of criminal justice debt, and a number of suggested queries in to the Law Explorer so that you may begin to research.
§ See all NV provisions
Relevant Provisions
BS-+-Light-Rounded-Square
Fees and Fines State Summary
Across the country, onerous fines and fees pose a fundamental challenge to a fair and effective criminal justice system.
Additional policy background
Explore the law in Nevada
Data of all fees and surcharges Data of all fines for misdemeanors and felonies See all financial penalties in Nevada
Nevada snapshot
Nevada has 33 fees and surcharges See policy recommendations Explore the data
Nevada has a required charge for parole or probation Explore the law in Nevada
Policy background from CJPP Policy Guide
By disproportionately burdening poor people with financial sanctions, and by jailing people who lack the means to pay, many jurisdictions have created a two-tiered system of criminal justice. Unchecked, these policies drive mass incarcerationPolicy recommendations. Excessive fees and fines needlessly enmesh poor people in the criminal justice system by spawning arrests, court proceedings, periods of incarcerationPolicy recommendations, and other modes of supervision for those who lack the ability to pay. Criminal justice debt also contributes to mass incarcerationPolicy recommendations by destabilizing people living at the economic margins and by impeding reentry of formerly incarcerated people who face impossible economic burdens, leading to cycles of poverty and imprisonment. Monetary sanctions often serve purposes that have nothing to do with advancing the values typically associated with criminal justice. Although fines are designed to act as punishment or a deterrent, fees do not advance the traditional purposes of the criminal justice system. Rather, fees are often authorized by state legislatures as a means to generate revenue to fund courts or other government functions without raising taxes. In many jurisdictions, court costs and surcharges fund the agencies responsible for imposing fees and fines on individuals.
See CJPP's Confronting Criminal Justice Debt: A Guide for Policy Reform, p.1 (internal citations omitted)
Policy Recommendations from CJPP Policy Guide
Surcharges are financial obligations, either a flat fee or a percentage added to a fine, imposed to fund a particular government function or a general fund. Surcharges improperly use the courts as a substitute taxation system. By tacking additional financial obligations onto criminal sentences that fund the general functioning of government, but do not serve any traditional criminal justice function, surcharges will typically operate as regressive taxes. Yet surcharges are a poor form of budgetary management. Earmarked funds escape the priority-setting processes of legislative budgets. Surcharges should be eliminated and government spending should be determined through the ordinary budgetary processes. Fees are financial obligations defined as a way for jurisdictions to recoup costs of the "use" of the criminal justice system, including, but not limited to, costs associated with public defenders, GPS monitoring, and court proceedings.
To avoid creating incentives for courts and localities to fund themselves based on criminal justice debt, through fees and other financial penalties, the judicial system should be fully funded by the state. Funding courts out of general revenue reflects the important principle that courts are an equal branch of government and essential to the common welfare, not a user-pays service provider. As the Conference of State Court Administrators has explained: "The benefit derived from the efficient administration of justice is not limited to those who utilize the system for litigation, but is enjoyed by all those who would suffer is there was no such system—the entire body politic." This means funding court operations from a state's general budget. However, the feasibility of this model may depend on the organization of courts—particularly whether the state has a unified judicial system—and on constitutional restraints on funding models.
See CJPP's Confronting Criminal Justice Debt: A Guide for Policy Reform, p.12 (internal citations omitted)
Poverty Penalties and Poverty Traps
Poverty traps such as incarcerationPolicy recommendations and driver's license revocation constrain an individual's ability to earn a living and pay court costs. Poverty penalties attach cascading costs and penalties to the collection practices.
See all poverty penalty and poverty trap policy recommendations in CJPP's Policy Guide
Nevada does not require driver's license revocation for non-payment See policy recommendations Explore the data
Individuals do not face supervision consequences for non-payment See policy recommendations Explore the data
The following enforcement mechanisms are available in Nevada:
Collection fee/interestPolicy recommendations Explore the law
Wage/bank account garnishmentPolicy recommendations Explore the law
Property liensPolicy recommendations Explore the law
IncarcerationPolicy recommendations Explore the law
Payment plan/installment planPolicy recommendations Explore the law
Driver's license suspension/impoundmentPolicy recommendations Explore the law
See all laws that govern poverty penalties and poverty traps in Nevada
As states and municipalities have looked for revenue sources without resorting to raising taxes, the burden of criminal justice debt has become significantly more onerous for poor Americans than for those with means. The poor pay more not simply because they are more often targeted for enforcement, or because many infractions—such as sleeping in public places or failing to maintain auto insurance or selling loose cigarettes—criminalize poverty. Poor people pay more than those with means simply because of the fact of their poverty.
A "poverty penalty" exists when a poor person is punished more severely than a wealthier person for the same infraction as a direct consequence of her poverty. It may take a variety of forms: late fees, which can vary from a fixed amount to a percentage of the debt owed; costs of collection; interest charges; fees to enter installment plans; the issuance of arrest warrants (with associated fees); fines for contempt of court; jailing for contempt of court; and the imposition or extension of probation (with associated fees) until the debt is paid in full. These penalties amount to additional punishment due to a defendant's poverty.
A "poverty trap" is a policy that not only punishes the poor more severely, but keeps a person in poverty by inhibiting his or her ability to make a living or meet basic needs and obligations. For example, making payment of criminal justice debt a condition of probation or parole acts as a poverty trap when it results in the denial or termination of public benefits, such as food stamps, social security, and housing assistance. The suspension of a driver's or professional license is one of the most pervasive poverty traps for poor people assessed a fine that they cannot afford to pay. The practice is widespread. Nearly 40% of license suspensions nationwide stem from unpaid fines, missed child support payments, and drug offenses—not from unsafe or intoxicated driving or failing to obtain automotive insurance. Suspension of a driver's or professional licenses is hugely counterproductive; it punishes non-payment by taking away a person's means for making a living. License suspension programs are also expensive for states to run and they distract law enforcementPolicy recommendations efforts from priorities related to public safety. License suspensions may also be unconstitutional if the license was suspended before the judge determined the defendant had the ability to pay the criminal justice debt.
Poverty penalties and traps are bad public policy. Poverty penalties are often simply uncollectable and lead to cycles of debt and poverty. These practices often lead to incarcerationPolicy recommendations and give rise to new exposure to the criminal justice system due to probation violations or driving with a suspended license. Poverty penalties and traps cost the state money in unnecessary enforcement costs and result in large amounts of debt going uncollected. Given the often draconian consequences of non-payment of criminal justice debt, in some cases family members or friends may pay a defendant's debt, extending punishment from the defendant to others in a way that undermines deterrence and exacerbates a community's poverty. Criminal justice debt can also act as a barrier to reentry for those leaving jail or prison.
See CJPP's Confronting Criminal Justice Debt: A Guide for Policy Reform, p.15 - 16 (internal citations omitted).
Suspending Driver's and Professional Licenses. Lawmakers should discontinue the use of driver's license suspensions as a penalty for failing to pay criminal justice debt, at least where a defendant is unable to pay. If such licensing is premised on keeping the public safe, suspensions should be tailored to promote public safety not to facilitate debt-collection. Similarly, states should not authorize suspension of professional licensePolicy recommendationss on the basis of non-payment of criminal justice debt.
See CJPP's Confronting Criminal Justice Debt: A Guide for Policy Reform, p.17 (internal citations omitted).
Linking Probation Terms to Criminal Justice Debt. Probation should never be imposed or extended solely as a way to collect debts. States should conserve resources—allowing probation officers to spend their time with probationers who need their attention and reducing the number of persons arrested and hauled into court for technical violations arising out of an inability to pay criminal justice debt For example, Virginia commissioned a task force comprised of stakeholders from across the criminal justice system to study alternatives to incarcerationPolicy recommendations; among other things, the task force recommended making it easier for defendants to leave supervised probation where the only reason the defendant remained on supervised probation was non-payment of fines and fees. Similar policies can ensure that probation does not become a poverty trap.
Ability to Pay
Sound policy considerations counsel in favor of robust procedures for conducting ability to pay determinations not only at the enforcement stage but also when financial obligations are imposed.
See all ability to pay policy recommendations in CJPP's Policy Guide
Nevada does not have any law that requires an ability to pay determination before imposition. Explore the data
Nevada state does have mandatory fees or surcharges. Explore the data
See all laws that govern inquiry in to an individual's ability to pay in Nevada
Too often, courts impose financial obligations that are simply beyond a defendant's capacity to ever meet. Constitutional law prohibits jailing defendants for non-payment of debts they cannot afford, which means courts must make an inquiry into a person's ability to pay before depriving them of liberty for non-payment.
The Supreme Court has made clear that the Constitution prohibits courts from jailing people for not paying debt that they are too poor to afford. In Bearden v. Georgia, a case involving the automatic revocation of probation where a probationer did not make required payments, the Court held that "depriv[ing] a probationer of his conditional freedom simply because, through no fault of his own he cannot pay a fine…would be contrary to the fundamental fairness required by the Fourteenth Amendment." Similarly, in Tate v. Short, the Court held that the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment "prohibits the State from imposing a fine as a sentence and then automatically converting it into a jail term solely because the defendant is indigent and cannot forthwith pay the fine in full." The Court emphasized that a willful failure to pay a fine was distinguishable from a defendant's inability to do so. It is because of this distinction— between a defendant who refuses to pay criminal justice debt and a defendant who lacks the means to pay—that an ability to pay determination must take place before someone is jailed for nonpayment of criminal justice debt.
See CJPP's Confronting Criminal Justice Debt: A Guide for Policy Reform, p5, p26 (internal citations omitted)
Government actors face pressure to bring revenue through the imposition and enforcement of criminal justice debt which can generate profound conflicts of interest.
See conflicts of interest policy recommendations in CJPP's Policy Guide
The three areas of law below will guide analysis about potential conflicts of interest, and inform where reform should be directed.
Revenue Flow in Nevada
Money from fees and fines goes to the following entities:
State/statewide agency Explore the law
State courtsPolicy recommendations Explore the law
Municipality/municipal agency Explore the law
See all revenue flow laws in Nevada
Institutional Structure of Courts in Nevada
See all laws in Nevada about jurisdiction of courts, how they are created, and how they are funded
Collection Infrastructure in Nevada
See all additional state laws regarding legal authorization to collect criminal justice debt in Nevada
The criminal justice debt system will benefit from robust transparency including laws designed to ensure data collection about the functioning of court debt, analysis and disclosure of system-wide practices, and opportunities for individuals to request and receive documents reflecting policies and practices relating to criminal justice debt.
See transparency policy recommendations in CJPP's Policy Guide
See all laws that govern transparency and accountability in Nevada
Ensuring meaningful transparency in the operation of criminal justice debt is crucial.
Prioritizing transparency enables reform in many ways. Access to information about the mechanics of criminal justice debt—including rich quantitative data—equips advocates to identify abusive practices, racial disparities, and inefficiencies. It provides lawmakers with the tools to evaluate the financial and social impacts of criminal justice debt when proposing or voting on legislation. And it provides citizens with the information required to hold their elected officials accountable. The transparency frameworks of many states, however, impede these goals. Empirical data on the imposition and collection of criminal justice debt is often not collected or made publicly available. Even when it is, the data is often compiled by an array of agencies and bodies—clerks of courts, probation agencies, corrections officials, and private debt collection companies—which makes the information piecemeal and inaccessible.
The statutory provisions imposing and regulating criminal justice debt often sprawl across many titles of a state's code, including those related to crimes, criminal procedure, courts, local government, vehicles, corrections, and revenue. The result is often an incomprehensible mess of provisions, as difficult to decipher as a tax code. This opacity increases administrative costs241 and obscures the responsibility of legislators.
There is also a fundamental fairness principle underpinning the following reforms. A defendant is entitled to know, prospectively, of the financial obligations for which he or she may become liable. Once convicted, a person has a right to know what financial obligations were imposed and the legal basis for that imposition. The absence of this information, in a clear and accessible form, compromises a defendant's ability to challenge the imposition and collection of criminal justice debt. Confusion as to what debts remain outstanding against a person can lead to non-compliance with payment plans, even when a person has the capacity to pay their debts. In the worst-case scenario, it can lead to a summons or warrant being issued against a person for failure to pay, and needless incarcerationPolicy recommendations.
See CJPP's Confronting Criminal Justice Debt: A Guide for Policy Reform, p32 (internal citations omitted)
End the Use of Collection Mechanisms That Act as Poverty Traps. CJPP does not take a position on whether collection methods such as wage garnishment, bank account freezes, barriers to vehicle registration, and diversion of tax refunds are appropriate sanctions for those who are able, but unwilling, to pay criminal justice debt. For those unable to pay, however, such aggressive collection tactics can lead to broader financial crises, including job loss, inability to pay other bills, and eviction—destabilizing events that push people deeper into poverty. These mechanisms should be used minimally, and only when subject to strict ability-to-pay determinations to ensure that they are not directed at individuals who are unable to afford court-imposed financial obligations.
Judges across the country routinely incarcerate people for failure to pay criminal justice debt without regard to the financial circumstances that may make payment impossible. This practice violates well-established constitutional principles. Moreover, incarcerating individuals because of their inability to pay imposes a particular hardship on some of the most vulnerable members of society, and exacerbates racial and socioeconomic inequalities in the criminal justice system. Additionally, the practice leads to wasted resources, as efforts to secure payment from individuals who may be unemployed, homeless, or simply too poor to pay are often fruitless. Accordingly, a crucial reform is to ensure that no one is ever jailed because they cannot afford to pay a fine or fee.
The Supreme Court has made clear that the Constitution prohibits courts from jailing people for not paying debt that they are too poor to afford. In Bearden v. Georgia, a case involving the automatic revocation of probation where a probationer did not make required payments, the Court held that "depriv[ing] a probationer of his conditional freedom simply because, through no fault of his own he cannot pay a fine…would be contrary to the fundamental fairness required by the Fourteenth Amendment." Similarly, in Tate v. Short, the Court held that the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment "prohibits the State from imposing a fine as a sentence and then automatically converting it into a jail term solely because the defendant is indigent and cannot forthwith pay the fine in full." The Court emphasized that a willful failure to pay a fine was distinguishable from a defendant's inability to do so. It is because of this distinction— between a defendant who refuses to pay criminal justice debt and a defendant who lacks the means to pay—that an ability to pay determination must take place before someone is jailed for nonpayment of criminal justice debt. Many states maintain laws that, on their face, contradict the constitutional protection against being jailed based on inability to pay a financial obligation. For example, some states have statutes permitting incarceration of individuals whose failure to pay is based on inability to afford financial obligations or mandating automatic incarceration for failure to pay criminal justice debt without providing an ability-to-pay.
Authorize Alternatives to Monetary Sanctions. Courts should be authorized to consider alternatives to monetary sanctions, including creating community or specialty courts, converting criminal justice debts to community service, or imposing other non-monetary penalties. Some jurisdictions have created community courts, where judges use trauma-informed and evidence-based approaches to ensure that defendants receive services in addition to appropriate sanctions, while increasing procedural justice. Many, but not all, states currently authorize judges impose community service as an alternative to incarceration, but the process could be further incentivized and streamlined. The imposition of excessive or unreasonable community service may, of course, become a significant or insurmountable obstacle for indigent persons, especially those whose work schedules, family obligations, or disabilities make community service unrealistic. In some cases, it may not be feasible for defendants to complete community service. In these situations, judges must have discretion to waive fines and fees, give defendants credit for engaging in drug or mental health treatment, or find an alternative sanction that does not involve jail. Courts must guard against replacing one vise with another. But in many instances, a well-designed community service program would present a viable and productive alternative.
Linking Probation Terms to Criminal Justice Debt. Probation should never be imposed or extended solely as a way to collect debts. States should conserve resources—allowing probation officers to spend their time with probationers who need their attention and reducing the number of persons arrested and hauled into court for technical violations arising out of an inability to pay criminal justice debt For example, Virginia commissioned a task force comprised of stakeholders from across the criminal justice system to study alternatives to incarceration; among other things, the task force recommended making it easier for defendants to leave supervised probation where the only reason the defendant remained on supervised probation was non-payment of fines and fees. Similar policies can ensure that probation does not become a poverty trap.
Suspending Driver's and Professional Licenses. Lawmakers should discontinue the use of driver's license suspensions as a penalty for failing to pay criminal justice debt, at least where a defendant is unable to pay. If such licensing is premised on keeping the public safe, suspensions should be tailored to promote public safety not to facilitate debt-collection. Similarly, states should not authorize suspension of professional licenses on the basis of non-payment of criminal justice debt.
Abandon Reliance on Poverty Penalties. States should abandon reliance on poverty penalties. Specifically, state legislatures should enact policies: Requiring courts to conduct an ability to pay assessment before levying penalties for non-payment.
Prohibiting the imposition of additional interest or other costs for payment plans for those with the inability to pay the full amount;
Eliminating interest fees, late fees, collection agency referral fees, and other penalties incurred during a period of incarceration;
Allowing individuals to obtain hardship deferments—such as freezing interest and penalties or permitting deferral of payments—during a period of financial hardship.126
Ensuring that ability to pay determinations consider all court ordered obligations that defendants are required to pay.
Reasonable and fair payment plans. State legislatures can incentivize people who owe criminal justice debt to satisfy their obligations over time. For example, for debtors who enroll in reasonable and affordable payment plans tied to their income, courts could incentivize consistent compliance. Incentives could range from a waiver of interest charges or waiver of the principal owed after a certain length of compliance to certificates of good conduct, which might make a person eligible for privileges that would have been withdrawn upon a conviction for certain offenses. Payment plans should have no minimum payment amount.
Fully Fund Courts from State Budgets. To avoid creating incentives for courts and localities to fund themselves based on criminal justice debt, the judicial system should be fully funded by the state. Funding courts out of general revenue reflects the important principle that courts are an equal branch of government and essential to the common welfare, not a user-pays service provider. As the Conference of State Court Administrators has explained: "The benefit derived from the efficient administration of justice is not limited to those who utilize the system for litigation, but is enjoyed by all those who would suffer is there was no such system—the entire body politic." This means funding court operations from a state's general budget. However, the feasibility of this model may depend on the organization of courts—particularly whether the state has a unified judicial system—and on constitutional restraints on funding models.
Eliminate Fines and Fees That Are Specifically Earmarked for Law Enforcement Agencies
In many states, funds collected from criminal defendants are earmarked for law enforcement. For example, a statute in Tennessee that establishes mandatory minimum fines for certain drug offenses, ranging from $250 to $5000, provides that 50% of the amount collected "shall be paid to the general fund of the governing body of the law enforcement agency responsible for the investigation and arrest which resulted in the drug conviction." This direct link between policing and revenue generation may lead police agencies to prioritize enforcement in ways that may do little or nothing to advance public safety but that drive up policing budgets. State law should eliminate these conflicts.
Cap the Contribution of Court Revenue to Local Operating Costs
States should cap, and over time lower, the percentage of revenue that municipalities or other localities can derive from the courts. A cap insulates courts and law enforcement bodies from local political pressures to continue increasing revenue to supplement the activities of the legislative and executive branches. The reform may need to be accompanied by legislation granting municipalities or localities sufficient taxation authority to provide a more appropriate and stable revenue base for local governments. This reform was enacted recently in Missouri. Every county, city, town, and village is required annually to calculate "the percentage of its annual general operating revenue received from fines, bond forfeitures, and court costs for minor traffic violations." If the percentage exceeds 20% (or 12.5% in St. Louis County), then the excess amount is sent to the Missouri Director of the Department of Revenue, which distributes money to the schools of the county. Passing the revenue to a different level of government reduces the intensity of local political pressures. The law was subject to criticism for being under-inclusive. Specifically, it didn't cap revenue raised from housing code violations or other non-traffic violations, which in some municipalities are more than half the charges imposed. In January 2016, Missouri passed a new bill limiting revenue from non-traffic ordinance violations. In Oklahoma, if a municipal law enforcement agency is determined to be conducting law enforcement practices for the purpose of generating more than 50% of the revenue needed for the operation of the municipality, the State Commissioner of Public Safety can issue a notice preventing that agency from regulating traffic and enforcing traffic-related statutes or ordinances on state highways. Revenue caps have also been imposed in Virginia and Florida.
There is also a fundamental fairness principle underpinning the following reforms. A defendant is entitled to know, prospectively, of the financial obligations for which he or she may become liable. Once convicted, a person has a right to know what financial obligations were imposed and the legal basis for that imposition. The absence of this information, in a clear and accessible form, compromises a defendant's ability to challenge the imposition and collection of criminal justice debt. Confusion as to what debts remain outstanding against a person can lead to non-compliance with payment plans, even when a person has the capacity to pay their debts. In the worst-case scenario, it can lead to a summons or warrant being issued against a person for failure to pay, and needless incarceration.
By disproportionately burdening poor people with financial sanctions, and by jailing people who lack the means to pay, many jurisdictions have created a two-tiered system of criminal justice. Unchecked, these policies drive mass incarceration. Excessive fees and fines needlessly enmesh poor people in the criminal justice system by spawning arrests, court proceedings, periods of incarceration, and other modes of supervision for those who lack the ability to pay. Criminal justice debt also contributes to mass incarceration by destabilizing people living at the economic margins and by impeding reentry of formerly incarcerated people who face impossible economic burdens, leading to cycles of poverty and imprisonment. Monetary sanctions often serve purposes that have nothing to do with advancing the values typically associated with criminal justice. Although fines are designed to act as punishment or a deterrent, fees do not advance the traditional purposes of the criminal justice system. Rather, fees are often authorized by state legislatures as a means to generate revenue to fund courts or other government functions without raising taxes. In many jurisdictions, court costs and surcharges fund the agencies responsible for imposing fees and fines on individuals.
A "poverty trap" is a policy that not only punishes the poor more severely, but keeps a person in poverty by inhibiting his or her ability to make a living or meet basic needs and obligations. For example, making payment of criminal justice debt a condition of probation or parole acts as a poverty trap when it results in the denial or termination of public benefits, such as food stamps, social security, and housing assistance. The suspension of a driver's or professional license is one of the most pervasive poverty traps for poor people assessed a fine that they cannot afford to pay. The practice is widespread. Nearly 40% of license suspensions nationwide stem from unpaid fines, missed child support payments, and drug offenses—not from unsafe or intoxicated driving or failing to obtain automotive insurance. Suspension of a driver's or professional licenses is hugely counterproductive; it punishes non-payment by taking away a person's means for making a living. License suspension programs are also expensive for states to run and they distract law enforcement efforts from priorities related to public safety. License suspensions may also be unconstitutional if the license was suspended before the judge determined the defendant had the ability to pay the criminal justice debt.
Poverty penalties and traps are bad public policy. Poverty penalties are often simply uncollectable and lead to cycles of debt and poverty. These practices often lead to incarceration and give rise to new exposure to the criminal justice system due to probation violations or driving with a suspended license. Poverty penalties and traps cost the state money in unnecessary enforcement costs and result in large amounts of debt going uncollected. Given the often draconian consequences of non-payment of criminal justice debt, in some cases family members or friends may pay a defendant's debt, extending punishment from the defendant to others in a way that undermines deterrence and exacerbates a community's poverty. Criminal justice debt can also act as a barrier to reentry for those leaving jail or prison.
Definition: Law explorer - description/statue name
Description/Statute Name
This field is the statute name or other short description.
Definition: Law explorer - type of court
Allows faceting laws based on which courts they apply to.
State court: Court of general jurisdiction.
Municipal court: Refers to courts of limited jurisdiction. Limited jurisdiction courts, sometimes called inferior courts, handle lesser crimes that are classified as low-level misdemeanors, violations, or infractions. Jurisdiction will vary by state.
Traffic court: Traffic courts are one type of court of limited jurisdiction.
Definition: Law explorer - level of offense
Level of offense
Fees and fines often vary by the level of offense. The data is tagged into the following categories: felony, misdemeanor, traffic, and other. Violations and infractions are coded as misdemeanors.
Definition: Law explorer - type of financial obligation
Type of financial obligations
Terminology for the different types of criminal justice debt.
Fines: Financial obligations imposed as a penalty after a criminal conviction or admission of guilt.
Fees or user fees or costs: Financial obligations imposed as a way for jurisdictions to recoup costs of the "use" of the criminal justice system, including, but not limited to, costs associated with public defenders, GPS monitoring, and court proceedings.
Surcharges: Financial obligations imposed as a flat fee or percentage added to a fine to fund a particular government function or a general fund.
Restitution: Refers to financial obligations intended to compensate victims of a crime for their actual losses. Restitution is typically understood to consist of money actually transmitted to individual victims of crime, but in some instances it is in fact paid to reimburse government agencies or insurance companies.
Supervision fees: User fees that are imposed to recoup the cost of parole or probation supervision.
Definition: Law explorer - fines and fees - amount
Dollar amount or range for the financial penalty. Includes narrative description, e.g. "cost of collection," if relevant.
Definition: Law explorer - fines and fees - mandatory
Explains whether or not imposition of the financial penalty is required. Ability to pay language may qualify this.
Definition: Law explorer - fines and fees - imposed by
Imposed by
Entity that imposes the fees and fines.
Definition: Law explorer - fines and fees - delegation
Explains if the statute authorizes the imposing entity to delegate a different entity to charge individuals. For example, the court may be able to delegate to a supervision agency.
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay - definition of ability
Definition of ability to pay
Free form text field of any test or definition of ability to pay in the law. For example, the law may include factors to consider in assessing ability to pay, or presume that individuals earning 300% of the poverty line or less are unable to pay.
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay - timeline
Explains when the ability to pay inquiry would occur and who has the burden of initiating the inquiry. CJPP selected one of the following options.
Before imposition of fine or fee: This option is selected if there would be an inquiry without the defendant's initiation before the financial penalty is imposed.
At defendant's request before imposition of fine or fee: This is selected if the defendant is able to request an inquiry in to ability to pay before the amounts are imposed.
At enforcement of fine or fee: This option is selected if an inquiry is conducted upon non-payment before consequences are imposed.
At defendant's request at enforcement: This option is selected if a defendant must take the initiative to request an inquiry at the enforcement stage.
Not provided for: Selected if the law was silent on the question.
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay - burder of proof
Burden of proof
CJPP selected from these options about the burden of proof.
Burden on government to show ability to pay
Burden on defendant to show inability to pay
Not provided for
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay - method of determination
Method of determination
CJPP selected the following options about how the ability to pay inquiry would occur.
Determined by judge without hearing: Court determines ability to pay without a hearing, perhaps through review of a form.
Determined by judge after hearing: Suggests a more formal hearing process to solicit information about ability to pay.
Administrative decision: An entity other than the court assesses ability to pay. Examples include the Department of Corrections of a supervision agency.
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay - mandatory
Yes or No field about whether the ability to pay inquiry is mandatory.
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay - remedies
Remedies if unable to pay
Free text field about what the law dictates occurs if the individual is found unable to pay. For example, fines may be waived, reduced, or converted to community service. It may be that the law is silent on the question.
Definition: Law explorer - poverty penalties - type of poverty
Type of poverty penalty or poverty trap
Collection fee/interest: State authorizes additional financial penalties for collections, often for late or deferred payment options.
Incarceration: State authorizes use of incarceration to enforce non-payment. Includes use of warrants upon non-payment or failure to appear on payment matters, pay or appear proceedings, pay or stay laws, contempt, incarceration as punishment for non-payment, and other avenues through which individuals may end up facing incarceration because of an inability to pay.
Community service: Authority to convert financial penalties to community service is included here as an enforcement mechanism.
Wage/bank account garnishment: State laws that allow for wages, bank accounts, or tax refunds to be garnished to satisfy criminal justice debt.
Condition or extension of supervision: Laws that make payment a condition of parole or probation or extend supervision to monitor payment.
Work program/jail industry program: Work programs that apply wages towards criminal justice debt.
Driver's license suspension/impoundment: State statutes about the revocation or suspension of driver's licenses for non-payment. Also includes laws that call for impounding or withholding registration.
Suspension of professional license: State laws that suspend or prevent individuals from obtaining professional licenses if they do not pay criminal justice debt.
Property liens: State laws that allow for liens on individuals' property.
Civil judgment: Laws that convert debts to civil judgments against the individual.
Increased fine: Base fine is increased as an enforcement mechanism.
Payment plan/installment plan: The option of deferred payment, while not always a poverty penalty or poverty trap, is included here.
Definition: Law explorer - poverty penalties - mandatory
Yes or No field about whether use of the poverty penalty or poverty trap is required.
Definition: Law explorer - revenue - who collects and who receives
Who collects and Who receives
Both include the following entity options. The list may grow as other actors are identified.
Private actors
State/statewide agency
County Traffic
Court Local jurisdiction
Supervision agency
Municipality/municipal agency
Definition: Law explorer - revenue - other beneficiaries
Other beneficiaries
Includes details in a free text field if there is more than one recipient.
Definition: Law explorer - transparency - type of obligation
Type of obligation
CJPP selected from the following options of the function of the criminal justice debt transparency law.
Obligation to collect or record: This option was selected when the law covers a government entity collecting or recording data related to criminal justice debt.
Obligation to report/conduct analysis: This option was selected for laws governing any reporting or analysis about criminal justice debt. For example, local courts may owe reports of amounts collected to the state court administrator.
Obligation to respond to public records requests: These laws cover courts' obligation to respond to public records requests.
Definition: Law explorer - transparency - actor
Selected the actor that one would learn about through the transparency requirement. The list may grow as other actors are identified.
Local jurisdiction
Definition: Law explorer - structure of courts - court/legal
Court/legal body
This is a free form text field that provides the entity type as it is known in that state.
Definition: Law explorer - structure of courts - type of court
This field is one in which CJPP standardized the responses from Court/legal body into the following options.
Traffic court
Definition: Law explorer - structure of courts - function
CJPP chose from the following options that describe the purpose of the law.
Jurisdiction of the courts: The authority defines the jurisdiction of the court.
Creation of the courts: The law concerns how courts may be created.
Definition: Law explorer - structure of courts - funding
This is a free form field that includes any information the statute has about how the court is funded.
Definition: Law explorer - collection infrastructure - who may collect
Who may collect
CJPP selected from the following list. The list may grow as other actors are identified.
Definition: Law explorer - case law - question
Research question being answered by the case.
Definition: Law explorer - case law - brief answer
Brief Answer
Summary of the holding.
Definition: Law explorer - case law - when does this apply
When does this apply
This field tells users what criminal justice debt topic is covered. CJPP selected from the following:
Revenue flow
Definition: Law explorer - ago - question
Definition: Law explorer - ago - brief answer
Definition: Law explorer - ago - when does this apply
Definition: Law explorer - court rules - when does this apply
Definition: Law explorer - court rules
Includes rules promulgated by the state's highest relevant court or state court agency. In some instances, a state's legislature may promulgate court rules.
Definition: Law explorer - ago
Includes relevant attorney general opinions.
Definition: Law explorer - case law
Includes authority from the state's highest court or highest criminal court.
Definition: Law explorer - collection infrastructure
Collections Infrastructure
This tab includes statutory law about entities that have a role in collections. For example, laws may authorize private actors to collect.
Definition: Law explorer - structure of courts
Structure of Courts
This tab explains the structure, jurisdiction, and funding of courts in the state.
Definition: Law explorer - transparency
This tab includes laws about the openness of criminal justice debt systems.
Definition: Law explorer - revenue
This tab includes laws that govern who collects criminal justice debt, and what the money funds.
Definition: Law explorer - poverty penalties
Includes authority about mechanisms the state is able to use to collect criminal justice debt.
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay
This tab includes state laws that govern inquiry into an individual's ability to pay fees and fines.
Definition: Law explorer - fines and fees
This section includes state laws that authorize legal financial obligations.
Definition: Law explorer - ability to pay - hearing requirements
Hearing requirements
Free form text field detailing hearing requirements such as whether the law provides for representation by counsel or an opportunity to offer evidence.


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