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I am looking at my colleagues in the Bloc.
– Debates (Hansard) No. 60 – April 28, () – House of Commons of Canada
Yesterday the Prime Minister gave a very clear message. The message was very simple. Opposition parties will do what they do, but from the Government of Canada's perspective, the Prime Minister, cabinet and Liberal caucus, at times with the support of the New Democratic Party and, even at times, members from the Bloc, the focus is on Canadians first and foremost. We have seen that in the many different budgetary actions that have been brought forward, whether it is actions to support seniors, which there are many of, or whether it is actions that have been ongoing to support small businesses in Canada.
For example, there is Bill C-8 , which is the one we have not been able to pass. These are the types of things Canadians want us to get through the House of Commons. Canadians want to see a House of Commons that is much more productive on the issues of the day. That is what I believe we, as a government, will continue to focus on. I am concerned about the cost of housing, inflation, health care and long-term care. I am concerned about the dental plan and making sure we can put that into place.
I am concerned about pharmacare and the cost of pharmaceuticals. I am concerned about our environment, and I am looking at initiatives such as the greener home build program and zero-emissions incentives, such as the incentives for electric cars and purchasing. The other day, one of the Speaker's colleagues raised that the Province of Quebec is providing an incentive for people to buy electric vehicles. Now, Ottawa is doing the same, which is an additional incentive. Back then, I had put forward that this was the type of debate that I would love to see all members participate in.
We all come from provinces and territories, and can all contribute to that. I take what the province of Quebec is doing as a very strong positive. My challenge to Heather Stefanson, the Premier of Manitoba, would be to do something of a likewise nature.
Those are the types of debates that we could be having. At times, we see that debate taking place. That is all a part of allowing for the extension that we are requesting through this particular motion. How many speeches have been given here in this place where we talk a great deal about Ukraine and the war that is taking place in Europe? We have already had take-note debates on it this year. I believe we have also had an emergency debate, but it could have been two take-note debates.
The point is that those were debates about a matter that Canadians are generally concerned about, as they are about a multitude of different economic issues. Canadians want to know what the government is actually doing going forward. If there is a silver lining, in terms of the line of questioning that the Conservatives have been putting forward to the government, I would suggest it is that they do not really have much to say about the budget itself, which tells me—.
I am trying to figure this out now. Is the parliamentary secretary to the government House leader actually trying to filibuster his own motion here? I just need to know because I am hungry. I could go for lunch and then come back later. All I am trying to do is convince the member opposite, his colleagues, my friends in the Bloc and the NDP, why it is so important that we recognize that this is a motion that every one of us should be supporting.
By supporting this motion, what we are saying to Canadians is that we are prepared to work the extra hours. Who in here does not want to work the extra hours?
I am prepared to work the extra hours. Who in here does not want to enable more debate time on legislation and budgetary matters? Members can put their hands up if they do not want to. I believe that all members in the House are open to it. Having said that, why would someone not support the legislation?
It was raised in the form of a point of order earlier, in regard to the issue of quorum calls and dilatory motions. We have seen these types of things on the floor of the House of Commons on many occasions, whether it is one day or extended periods of time. Even to be able to initiate the extension of the number of hours in a day takes more than the government.
We have to go back to an opposition party. It could even be the House leader of the official opposition. These are the types of things that are built into the motion. I mentioned that there are two aspects to the motion.
We have the special joint committee dealing with medical assistance in dying. I know my friends in the Bloc have been following that discussion very closely, and understandably so. I believe my friends in the Bloc initially wanted to see this put off until October or to not recess before the summer.
There are opportunities for us to ensure that the report comes back to Parliament. We are now setting a date within this motion that it be October 17, , in terms of getting that final report. Given the nature of that special committee, and the requests and comments coming from members on all sides of the House regarding it, it seems to me that is also something that could be supported in the motion.
If we continue to go through the motion, there are some simple, straightforward things. When members choose to stand up, they should tell me specifically, even in the question and answer session, what would cause someone to vote against the motion. When that is done, keep in mind and reflect on the fact that these types of motions have been introduced by different levels of government and by different prime ministers, including Stephen Harper.
If they could do that, it would be very helpful. I think making that amendment to the Standing Orders is a very good thing. Are there members in the chamber who would oppose that? I suspect members would actually support that aspect of the motion. I would suggest that is something all members of the House would support.
I suspect that some members might have some concerns with respect to the clause that allows a minister to move a motion to adjourn the House until Monday, September 19, The motion does not require notice and has to be voted on immediately. There could be some concerns in regard to that. It is interesting that the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons has made it clear that a motion like this would not be moved before the last week the House sits in June.
We have no intentions of that. The House leader has made that indication. I have full intentions of being here on June I plan to participate and be engaged until the very end. Whether it is myself or the member for Kingston and the Islands , I suspect one of us will always be inside the chamber because we want to ensure, as much as possible, that people are engaged in the debates that are taking place.
However, that cannot happen without the support of at least one other recognized party in the House. The opposition House leader is speculating as to who that might be. I will make a suggestion. There is nothing wrong with the member opposite deciding to become engaged.
John Brassard :. Damien Kurek :. I will ask the parliamentary secretary to continue his speech and to clarify his thoughts on that part of the motion. However, if he is moving an amendment to his government's motion, I am sure the House would be happy to entertain that, but I would not want the issue to be confused as we debate this very important motion, which has a significant impact on the way this place, the centrepiece of Canadian democracy, is able to do business.
I hope we can get absolute clarity on this issue before we continue with the debate. Chris Bittle :. I know I enjoy hearing from the hon. The Conservatives will have an opportunity to respond, and I look forward to hearing that, but all of this back and forth is truly just debate. When it comes to the content of the motion to which the other member has alleged, that is not us debating the substance. That clearly has to do with whether the House is able to accurately debate the substance of this motion, so it has nothing to do with the perspectives of different parties.
It has nothing to do with the debate on the motion itself, but truly the substance at the heart of what creates the foundation for any debate within this place. At the end of the day, there is a motion that has to be moved by the government. That motion does not require other members or opposition parties to sign off on it before it is actually introduced.
The member needs to be aware that if the government moves a motion to adjourn for September 19, at the end of the day a vote takes place once it is moved. I suspect that getting that motion passed is going to require more than the government of the day. It is going to require at least one other opposition party. Hopefully that provides clarity, but the member can seek more clarity during questions and answers.
I made a commitment to the opposition House leader in terms of the length of my comments. I said we would have to take a look at who speaks longer. My commitment was to speak less than the official opposition House leader.
I know he was concerned about that, so this is really important to me. I want to be able to speak less than the opposition House leader. I am going to wind up my comments. In an appeal to all members, but specifically members of the Conservative caucus, I want you to think in terms of what it is that is within the motion.
The motion does two things, in essence. One thing is that it extends the special standing committee to deal with MAID, and I trust no one is opposing that. If you are, please stand and let me know or come over and tell me that you oppose that. To the best of my knowledge, that is not the case. I am going to believe that is not a reason why someone would vote against this. The other thing that the motion does is it extends the number of hours in which members on all sides of the House will be able to debate.
That is something that historically and traditionally has taken place in provincial legislatures and here in Ottawa. Why would someone not allow for more time for debate, unless there is of course a hidden agenda behind it? I think there is a responsibility to tell us why it is. As opposed to just being critical, tell us why it is specifically that you feel you do not think we should be working a few extra hours in the evening.
Tell us why it is that we should not be allowing more members to be able to participate in debate. If you vote against this legislation, I suspect that any future argument you have, asking for more time to debate on legislation the government brings forward, will lack credibility. As members will know, I hang out in this place a lot. I will be sure to remind members of the way in which they voted on this motion if they end up criticizing the government because we are not allowing more time for debate.
We are doing what other governments have done. Let us put Canadians and the people of Canada first. Let us allow the motion to pass. Let us put in a little more effort working in the evenings, allow for more debate, and allow for that special committee being dealt with.
Always remember it is a minority government, and Canadians expect us all to work co-operatively. Working co-operatively ensures there is a lot of accountability and transparency. It does not mean that you have to vote with us all the time, but it does mean that there has to be recognition that there is a legislative agenda. I did not even go through the details of all the legislation, but I can assure you there is a lot of good stuff that we are waiting for.
I want to make a couple of points. He spoke specifically about Bill C The bill was first introduced on December 15, It got approval at second reading on February 10, went to committee and got committee approval on March 1, and now it is at report stage.
We have had four weeks off in that time, yet the government suggests that somehow the opposition is obstructing. The other thing is that on April 4, the government put on notice a motion of time allocation. It was the NDP that refused to support that notice of time allocation. In fact, the government has mismanaged its legislative agenda, and that is why we are seeing the hammer fall as it is with Motion No. The member spoke about specific examples of other governments. The Standing Orders are very clear that there is a specific timeline in which we can extend debate.
Those are in the Standing Orders, and the schedule was agreed to by all of the parties. Can the member give examples, specifically, of where other levels of government, as he says, actually did this: extending hours at this point in time?
I would be very curious and interested to hear about that. In order to have a legislative agenda get through, we need that sense of co-operation. I hope that helps the member better understand the importance of working collaboratively. It does not mean colleagues must listen to everything we say and obey everything we say.
No, there is give-and-take. I suspect that if there was more give-and-take between the government and the official opposition there would probably be a higher sense of gratification on all sides of the House, as we want to try to do what is right for the people of Canada.
We have worked hard at parliamentary committee and saw that we would not have enough time to do all the work that such a sensitive topic demands. The other parties, some of which were not convinced, dragged their feet. The government decided to include this in a motion that muzzles the opposition, when it was unnecessary to do that since Standing Order 27 allows sitting hours to be extended.
That is like the government asking us if we like honey and us saying yes, but then the government adds arsenic to the honey and tells us to eat up. Why did the government choose to muzzle the opposition when it could have simply used Standing Order 27? I do not understand. For the life of me, I believe that a vast majority of Canadians would not object to Parliament sitting until midnight.
While I was in the Manitoba legislature, I would sit until two o'clock in the morning at times. Sometimes there is a need to work. I think about today being a very important day, the National Day of Mourning.
Today, on April 28, we know that workers, families, employers and people in our communities gather together at events, including in my riding, in Courtenay and in Port Alberni. They are held across the country, so that we remember those who have lost their lives on the job or who have been injured on the job, and we renew our commitment to creating safer workplaces.
The government, in terms of hiring people with disabilities, is the worst for any equity group in the federal public service. I have to raise this today, that with the federal accessibility legislation now in place and employment for persons with disabilities identified as a key priority, recognizing the explicit interface between disability, poverty and employment, I need to know this: What are the federal government's key strategies in accommodating employees who acquire a mental or physical health impairment and who are unable to carry on their duties?
Maybe the member could speak to that and the importance of that, because I have not seen enough on the action that needs to happen. On the issue of people with disabilities, our minister has been very proactive in trying to bring forward progressive legislation to deal with some of these issues.
There is a lot of work that needs to be done. I am sorry, but I just do not have the details to provide to my friend that I know he was hoping for. Can the member for Winnipeg North share, should this motion pass, whether this would allow time for critical legislation like the Canada disability benefit act to be introduced and debated? Unlike government legislation, there is programming that takes place with private members' bills, which will ultimately see it brought to the floor, debated and voted upon.
I do not know where that particular issue is at, in regard to Private Members' Business, but I do hope to see a healthy discussion on the guaranteed annual income, because I know there is a great deal of interest out there. While he does not mind if we are here all night, which is not a problem, the fact of the matter is that they will be putting on their pyjamas as soon as the House rises here at , and not even tuning into Zoom.
Here we go again. I honestly do not know what to say after hearing the parliamentary secretary to the leader of the government in this chamber. As I said in my question to him, what I heard was a lot of justification with little accountability on why the Liberals are introducing what I would deem a draconian motion, Motion No. There is nothing under this coalition with the NDP, even up to the point and in advance of the coalition being announced, that the Liberals have not been able to put forward as part of their legislative agenda.
So far, of the 18 bills that have been introduced, eight have received royal assent. There is no question that there may be some other outstanding pieces of legislation that the government wants to put forward, but there is no reason why it cannot do that in the time specified in the Standing Orders and the schedule that was agreed to by my predecessor and the other House leaders last year.
The Standing Orders talk about the possibility of extending hours. We have seen that. I have been here for six and a half years, certainly not as long as my hon.
She has seen it all, through government and now through opposition. There has never been an example like this, at least in the history of this Parliament, and I suspect in the history of legislatures across the country in all of the provinces and territories, where on April 28 we are debating a motion that gives the government ultimate power to extend hours at this particular point of this parliamentary session. I am going to talk later on about the consequences of that, because I think there are significant consequences to the administration of this place, to the lives and the health, mental and physical health, of those who work in this place, but what I want to focus on initially is why we are at this point, a point that I believe we certainly do not need to be at.
I have heard from the government House leader and the parliamentary secretary that they are focusing on Bill C-8 as one of the reasons why they are proposing this ham-fisted Motion No.
The reality on Bill C-8 is that, as I said earlier, it was only introduced on December It received second reading in February, went to committee in March and came back to the House at report stage. There were some other issues of debate that were required as a result of its coming out of committee. In fact, I recall having a conversation with you, Mr.
Those concerns were certainly moving through the process. Within that timeline specifically on Bill C-8 , there are some important measures, measures that have already been implemented, such as purchasing rapid tests. The government has the authorities, when it issues a ways and means motion, to accelerate the spending within the piece of legislation.
When we look back, we have had four weeks where we have been off. I am sure we all agree to that timeline. This is effectively a mismanagement of the legislative agenda as to why Bill C-8 has not been put forward. As I said in my question to the parliamentary secretary , and this is important to understand because Liberals have been accusing us, the opposition, of obstructing this piece of legislation, it was on April 4 that the government put a notice of time allocation on the Notice Paper.
That was the week of the budget. The budget was introduced on April 7. The motion was not moved. When I asked the government House leader why he did not move the motion, the reason he gave me was that the NDP did not want to move that motion. How are we obstructing that?
If the Liberals' coalition partners did not want to move a notice of time allocation, then their issue on Bill C-8 is not with the opposition but with their coalition partners, because they did not want to move the motion.
If the parliamentary secretary wants to, he can confirm that with the government House leader. Hopefully he gets the truth, but that was the basis of the conversation that we had. In fact, it was brought up at the House leaders' meeting the next day.
The government suggests, specifically on Bill C-8 , that somehow we are obstructing the passage of that piece of legislation. Yes, we had some people who wanted to speak to it when it came out of committee, because there were important issues. However, I would suggest, respectfully, that it was the Liberals' coalition partners who prevented the notice of time allocation from being moved, which, as I said, was introduced on April 4.
We could have been dealing with this at third stage even back before the budget in that first week. We certainly share those concerns, particularly from an agriculture standpoint as it relates to the carbon tax rebate and taxes. I know there are teachers who are waiting for that bill.
It is not lost on me, and it should not be lost on anybody in the House, that it is the Liberals and their NDP coalition partners who are stopping this. The other thing that is concerning, and I know the member brought this up as well, is the issue of medical assistance in dying and the extension within this motion on medical assistance in dying, which would push it to October There was a requirement for a legislative review to be held on this bill.
We went to an election in September. We were reconvened around November. However, it was not until the end of March, in the timeline that is required for this legislative review, that the government even started talking about the Committee on Medical Assistance in Dying and the requirement for this legislative review. In fact, this review was required to be done legislatively by May, so we had discussions.
I understand my colleague from the Bloc and I understand as well that there are very serious issues with medical assistance in dying that are required to be looked at, but with regard to the legislative review that was to be done in May, we actually agreed, as the opposition, to extend the timeline by another six weeks.
It was not our fault that the government delayed the legislative review. It pushed it off until March, and then we agreed to go beyond the extension. Initially, I was a little concerned about it, but we do not control the legislative agenda in this place. It is not the opposition's job to sit here and determine what is going to happen in this place.
It is the government's job. When we were in government, we determined the legislative agenda that was to occur in this place.
The Liberals' failure, not just on Bill C-8 but on medical assistance in dying and the required legislative review and the timeline related to that, is their fault. It is completely on them, and that is why we agreed. I respected the concern of the Bloc House leader , and I know there are very deep and personal issues within the Bloc caucus on the issue of medical assistance in dying. That is why we agreed to extend the timeline by another six weeks and to provide the committee with what we believe was an appropriate amount of time, six weeks extra, to deal with this.
We actually also committed to having the committee sit more than what was regularly scheduled. That would have required moving resources from other committees to this committee, but we were committed to allowing that extended timeline to June 23, which all of us, including me and our party, agreed to.
Again, that is the government's prerogative. We do not control the administration of this place. We do not control committees. We do not control virtual sittings. We do not control translation.
We do not control the administrative staff, nor do we control the clerks. It is all the government. We committed, in extending that deadline, to work and to be available during that timeline if extra sittings of the committee on medical assistance in dying were required.
We committed to get the job done, yet here we are. We are seeing now in this motion an extension to October There had to have been unanimous consent, because we had already agreed to extend it by six weeks to June Again, the government wasted time putting the committee in place. It took from the time we started sitting in November to the time it finally got around to talking about it in March, which it did so it would meet the requirements of the legislative timeline.
The other thing the government did was call an election last September. The House could have still been sitting.
We were only 18 months into that session of Parliament. We could have still kept going. The Liberals could have dealt with medical assistance in dying, or they could have dealt with other bills, such as Bill C-8 , within that timeline, but they chose not to. How is that our fault? How are we obstructing Parliament? How are we stepping in the way of the government's legislative agenda, when its members, time and time again, fail to implement whatever is on their legislative agenda and fail to use the time and resources of the House in a manner that would allow them to get their job done?
That was the issue with medical assistance in dying. That is what happened, in case anyone is wondering why we are seeing that timeline in this motion.
I understand, as I said earlier, that it was important to my colleague, the House leader of the Bloc , and to those within the Bloc, to see the October 17 deadline extended beyond what we had all agreed to. Although I am disappointed by that, I certainly understand, based on my discussions with my colleague in the Bloc, why that is important to them. I do not think we have to put it in an omnibus motion in order to do that. We could have had further discussions, but I guess this was a way of handing some sort of opportunity to the Bloc to understand this motion, and that is okay.
I get that those things happen, because as I said, I realize how important this issue is to the Bloc. I know the Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons wanted an explanation, and I just gave him one. We had all agreed to extend that deadline, and we did not see the reason, especially given the fact that we were willing to work with the committee to extend the hours. There was some talk that, during the break in May, that week after Victoria Day, we would have eight-hour sittings.
I spoke to our shadow minister about that, and it was an impossibility. It would have been eight hours a day sitting in committee dealing with medical assistance in dying when many of those resources could have been moved from other sources to deal with the medical assistance dying committee while the House is sitting.
That could have been done, but we thought that eight hours a day of sitting in that break week in May was an unreasonable request, and I think it was, because there were members on our side who had made plans with their families during that week, and because it is Victoria Day weekend here in Ontario, so some plans were already made.
We certainly could have worked together, but we are actually seeing a pattern of this type of activity happen. Members will recall Motion No. This is very different than that, because at the time there was strong consensus, agreement and alignment among the opposition parties. However, because there was that alignment, the government eventually did back down from that motion, at least some of the more destructive pieces of that motion.
This is different. Of course, the government has thrown a few nuggets to the NDP. We have seen that all that is required for NDP's support in this unholy alliance and collusion, is just need to be thrown a few little nuggets and they will leap, because the Liberal Party effectively has the NDP in its hip pocket, to implement these types of motions.
It is quite concerning. There are extremely concerning aspects of this that really play into a pattern of what I would call a democratic decline in this country. We have seen this pattern over and over.
We saw it with Motion No. In fact, one of the first pieces of legislation introduced after the COVID crisis hit in March was an absolutely draconian piece of legislation from the government, and I am glad all oppositions fought it. Even the NDP fought it at that time because they had not yet formed this unholy alliance, but it fought this draconian piece of legislation, which would have given the government massive powers and massive overreach to suspend the activities of Parliament and tax Canadians without the approval of Parliament.
Can members imagine a government thinking it could take that on and actually affect that within a democracy like Canada. When I speak about this democratic decline, there are numerous examples over the course of not just during COVID but also prior to that, even with Motion No.
It is diminishing faith in our institutions and the respect that people have for our institutions, separating our institutions in a way that keeps them away from government politicization and government influence, yet the government continues to do that. The government is certainly doing this with Motion No. I want to go through and talk about some of the more concerning parts of the motion.
It does not just concern me as a parliamentarian seeing this diminishing of democracy happen in this country. There are examples, much like in some of the countries in eastern Europe where we are seeing it on a scale that is being measured, of the decline of democracy in this country.
There are measurements, and I will speak about that in a few minutes. I would suggest that Motion No. When we go through the motion, we see some of the things that the government has proposed. The motion reads:. On the day of the adoption of this order, the ordinary hour of daily adjournment shall be 12 a. Now let us think about what that means. A minister of the Crown, and it does not have to be the House leader, although the House leader is classified as a minister, but a minister could go to another party at p.
They need just one party, one recognized House leader, to agree. I wonder who that would be. I know that the parliamentary secretary to the government House leader said that I could agree to that, but there are certain provisions in this motion that I could never agree to, so why would I agree at p. Here is the scenario: The House is set to adjourn at p.
At p. What does that do to families? What does that do to MPs who perhaps have plans? It is one thing to do it during the normal, set schedule in the Standing Orders, but it is another thing to start doing it on April 28, which is today, because this would take effect if this motion passes.
What does it do to the administration of this place? What does it do to the clerks? They work hard, and they know they have to work hard, but one minute before the House is set to rise, the government and its buddies in the NDP can say that they want to keep everybody here.
They would want to keep the clerks here, the administration here and the pages here. Have people not been through enough throughout the course of this crisis? We have had to go through the extensions of the long hours in this place, the uncertainty and the impact on mental health, on families and on people's lives, yet one minute before the House is scheduled to rise, they can suddenly extend it until midnight, and they can do that every single night if they want to.
How is that fair? How is that fair to a mom who works here who has kids at home who she needs to get home to, or to a father who works here who has kids at home who he needs to get home to? How about a husband and wife who work together, the partners and spouses who work in this place, having to work those long hours because the government is mismanaging its agenda and is not using its time effectively in this House?
What about the mental health impacts this would have? What about the drivers? What about the security guards? They will effectively be given a one-minute notice that they have to stick around this place. Come on. How ridiculous is that? The government can do it, as I said earlier, from the point this motion passes right through until June 23, or earlier if they decide that they are going to adjourn the House. Of course, another part of the motion is talking about proceedings on any opposition motion.
So, when it is government business, it is okay, we will extend the House, but not on opposition motion days. These are very valuable supply days that we get. However, on those days, we would rise at the appropriate time. There would not be any opportunity for us to extend beyond the normal sitting time, but there would be for government legislation. Perhaps we have an issue that is important to Canadians. Perhaps it is a geopolitical issue, financial issue or an issue affecting the health of Canadians that we want to bring forward and get consensus on in the House.
We would not have an opportunity to extend beyond the normal sitting time, but the government, with a one-minute notice and the help of its coalition buddies in the NDP, could extend the sitting time of the House every single day, including Friday. On Friday, we do the business of this place for this country and the House adjourns at p. However, at p. We can talk about the impact that this can have on families and the family unit, and the impact on the mental health and physical health of those who work to support this place.
This includes MPs, many of whom make travel plans on Fridays so they can go home to their constituencies. When they go home to their constituencies, they are going out to events on Saturday and sometimes on Sunday, then working their way back here to Parliament by getting back on an airplane. Now the Liberals are suggesting that members of Parliament have to cancel their travel plans on a whim because they are not good at dealing with their legislative agenda and the schedule of the House, and they are going to keep us here until midnight on Friday.
I have sat here for six and a half years and have heard the NDP talk about a family-friendly environment in this place, about attracting more women to Parliament and about making sure that the lives of the people who work here and the lives of MPs are balanced so they can spend time with their families and can spend time in their constituencies.
However, if this motion passes today, the Liberals will push to extend the timelines to midnight every single day that the House is sitting with a one-minute notice, just one minute, including on Fridays.
I have no problem working Fridays. It is part of my job as the opposition House leader to be here on Fridays. However, I think it is absolutely unreasonable for anyone to expect, with one-minute notice, all of the administration, all of the support staff and the interpreters who work in this place to be here until midnight every single day, when the House starts at 10 o'clock in the morning, because the government mismanages its legislative agenda.
I have not even touched on the interpreters. At the Board of Internal Economy, we have been hearing about the impact that these virtual or hybrid sittings are having on our interpreters. We have seen an increase in injuries. Reports have been published that note a marked increase in the physical injury impact that this hybrid setting has been having on our interpreters. I have also talked about some of the other people who are going to be impacted by this.
If the government is that concerned about the health and wellness of the people who work here, including the interpreters, why would it even suggest extending until midnight every single day? It is because of its failure to impose its legislative agenda within the timelines that have been prescribed in the Standing Orders. This is also going to have an impact on committees, which I am going to touch on a bit later.
This will have an impact on the ability of the committees to do their work because of the shuffling of resources that will be required. It stands to reason that if we are going to go to midnight, we will have to take something away from somewhere, and the important work that is being done by committees will suffer.
Maybe that is the intent. Maybe that is what the government wants. Maybe it wants to take that work away from committees so it can further avoid accountability and transparency and we can further see the democratic decline that is happening in this country. This is a beauty. As I said earlier, after p. It has to be a joke; there is no other way to explain it.
The motion states:. That is just on unanimous consent. At least they have included the House leaders of recognized parties on some sort of unanimous consent motion that can be passed. However, what is interesting here is the constitutional obligation to have quorum in this place. What Liberals are saying in this motion is that after p. John Brassard: Mr.
Speaker, the parliamentary secretary to the government House leader just said to me that this has never been done before. It has never been done in a circumstance like this, and it has always been done with the agreement of all recognized parties through unanimous consent.
This is a motion the Liberals are ramming through Parliament, so yes, this has never been done before without the expressed unanimous consent of all the House leaders.
This does not take that into account; it imposes that on us. Let us think about how ridiculous this is. There is no quorum call, and members of the opposition take their responsibility and role as members of Parliament very seriously.
Just as it is a constitutional right to have quorum in this place, it is still a constitutional obligation on the part of the opposition to hold the government to account.
We take that role very seriously. The fact they are not allowing for quorum in this place means, effectively, that we can be here as an opposition and the Bloc can be here as an opposition to ask questions and debate government legislation, but government members do not have to be here.
They can literally be sitting at home doing nothing, watching This Is Us or the Blue Jays, while we and our colleagues in the Bloc, as opposition, are sitting here debating government legislation. The way this reads right now, when questions and comments come up we could be the only ones asking questions of ourselves on government legislation. This gives an indication of the programming of this place as a result of the motion.
It means, as we know because of the agreement we have all seen that the NDP and the Liberals have signed, that things are already programmed in this place. Government members do not want an opposition; they want an audience, and they are going to get it because they do not have to be here. They could be sitting at home in their pyjamas watching CPAC while we are here doing the work of the country and debating their pieces of legislation.
That is what this part of the motion means. With no quorum calls, there is no obligation for the government or the NDP to show up. I suspect the only two parties that will be showing up are the official opposition and the third party, the Bloc, because we are the ones who want to work. I am looking at my colleagues in the Bloc. Am I the only who thinks it is ridiculous that the government and the NDP can be sitting at home while we are debating their legislation and, in questions and comments, asking ourselves the questions the government should be asking in debate?
That is what the motion calls for. Speaker, the hon. I think Bloc members are actually smart and see how ridiculous this motion is. I think they do. I have dealt with the member for La Prairie and he is a pretty smart guy. He understands exactly what government members are doing, as we do.
They do not want an opposition; they want an audience. That is what they want. We have seen this pattern over the six and a half years that I have been here, since , and I have highlighted some of that stuff, whether it was Motion No. The government members seem to think they can ram anything through. We did have an election in September and the Liberals formed a minority government.
At the time, I believe the Prime Minister thought two things were going to happen. Number one, he thought people were going to throw rose petals at his feet for the way he handled COVID. That did not happen, obviously, by the results. Second, the Liberals knew very well what was going to happen in this country. They knew the economic crisis was looming. They knew the affordability crisis was looming, and the only way they could find cover from that was to hope for a majority government in September.
Of course, they were trying to provide cover for themselves, a cover that only a majority government would provide. It did not take long for them to find that majority government, did it? By throwing a few little crumbs to the NDP, giving them this and that to get support for at least the next four budgets, they have found that cover.
I have stood up here before on this, and I cannot express my profound disappointment in our friends in the NDP for giving the government the cover it sought in September during the election. I just cannot believe it. I sit here in question period and hear some of the questions coming from NDP members and just shake my head. How can they realistically say they are holding the government to account when they are supporting every aspect of what it does?
A climate change report that came out the other day called the government's efforts on climate change a sham. It was the environment commissioner who said that, yet NDP members, who talk about being the guardians of climate, are sitting here criticizing the very people they are in cahoots with, the very government they are aligned with.
It does not make any sense, unless the only thing they can buy is a few little crumbs, which apparently is the case. I have talked about quorum and dilatory motions.
The motion also reads:. Again, the fact that the Liberals are mismanaging the legislative agenda in the House is the reason they have decided to take a fly off everyone's forehead with an axe using this piece of legislation.
A all remaining motions to concur in the votes for which a notice of opposition was filed shall be deemed to have been moved and seconded, the questions deemed put and recorded divisions deemed requested. Again, this is just to accelerate or fast-track pieces of legislation. Much of that is power the government already has, but it is certainly more prescriptive in this motion to make that happen.
B the Speaker shall have the power to combine the said motions for voting purposes, provided that, in exercising this power, the Speaker be guided by the same principles and practices used at report stage. That is fairly self-explanatory. Then, of course, this is quite interesting:.
Reports that come out of committee come to the House for concurrence. As I said in a recent article that I was interviewed for, there are wide eyes on this place. There are people who watch the House of Commons who normally may not be engaged in committee processes or other processes. A perfect example of that was this morning, when we moved a concurrence motion on the WE Charity scandal.
The member for Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman moved a motion that it be referred back to committee, so the witnesses who had been deemed in contempt of the committee and a minister could come back to the committee, because that is what we want.
We want to get down to the bottom of the WE scandal and not obstruct, but make sure we are putting the government in a position of being accountable and transparent. The Liberals are actually moving that part of the procedural process into the 35th sitting day after interruption, which effectively means that we would not be able to move any of our concurrence reports on committee recommendations until after September.
On the issue of accountability and transparency, again we see the government providing itself with cover. Certainly its coalition partners in the NDP, by supporting this motion, are helping it to obstruct not just the work of committees, but also the work of Parliament, which again is seeing a further democratic decline in Canada.
We are seeing it again, so again there is this pattern. What does that mean? They can do this at any point from the day that this motion is adopted. It could be next week if things really start heating up. I look back at some of the scandals that the government has been involved in, particularly the Prime Minister , and by extension and by involvement everybody on that side who has provided cover and has continued to support the Prime Minister on all of these scandals, whether it was SNC-Lavalin, the WE Charity scandal or the invocation of the Emergencies Act.
It could happen the day that this motion is adopted. What it does is allow the government to prorogue Parliament without implementing prorogation.
That is what it does. I think it should, because the missing piece of its initial investigation was admitted by the Prime Minister in this place the other day: he did not grant himself approval, as the head of government, to take that trip. What if the RCMP decides that it is going to investigate? Think of the political heat of that issue. It may be something else. There are other things that I know are brewing, with respect to the government and the potential for scandal. Members know that. I can say that there are many people who are looking for those connections.
What if a scandal like that hits? What if there is another WE Charity scandal? The invocation of the Emergencies Act is a perfect example.
The Liberals are very good at couching things. As a former prosecutor, the Minister of Public Safety is very good at using his words. However, the government has already indicated that under the Emergencies Act, both at committee and through the judicial review that is legislated, the Liberals are going to sit there and are not going to allow cabinet confidentiality to be moved.
They are not going to allow those documents to be viewed. What if there is a brewing scandal with that? Then there is the Winnipeg lab scandal. What happened there? It was kind of funny yesterday that I got a call from the government House leader. There was no indication from him that he was going to do what he said he was going to do. We found out last night that, with or without the Conservatives and with or without the Bloc, the government was going to have the Liberals and the NDP form a committee to look at the documents from the Winnipeg lab scandal and determine whether anything was untoward in that.
It is like having the wolves looking after the hen house. They are already in cahoots. They are working together. The government House leader called me yesterday and I said to him to let me circle back, because I was not the House leader at the time that this happened. There was no discussion. There was no opportunity for us to work together to try to come up with some solution. The government House leader referred to a situation back in January, which I was being briefed on at the time that I found out this agreement had been made between the NDP and the Liberals, the wolves looking after the sheep, on this document.
I found out at that time that this was already a fait accompli. It was going to happen anyway, whether we agreed to it or not. The Liberals accuse us of the very thing that they engage in. That is obstructing the constitutional obligation of the official opposition party on the Winnipeg lab document.
The point is that, at any point from the time that this motion is introduced, the government can pull the plug on this place if things start getting bad or if it starts feeling the heat. If there is a political reason for the government not to allow Parliament to function, to not allow the opposition parties, and there are two of us that are holding the government to account, to do their constitutional obligation to hold the government to account, the Liberals can end that at any point if it gets too hot for them.
If that does not cause a concern or a problem, it is prorogation without prorogation. Members recall what the government did back during the WE Charity scandal. Things were getting close. Things were getting tight. The Liberals were feeling it. What did the Prime Minister do? He did the very thing he promised in he would never do, and that was to prorogue Parliament. He did it. Everything died at that point: all of the work of the committee and all of the reports.
That is why the concurrence motion this morning is so important. We have already asked, through a question of privilege, whether we can reintroduce the issues of contempt from the Prime Minister's Office staff and, at that time, a minister of the Crown. We asked if we could reintroduce that, and through a point of privilege you ruled that it was not appropriate. I respect the Chair, and I respect the rulings.
That is fine. What other course of action do we have to hold this government to account? We tried this morning, through a concurrence motion of a committee report, to bring those people back to the committee, and why not?
What is wrong with being accountable and transparent? To the Liberal government, there is a lot wrong with it. This is why we are seeing this Motion No. The heat starts to occur as things start ramping up, and they typically do when Parliament is sitting. I will say that the issue of Public Health Canada using mobility data to determine process and health issues of Canadians without their knowledge happened during the Christmas break, but it is very rare in this place that during a two-week break period we are going to start seeing scandals.
It is only when we start getting down to the business of the House, when we are getting Order Paper questions back or we are getting access to information papers back, as is the case with the RCMP investigation. It was only because of the ATIP that we found out what the missing part, or the missing link, of the RCMP investigation was not to charge the Prime Minister with fraud over his multi-hundred-thousand dollar, illegal luxury vacation.
It was only after we got that ATIP back that we realized there was one missing element to the RCMP investigation, and that was whether the Prime Minister deemed himself the head of government, and whether he, as the head of government, gave himself permission to go on that trip.
Now, we have requested that the RCMP reopen the investigation, because it now has a piece of the puzzle that was missing at the time this was investigated. I know, because I sat here yesterday and I listened to the Prime Minister talk about these personal attacks. It is never about being accountable. It is always about justification with this Prime Minister. There is no statute of limitations on fraud charges.
If the Prime Minister committed fraud, with this new piece of the puzzle that has been found, then it is up to the RCMP to determine whether in fact those fraud charges should be laid against the Prime Minister for his illegal vacation, which the Ethics Commissioner already found and deemed to be against the Conflict of Interest Code.
That will be up to the RCMP. That is done because the House is sitting. It is not done because the Liberal Party and their coalition partners are sitting at home, because there is no quorum call. They are not even participating in the role of Parliament, and not even debating their own pieces of legislation. They are letting the opposition carry the water on all of this stuff.
It is effectively a war of attrition: That is what this motion is all about. That happens when this place is functioning, when democracy is functioning and when we are not seeing a decline in our democracy, which is the pattern we have seen over the course of the last six and a half years. If things get really hot and the government is feeling a lot of pressure, it could prorogue without prorogation.
I know what the Prime Minister is going to say and I know what his cabinet would say. The reality is that this is giving them exclusive and unnecessary power to basically take this place and shut Parliament down. There are a lot of issues, there is no question about it. There are a lot of issues that we are dealing with, not the least of which, as I mentioned earlier, is the affordability crisis.
There are some geopolitical issues going on around the world. There are issues related to our economy, inflation pressures, the housing crisis and the opioid crisis. All of those things are important issues to Canadians. August 31, — for a full listing of exhibits, click August 31st at this link on the Cohen Commission website.
August 30, — for a full listing of exhibits, click August 30th at this link on the Cohen Commission website. August 29, — for a full listing of exhibits, click August 29th at this link on the Cohen Commission website.
August 26, — for full listing of exhibits, click August 26th at this link on the Cohen Commission website. August 25, — for full listing of exhibits, click August 25th at this link on the Cohen Commission website.
August 24, — for full listing of exhibits, click August 24th at this link on the Cohen Commission website. August 23, — for a full listing of exhibits, click August 23rd at this link on the Cohen Commission website. August 22, — U pdated from the Cohen Commission website ; for full listing of exhibits, click August 22nd at this link.
Cohen Aquaculture Evidentiary Documents. Miller-Saunders to S. Riddell to A.
Deaths in Residential Care in Canada by facility – Google Диск – More on COVID testing
We have had to go through the extensions of the long hours in this place, the uncertainty and the impact on mental health, on families and on people's lives, yet one minute before the House is scheduled to rise, they can suddenly extend it until midnight, and they can do that every single night if they want to. Maybe that is what the government wants. That is obstructing the constitutional obligation of the official opposition party on the Winnipeg lab document.
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It's not unusual for me to the run up the stairs to grab a few things, and come back with only half of what I needed. While the repeat trips are helping me to keep fit, it's perhaps not going to be the best strategy for when baby arrives and we're stretched to the limit from sleep deprivation.
In a bid to get organised I hit upon a plan after seeing these Carry Caddies from Great Little Trading Company. Just the job for keeping baby paraphernalia in order, we could use one for nappy changing bits and bobs, and a second for bath products.
Unfortunately, with so many things to buy over the next few months, they weren't such a good fit for our bank balance.
Already in love with the idea of them and their promise of organised tidiness I decided to re-create them on a budget. Saving rather than splurging.
A quick browse and I found these wooden bottle holders online via Hobbycraft for just £6.50 each, and then popped a couple of oval plaques in the basket for £1.70 each. As it was my first online order I also got 15% off for joining the 'Hobbycraft club'…bargain!
As the lovely people at Rustoleum had sent me some of their painters touch spray paint to try out, this seemed like the perfect opportunity to give it a go.
Available in forty-two colours, the stone grey shade is a perfect match for the colour scheme we've worked into our babies nursery. A little darker than the Rustoleum chalk paint we've used to makeover our furniture, we opted for a satin finish.
With no prep needed, I laid some newspaper on our patio and got to work. Having never used spray paint before I wasn't sure how easy it would be, but a minute later the caddy was covered in its first coat. After an hours drying time, I did a quick second coat and the job was done and just needed to dry.
I'd decided to turn the little plaques into mini chalkboards, and followed much the same process, using Rustoleum's chalkboard spray paint this time. Just as easy, they were ready to go in a couple of hours, and ready to be written on.
As chalkboards, we'll be able to swap their use as our little boy grows older. While these caddies will be perfect for carrying nappy changing bits and bobs when he arrives in a few months, a couple of years down the line we might be using them to tidy away books or toys cars instead. A quick wipe of the chalkboard, and their use can be changed in seconds.
Last but not least, it was just a matter of gluing the chalkboards to the bottle holders with a little PVA. Once dry, they were ready to be filled and put to good use.
"An award nomination and a balancing act"


text:
Why people are angry at this new $1430 product from Apple
Apple product launches always get hype, but one new gadget announcement has left some people bemused: a monitor stand that costs nearly as much as some computers.
At its annual Worldwide Developer Conference in San Jose this week, Apple revealed a collection of new products, including a monitor stand for $A1430.
The new Apple Mac Pro stand cost more than an iPhone EPA/MONICA DAVEY (EPA/AAP)
That's on top of the hefty price tag for its new Mac Pro desktop, which starts at $A8,600, and a display monitor, the Pro Display XDR, a 32-inch 6K retina LCD display ($A7,100).
"The Pro Stand has an intricately engineered arm that perfectly counterbalances the display so it feels virtually weightless, allowing users to easily place it into position," the company notes on its website.
The stand is optional: Mac Pro users could technically lean a monitor against the computer itself instead.
It's unclear as of now if the new system will be compatible with third-party monitor stands.
Apple has been contacted for comment on this.
But the stand caused a stir, with some technology experts mocking the price of what is generally regarded as an unexciting accessory.
After all, the stand is more expensive than an iPhone XR, which is currently for sale on Apple's website starting at $A1229.
"The pro stand costing more than most laptops and phones outside of Apple's realm is the ultimate middle finger to any consumer that is seriously considering their machine. Every new device Apple has released in the last year is a cash grab in exchange for no new functionality," wrote on social media user.
Apple has developed a reputation for hiking product prices without necessarily hampering sales.
The new Mac Pro is displayed during the 2019 Apple Worldwide Developer Conference (WWDC). Photo:Justin Sullivan/Getty Images (Getty)
Sometimes there are practical reasons for the price increases due to the components inside.
Whether or not people are willing to drop more than $1000 for a monitor stand is yet to be seen.
Copper hits five-month low amid trade row
J-Power to buy $25m stake in Genex Power

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Sticky Post By cameron Posted in General With 15 Comments Permalink
January 7, 2007 cameron
Music of the Napoleonic Era
Sticky Post By cameron On January 7, 2007 With 15 Comments
I discovered this album by accident this morning. It's a shame more of these tracks aren't available for download or I'd start putting them into the show. You can listen to short previews of each track though and download the one below for free. Click on the album art for more information.
Download "Divertimento In B Flat Major K 229 No. 2" (mp3)
from "Music of the Napoleonic Era"
by Capella Ensemble
Inside Sounds
Buy at iTunes Music Store
Buy at eMusic
Buy at RealNetworks / Rhapsody
Buy at Napster
Buy at GroupieTunes
Stream from RealNetworks / Rhapsody
Music of the Napoleonic Era January 7th, 2007cameron
Nice find Cameron!
I'd like to see more about the artist but the link to "Capella Ensemble" doesn't redirect correctly.
yeah doesn't seem to work, huh. Tried googling them and didn't do much better, but did find out that the album came out in 93.
This is Rocco from Paris (law student, 22, history fan). I listen to your poscast that I enjoy. I like your approach on the matter, it is serious without being boring and you go into the nice little details sometimes (for example when you said "I have a pretty good voice but I couldn't speak in front of 40 000 men" or the way you told the anecdote with the hat. More of that kind of info please!). In France teachers are too formal about what they teach. You anglo saxons are enthousiast about it and that's a pleasure to listen to.
Here is my criticism for your podcast (as you encourage us to make it): there is one thing that strucked me during all the listening that I've had of your podcast, it is that you never blame Napoleon as much as he deserve on some occasion. My general feeling is that you always find excuses for him, you're too soft. He said himself, as you know, that there were no matter on which an historian couldn't defend him, and that's exactly what you do. Until the last episode I was fine by that, after all it is a podcast made by fans for fans and I would defend Nap against attacks in a discussion but there is one thing that really decided me to write to you: it is what you said about the execution of the duc d'Enghein. This was a commando mission executed on foreign soil, and a brutal murder carried out in the same night after a phoney trial. Whether or not you're a Nap fan, you can't stand for that (as you fellow country man Stevie wonder said; "I ain't going to stand for it"):I know Napoleon did not plan it that way and that later he took the entire responsability for it (which is another element to add to his courage). But you talked about this thing to lightly and you lost me.
In Paris there is no street named after Napoleon (only Bonaparte) this tell you about the complexe matter which represents his memory. I personaly feel that we should be enourmously proud of that time (I am) but I try to never lose sight of the complexity of such a subject. To me Chateaubriand nailed the ultimate opinion about Napoleon in his memoires d'outre tombe (a master piece of litterature as well as the ultimate criticism of the Napoleonic storm in european history; my bedside book); forgive my poor translation of this sentance: (…) in the midst of an honest and deep adiration (…) I cannot shower fullsome praise about his imperfections (…) one should praise glory without fear it but without being sorry either to show the dark side of it(…) Napoleon doesn't need to be given talents, he was talented enough when he was born" there are so much too quote, everything is amazing in his "Vie de Napoleon".
and do you plan to discuss the battle of Fance in 1814? it would be great. And the expedition of Desaix in Egypte, with the discovery of the Roseta stone. I know you talked about it but I'd like to know more, I think it is a fantastic subject (isn't Desaix Napoleon's best without the dark side?)
Thank you again for your show. Sorry for the size of the comment and the cold and unpleasant style of the writing (it's harder to be smooth in a foreign langage)
Rocco, thanks for listening and for the comment! I try my best in the show to point out the criticisms of Napoleon and I think David usually tries to balance out the criticisms by providing the other perspective.
Regarding the d'Enghien affair, I'm fairly sure we talked at some length about the pros and cons of the matter. You say "This was a commando mission executed on foreign soil, and a brutal murder carried out in the same night after a phoney trial." That's certainly one perspective. But the other perspective is that France was at war with various European countries and I don't think there is any doubt in the mind of historians that d'Enghien was involved in the assassination attempt on Napoleon in an effort of regime change. And, as he was a French citizen (even though in exile), he was a traitor to France and what we would call today a "terrorist". You could draw analogies to bin Laden and al-Qaeda attacks on UAE soil.
Anyway, it's complex and I tried to bring that out in the show. Apologies if I didn't try hard enough.
As for the fact that Napoleon is pretty much ignored by the French today, I think that's a real shame.
Re 1814 – yeah I think we'll talk about it a lot. It's central to the story of Napoleon's decline.
Thanks again for the comment and would love to know more about what you and other listeners think! We would love to see lots of debate and discussion about Napoleon. You don't have to believe what we tell you!
Dear Cameron and David, dear listeners,
Concerning the Duc d'Enghien, he was found guilty of different crimes, but furthermore Napoleon was really willing to meet him and pardon him…as was proved by his personal statements and members of his family and immediate 'staff'. In fact there another plot against Napoleon, consisting of people like savary, Talleyrand (always him), Fouché,…who wanted by killing a Bourbon prevent Napoleon from becomming a new general Mack, the english general who after Cromwell restored the monarchy…
The Duc wrote a letter to Napoleon, and the military court wanted to send it to Napoleon, but this was (if I remember well) prohibited by Savary and when the court had sentenced the Duc to death, this didn't meant that he was to be executed right away, but Savary, without any right to do this took charge of the affairs and this was the end for the prince…the grave had already been dig, which shows the intentions of Savary.
Napoleon had also ordered Réal, member of the Council of State, to go meet the prince en report to him and to see that the whole process went as appropriate, according the rules of law with other words. But Réal had ordered not the awake him before a specific hour, because he was very tired…(or was he also involved in the plot against Napoleon?) and when he hurried to the prince…he discovered that the latter had just been executed…
Napoleon was furious about the whole thing, but he wasn't a man who drops it all on the shoulders of a subordinate and he took the full responsibilty for the whole case, although he had been willing to let the prince alive!
On Saint-Helena, he said that he had tried the Duke, not executed!
And finally, the Duc d'Enghien was residing in the Duchy of Baden, but is was agreed between him and this Duchy that he could only stay when he didn't to anything that was against France…and all historians agree and the proof is there, that de Duke did a lot against France…
I send you all my best regards and best wishes for the new year!
Vorselaar-Leuven
Tim, that's some terrific detail. Here's what WIkipedia currently says about the affair:
Early in 1804, Napoleon, then First Consul of France, heard news which seemed to connect the young duke with the Cadoudal-Pichegru conspiracy then being tracked by the French police. The news ran that the duke was in company with Charles François Dumouriez and made secret journeys into France. This was false; the acquaintance was Thumry, a harmless old man, and the duke had no dealings with Cadoudal or Pichegru. Napoleon gave orders for the seizure of the duke. French mounted gendarmes crossed the Rhine secretly, surrounded his house and brought him to Strasbourg (March 15, 1804), and thence to the Château de Vincennes, near Paris. There a commission of French colonels was hastily gathered to try him.
Meanwhile Napoleon had found out the true facts of the case, and the ground of the accusation was hastily changed. The duke was now charged chiefly with bearing arms against France in the late war, and with intending to take part in the new coalition then proposed against France —these latter charges were more accurate than the originals and given his history of raising arms against his own nation it would be difficult to argue that he was wholly innocent—rather the argument is whether or not his actions were sufficiently severe to merit execution. Claims that he presented a threat to the life of the First Consul are probably exaggerated. The colonels hastily and most informally drew up the act of condemnation, being incited thereto by orders from Anne Jean Marie René Savary, who had come charged with instructions. Savary intervened to prevent all chance of an interview between the condemned and the First Consul; and the duke was shot in the moat of the castle, near a grave which had already been prepared.
He was the last descendent of the House of Condé; his grandfather and father died after him, but without producing further heirs. In 1816 the bones were exhumed and placed in the chapel of the castle. It is now known that Joséphine and Madame de Rémusat had begged Napoleon for mercy towards the duke; but nothing would bend his will. The blame which the apologists of the emperor have thrown on Talleyrand or Savary is undeserved. On his way to St. Helena and at Longwood he asserted that, in the same circumstances, he would do the same again; he inserted a similar declaration in his will.
About this execution, the great diplomat Talleyrand made his most famous quip: "That was worse than a crime; it was a mistake".
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis-Antoine-Henri%20de%20Bourbon-Cond%C3%A9%2C%20duc%20d%27Enghien
Dear Cameron and David, Listeners,
I would like to point out some things in the wikipedia article (it still remains wikipedia…for example, the article concerning 'the crown of napoleon' (on wikipedia) is almost completely false)…Hortense, daughter of Joséphine, writes in her memoirs that Napoleon was really upset by the whole affair (execution) and she stresses that Napoleon was really willing to pardon the Duke! And the influence of Talleyrand for example in convincing Napoleon of arresting the Duke on foreing sole was really determinating…and can't be neglected.
On St.Helena, Longwood and in his will, Napoleon says that he had arrested and tried the duke, not have him executed, Napoleon's brother Joseph stresses on this word-choice of Napoleon, which is very important.
My best regards to you all,
Concerning
Joshua Parker
I'm not personally familiar with Hortense's Memoirs, their veracity or even date of publication but the possibility of Hortense using her memoirs to soften the image of Napoleon to help pave the way for her son to become Napoleon III of the 2nd French Empire.
Certainly it is pretty widely accepted that Eugene told many stories of the glory of the first empire to the future Napoleon III laying the seeds for his ambition.
Dear Cameron and David and all the listeners,
To read the complete true story about the Duc d'Enghien affair, please read the text which can find here: http://www.napoleonicsociety.com/english/ducenghienangl.htm
I send my best regards to you all!
Nicholas Stark
Speaking of music, does anyone know where one could find a downloadable copy of the version of La Marseillaise used in these podcasts?
-Stark
Michael Grillo
I know this is a little off topic, but as far as using La Marseillaise at the beginning and end of the podcasts – didn't Napoleon ban this song because of its revolutionary and anti-authority implications? Just wondering if you had considered using one of his Imperial Guard marches or something to that effect for buffer music? Keep of the great work!! Look foward to each and every episode,
Somerset, MA, USA
Michael – yes, several people have made that observation but I think it's just a terrific piece of music which everyone can relate to as representing revolutionary France, even though it wasn't the national anthem in Napoleon's era. But I'm open to suggestions for alternatives. Keep in mind they need to be "podsafe", which means readily available for podcasters to play in a show.
Nicholas – apologies, I can't remember where I got this version from. Somewhere online. I just tried to find the source of it again but it doesn't seem to be that easy to find.
Dear Nicholas,
Here is a link to the Berlioz version of the Maseillaise, which you were looking for.
http://old.marseillaise.org/francais/audio/marsfull.mp3
I hope you like it,
Best Regards to you all!
Good point Cameron. To me it is probably the most inspiring national anthem out there – and this coming from a self-described conservative republican nationalist Catholic American serving in the United States Army. That was another point I wanted to make – I heard David say in one of the podcasts that he is a liberal Democrat and I take it that you as well Cameron fall on the "left" side of the political spectrum? I still find it absolutely fascinating that 200 years later Napoleon still brings the left and right sides of political philosophy together. I think even today the world needs a figure like Napoleon to end divisions and bring about peace and stability. I find the modern left to be socialist and border line communist and out of control and the far right to be a bunch of bumbling fools with no leadership skills or courage – much as during the French Revolution. Does that sound crazy?
Tyler Myers Whittaker
Guys, Napoleon had balls. That's why he executed that punk Bourbon. It was right for him to do it, enough said. CHECK OUT TOTAL WARS WEBSITE FOR EMPIRE TOTAL WAR AND NAPOLEON TOTAL WAR WHICH IS COMING OUT SOON!


text:
MLKS Włodawianka Włodawa – włodawski klub sportowy został założony w 1923 roku. Klub prócz sekcji piłki nożnej posiadał również wiele innych sekcji sportowych, m.in. koszykówki, siatkówki, zapasów. Obecnie klub prowadzi tylko sekcję piłki nożnej. Seniorzy występują w klasie okręgowej, gr. Chełm.

Historia
Za datę powstania klubu przyjmuje się 15 marca 1923 roku. W momencie założenia nazywał się Klub Sportowy we Włodawie, następnie KS "Sokół" Włodawa, a od roku 1924 przyjął nazwę "Włodawija". W dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym omawiany klub nie uczestniczył w rozgrywkach ligowych, natomiast skupiał się na rywalizacji z lokalnymi drużynami: Żydowskim Klubem Sportowym Makabi oraz Wojskowym Klubem Sportowym 9 Pułku Artylerii Ciężkiej.

Po wybuchu II wojny światowej działalność drużyny piłkarskiej została zawieszona. Powojenna reaktywacja nastąpiła w 1956 roku, kiedy to klub przybrał aktualną do dnia dzisiejszego nazwę "Włodawianka". Drużyna seniorów została zgłoszona do rozgrywek w klasie B podokręgu chełmskiego. W 1959 roku drużyna uzyskała awans do klasy A.

Następne lata to okres spadków do klasy B oraz ponownych awansów do A klasy. W latach 60. ówczesny trener Edmund Świtka rozpoczyna zajęcia również z młodszymi rocznikami. W sezonie 1975/76 nowym trenerem zostaje Witold Dudzik, który wyprowadził drużynę seniorów na 4 miejsce w klasie okręgowej, natomiast juniorzy zajęli 1 miejsce w swojej klasie rozgrywkowej.

W roku 1976 nastąpiło połączenie Włodawianki z lokalnym rywalem TKKF "Garbovia", w wyniku czego liczba drużyn biorących udział w rozgrywkach wzrosła do pięciu. Jednocześnie powstała szkółka piłkarska skupiająca ponad 60 chłopców.

W 1978 roku Włodawianka stanęła przed szansą awansu do III ligi, niestety dwumecz z Tomasovią zakończył się zwycięstwem drużyny z Tomaszowa Lubelskiego. Drużynę w tym czasie prowadzili Jerzy Stanke i Andrzej Łągwa. Na początku lat 80. drużyna z Włodawy przeżywa krótki regres zakończony w 1984 roku  pierwszym zwycięstwem w Pucharze Polski na szczeblu okręgowym. W tym okresie prace szkoleniowe w klubie prowadzili:  Witold Dudzik, Andrzej Wysokiński, Zdzisław Nowoświatłowski i Edmund Świtka.

W 1991 r. powołano Międzyokręgową Klasę Chełmsko-Zamojską (IV ligę), w której zarówno seniorzy jak i juniorzy zajmują czołowe miejsca. Niestety w 1998 r. przeprowadzono kolejną reorganizację, w wyniku której drużyna seniorów (pomimo zajęcia 10 miejsca w tabeli) spadła do chełmskiej klasy okręgowej (V ligi). Podczas rundy wiosennej sezonu 1998/1999 pracę z drużyną seniorów i dwiema drużynami juniorów rozpoczynają Marek Drob oraz Leszek Kozłowski.

Jesienią 2001 roku doszło do wchłonięcia przez Włodawiankę piątoligowej drużyny Płomień Różanka. W sezonie 2002/2003 drużyna seniorów po raz drugi w historii klubu zdobyła Puchar Polski na szczeblu okręgu i awansowała do dalszych rozgrywek. Po sześciu latach gry w V lidze, w sezonie 2004/2005 Włodawianka zdecydowanie wygrywa rywalizację w tej klasie rozgrywkowej, uzyskując awans do IV ligi. Czwartoligowy sezon 2005/2006 Włodawianka kończy na 15 pozycji, spadając tym samym do chełmskiej ligi okręgowej.

W sezonie 2006/2007 Włodawianka zajęła 3 miejsce w okręgówce, natomiast w kolejnym wygrała rywalizację i awansowała do IV ligi. Czwartoligowy sezon 2008/2009 Włodawianka kończy na 14 pozycji, spadając tym samym do chełmskiej ligi okręgowej. Sezon 2009/2010 w chełmskiej lidze okręgowej kończy na pierwszym miejscu, ponownie awansując do IV ligi. W 2010 roku piłkarze Włodawianki wygrywają finał Pucharu Polski na szczeblu Okręgu chełmskiego i reprezentują okręg w półfinale okręgu lubelskiego ustępując 0 : 1 po zażartej walce drużynie mistrza III ligi Spartakusa Szarowola.

Sezon 2010/2011 Włodawianka kończy na 6 miejscu w tabeli IV ligi lubelskiej. Trenerem w tym okresie jest Marek Drob. Kolejne dwa sezony Włodawianka występuje w IV lidze, opuszczając ją na rok gry w klasie okręgowej by wygrać zdecydowanie tę klasę rozgrywkową i w sezonie 2014/2015 po roku powraca do IV ligi.

Kolejne sezony Włodawianka spędza w IV lidze. Sezon 2017/2018 zaczyna się dla zespołu fatalnie. Po czterech wysokich porażkach, trener Marek Drob ustępuje z funkcji. Włodawiance nie udaje się znaleźć trenera z licencją, w konsekwencji drużyna wycofuje się z rozgrywek i zgłasza się jako Włodawianka II Włodawa do rozgrywek A-klasy.

Ostatnie sezony

Przypisy

Kluby piłkarskie w województwie lubelskim
Sport we Włodawie

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: Native method not found when using C++ I've made two test projects, both android applications using JNI.
For the first one i did not use Android Tools / Add native support. The native method is defined in a .c file using the C syntax of JNI, and it works fine, the method is successfully found and called.
On the second project i did add the native support and I've written the native code in a .cpp file using the C++ syntax of JNI. In this case it doesn't work, the native method is not found when calling it.
I have checked the name of the method 1000 times, it's perfectly spelled. The project compiles properly, the .so libary is also loaded successfully, but the method can not be found.
Here is my Cpp file :
#include <jni.h>

JNIEXPORT void JNICALL Java_xxxpackagenamexxx_xxxclassnamexxx_NativeShowMsgBox( JNIEnv * env, jobject jobj, jstring oStr )
{
    // some stuff
}

What could this be due to ? Why isn't it working when using C++ while it works when using C ? What can I be missing here ?
Thank you.

A: extern "C" {
    JNIEXPORT void JNICALL Java_xxxpackagenamexxx_xxxclassnamexxx_NativeShowMsgBox(...)
    {
        // some stuff
    }
}

A: #include <jni.h>

You must also #include the generated .h file. Makes the function extern "C" and also provides a check that you got the name right.

A: Internally, C++ compilers ''mangle'' the names of C++ functions (e.g., for typing purposes), and they need to be told that a given function should be called as a C function (and thus, not have its name mangled).
For more information about using CPP in shared library, refer here.

A: I experienced this problem when the parameter types I specified in my Java class native function declaration didn't match the types I declared in my c++ method declaration.  Javah would generate what looked to be a proper entry in the .h file, but the c++ compiler always mangled the entry point name.  It wasn't mangling names of my other methods that were written properly.
In my case, I was passing in a long[] in my Java method declaration but was using a jobjectarray in my c++ method declaration.  Changing the c++ declaration to jlongarray solved the problem and the function was no longer mangled.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Indonesia is basically packed with everything you could ever want from a holiday, and on top of that you have culture and traditions to explore too. Put simply, Indonesia is a destination which certainly has to be explored to really say you have travelled, and with so many internal cities and resorts to choose from, such as the capital Jakarta, or idyllic Bali, you really are spoilt for choice.
One destination which you might not have heard of, but one which is certainly worth a visit, is the vibrant yet historical city of Malang.
Malang is situated in East Java, and it is the second largest city, packed with history and culture for visitors to immerse themselves in. The landscapes surrounding the city are full of possibilities for walking, hiking, cycling, and generally throwing yourself wholeheartedly into nature, however the city itself also has an old Dutch colonial feel, with many examples of architecture relating to this particular time in history. You will also find countless temples and Hindu relics to explore, making Malang one of the most picturesque and interesting cities in the country.
As Malang is a large city, there are many accommodation options available, and many sites online will show you the large range on offer, such as the Hotel Santika Malang, for example. When looking for the best room to stay or cheap hotel deals in, your best bet is always to check online first, as this is where you will find the best deals, and you will also be able to check out photos and reviews, before deciding on where you are going to base yourself for the duration of your break.
The city itself is nestled between two sets of mountains, which gives it a truly cut off feeling – Malang is certainly a place for rest and relaxation, with a city vibe thrown in for good measure; this might sound like a contradiction, but it's a feeling which Malang seems to master quite well! Mount Semeru, the highest peak in the region, and Bromo-Tengger-Semeru National Park are located close to the city, and there are countless trips out into the area from the city centre.
On top of this, Balekambang beaches are located a short drive in a southern direction; do bear in mind that locals within the region flock here at weekends, so it might be best to stick to weekdays if you want to enjoy peace and serenity. Additionally, Mount Bromo is a must visit – this is around 2-3 hours' drive away from the city, but will show you the power of nature, as well as it's indescribable beauty.
Within the city however there is also plenty to see and do, including a walking city tour, or heading out by pedicab. Ijen Boulevard is a pretty place to head, and this is a street which is lined with fragrant and colourful flowers, and packed with examples of colonial architecture. Purwodadi Botanical Gardens offer a peaceful day out, as well as showing you a very pretty waterfall, and Singosari Temple is a definite must visit, and a fantastic example of Hindu structures.
Whilst Malang might not be as widely known as cities such as Jakarta, it is certainly up and coming, and a place everyone visiting this region should head to.


One of my favorite subjects to photograph is children! I adore their ability to be real in front of the camera; even when posed, their positions, their smiles are all real! Children are God's blessing to this earth, and I like for my photographs to demonstrate that!


It's a known fact that Portland girls like their whiskey, so it's no surprise that this recipe comes from Julie Richardson, local Portland baker and owner of the very delicious bakery Baker and Spice. This past summer, Richardson recently released Vintage Cakes, a cookbook dedicated to updating old-fashioned recipes (some of which she found in a random box in her bakery's attic!) and turning them into timeless classics with updated ingredients and flavors.
Indeed, Richardson explains that this recipe is actually dates back to 60s, where it was recorded as the prize-winning entry at the 1963 Pillsbury Bake-Off Contest in Platte City, Missouri. The 60s, hm? And here I was thinking that, in the year 2012, we were in the midst of some glorious food revolution since everybody seems to be such a massive foodie these days. Besides, I always thought that the 50s and 60s was the golden era of prepared food? TV dinners, canned food, cake mixes... eitherway, I was wrong. This bourbon butter cake completely debunks all that. Because seriously, this is it. If there's any one recipe to try from my blog (besides Tartine's Lemon Cream Tart, which I still fully endorse), this is it. You will not regret it. This cake will change your life.
Combine 6 tablespoons unsalted butter, 3/4 cup sugar, and 1/4 cup bourbon in a small saucepan over low heat just until the butter melts and the sugar dissolves, whisking to combine. Use immediately.
When the cake is fresh from the oven and cooling on the cooling rack, leave it in the pan and poke holes all over the exposed top (or, what will eventually be the base of the cake) with a wooden skewer.
Wow this looks amazing! I might have to make a GF version. I love your bundt pan- it's so pretty!
Ooh, how rich! That pan shape is so pretty, too. I really need to get some prettier baking dishes... form as well as function!
I've never been a bourbon fan but I have a new friend who is! This may just need to be tested out!
Hi from UT! I was frantically searching online, Thanksgiving Day, for an explanation as to why my "Crack Pie" wasn't setting up well and found your high altitude recipe! Sadly it was a bit too late since they were already baking in the oven, (hello! I should have realized there would be issues since the recipe came from NY elevation) but I've been looking through some of your other recipes for high altitude and I can't wait to try them! What a great blog! Beautiful photography as well. Thanks for sharing!
Oh dear Lord! I have to fight the urge to lick my screen! What bourbon did you end up using?
Hi Bee, I just used some Buffalo Trace bourbon that we had lying around. But really, you can use any kind, it'll all be delicious. I promise!
Totally bookmarking this one!! I love whiskey! Seriously one of my most favorite things eevvverrr, and then to have cake with it? ::insert profanity:: genius!
Looks great. I'm a huge fan of Vintage Cakes, everything I've made has been fantastic!
Printed!! this looks amazing and what a great gift to give at the holidays wrapped up in cellophane with a big bow!


text:
Entrepreneurship Business Model
How Falguni Nayar Broke the Glass Ceiling for Women Entrepreneurs
Nykaa is mostly geared toward women. A choice was made to create Nykaa Man, a separate site for the male population. #ThinkWithNiche
Although since Nykaa's record-breaking capital raising on November 10, Falguni Nayar, 58, was and is the center of attention. Nayar's FSN E-Commerce Investments Ltd's Initial public offering of 5,352 crores was roughly 82.5 twice oversold. However, the woman did not stop the success from knocking her way. The day after, the operating cash flow surpassed over one crore. As shown in the Bloomberg News stating their Billionaires index, Nayar now holds 52.56 % of the firm, is India's wealthiest woman entrepreneur who built this empire herself, with a total wealth of $7.03 billion (52,794 crores) as of November 26.
Biography about Falguni Nayar
Falguni Nayar began her career as a managing director at Kotak Mahindra Capital. At the same time, she was fully fluttering to give a shot for another career option. In 2019, Falguni finally idealized becoming a full-fleshed entrepreneur. Falguni Nayar later worked on e-commerce brand Nykaa from April 1, and by April 21, she had established her firm, FSN E-Commerce Investments Pvt Limited She employed 3 staff around May first week. She began at her father's little office stationed at Lower Parel, Mumbai, which would back in those times accommodate hardly ten to fifteen individuals at a time. It was the 1st of October when the website, Nykaa's officially launched. Nayar adds. In 2013, January, the online portal Nykaa.com started to function in full swing.
Considering that perhaps the vogue trade was predicted to be five to seven times twice the mass of the cosmetics market, Nayar felt confident in his desire to accept it. As per reports by Statista, the Fashion and lifestyle sector in India is estimated to increase by an average of 10.14 percent over the same period to 2025, culminating in global sales of $25,743 million (about Rs.1.93 crores). Sartorial Revenue surged at 256 % in12-month to achieve 665.6 cr in Fiscal 2020, 2 decades afterward. After Q2FY22, it had 2 million yearly active transactional clients, up 417 % year over year. Nykaa Fashion expanded into children's, womenswear, men and household categories, transforming the company into a luxury label.
Also Read: Success Story Of Nykaa- Most Successful Beauty Products Company
Nykaa's Apparel brand is presently a cross marketplace with around 1,500 other renowned brands, including 5 of which are unique, 2 of which it has bought, and 3 of which it has established from the ground up. Nykaa Beauty and Nykaa Fashion are two different firms. Because Nykaa is mostly geared toward women, the choice was made to create Nykaa Man, a separate site for the male population. As per Global Industry Analysts, the Indian male beautification industry was worth $643 million (Rs 4,828 crore) in the industry is expected to rise at a CAGR of over 11% to reach $1.2 billion (Rs 9,010 crore) by the end of 2024.
Falguni Nayar's opponents scoffed at her decision to enter the business landscape at the age of 49, but she persevered because of her courage, dedication, and enthusiasm. Entrepreneurialism is a risky endeavor that demands bravery. Expertise and maturity aren't downsides.
biography-about-falguni-nayar
falguni-nayar
fashion-and-lifestyle-sector-in-india
nykaas-record-breaking-capital
fsn-e-commerce-investments-ltd
initial-public-offering
bloomberg-news
kotak-mahindra-capital
nykaa-fashion
nykaa-beauty


text:
package com.intellij.refactoring;

import com.intellij.openapi.components.*;
import com.intellij.util.xmlb.XmlSerializerUtil;

/**
 * @author yole
 */
@State(
  name = "BaseRefactoringSettings",
  storages = {
    @Storage(
      file = StoragePathMacros.APP_CONFIG + "/other.xml"
    )}
)
public class RefactoringSettings implements PersistentStateComponent<RefactoringSettings> {
  public static RefactoringSettings getInstance() {
    return ServiceManager.getService(RefactoringSettings.class);
  }

  public boolean SAFE_DELETE_WHEN_DELETE = true;
  public boolean SAFE_DELETE_SEARCH_IN_COMMENTS = true;
  public boolean SAFE_DELETE_SEARCH_IN_NON_JAVA = true;

  public boolean RENAME_SEARCH_IN_COMMENTS_FOR_FILE = true;
  public boolean RENAME_SEARCH_FOR_TEXT_FOR_FILE = true;

  public boolean RENAME_SEARCH_FOR_REFERENCES_FOR_FILE = true;
  public boolean RENAME_SEARCH_FOR_REFERENCES_FOR_DIRECTORY = true;

  public boolean MOVE_SEARCH_FOR_REFERENCES_FOR_FILE = true;

  @Override
  public RefactoringSettings getState() {
    return this;
  }

  @Override
  public void loadState(final RefactoringSettings state) {
    XmlSerializerUtil.copyBean(state, this);
  }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


To read more about our unique features, check out why you should Choose Shake That Boothy for your premium photo booth experience.
Read why you need an idle hour here in our FAQ.
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Welcome to Back Garden Moths where you will find fasinating and beautiful moths discovered in a Staffordshire garden. Moths, along with butterflies, form an insect order called Lepidoptera. There are around 160,00 species of moth worldwide, and there are over 2,500 species recorded here in the British Isles, so there are still plenty to discover. Below you will find an example of some of the various forms these marvellous moths can take. Please visit the Species Gallery to view more. There are over 170 species featured on the site at present, and more are being added regularly.


Search and book Wagstaffe mechanics. Book your car service online and save.
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Harley Davidson 2016 Electra Glidw Classic Softail Repair Manual is good choice for you that looking for nice reading experience. We hope you glad to visit our website. Please read our description and our privacy and policy page.
Finally I get this ebook, thanks for all these Harley Davidson 2016 Electra Glidw Classic Softail Repair Manual can get now!


In 12 recorded lessons, Sh. AbdulNasir breaks down salah word-by-word.
Taught in 80 countries around the world to over 10,000 students.
For just $65, you'll receive unlimited, exclusive access to all video content.
Shaykh AbdulNasir Jangda takes something really complicated, like Arabic grammar and eloquence, and breaks it down into a very simple word-for-word study. Drawing on in-depth knowledge of the Arabic language, tafseer of the Qur'an, and hadith of the Prophet ﷺ, he will help you achieve the goal of understanding what you say in prayer.


By Home Girl, aka real-estate blogger Tracey Taylor).
Go to Piedmont and you feel you have entered another world. That's if you live in Berkeley or Oakland or anywhere else where you are a mere mortal.
I suppose Piedmont is the East Bay's equivalent to Pacific Heights. Rarefied, privileged, cocooned. The median list price here for a SFH is $1,236,000 (admittedly a tad lower than Pac Height's $3,357,000, but you get the picture).
I saw a couple of Piedmont listings this weekend. The first was a pink chateau (above) priced at $3,295,000; the second, a 1950s one-level given a complete contemporary overhaul (below), was $745,000 less expensive, but by far the more interesting proposition in my humble opinion.
If you are the old-school type who favors traditional interiors and bourgeois accommodations, the chateau is for you. If, however, you like something a little more risque — a splash of California indoor-outdoor living, a few floor-to-ceiling windows and a handful of sumptuous bathrooms thrown in — then opt for the newer model (below).
Both homes have been on the market for 64+ days, and I would want to know why the second one, at 43 Farragut Avenue, has changed hands no less than four times in the past 11 years (beginning in 1997 — a snip at $1,250,000). But if you're after more bang for you buck than in the Heights, these are both worth investigating.
Oh, I did visit a third open house on my tour of Piedmont: 224 Ricardo Avenue is a perfectly nice house in a perfectly nice area, but it costs $1,275,000 and, to be honest, I felt like I was slumming it. That's the effect Piedmont has on you if you spend more than enough time there.
Above: your new neighbors should you choose to buy 43 Farragut Avenue in Piedmont.
Obama Wants to Jump in on the Real Estate Crisis. Which Way should He Jump?


text:
Children of Men er en britisk dystopisk science fictionfilm fra 2006 instrueret og skrevet af Alfonso Cuarón og løst baseret på P. D. James' roman af samme navn fra 1992. Filmen har bl.a. Clive Owen, Julianne Moore og Michael Caine på rollelisten.

Medvirkende

Eksterne henvisninger

Film fra 2006
Science fiction-film fra Storbritannien
Film instrueret af Alfonso Cuarón