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Mar 19, 2021, 05:57AM
When Normal People "Need" to Use Twitter
John M. Harris
Why do non-psychotics hang around Jack's neighborhood?
Twitter is no more interesting than any other sewer. But the fact that intelligent human beings, and particularly intelligent people above 40, choose to populate it, apparently of their own free will, does exert a type of fascination.
What do these people get out of it? David Rieff, a significant writer, is on the platform all the time, tweeting in at least three languages. As of about noon today, he's posted (licking my finger here) more than a dozen tweets, not including retweets. Reading Rieff's Twitter contributions in the aggregate, you understand that he's disgusted as anyone with the anti-culture of which Twitter represents the poisoned spear-tip. And yet there he labors, day after day, tossing comments and links out onto the platform—pearls, relatively speaking, that sink into this mire for swine. And for what? What does it do for this respected memoirist, this learned former book editor, this reporter from Balkan warzones?
I could name a half dozen other serious thinkers and writers who've placed themselves in the same situation, loitering perennially around the psychotic slum precincts of the Global Neighborhood that that twitchy sociopath Jack built. My best guess is that they'd say they're on Twitter to communicate with like-minded souls—with each other. But if that's their goal they should, to use the modish language of our day, "pivot" back to their moribund Wordpress blog accounts, turning off the reader comments functions while they're at it. For that matter, they might give email another go. Or just go totally Luddite and start writing longhand letters again. Embrace the nib, gentlemen.
Another justification that the non-stupid and the non-damaged give for their presence on Twitter is that the platform is a contemporary analogue to the teletype machine—that contraption that used to rattle the news of the world into the brainpans of journalists, helping them generate the product that my family used to line Buddy the Cat's litter box during my heart-of-the-print-era childhood. But even if Twitter were really nothing more loathsome than an up-to-date teletype machine, which it isn't, what do normal people need teletype machines for?
Anyway, Mother's not buying any of it. She says that even the non-psychotics on Twitter have succumbed too much to their vices—whether they know it or not, giving themselves over to the essentially pornographic "pleasures" of social media.
"The tech pigs have colonized their minds," Mother growled to me one morning, her eyes burning and mole on her chin jumping up and down. "They're chasing serotonin hits like the basest junkie in Cleveland. I'd have more respect for them if they were mainlining the real stuff. Tying off and taking the spike in the cephalic vein. Or sucking the base pipe: the glass you-know-what."
Then, still muttering, she shuffled off to the outhouse to purge herself. Our glorious Russian Orthodox Lent, the blessed velikiy post, has just started, but Mother hasn't gotten used to it yet and keeps huffing down beef jerky on the sly. Hence the need for the fingers down her throat.
As a pioneer of the Benedict Option, I'm forced to face the disquieting possibility that, in at least one important respect, it doesn't work as well as it should.
I have in mind its utility as a framework for raising upright, moral children who adhere to the traditionalist values of their parents. The fact is that by now we're seeing the generation of children raised in Benedict Option communities approach adulthood, and we can judge by looking at them how successful the BenOp has been.
My data pool is small. It comes down to a single teenage girl, my own Daughter. If that pool admittedly lacks amplitude, it is nonetheless disturbing. As I've written, Daughter is now on the "Ivy League track" at her boarding school, which is to say that she stands to become part of the elite administrative caste of our neo-liberal anti-civilization.
Another prominent BenOp proponent has, meanwhile, described how one of his children is interested in entering journalism, while yet another aspires to serving in the U.S. military, that imperial strike-force for the global dissemination of violence, neo-liberalism, and perversion. One of his children seems to have been a Biden voter into the bargain.
What is the BenOp getting us, exactly?
More on this to come.
Older Digital
Phantoms of the Internet
18 Years in Fallujah
Working for Facebook, Amazon and Twitter for Free
Newer Digital
Emergency Alert System Scenario - Gray Goo Apocalypse
Chip Rations Make Me Silver (Semiconductors Running Out On Us)
Passions Amid the Stars


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Il toponimo Valea Seacă può riferirsi a due diversi comuni della Romania:

Valea Seacă, comune del distretto di Bacău
Valea Seacă, comune del distretto di Iași

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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>Health Economics, Policy and Law
>Volume 17 Special Issue 1: SPECIAL ISSUE: Country...
>Unmasking a health care system: the Dutch policy response...
Health Economics, Policy and Law
Captured by a new virus
Between fragmentation and collaboration: the institutionalized context of public health crisis in the Netherlands
Aligning hospital care
Negotiating scarcity
Experts and expertise: a solid and contested policy basis
Unmasking a health care system: the Dutch policy response to the Covid-19 crisis
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 March 2021
Iris Wallenburg [Opens in a new window] ,
Jan-Kees Helderman ,
Patrick Jeurissen and
Roland Bal
Iris Wallenburg*
Erasmus School of Health Policy & Management, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Rotterdam, the Netherlands
Jan-Kees Helderman
Radboud University, Nijmegen, the Netherlands
Patrick Jeurissen
Radboud UMC, Nijmegen, the Netherlands
*Corresponding author. Email: wallenburg@eshpm.eur.nl
The Covid-19 pandemic has put policy systems to the test. In this paper, we unmask the institutionalized resilience of the Dutch health care system to pandemic crisis. Building on logics of crisis decision-making and on the notion of 'tact', we reveal how the Dutch government initially succeeded in orchestrating collective action through aligning public health purposes and installing socio-economic policies to soften societal impact. However, when the crisis evolved into a more enduring one, a more contested policy arena emerged in which decision-makers had a hard time composing and defending a united decision-making strategy. Measures have become increasingly debated on all policy levels as well as among experts, and conflicts are widely covered in the Dutch media. With the 2021 elections ahead, this means an additional test of the resilience of the Dutch socio-political and health care systems.
Covid-crisisNetherlandshealth care system resilience
Health Economics, Policy and Law , Volume 17 , Special Issue 1: SPECIAL ISSUE: Country Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic , January 2022 , pp. 27 - 36
This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press
The Covid-19 pandemic has put policy systems to the test. The acute crisis of the virus outbreak in the late winter of 2020, which resulted in an overflow of severely ill patients in hospitals suffering from yet unknown illnesses, has evolved into a more enduring crisis that challenges the sustainability of national political-economic and health care systems (Bal et al., Reference Bal, de Graaff, van de Bovenkamp and Wallenburg2020; Boin et al., Reference Boin, Lodge and Luesink2020a). In the Netherlands, the virus outbreak has moved the state in the centre of socio-political regulations and health care decision-making. This contrasts with the shift to decentralization and regulated competition that has characterized Dutch health care policies in the past three decades. Although public health implies a centralized approach, the decentralized and competitive governance logic of the Dutch health care system evokes divergent interests. This layered and fragmented institutional infrastructure, we argue in this paper, has put the central government in a difficult position to stipulate stringent policy measures to control the virus outbreak. We show how the government first more or less succeeded in the creation of collective action through 'tactfully' aligning public and private interests, supported by the felt urgency and willingness of a wide range of stakeholders – including the general public. Yet, we show, the government gradually lost control when the crisis became more enduring and conflicting interests and ideologies became more apparent while regional actors failed to pick up their regulating role, arguing for a more decisive and central authority. We use logics of decision-making during crisis (Allison, Reference Allison1971; March and Olsen, Reference March and Olsen1989; March, Reference March1994) and tact (Kornberger et al., Reference Kornberger, Leixnering and Meyer2019) to illuminate how collective action has been orchestrated and challenged in the unfolding Covid-crisis. In doing so, we aim to 'unmask' the institutionalized resilience-capacity of the Dutch health care system.
A crisis is commonly described as an unanticipated, surprising and ambiguous event posing a significant threat and leaving only a short decision time (Kornberger et al., Reference Kornberger, Leixnering and Meyer2019). Following the study of Colin Hay, crises are not simply a condensation of contradictions that produce a condition of rupture and breakdown. For an event to turn into a crisis, it must be perceived as such by agents capable of making a decisive intervention at the level at which the crisis is identified (Hay, Reference Hay1996: 254). Which actors can take up this role, how 'decisive' the intervention is and what it comprehends, depends to a large extent on the institutional features of a policy system (Ansell et al., Reference Ansell, Boin, Kuipers and Zahariadis2016). In this paper, we distinguish four different logics of decision-making. March and Olsen (Reference March and Olsen1989) distinguish two such logics: the logic of consequence and the logic of appropriateness. The logic of consequence reflects a rational choice paradigm based on 'a product of mind and choice' rather than role, routine, intuition or emotion. It supposes the presence of calculated choice between alternatives. The logic of appropriateness, on the contrary, underscores decision makers' ability to read, and respond to 'cues and prompts' based on shared repertoires and institutionalized roles (March, Reference March2006: 203). It relies on elements of tradition, rules, routines, identity and emotion, which is both deliberate and future-oriented. Building on these two logics, Kornberger et al. (Reference Kornberger, Leixnering and Meyer2019) point out the logic of 'tact'. Drawing on an empirical analysis of the refugee crisis in Vienna, they argue that collective actors that do not have shared histories may collectively orchestrate decisions through a way of 'feeling out'; getting a sense of what is going on and switching between cognition and action. The logic of tact stresses the critical interplay of thought and action in decision-making under pressure (p. 260). In the 'Essence of Decision', Graham Allison distinguishes a fourth alternative logic of decision-making: the logic of bureaucratic/governmental political decision-making in which state actors seek to achieve separate goals, which may conflict with each other. Within this logic, individual decision-makers represent various and multiple – potentially conflicting – public interests: where they sit determines where they stand (Allison, Reference Allison1971).
In this paper, we examine how policy decision-making happened in the unfolding Covid-crisis in the Netherlands, building on these four logics. We start with an overview of how the crisis manifested itself in the Netherlands, and how the machinery of policymaking unfolded in the course of the year. We set the scene by pointing out specific moments and debates that stood out in policy decision-making. We then describe the institutional setting of the Dutch health care system, and how the Covid-crisis plays out in the midst of (diffuse) legal requirements and both traditional and new institutionalized arrangements of governing health care and public health. In the empirical sections that follow, we deepen the analysis through the discussion of three topics that were key to crisis decision-making in the Netherlands: the alignment of hospital care; the negotiation of scarcity and the contested role of experts and expertise in policy-making.
2. Captured by a new virusFootnote 1
The Netherlands more or less followed the pace of the Covid-19 outbreak in other European countries. The first wave started late Winter 2020, followed by a second one in September which, after a brief decline, worsened in the course of December. The first Covid-patient ('Patient Zero') was confirmed at the end of February during a live talk show in which the Minister of Health answered questions about the virus outbreak in Europe. The virus was brought in by people returning from skiing trips in Northern-Italy and Austria. Carnival parties in the Southern regions of the country (where carnival is traditionally celebrated) induced a quick spread of the virus. The outbreak first restricted to the South, but mid-March also people in other parts of the country turned sick. Hospitals soon got overwhelmed with Covid-patients, particularly in the most contaminated regions. In those first weeks, the crisis (and policy-making) was framed by scarcity: there was a lack of personal protection equipment (e.g. high-quality face masks and gloves), specialized nurses, intensive care unit (ICU)-beds and ventilators (Wallenburg et al., Reference Wallenburg, de Graaff, Bal, Felder and Bal2020; Boin et al., Reference Boin, Overdijk, van der Ham, Hendriks and Sloof2020b). Late March, the possibility of a 'Code Black' was high on the policy agenda as ICU capacity threatened to reach its limits, forcing politicians and physicians to make choices between life and death. Yet, this stage was never reached.
Policy-making was largely framed by the very acute hospital crisis – also drawing attention away from nursing homes and mental care (Kruse et al., Reference Kruse, van Tol, Vrinzen, van der Woerd and Jeurissen2020). In order to 'flatten the curve' for ICU capacity an 'intelligent lockdown' was promulgated half March. This intelligent lockdown was less stringent than in most other countries in the sense that people were not locked up in their houses and shops remained open (with the exception of bars and restaurants). Many shops closed voluntarily, however, encouraged by a decreased number of customers as well as relatively generous economic support measures. A visit ban was put on nursing homes in order to protect vulnerable residents. People furthermore had to keep 1.5-m physical distance and were urged to work from home (with an exception for so-called 'essential occupations' such as health care workers, police and people working in logistics) and sport facilities, schools and universities were closed, just like the contact occupations, museums and theatres (de Graaff et al., Reference de Graaff, Bal and Bal2020; Boin et al., Reference Boin, Overdijk, van der Ham, Hendriks and Sloof2020b). In contrast to most other countries, wearing face masks was not made obligatory as the experts of the outbreak management team (OMT), led by the head of the infection prevention unit of the National Institute of Public Health (Rijksinstituut voor Volksgezondheid en Milieu, henceforth: RIVM) disputed their effectiveness.
The exact number of people that got infected or died because of Covid-19 during the first wave is unknown; due to scarcity of test capacity only a limited number of people has been tested during the first wave. The gap between excess mortality and registered Covid mortality was much larger in the Netherlands than in surrounding countries, also illustrating the lack of accurate data in the splintered landscape of Dutch data custodians. National death statistics however reveal an excess mortality of approximately 11,000 people during the first wave, especially among elderly persons in nursing homes (Kruse et al., Reference Kruse, van Tol, Vrinzen, van der Woerd and Jeurissen2020).
Policies concerning the intelligent lockdown were mainly based on hospital admission rates and behavioural models. When numbers lowered in May, restrictions were gradually lifted; nursing homes, schools and universities were (partly) reopened, just like contact facilities. Measures of physical distancing however remained in place, and workers were still urged to work from home. Economic measures to soften economic consequences of the crisis were prolonged. The government furthermore enlarged test capacity, advising people to get tested (and go in quarantine) when developing symptoms. However, enlargement of test capacity appeared to be a difficult and highly contested undertaking due to limited test capacity and lacking national coordination (see below).
In the course of the summer, infection rates gradually increased again, particularly among young adults and migrant populations (see Figure 1). The central government appealed to regional authorities to take measures at the local level in order to come to a more tailored approach of combatting local outbreaks. However, after some failed attempts (i.e. the mayors of Rotterdam and Amsterdam introduced a failed experiment with the use of face masks in their city centres which was highly contested among inhabitants and local entrepreneurs), regional authorities refused and publicly declared that 'the government should take responsibility'. When infection rates and, later on, hospitals admissions went up, restrictions were again put into place, initially with the exception of long-term care and childcare facilities, schools and sport facilities for children. It was argued that vulnerable and young people should not be isolated again. In October, and after a prolonged period of political debate, the parliament accepted an amendment to the Public Health Act to provide a more solid legal base to government's restrictions and regulations introduced in the past few months. This new law, amongst others, provided a legal ground for the physical distancing rule, fosters quarantine rules and the obligation to wear face masks in public space. Midst December, just before the Christmas holidays, after heated debates in parliament and the media and driven by a sharp increase of positive tests, hospital admission rates and infected residents in nursing homes, a new round of stringent measures was announced which put the Netherlands into a 'full' lockdown.
Figure 1. Number of COVID-19 cases reported by the local health authorities (GGD).
Below, we discuss how policy issues were framed in the unfolding crisis, and how this opened (and closed) policy venues for decision-making and controlling the socio-political consequences of the pandemic. Pandemic policymaking however happens against the backdrop of institutionalized national health care systems. To that purpose, we first provide a brief overview of the Dutch health care system and zoom in on the role of local and national, and public and private authorities in public health crises.
3. Between fragmentation and collaboration: the institutionalized context of public health crisis in the Netherlands
Dutch health care decision-making is fragmented due to its layered and decentralized nature (van de Bovenkamp et al., Reference van de Bovenkamp, de Mul, Quartz, Weggelaar-Jansen and Bal2014). It consists of four different institutional layers: public health, social support, health care (i.e. primary care and hospital care) and long-term care. Each layer comprehends specific laws, regulations and assigned authorities. For the purpose of this analysis, we focus on public health and hospital care, and how these institutional layers have intermingled with economic-political governance.
The Public Health Act (henceforth: Wet Publieke Gezondheid, or WPG) stipulates authority in case of public health crisis at the national, regional and local levels. Already in January 2020, Covid-19 was classified as a category-A infectious disease. This provided the RIVM with a coordinating role and enabled regional authorities – of which there are 25 – to take measures to protect public health, like prohibiting group gatherings and closing bars, shops and sport facilities. Regional measures are worked out further in local emergency degrees. The A-classification furthermore obligates general practitioners and laboratories to report positive test results in order to foster national surveillance (Dute, Reference Dute2020). The strong regional focus of most active public health measures stipulates the substantial decentralization of Dutch public health regulation in comparison with many other countries – even though, as already mentioned in the above, in practice local authorities appealed to the national government to take measures. Furthermore, public health measures like imposed quarantine policies have been hampered by national privacy regulations. The government has sought to solve this by commissioning the new 'Corona law' mentioned above.
Hospital care stood central in both the first and the second wave as the Covid-outbreak challenged accessibility of health care. During the first wave this particularly concerned ICU-capacity, whereas in the second wave regular hospital capacity is under pressure, also with the attempt to keep as much non-Covid care operational as possible. Governmental authority over hospital care is however weak as a consequence of the tradition of both corporatism and the reforms of regulated competition and decentralization that have characterized the development of the health care system in the past two decades (Helderman et al., Reference Helderman, Schut, van der Grinten and van de Ven2005; van de Bovenkamp et al., Reference van de Bovenkamp, de Mul, Quartz, Weggelaar-Jansen and Bal2014). Although the Dutch government has a constitutional responsibility for the efficiency, accessibility and quality of health care, it is not equipped to accomplish these responsibilities under its own strength. Instead, the health care system has been built upon corporatist arrangements whereby the state has delegated important responsibilities to the various associations of providers and health insurers (Helderman et al., Reference Helderman, Schut, van der Grinten and van de Ven2005). As a consequence, the government and health care providers experience a high degree of public–private dependency and health care policies are highly negotiated.
The introduction of regulated competition in the mid-2000s has established a system in which hospitals compete (both in terms of quality of care and costs) for a contract with health insurers, and health insurers in their turn compete for the insured (Maarse et al., Reference Maarse, Jeurissen and Ruwaard2015). The system is however highly regulated: the Dutch Health care Authority (Nederlandse Zorgautoriteit, henceforth: NZa) has a central role in setting the conditions for regulation and hospital reimbursement to protect the public good (van Erp et al., Reference van Erp, Wallenburg and Bal2020). Professional associations and other interest groups are however highly involved in decision-making – revealing the path dependent development of the Dutch health care system and its reliance on negotiation and trust. This regulatory capacity and negotiated order of the health care system is also visible in the Covid crisis: the NZa deliberately adjusted the conditions for reimbursement (e.g. allowing electronic consults for full reimbursement), negotiated with the national association of health insurers about the reimbursement of Covid care (which was, naturally, not included in the 2019 negotiations underlying the reimbursement agreements of 2020), and attempted to coordinate the accessibility to regular (i.e. non-Covid) care when urgent regular care provision (e.g. cancer treatment) was supplanted by Covid-care.
At a regional level, finally, the system of regulated competition is substituted with a collaborative institutional infrastructure for acute care. Hospitals collaborate within Regional Consultative Bodies for Acute Care (Regionaal Overleg Acute Zorg, ROAZ) for the coordination of acute care delivery and also have a coordinating role in times of incidents or crisis, for instance about the distribution of patients and bed capacity. There are 11 acute care regions who collaborate in a national network (Landelijk Netwerk Acute Zorg, henceforth: LNAZ) to coordinate patient care. In the following, we will further discuss the importance of this developing institutional crisis infrastructure for the framing of the Covid-crisis and how policy-decision making ensued. Rather than a chronological account of the Dutch response to Covid-19, we examine three topics that were key to the national debate and that enable us to analyse the resilience of the Dutch health care system; that is, its ability to cope with unanticipated dangers and to 'bounce back' (Wildavsky, Reference Wildavsky1988).
4. Aligning hospital careFootnote 2
In the Dutch health care system, hospitals do not have an institutionalized public role in times of health crisis. Hospitals have their own emergency plans and are loosely organized in regional and national acute care networks. Individual crisis management however soon appeared insufficient during the Covid crisis. Hospitals were confronted with a large increase of severely ill patients, many of them needing ICU care. Regular care was scaled down to accommodate the growing group of Covid-patients. In the second week of March, hospitals in the South started to get overwhelmed (which was also due to the institutionalized low bed capacity, see below). Physicians contacted colleagues in Northern hospitals to take over patients. This mechanism however soon failed; too many patients were in need of immediate medical support and intensive care treatment. This was the point that a new acute care infrastructure was set up, initiated by LNAZ who did not have a decisive role before. In close contact with the Ministry of Health, it created a centre for the (re)distribution of patients, supported by the Dutch army (Landelijk Centrum Patiënten Spreiding, henceforth: LCPS). This more or less happened overnight. The LCPS took over the distribution of patients. Hospitals were required to provide their admittance rates twice a day, and if needed patients were transferred to other hospitals 'with empty beds'. When the curve flattened early summer, the LCPS was dismantled. It got back into force half October when hospitals faced a second wave of patients and regular care was again scaled down. However, this time the focus was much more on an equal distribution ('fair share') of patients in order to keep up with regular care provision as much as possible. The LCPS, that had quickly grown out from an improvised call centre into a well-equipped and well-organized agency, was provided with the mandate to force unwilling hospitals to accept Covid-patients, showing the increased centralization of decision-making, albeit coordinated through the LNAZ and thus largely under the control of the acute care regions. For example, the LNAZ, in close contact with the medical associations, set criteria for which patients could be transferred.
Hospitals publicly worried about the financial consequences of expensive Covid care provision (i.e. patients were often transferred to ICU departments, usually for several weeks) for which no financial agreements existed, and the loss of regular care on which their financial position was based. Moreover, they were afraid to lose patient groups to competitive hospitals if they would turn into 'Covid-hospitals'. Hospitals anxiously looked at neighbouring hospitals and whether they were scaling down or up and might 'steal away patients' (as a manager of a university hospital explained in an interview). Also, when some hospitals started to use their private clinics to offer regular care, this was seen as a breach of the gentlemen's agreement of 'being in this together'. The same goes for ICU capacity. As this has largely been centralized in Dutch health care (see below) the Covid crisis opened up possibilities for smaller hospitals to increase their ICU capacity, thereby also strengthening their acute care provision. Such competitive logics had to be negotiated constantly in ROAZ and LNAZ contexts. Disputes over extra costs were however mostly settled when health insurers offered generous settlements. Moreover, larger hospitals – mostly university medical centres – have generally gained more in ICU capacity than smaller ones.
The need to 'act as a whole', which fits in with the public health crisis logic, and the private interests to safeguard a hospital's competitive position following the logic of the health care market, exemplifies the clash of two institutional layers of the Dutch health care system; that of the regulated market and that of the crisis organization. However, and especially in the first weeks, old traditions of collective action relived as national agencies, the acute care network, health insurers and hospitals tactfully drew up new collective infrastructures like the LCPS, while the NZa and the health insurance agency negotiated about reimbursement rules to keep Covid care going and soften the pressure of market competition. The NZa negotiated the tariffs and conditions for reimbursement, as well as the compensation of financial losses due to the scaling down of regular care provision. Similar initiatives were taken to compensate primary care providers (e.g. dentists and physiotherapists) for the sudden decline in their service delivery. Also, reimbursement rules were adjusted to enable alternative care provision like e-health and Covid after-care.
5. Negotiating scarcity
The first months of the Covid-crisis were dominated by discussions on scarcity and collective attempts to meet urgent needs. Scarcity was multiple; a shortage of ICU-capacity (especially ICU-beds and ventilators), specialized workforce, personal protective equipment (PPE) and test capacity. Scarcity was both due to the pandemic (i.e. a worldwide unmatched demand for PPE, medicines and ventilators) and institutionalized features of the Dutch health care system, like a limited number of ICU-beds and restricted test capacity.
The scarcity problems were widely covered in the media, and the Minister of Health regularly had to report to parliament about the shortages and solutions to solve these. With regards to PPE, a problem that was particularly threatening (and frightening, interviewees stressed) in the first weeks, the Ministry of Health took up a central coordinating role. Together with the LNAZ, PPEs were imported from all over the word – although the media also reported on costly and failed attempt to get hold on batches of face masks – and distributed among hospitals (nursing homes were only included later on). The government not only coordinated the purchase of equipment, but also took care of its finance, which conflicts with the institutionalized private responsibility of hospitals, but also illustrates the central approach of the first months.
Another main problem in the first phase was the shortage of ICU-beds and ventilators. Compared to other OECD countries, the Netherlands has a low number of hospital beds and particularly ICU-beds (NVZ, 2018). It was calculated that ICU capacity had to be doubled to accommodate all Covid-patients in need of intensive care treatment; expanding capacity from 1150 to 2400 beds – a number that figured prominently in the media during the first crisis (de Graaff et al., Reference de Graaff, Bal and Bal2020). ICU-beds are part of the acute care infrastructure, which is regulated by the Ministry of Health and the NZa. Regulations are based on both costs and quality and have led to a centralization of ICU care as well as an overall decrease of ICU capacity. As a consequence, not every hospital has a 'level 1' ICU department that can provide artificial ventilation, which was needed in case of severe Covid-related sickness. Some patients were sent to Germany that traditionally has a much higher ICU capacity. Scarcity of ICU care was also due to the long-lasting problem of shortage of specialized nurses. This impeded a quick upsurge of ICU-capacity. Hospitals found solutions in speed-training nurses; un-qualified registered nurses were trained to assist ICU-nurses in taking care of Covid-patients. The Health care Inspectorate adjusted ICU-norms quality rules to allow for this ad-hoc solution. Furthermore, the Inspectorate enabled unlicensed nurses to return to their former jobs in hospitals and nursing homes. These examples illustrate again the logic of tact in which public and private actors collectively figured out solutions to the problems they were confronted with, each within their own roles but also with a sense for collective needs.
Testing for Covid-19, a central element in international policies, however appeared an even more complicated and conflictuous undertaking that got more and more politicized. Scarcity of tests and laboratory capacity was due to both a worldwide high demand for tests, and an institutionalized restricted and highly regulated use of laboratory capacity for public health. In the Netherlands, only a few laboratories have been certified to conduct tests in case of public health problems. It became apparent that Dutch microbiologists had been successful in restricting lab capacity, arguing that highly specialized knowledge is needed and cannot be offered by private services (Stokmans et al., Reference Stokmans, Lievisse and Adriaansen2020). Furthermore, testing itself has been assigned to the local health authorities that work for municipalities and lack a national executive coordinating structure which made it difficult to quickly upsurge capacity to test a large number of citizens. This fragmented infrastructure meant that coordination of tests was difficult and that capacity was way too low. Experts (and politicians) argued that testing should be central to the crisis strategy, which was repeatedly expressed within the media and supported by employer organizations. The importance of testing was further underscored by the obligation after the summer to 'stay at home and get tested' in case of health complaints. Schools and health care organizations increasingly faced shortage of personnel as employees had to stay at home awaiting test results, which took days or even a full week due to long waiting times for testing and insufficient lab capacity. The Minister of Health had to testify to parliament and the media about the system failure repeatedly, yet also (and increasingly) articulated his own frustration about the field's incompetency of 'making it work' despite the huge monetary investments. In an interview in a national newspaper early December, the Minister of Health, Hugo de Jonge, stated that 'We have been improvising throughout the crisis' (Aharouay and van den Dool, Reference Aharouay and van den Dool2020) – revealing his annoyance with failing institutional arrangements and lack of institutionalized hierarchical power in the health care system.
Historically grown vital health care infrastructures such as ICU and test capacity thus proved to be a major issue during the crisis and in a way also prevented its solution. Health care reforms of the past few years to curb rising costs have made the system 'leaner', yet also appeared insufficient to ramp up capacity in case of crisis. Although ICU capacity was taken up quickly during the first wave, test capacity took longer to organize and was only realized halfway through the second wave and remained contested. The logics of appropriateness and tact, that had been quite successful in the first months to overcome the fragmented health care system, were replaced by a more hierarchical-bureaucratic logic of decision-making as both the media and field actors (i.e. mayors, hospitals and employer organizations) expected control and leadership from the central government.
6. Experts and expertise: a solid and contested policy basis
The reliance on experts is institutionalized in the Public Health Act which provides a leading role to the RIVM and the Health Council (Gezondheidsraad) in case of public health crisis. The RIVM closely monitors infection and hospital admission rates and uses data models to analyse the impact of policy measures on the spread of the virus. These models have become key instruments for policy decision-making. The Health Council advises the Ministry of Health (amongst others) about vaccination policies and ethical issues. The role of experts and scientific knowledge is furthermore anchored in the national OMT that advises the cabinet about policy measures. The OMT is chaired by the director of the infection prevention unit at the RIVM and includes various scientific experts; all medical doctors, epidemiologists and virologists. This rather narrow focus on medical-epidemiological knowledge has been criticized, however, especially when the societal impact of Corona measures became clear (e.g. loneliness among elderly and children in unsafe home situations that could no longer go to school or day care because of the lock down). Social and economic scientists were hardly involved at the start, nor was the 'normal' advisory structure of the state, which however responded by setting up collaborative projects in the context of the Socioeconomic Council. Also, the RIVM set up a behavioural unit, making use of experts across the country. Social science input into decision-making however remained small.
The OMT has played a crucial role in governmental decision-making. Initially, the cabinet (and the OMT) acted reluctantly in issuing rules, which also resulted in the initial 'intelligent' lock down instead of a 'full' one. They argued that schools should remain open. As children were not the main sources of contamination, they should keep their social lives, and parents should be able to work from home. This more careful approach was soon thwarted by the medical specialist association that argued that not closing schools immediately would be irresponsible. Referring to 'the Italian situation' they appealed to broader worries among teachers and parents about safety at school. During a press conference of Prime Minister Rutte 2 days later, it was indeed announced that all day care, schools and universities would close that same week. This occurrence also illustrates the role of the Dutch media in national policy-making, which has sharply increased in the past few months. The media has had a striking role in the sharpening of restrictions as ample room was given to critical experts striving for more stringent measures, yet the media was much more reluctant to express criticism on restrictions.
In the course of the summer a more contested and dispersed picture emerged. Infection and mortality rates and hospital admissions had sharply decreased, and restrictions were lifted. Mayors and other local authorities, at the same time, increasingly felt responsible to keep transmission rates low while also recognizing that people were out more often and violated the Corona-rules (e.g. keeping 1.5 m distance). Local authorities and (self-announced) experts and public figures increasingly started to criticize policy measures and national political leaders in talk shows, on social media and in the newspapers. Striking example is the so-called 'Red Team' consisting of a wide variety of scientists, (retired) physicians and opinion makers who argued for a much more stringent policy approach like the obligation to wear face masks and to close schools in case of infections. These 'critical actors' actively approached mayors, policy-makers from the Ministry of Health and journalists, pointing at more stringent policies in other countries that might be more successful in curbing the virus. They got support from (amongst others) associations of teachers and also some experts from the OMT openly supported these ideas. As a result, a new policy venue for a more 'law-and-order' approach was created that not only conflicted with the more moderate policy approach of the first wave, but also embarked on the 'tactful' approach of collective action and decision-making in the first phase of the crisis. This law-and-order approach was played out full midst December when infection rates went up and hospital and nursing home directors warned for an overwhelmed health care system with Christmas parties ahead. Prompted by an OMT advise, as well as publicly expressed worries of the mayors of the safety regions who did not manage to keep shopping areas quiet and signalled many violations of the 1.5 m distance norm, the government issued an immediate and full lock down. Although most citizens were caught by surprise, opinion surveys revealed that the measures were supported by a majority of the population.
Experts and 'science' play a central role in Dutch crisis policy making. Covid-19 policies are presented as evidence-based (following the logic of consequence), although the government and especially Prime-Minister Mark Rutte have frequently underscored the deep uncertainty in which decisions are taken, also revealing the 'probe and learn strategy' of the government (Ansell and Boin, Reference Ansell and Boin2019). The politization of the crisis, which has become increasingly apparent after the summer, however left little room for such a pragmatist approach. Experts who plead for more stringent measures have become more dominant, calling on a 'politics of urgency' (Versluis et al., Reference Versluis, van Asselt and Jinhee2019) that is supported by most media. This has given room for a more hierarchical and bureaucratic logic of decision-making, allowing for strict lock down measures at the time of writing. Shops, contact vocations, day care, schools and universities are closed, and traveling outside the country has been all but forbidden – yet nursing home and mental care facilities have remained open as 'locking up' older persons and vulnerable people is considered unethical.
Public health crises, like the Covid-19 outbreak, require decisive intervention at both national and local levels. How such interventions are structured and play out in policy and health care practice depends on the institutional infrastructure of health care systems, revealing its institutionalized resilience capacity (Ansell et al., Reference Ansell, Boin, Kuipers and Zahariadis2016). In the unfolding Covid crisis in the Netherlands, crisis management and decision-making were initially led by March and Olsen's (Reference March and Olsen1989) logics of consequence and appropriateness; authoritative agents were largely capable of effective and legitimate decision-making. The Ministry of Health and the national acute network took over the purchase of necessary equipment and supported the expansion of ICU-capacity through the negotiation of both quality and reimbursement regulations. At the same time, socio-economic measures were taken to curb the virus outbreak and soften societal consequences, and local authorities participated in executing national safety measures. We have shown how 'tact' was used to align the much more top-down orientation of the public health infrastructure with the decentralized and fragmented structure of the hospital market to deal with this situation in which traditional scripts and cognitive schemata had fallen short (Kornberger et al., Reference Kornberger, Leixnering and Meyer2019). As long as the deployment of tact ('connecting thoughts to actions') resulted in workable interventions, this approach indeed strengthened the resilience of the system. Yet, when partisan interests became too heterogeneous and the various thoughts underlying these interests no longer resulted in unitary decisions and actions, decisive interventions became subject to the logic of bureaucratic/governmental political decision-making in which decision-makers no longer attempt to defend a united decision-making strategy. This indeed happened when the acute crisis turned into a more enduring one, and 'cracks and gaps' emerged in the policed policy strategy, fostered by the intervention of more conservative experts that got a voice through the media that was on top of all details of the Covid-crisis. The lacking testing infrastructure further politized crisis management, also revealing the downsizes of a fragmented and lean-oriented health care system. Fierce and widespread criticism, both from members of the OMT and 'outside' experts that have grown into TV personalities as the crisis prolonged, as well as increasing infection rates, have engendered stringent lockdown measures that had seemed impossible in the first months of the crisis. With the 2021 elections ahead, this means an additional test of the resilience of the Dutch socio-political system and the Dutch health care system. Covid-19 not only unmasks some of the most critical features of the Dutch health care system, it has also become the litmus test for political decision-making in times of crisis.
1 In this section, we make use of the Hepl-blogs we published in the course of 2020, see https://www.cambridge.org/core/blog/2020/04/06/the-netherlands-response-to-the-coronavirus-pandemic/.
2 In this section, we make use of our empirical research (observations, interviews and document analysis) on the Covid outbreak and decision-making structures in the Netherlands, see (Bal et al., Reference Bal, de Graaff, van de Bovenkamp and Wallenburg2020; Wallenburg et al., Reference Wallenburg, de Graaff, Bal, Felder and Bal2020).
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Ming, Xin and De Jong, Menno 2021. Mental Well-Being of Chinese Immigrants in the Netherlands during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Survey Investigating Personal and Societal Antecedents. Sustainability, Vol. 13, Issue. 8, p. 4198.
Wallenburg, Iris de Graaff, Bert Bal, Jenske Felder, Martijn and Bal, Roland 2021. Organising Care in a Time of Covid-19. p. 121.
Lyng, Hilda Bø Ree, Eline Wibe, Torunn and Wiig, Siri 2021. Healthcare leaders' use of innovative solutions to ensure resilience in healthcare during the Covid-19 pandemic: a qualitative study in Norwegian nursing homes and home care services. BMC Health Services Research, Vol. 21, Issue. 1,
Schrecker, Ted 2022. The Unequal Costs of Covid-19 on Well-being in Europe. p. 21.
Meijer, Kim Hoekstra, Trynke Brandenbarg, Pim and Hoekstra, Femke 2022. The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Physical Activity and Social Isolation among Adults with Physical Disabilities Living in Canada and The Netherlands. Disabilities, Vol. 2, Issue. 4, p. 778.
Kuijper, Syb Felder, Martijn Bal, Roland and Wallenburg, Iris 2022. Assembling care: How nurses organise care in uncharted territory and in times of pandemic. Sociology of Health & Illness, Vol. 44, Issue. 8, p. 1305.
Iris Wallenburg (a1), Jan-Kees Helderman (a2), Patrick Jeurissen (a3) and Roland Bal (a1)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: How to check if select is selected in AngularJS How I can check if select is selected in AngularJS. I tried to use
$scope.$watch

On models for these selects but I think this is not efficient.
This is example of my current solution.
html:
<div ng-app>
<div ng-controller="testCtrl">
    <select ng-model="first">
        <option value="1">1</option>
        <option value="2">2</option>
    </select>
    <select ng-model="second">
        <option value="1">1</option>
        <option value="2">2</option>
    </select>
</div>
</div>

And JavaScript code:
function testCtrl($scope) {
$scope.$watch('first + second', function () {
            if (angular.isDefined($scope.first) &&
                angular.isDefined($scope.second)
                ) {
               alert("user chose from the two drop downs.");
            }

        });
}

And here is jsfiddle:
http://jsfiddle.net/zono/atN5n/1/
But I think this solution is not effective.

A: Typically it is considered bad form to have watches set up on your controller (they work much better in directives).
In each of your selects you can add
<select ng-change="selectChanged()"...

Then in your controller you can handle this event, as you were intending to do with your watch
function testCtrl($scope) {
    $scope.selectChanged = function () {
        if (angular.isDefined($scope.first) &&
            angular.isDefined($scope.second)) {
            alert("user chose from the two drop downs.");
        }
    });
}

Working Fiddle
Here is some more information regarding this: http://www.benlesh.com/2013/10/title.html

A: Hint: AngularJS is providing ngFocus and ngBlur directives.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Now Available! The Complete Guide to Sony's Alpha 850 and Alpha 900 Digital SLR Cameras by Gary Friedman!
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Also included in this 510-page compendium are dedicated chapters on Dynamic Range Optimization, Sony's new Wireless flash protocol, new features unique to the A900, the new HVL-F20AM flash, and how to get great-quality high-ISO images out of the camera.
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"Shortly after purchasing an a850 I purchased [a competitor's] book. Several chapters in I was no more informed or skilled than I was when I started. I had NOT purchased Friedman's book because I don't like ebooks as much as I do like (and use, via marginalia and color-coded flags) books on paper. Big mistake. Friedman's book is exemplary: clearly structured, clearly written, well edited, and concise. It's a book written with the needs of the student foremost in mind, never losing sight of the goal of teaching a skill and communicating the understanding that makes remembering and using that skill easier. As noted by another respondent, the chapter on Sony flashes alone is worth more than the cost of the book. And that's just one chapter. I return to my copy of Friedman's book all the time (and have marked it up with e-marginalia). After purchasing Friedman's book I had no reason to go back to [competor's] book." – Kriekira from dpreview.com. Read thread here.
"It is the best guide out there hands down…..Sony should PAY him and bundle this book with their cameras….well worth EVERY penny." – Eskasi on dpreview.com. Read the entire discussion forum thread.


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Re-mastered for current generation systems, DOOM 3 and it's expansion pack offer enhanced visuals further immersing you in the demonic world like never before. DOOM 3, Resurrection of Evil, and 'The Lost Mission' have been optimized in 3D, featuring 5.1 surround sound, Xbox 360 Achievements, PlayStation 3 trophies, improved rendering and lighting, and a new check point save system allowing for smoother progression through the game. id Software has fine-tuned the controls to bring the intensity of the DOOM single and multiplayer experience to the consoles, and DOOM 3 now features the new armor-mounted flashlight, allowing players to illuminate dark corners and blast enemies at the same time.
DOOM 3 BFG Edition will also include the original DOOM® and DOOM® II games, making it the definitive collection of the genre-defining games developed by id Software, the pioneers of the first-person shooter genre.
DOOM 3 BFG Edition has not yet been rated by the ESRB. For more information please visit www.facebook.com/Doom.


Game Questions & Answers (Q&A) service lets you ask questions about video games for game consoles or PC games. So ask your NASCAR Heat 3 question for Playstation 4 and get answers from real gamers or answer questions and share your insights and experience with the rest of the gaming community.
Why is my car not running as I play "my career" and "online"? It starts off fine, but a lap or 2 in, it has engine problems and I have to SIMS the race because it will not let me race. It has been 5 races in a row and I went online to race and it happened there.


Hey Guys! Check out the art page for four new very awesome images!
Just got a new version of the demo from Micro-Fort�. The demo is really starting to come together. The new streamlined tutorials play very well.
New to this version is an operational Options screen. That was one of the last major components required in the demo. We're play-balancing, tweaking and fixing bugs (as usual).
The size of the demo is creeping up. With all the good stuff in it, and the spoken audio for the tutorials and missions, we're expecting around 120MB (100MB without dialogue audio).
Hey Everyone! How about a jigsaw puzzle with your favorite Fallout characters?
It's only a click away... and these things are pretty fun. Well, either fun or addicting, but either way... I'm telling you, I get on that thing and I'll just keep playing.
All you've got to do is is go to the InterplayGames.com Games page, and find the jigsaw city link for a little of the action. If the Fallout pictures aren't the first to pop-up on the page all you have to do is just click on the little thumbnail to the left and choose. There's one Fallout2 puzzle and 2 Fallout Tactics puzzles!
Hey all you Fallout fans! Here's your chance to talk to the Fallout Tactics team directly... yep, that's right, it's an IRC Chat!
Hey Everyone, check out the links page for a new interview with the Micro Forte team! Also in the goodies section the top 3 goodies are new.
Oh yeah! Lot's of good stuff!
First of all there's a development update from Chris Taylor, Senior Game Designer, right below this! And to make looking for a certain development update a little bit easier I've added a "jump to a dev update" drop down box to the side with the "Old News" items!
Also I've added some awesome PipBoy stuff! (Here's a hint for future reference... click on the thumbs-up PipBoy image by the logo).
I've also added images of some of the vehicles into the vehicles section. These images are sweet, so make sure you check them out.
The conversion from a turn-based only single-player, single-character game to a multi-character, multi-player game that supports both turn-based and real-time play (through the CTB system) is interesting at times. One of the most "interesting" systems that needs some tweaking are the First Aid and Doctor skills. We've spent a fair bit of time recently going over them, and I thought you might be interested in where we are going. Nothing is final, so things could change between here, the demo and the final release - please keep that in mind.
In the original Fallout games, First Aid and Doctor were used to heal damage (both Hit Point damage, and in the case of Doctor, crippled limbs). To limit their use, there was an arbitrary limit of three uses per skill per game-day. This was to keep the player from simply skilling his health back to full. First Aid took 30 game-minutes, and Doctor took several game-hours. Neither skill could be used in combat, where the only healing was provided by items, like the trusty Stimpak. These skills had items that could improve the skill, but were not required for use.
This model fails under multiplayer conditions, since it basically means these two skills are useless. Your doctor character becomes nothing more than a repository for Stims, which can be interesting, but wasn't interesting enough for us.
We played around with several options, including one where the skills healed a percentage of damage over time (with Doctor healing a larger percentage than First Aid). This did not please us!
We're currently trying a system much closer to the original. First Aid and Doctor still heal damage based on small random dice rolls, but they can be used in the middle of combat (without some specialization and Perks, they could easily take longer than a single turn to accomplish anything, however). The higher your skill, the lower the AP cost and the more likely you are of being able to recover if wounded while healing your target. This gives a good reason to continue to improve the skill past 100%, like all the other skills. There will probably be a new Perk ("Stat!") that lowers the AP cost of using First Aid and Doctor in combat.
First Aid will not require an item for use, but Doctor will and there is a chance that your Doctor's Bag could run out after each use.
But we needed to limit the skills, and make healing items useful, so we capped the amount of health that these skills can restore to a person. First Aid cannot be used on someone who has more than 50% of their Hit Points. Doctor can go all the way up to 75%.
Playtesting will prove to use if these changes are worthwhile and interesting.
There is more, of course, but that's enough for this update. If you have any questions, please feel free to visit the forum messageboards.
Hey everybody, check out Pip Boy in action with the short movie located in the file section!


It took a lot of patience and several hours to complete our wall. The end results are well worth the hard work! Using a foam roller was easier for this project compared to a paint brush, as we had a lot of surface area to cover.
For this project we used a foam roller, painters tape, paint, and the 18" x 18" stencil.
Before starting the project, cover the areas you don't want paint on with painter's tape. We decided to start painting from the bottom of the wall towards the top because of our sloped ceiling. It is best to always start from the same direction to keep the design flowing well and to avoid overlapping.
Once you are ready place the stencil on the surface and put a few pieces of painters tape around the edges of the stencil to hold it in place. For uneven surfaces and edges, you might need someone to help hold the stencil while painting.
We poured a little paint on a Styrofoam plate, dipped the roller then took off excess paint onto a well absorbing paper towel before applying it to the wall. The trick to ensure not to get any paint under the stencil is to always keep a dry roller by rolling off the excess onto a paper towel.
Watch the video below to see how to apply the paint using the roller.
We used wet wipes to clean up paint spots on the wall. Doing this immediately while the paint is wet is easier.
Once the paint started to dry on the stencil, we washed the stencil and restarted. We found this laser cut stencil flexible, which is helpful especially when we were working on edges around the window sill.
All rights reserved on photographs and written content Createwithmom © 2010-2018. Please Ask First Disclosure: Please note that all opinions and thoughts expressed are my own. For reviews and/or sponsored posts on this site I may have received special perks as part of my affiliation.
I love the pattern and the color.
The color is just lovely,I don't know if i would have the patience.
This looks beautiful. Something I would do in a permanent hone for sure!
It looks good but I would never have the patience!
I would find a way to mess this up, but I love it.
looks lovely, not sure I would have skill or patience to attempt! Love the Blue!
Very cool! Looks like it was worth the hard work!
Lovely - what a nice home project.
It looks fabulous! My daughter has done a few Stencil Wall Art projects and they all turned out great.
I like the pattern and colour (blue and white is one of my favourite combinations). These stencils seem like a great way to make a space special.


text:
Le Palais Adoldo est un édifice Renaissance de Venise, situé dans le quartier  Santa Croce et surplombant le Grand Canal . A droite se trouve l'église de San Simeone Piccolo, à gauche le Palais Foscari Contarini.

Histoire
Le palais  a été construit dans la première moitié du . Le lieu abritait la famille Adoldo ou Adoaldo d'origine grecque affiliée à l'aristocratie vénitienne. Les Adoldo se sont installés à Venise au cours des premiers siècles de la fondation de la ville et ont contribué  au financement de la construction de l'église voisine de San Simeone Piccolo. Ils possédaient l'île d'Andros et la moitié de l'île de Sercino que le dernier descendant, Nicolò, mort en 1432, vendit aux  Michieli. Un membre de la famille, Lucia Adoldo, a fait don du palais à la paroisse de San Simeone Piccolo, comme en témoigne une inscription sur la façade. La même pierre mentionne qu'en 1520 le bâtiment dangereux a été reconstruit et agrandi par Vittore Spiera.

Architecture
La façade se compose de trois étages et d'une mezzanine. Le rez-de-chaussée est recouvert de pierre blanche et présente de simples ouvertures rectangulaires. Les deux étages nobles sont ornés de bifores à colonnes ioniques flanqués d'une paire de monofores de chaque côté. Le premier étage noble comporte deux rangées de pierre sur le mur. Le dernier étage présente une tour centrale  avec trois fenêtres carrées réunies par un arc. A son sommet se trouve une statuette d'aigle.

Galerie

Notes et références

Palais dans le sestiere de Santa Croce


text:
Home Featured Guest Business & Leadership Video The Art of Philanthropy
The Art of Philanthropy
By embtel Business & Leadership Video Business and leadership Transcripts Family Office & Wealth Transcripts Family Office & Wealth Video Family Transcripts Family Video Philanthropy Transcript Philanthropy Video Tax & Wealth Preservation Transcript Tax & Wealth Preservation Video May 22, 2019
https://groco.com/featured-guests/the-art-of-philanthropy/
https://groco.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Working-it.mp4
About Tad Taube
Bay Area businessman Tad Taube is the chairman of Taube Philanthropies and board president emeritus of the Koret Foundation in San Francisco. He is chairman and founder of the Woodmont Companies, a diversified real estate investment and management organization.
At his alma mater, Stanford University, Mr. Taube is founder and advisory board chair of the Taube Center for Jewish Studies, established in 1986. He is a member of the Board of Overseers of the Hoover Institution and serves on its Executive Committee, and was founder and past chairman of the advisory board of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research (SIEPR). In addition, Mr. Taube is past chair of the Stanford Athletic Board. His involvement in Stanford Athletics includes his family's principal gift to Stanford's Taube Family Tennis Stadium and his significant support of Stanford's new football stadium, built in 2006. He has served as trustee of the University of Notre Dame de Namur, the University of San Francisco, and as governor of The Hebrew University in Jerusalem, and was chairman and CEO of Koracorp Industries (successor to Koret of California) from 1973 until its merger with Levi Strauss in 1979.
Born in Kraków, Poland, in 1931, Tad Taube immigrated to the United States in the summer of 1939, just months before the outbreak of World War II. In 2003, Mr. Taube established a philanthropic program – the Jewish Heritage Initiative in Poland (JHIP) – which supports the revitalization of Jewish culture in now-democratic Poland. In 2007, the Republic of Poland named Mr. Taube Honorary Consul for the San Francisco Bay Area. In June 2015, then President of the Republic of Poland Bronislaw Komorowski awarded Taube the Commander's Cross of the Star of the Order of Merit, Poland's highest level official state distinction for a foreign civilian, which Taube adds to his Commander's Cross of the Order of Merit, received in 2004.
Mr. Taube holds BS and MS degrees from Stanford University and served as an officer in the U.S. Air Force.
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Art As An Investment
This post was originally published on this sitehttps://groco.com/featured-guests/art-as-an-investment-2/ https://groco.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Working-it.mp4 Transcript Alan Olsen: [00:00:00] Welcome back. I'm here today with Jim…
Rising from Rubble to Build an Empire
This post was originally published on this sitehttps://groco.com/featured-guests/rising-from-rubble-to-build-an-empire/ https://groco.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Working-it.mp4 About Jerry Brenholtz Jerry Brenholz co-founded ATR International, Inc. in 1988….


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Fixisme kan de volgende betekenissen hebben:

Een achterhaald concept in de biologie, zie fixisme (biologie);
een achterhaald concept in de aardwetenschappen, zie fixisme (geologie).


Back from London now from a four day deep dive into complexity theory and Cynefin practice with Dave Snowden and Tony Quinlan from Cognitive Edge. It was a packed full four days with many many many bits and pieces of philosophy, natural science, organizational theory and a few exercises thrown in. It was presented in a straight up lecture format, eight hours a day with one or two exercises and some short periods of conversation. The best reflection periods were the three to four hours afterwards with classmates engaged in what my new Welsh friend Sion Charles and I called "Celtic reflection" which obviously involves pints, craic and towards the end of the evening, a night cap of whisky (and I do owe you a round of malt Sion!). Oh, and really terrific chats about what we had learned and how it can be applied.
At least I was ready for it, having had several friends tell me that the pedagogy is all about "download from the front, try a few things at your tables." When you know this is what you are going to get, you just go in prepared. It's not how I teach, but then I wasn't there to see an imitation of myself. I was there to hear the latest thinking from Dave (especially around the Cynefin sub domains, Cynefin dynamics and the other bits and pieces of theory he's chasing down) and to hear practitioner stories and experience some of the methods, which Tony showered down on us on days one and four. I was alos curious to explore how Cynefin might better inform my thinking about developmental evaluation. I think now I have a good idea of Cognitive Edge's approach with clients, and some of the heuristics and principles for applying Cynefin and designing exercises that help us work in the complex domain. And I have a few new lines of inquiry and practice around developmental evaluation that might make their way into some new teaching material, and perhaps a new offering.
I am not new to this framework at all, and it has been a staple of my work with clients over the past few years. I find that it helps to present a strong and clear sense of why you need to do things differently when you are faced with complexity. It helps us understand the point of dialogic approaches to problem-addressing, and in deeper applications, it helps us to adopt better strategic practices for working with emergent and evolutionary situations. I have even worked with SenseMaker(TM) on a project in the United States and learned quickly how people with traditional social science research mindsets hit the wall with gathering data for collective sense-making rather than expert analysis.
As a reference point I though I would gather together a few of my pieces on Cynefin, including videos of me teaching the framework, illustrated with stories from my own practice. So here is a recap of what I know about the framework so far, and it will be interesting to see how that changes as the future unfolds.
A webinar I did for Transition US.
My method for teaching Cynefin using physical exercises.
The importance of understanding the disorder domain.
Dave's nine principles for making complexity simple.


can manufactured sand used for plaster mortar? can manufactured sand used for plaster mortar Plaster – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. select artificial sand use . Dry Mix Mortar Manufacturing Plant, Suppliers & Dry mix mortar is an innovative technology that offers an extremely thin-joint (~2mm) alternative to the conventional .
Of course, the manufactured can be used in the ready mix concrete plant. Manufactured sand is processed by the sand making machine and other ancillary equipment. The finished products are more regular and can be processed into professional industrial sand with different grades and sizes according to different technological requirements.
Manufactured sand or manufactured fine aggregate (MFA) is produced by reducing larger pieces of aggregate into sand-sized aggregate particles. Manufactured sands tend to be used in mixtures in areas where natural sand is not available or not cost effective to be hauled to the needed location.
Screened Manufactured Sand is a sand produced from the process of crushing rock. The rock dust from the crushing process is then screened to produce a sand that can be used for suitable purposes.
Silica sand and other hard sand particles that are a by product of rock cutting (for landscaping and architectural) are considered manufactured soils and can be used as construction materials or be used in sand blasting industry.
Manufactured sand is especially suitable for the production of high strength concrete, high performance concrete and pump concrete. Manufactured sand can be used as one important component in concrete, mortar, and concrete and mortar products production.
Sand is a loose granular finer aggregate material. Two common types of sand are naturally occuring sands and manufactured sands, which are produced by crushing larger aggregate into sand. Manufactured washed sands are an essential ingredient for concrete production as it can produce strengths exceeding that of less angular natural alluvial sands.
Manufactured Sand (ASTM C33) Staten Island Asphalt offers customers ASTM C33 more commonly known as manufactured sand or washed concrete sand. Sand is used for many residential and commercial construction projects but there are different grades of sand for different applications.
Another critical issue with manufactured sand besides the fact that the process creates a sand that is dusty, is the concern over getting it in your child's eyes. Because the machines crush the rock, the process also creates angular stone shapes which have sharp or pointy edges.
In International Construction Scenario, no river sand is used at all, only sand is manufactured and used, which gives superior strength and its cubical shape ensures significant reduction in the cement used in the concrete. Eco-Friendly. Manufactured sand is the only alternative to river sand.
As a raw material, industrially produced sand is much more inexpensive than cement. The price of manufactured sand can also be lower compared with natural sand, which decreases the production cost of the concrete even further.
The original rock tailings manufacturing sand contains many course particles with a worse stone gradation, but when we add fine sand in an appropriate proportion, its gradation can get an improvement so that it can be used to produce concrete.
SAKRETE Natural Play Sand can be used in playgrounds, sandboxes, gardens and landscaping applications. This is a screened, washed, and dried sand. This is an all-purpose product and can also be used for traction sand, patio paver foundation, above ground pool foundation, gardening and stone boxes.
Manufactured sand/ M-sand is crushed aggregates produced from hard granite stone which is cubically shaped with rounded edges washed and graded with consistency to be used as a substitute for river sand.
Manufactured sand can be used in all the places where natural sand has been utilized. Because of irregular shape and rough texture, at times Workability will be affected. Because of this Masons will be having some complaints, mainly in plastering activity.
Many products used in everyday life are made from sand. Different kinds of sand are used for varying industrial purposes. For example, sand used for cement and concrete can be very different in physical and stone composition than sand used in the making of fiberglass, or container glass.
Locating potential sources of beach compatible sands can be expensive, time-consuming, and difficult owing to the stringent state and federal requirements that are often imposed on the specific composition and sand types used for beach restoration or sand placement projects.
Yes, M-Sand (crushed sand) can replace 100% river sand in a concrete mix proportion. M-Sand are manufactured by latest technology (Vertical shaft impactor nachines). They give at par results in comparison to rivers sand concrete mixes, in both fresh and hardened state.
Can Manufactured Sand Be Used In Concrete The availability of natural sand for concrete production is facing challenges, while theshape, they can be successfully used as high-quality manufactured sand already today.This can be described as a sort of "chain", starting with rock blasting in a hard rock quarry, advancing to rock .
Mortars with Manufactured Sand exhibited better flow characteristics. The ideal flow values as collected from different construction sites by IISc are in the range of 85 to 100%. To achieve a given flow value, mortar with Manufactured Sand requires lower water-cement ratio as can be seen in the graphs.


Even though your daughter is considered an adult where dining is concerned, she may certainly order from the children's menu if there is something on there that she would enjoy.
Here is a sample of the children's menu at Cinderella's Royal Table.
If you have a specific request, you can discuss this with your server - they will do their best to accommodate everyone's requirements, so that you can all have the best time.


text:
Witold Maciej Mazur (ur. 3 maja 1973 w Sanoku) – polski łyżwiarz szybki, wielokrotny medalista mistrzostw Polski, reprezentant Polski. Absolwent AWF w Krakowie, trener.

Życiorys
Syn Józefa. Wychowanek trenera Leszka Ciuka w klubie MKS Zryw Sanok. W karierze łyżwiarstwa szybkiego reprezentował barwy klubów TS Zryw (Roweromania) Sanok, SMS Zakopane, od 2007 SKŁ Górnik Sanok. Występował także jako panczenista niestowarzyszony (m.in. w 2007).

Barwy SKŁ Górnik Sanok reprezentował w latach 2008-2009 (w tym czasie zdobył 3 medale: 2 srebrne i 1 brązowy).

W 1990 został członkiem kadry narodowej Polski. W 2002 roku był w szerokiej kadrze na Zimowe Igrzyska Olimpijskie 2002 w Salt Lake City, jednak przed olimpiadą został wycofany ze składu przez zarząd PZŁS. Cztery lata później był również pierwotnie przewidziany w kadrze Polski na kolejne Zimowe Igrzyska Olimpijskie 2006 w Turynie, gdy na początku 2006 w zawodach Canada Post Cup w Calgary uzyskał minimum olimpijskie i został zatwierdzony 20 stycznia tego roku. Jednak również tym razem nie został olimpijczykiem, gdyż przesądziła o tym redukcja listy zawodników z 28 stycznia, którzy osiągnęli minima kwalifikacyjne. Mazur wypełnił minimum wyznaczone przez Międzynarodową Unię Łyżwiarską, lecz z powodu zbyt dużej ilości zgłoszeń (limit dla łyżwiarstwa szybkiego wynosił 170 osób, a zgłoszono 220 osób) ostatecznie na igrzyska nie pojechał. Organizacja skreśliła 50 zawodników, wśród nich także Mazura. Tym samym nie powiodła się jego czwarta zakwalifikowania się na zimowe igrzyska olimpijskie.

Następnie przerwał na rok karierę z uwagi na kłopoty zdrowotne. Po powrocie ponownie występował w zawodach o Mistrzostwo Polski.

Występował także w zawodach wrotkarskich. We wrześniu 1999 w Warszawie zdobył srebrny medal podczas I Mistrzostw Polski we Wrotkarstwie

Po zakończeniu kariery zawodniczej osiadł w Dusznikach-Zdroju i został trenerem w sekcji jazdy szybkiej na rolkach w UKS Orlica Duszniki Zdrój.

Został trenerem II klasy. W czerwcu 2012 wygrał konkurs na stanowisko trenera głównego szkolenia kobiet ogłoszony przez Polski Związek Łyżwiarstwa Szybkiego. Pozostawał na tej funkcji do maja 2013. Od tego czasu nadal współpracował z kadrą kobiet i jej głównym trenerem Krzysztofem Niedźwiedzkim, w tym w styczniu 2013 został powołany do sztabu szkoleniowego na Zimowe Igrzyska Olimpijskie 2014 w Soczi. W późniejszym czasie był trenerem kadry młodzieżowo-juniorskiej, a w kwietniu 2016 został szkoleniowcem kadry Polski mężczyzn.

10 maja 2017 odniósł obrażenia w wypadku drogowym, po tym jak jadąc rowerem został potrącony przez samochód.

Osiągnięcia

Nagrody i odznaczenia
 Nagroda Miasta Sanoka za rok 1994 za całokształt dorobku sportowego w łyżwiarstwie szybkim
 Brązowy Krzyż Zasługi (2014, za zasługi dla rozwoju kultury fizycznej, za osiągnięcia w pracy trenerskiej)
 Trzecie miejsce w plebiscycie dla najpopularniejszego sportowca Sanoka za rok 1994
 Trzecie miejsce w plebiscycie na najpopularniejszego sportowca województwa krośnieńskiego, organizowanym przez czasopismo "Podkarpacie" za rok 1997

Przypisy

Bibliografia

 Ostatni medal był koloru złotego (pzls.pl)
 Lista triumfatorów Mistrzostw Polski na stronie PZŁS (doc.)
 Profil na stronie schaatsstatistieken.nl

Absolwenci Akademii Wychowania Fizycznego im. Bronisława Czecha w Krakowie
Laureaci Nagrody Miasta Sanoka
Ludzie urodzeni w Sanoku
Ludzie związani z Dusznikami-Zdrojem
Łyżwiarze szybcy Górnika Sanok
Odznaczeni Brązowym Krzyżem Zasługi (III Rzeczpospolita)
Polscy łyżwiarze szybcy
Polscy trenerzy łyżwiarstwa szybkiego
Urodzeni w 1973