text:
Leibniz and the Sciences
Maria Rosa Antognazza (King's College London)
Richard T.W. Arthur (McMaster University, Canada)
Philip Beeley (University of Oxford, United Kingdom)
Ulrich Behn (U Leipzig, Germany)
Martin Carrier (University of Bielefeld)
Vincenzo De Risi (Leibniz Professor at Leipzig University)
Annika Denkert (Springer-Verlag, Deutschland)
François Duchesneau (Université de Montréal, Canada)
Carlotta Ficorella (Leipzig Univerity, Germany)
Daniel Garber (Princeton University, USA)
Hans-Peter Gittel (University of Leipzig, Germany)
Wolfgang Hackbusch (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Joachim Heinze (Springer, Germany)
Stephen Howard (Kingston University, United Kingdom)
Jürgen Jost (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Umut Deniz Kaçan (Bogazici University, Turkey)
Claus Kiefer (University of Cologne)
Eberhard Knobloch (Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Germany)
Wenchao Li (University of Hanover)
Xianqing Li-Jost (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Irma Lozada Chavez (University of Leipzig, Germany)
Duc Luu (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Mattia Mantovani (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Germany)
Eckehard Olbrich (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Dominik Otto (Fraunhofer IZI, Germany)
Felix Otto (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Guillermo Restrepo (Universität Leipzig, Germany, and Universidad de Pamplona, Colombia)
Nancy Retzlaff (MPI MIS/Bioinformatics Leipzig, Germany)
Sharwin Rezagholi (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Eris Runa (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Steve Russ (University of Warwick, United Kingdom)
Armando Salvatore (McGill University, Canada)
Friedrich Sauvigny (Brandenburgische Technische Universität Cottbus - Senftenberg, Germany)
Matthias Schwarz (Leipzig University, Germany)
Justin E. H. Smith (Université Paris Diderot - Paris VII, France)
Pirmin Stekeler-Weithofer (Leipzig University)
Rainer Stumpe (Privat, Deutschland)
Omri Tal (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Tzuchien Tho (University of Milan, Italy)
Jürgen Tolksdorf (Max Planck Institut for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Tat Dat Tran (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Karin Verelst (NIAS-KNAW, Netherlands)
Pau Vilimelis Aceituno (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Volker Vogelsang (TU Clausthal, Deutschland)
Andre Wakefield (Pitzer College, USA)
Marius Emar Yamakou (Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Deutschland)
Odette Sylvia Yaptieu Djeungue (Max-Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences, Germany)
Max Planck Institute for Mathematics in the Sciences
Inselstraße 22
see travel instructions
Scientific Organizers
Jürgen Jost, MPI for Mathematics in the Sciences
Wenchao Li, University of Hanover
Vincenzo De Risi, Leibniz Professor at Leipzig University
Matthias Schwarz, Leipzig University
Pirmin Stekeler-Weithofer, Leipzig University
Antje Vandenberg
MPI for Mathematics in the Sciences
Conference Homepage


Student Doc Forum • View topic - Nursing Assistant Job worth it?
Re: Nursing Assistant Job worth it?
If you are thinking about pursing a career as a certified nursing assistant (CNA), the next question that you may want answered is what a CNA salary is. The answer to this question is not so simple.


text:
Published on August 6, 2009, by GamerNode Staff - Posted in Features 0
So the news has broken that over half the population of the US are gamers. That's great, right? So why does there still seem to be a residual embarrassment or reluctance to talk about this enormous pastime? For some reason, games have always been perceived as children's toys. Now, whilst that that perception is certainly changing, let's analyze why this has historically been the case.
1. Word Stigma
The language of gaming has superimposed itself on the language of play, which itself has childish connotations. Think about play. Children are encouraged to play; play helps develop imagination and is essential to development. Think playdates, playpens, playgrounds. Adults, not so much. Once you've gotten past your childhood, that's it, so society seems to say. Adults playing? That's juvenile, infantile, immature.
But of course that's an oversimplified view. Play implies game, and game covers a huge range of activities. Poker, football, chess, pool, soccer, cricket, tennis, rugby, snooker, darts — the list goes on. In addition, is the word play necessarily limited to childish activities? What about theatre? "I'm going to see a play at the Nottingham Playhouse." "The police are arresting my neighbours, let's watch how things play out." "Want to watch a DVD? Press play!" And what about foreplay? That's something completely different…
Ok, so perhaps it's not solely down to word usage and preconceptions. That leads us on to:
2. Reality Disconnect
We've already stated that children are encouraged to play, to imagine, and to embrace the fantastical. Watch pretty much any kids TV program to see just how weird things can get sometimes. Our society is crazy protective of children; they don't have to live in the real world yet, because the real world can be a bit crappy. Us grown-ups, on the other hand, are expected to face up to all manner of tedium — bills, traffic, other people, etc. Games are a way of escaping into fantasy, and that is often seen as a negative thing. Not real, a waste of time, not contributing anything… I'm sure we've all heard these and more.
The thing is, though, that games as entertainment are no different from any other medium. Books, film, TV, theatre, sports — all help to lift us away from the daily grind. So could there be a legitimate argument that games go too far? After all, most games are set in some fantastical environment, are otherwise totally unrealistic, and/or don't communicate anything of note. Of course, that's not fair. Look at Swift's Gulliver's Travels, or Utopia by Thomas More, for two very early examples of fantastic literature. As for film, look at everything by Terry Gilliam or Guillermo del Toro. Does the setting negate the message? Of course not. Games are more than capable of describing something important or relevant to take back to real life. Fahrenheit, Mass Effect, Braid — these are just a few of the titles I've been playing recently, and all of them leave some lasting impression.
So if it's not the language or the setting, is it the content that makes games childish?
3. Immature and Puerile
Repetitive, derivative, boring, bad, tired stories, violent imagery, gore. I can think of hundreds of games that fulfil some or all of these tags. But does that make them suitable only for children? Once again, nope! Crap entertainment does not equal children's entertainment, and many games, good or bad, aren't suitable for children at all — here in the UK they're rated by the BBFC, the film classification people. So an 18-rated game is about as kid-friendly as Lars von Trier's Antichrist. Many games deal with other, seemingly very grown-up themes, without necessarily resorting to the adolescent favourite, quantities of gore. Think SimCity, (or Sim-anything, remember SimAnt?) Ico, SotC, and even Animal Crossing. The 'other' MMOG, EVE Online, employs it's own economist because the in game economy is so complex.
From what we've seen so far, shouldn't games have long ago been embraced as valuable additions to our culture? Maybe, but this leads me to…
4. NES
Now, this might be my age here, but it seems to me that the NES was targeted solely at children in the West. Search for NES adverts, and almost all the video results will feature some wild-eyed kid having an intense experience. It's like, rad. This drives home the message to parents and other adults: featured product is not for you. I couldn't help smiling when at the end of an advert for Zelda we're told, "your parents help you hook it up." It seems that this is a view shared by NoA themselves, with their controversial 'family' policy. It's told best by those who were there — Doug Crockford tells of his having to sanitize Maniac Mansion including the removal of a classical nude (curiously, you can still microwave the hamster). This message from the Big N — nothing controversial — forces games designers to shy away from significant content, and feeds back into the problems with boring content.
It wasn't always thus. The Japanese NES, the Famicom, or Family Computer, was designed from the ground up to be an all-inclusive entertainment device. Now try searching for Famicom adverts — sure, the kids are still there some of the time, but the focus is much broader; see the number of Disk System adverts that seem to appeal more to the tech/gadget focused crowd. Why should this be the case? A difference in culture? Marketing?
Whatever it should prove to be, I hope you'll agree that the NES, with record breaking sales figures and the single-handed reanimation of the home console market, started a trend towards consoles as kids' toys. It's a trend that has persisted for 20 years, and has only started to be reversed with the lifestyle marketing of the Wii. Perhaps Nintendo decided to return to their core mission, to provide a truly family computer…

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The lessons of history? Who needs them? Certainly not Washington's present cast of characters, a crew in flight from history, the past, or knowledge of more or less any sort. Still, just for the hell of it, let's take a few moments to think about what some of the lessons of the last years of the previous century and the first years of this one might be for the world's most exceptional and indispensable nation, the planet's sole superpower, the globe's only sheriff. Those were, of course, commonplace descriptions from the pre-Trump era and yet, in the age of MAGA, already as moldy and cold as the dust in some pharaonic tomb.
Let that roll around in your head for a second so many years later: on this planet a single, unparalleled military power "beyond challenge." That was a dream of dominion that once would have been left to "Evil Empires" or madmen (or the truly, truly bad guys in Hollywood movies). But in the world as they imagined it then, the one in which only that "sole" superpower stood tall, how easy it proved to imagine a Great Game with just a single player and an eternal arms race of one.
The top officials of the Bush administration were, as I wrote back then, pure fundamentalistswhen it came to U.S. military power. As President Bush later put it, they considered that military "the greatest force for human liberation the world has ever known." Under such circumstances, why would anyone be shy about loosing it to "liberate" the rest of the planet? In that 2002 document, the Bush administration essentially called for a world in which no other great power or bloc of powers would ever again be allowed to challenge this country's supremacy. As the president put it in an address at West Point that same year, "America has, and intends to keep, military strengths beyond challenge, thereby making the destabilizing arms races of other eras pointless, and limiting rivalries to trade and other pursuits of peace."
The National Security Strategy put the same thought this way: "Our forces will be strong enough to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military build-up in hopes of surpassing, or equaling, the power of the United States." And the president and his men promptly began to hike the Pentagon budget to fit their oversized fantasies of what an American planetary "footprint" should look like (a process that, despite everything that followed, has never ended).
In 2018, the greatest military on Earth turned out to be incapable of ultimately defeating forces that were producing roadside bombs for the cost of a pizza. If you want to measure the effectiveness of the U.S. military, note, for instance, that more than a decade and a half after its "Global War on Terror" was launched there are al-Qaeda affiliates in far more places than on September 12, 2001; the original al-Qaeda still exists; other al-Qaeda crews are fighting with reasonable success from Yemen to Syria to North Africa; ISIS, while destroyed as a state or "caliphate," continues as a guerrilla movement in parts of Syria and Iraq and its branded affiliates have spread across that former "arc of instability" from Niger and Libya to Afghanistan and the Philippines. Washington's war on terror, in other words, turned into a war for the spread of terror.


text:
Die Mainbernheimer Ebene ist eine kleinteilige naturräumliche Einheit (5. Ordnung) mit der Ordnungsnummer 137.00 auf dem Gebiet der unterfränkischen Gemeinden Großlangheim, Kitzingen, Kleinlangheim, Mainbernheim, Marktsteft, Rödelsee und Willanzheim.

Lage
Die Mainbernheimer Ebene (137.00) bildet eine Untereinheit innerhalb der Haupteinheit Kitzinger Mainebene (137.0). Sie ist Teil des Steigerwaldvorlandes (137) und damit ein Naturraum in der Haupteinheitengruppe der Mainfränkischen Platten. Das Areal wird im Norden vom Albertshofener Flugsandgebiet (137.01) begrenzt, das ebenfalls zum Steigerwaldvorland gerechnet wird. Im gesamten Osten ragt das Schwanbergvorland (137.11) in den Naturraum hinein, hier steigt die Landschaft bereits um den namensgebenden Schwanberg in Richtung des Steigerwalds an. Südöstlich schließt sich die Hellmitzheimer Bucht (137.10) an. Mit dem Ifftalbereich (130.01) beginnen im Süden die höhergelegenen Gäuflächen. Der gesamte Westen wird von den Naturräumen des Mittleren Maintals, vor allem dem Kitzinger Maintal (133.05) beherrscht.

Der Naturraum liegt relativ zentral im Gebiet des unterfränkischen Landkreises Kitzingen. Im Norden begrenzen die Orte Klein- bzw. Großlangheim den Naturraum. Hier beginnt, etwas weiter südwestlich, auch das dicht besiedelte Gebiet um Kitzingen mit dem Flugplatz Kitzingen und mehreren Gewerbegebieten. Südlich davon liegt Mainbernheim, das dem Raum den Namen gibt. Die Bahnstrecke Nürnberg–Würzburg durchschneidet das Gebiet. Nur im Süden des Areals sind um Michelfeld mit dem Lindig und dem Rügerrieth (benannt nach der gleichnamigen Wüstung), sowie dem Mühlholz bei Willanzheim kleinere Waldflächen zu finden.

Landschaftscharakteristik
Die Mainbernheimer Ebene präsentiert sich als eine überwiegend flachwellige Ebene. Sie unterscheidet sich von dem weiter im Norden anschließenden Albertshofener Flugsandgebiet durch geringere Dünenbildung. Hier zerschneiden mehrere, kleinere Mainzuflüsse, wie der Sickersbach und der Bimbach das eigentlich ebene Gebiet. Die Mainbernheimer Ebene bildet die letzte flache Zone im Steigerwaldvorland vor dem Anstieg in Richtung des Mittelgebirges.

Die Nutzung durch den Menschen brachte eine Ackerbaugegend hervor, die eng mit den Gäuflächen weiter im Süden verwandt ist. In den Talflächen der Mainzuflüsse bildeten sich Dauergrünflächen aus. Seltener ist heute der Obstbau zu finden, der hier allerdings auch eine jahrhundertealte Tradition aufweist. Die potentielle natürliche Vegetation (ohne Eingriffe des Menschen) würde hier ausgedehnte Auwälder mit Eschen und Ulmen hervorbringen und von einigen Fichten durchsetzt sein.

Schutzgebiete
Der Naturraum ist mit Schutzgebieten nahezu aller Schutzkategorien durchsetzt. Im Norden um Großlangheim und Rödelsee überwiegen Vogelschutzgebiete, die allesamt Teil des sogenannten Südlichen Steigerwaldvorlandes sind. Die Wälder zwischen Willanzheim, Mainbernheim und Tiefenstockheim sind als Fauna-Flora-Habitat ebenso ausgewiesen, wie der Flugplatz Kitzingen, der heute der wirtschaftlichen Nutzung entzogen ist. Mit dem Marktstefter Tännig ragt ein Naturschutzgebiet vom Maintal aus in den Naturraum hinein.

Klima, Geologie und Tektonik
Klimatisch wird die Mainbernheimer Ebene von geringen Niederschlägen geprägt, die allerdings auch für die angrenzenden Gebiete typisch sind. Mit seinen hohen, mittleren Sommertemperaturen nimmt das Areal aber eine Sonderstellung ein. Einige Stellen sind von Frühjahrsfrösten gefährdet und werden als sogenannte Kaltluftseen bezeichnet. In diesen Gebieten auf der Ebene ist der Obstbau nicht rentabel.

Geologisch wird das Gebiet von ausgedehnten Lettenkeuperböden geprägt, die allerdings teilweise übersandet wurden. Die Weichheit des Lettenkeupers begünstigte die Zerschneidung der Mainbernheimer Ebene von den kleinen Mainzuflüssen. Das Areal unterscheidet sich insbesondere von der Hellmitzheimer Bucht in seiner Bodenzusammensetzung, weil hier Sande auf Lösslehmböden zu finden sind.

Siehe auch
 Naturräumliche Großregionen Deutschlands

Literatur
 Karl-Albert Habbe: Die naturräumlichen Einheiten auf Blatt 153 Bamberg 1:200.000 – Ein Problembündel und ein Gliederungsvorschlag. In: Mitteilungen der Fränkischen Geographischen Gesellschaft Bd. 50/51 für 2003/2004. Erlangen 2004. S. 55–102.
 Horst Mensching, Günter Wagner: Die naturräumlichen Einheiten auf Blatt 152 Würzburg (= Geographische Landesaufnahme 1:200.000 Naturräumliche Gliederung Deutschlands). Bad Godesberg 1963.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Großlangheim
Geographie (Kitzingen)
Kleinlangheim
Mainbernheim
Marktsteft
Geographie (Rödelsee)
Willanzheim
Naturraum der Mainfränkischen Platten
Landschaft in Bayern

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Cover illustration and spaceship design for AoE's (Ambassadors of Earth) debut EP "Homecoming".
Cities shape how we think, feel and behave. Can we create cities that improve our brain health? "
"Washington's governor has asked staff to figure out how to keep data from being used for mass deportations"
is a speculation on a future in which climate change has radically transformed the way we live. Sci-Fi + Climate change = "Cli-Fi"
How a man accused of million-dollar fraud uncovered a never before seen, secret surveillance device.
A series of illustrations for the dark, gritty, and noir-esque true story of a grisly murder in a small New Zealand town and one scientist's use of pollen to track the killer.
Images presented here out of chronological order.
For the launch of Xylophone.com as a splash page. The client wanted to show a sense of wonder and impending discovery.
This piece was commissioned for the rebranding of Medium.com and was featured on their homepage for the duration of the campaign. The piece was meant to communicate the idea of a vibrant creative hub that is made for and by its users.
for The Wall Street Journal, 2014.


text:
Гукас I Карнеци (, 1722 — 28 декабря 1799) — католикос всех армян (1780—1799), преемник Симеона I Ереванского.

Биография
Родился в 1722 году. Получил образование в церковной школе Эчмиадзина, где в те годы преподавал будущий католикос Симеон I. Его считали «талантливым первенцем» Симеона.

В 1751 году Гукас был рукоположен в священники в монастыре Эчмиадзин. За два дня до своей смерти Симеон Ереванский созвал всех епископов и объявил, что видит Гукаса своим преемником. Через семь дней после похорон Симеона Ереванского, в воскресенье, 2 августа, состоялась интронизация Гукаса | Карнеци. В 1786 году Овнатан Овнатанян приказал расписать Эчмиадзинский кафедральный собор, по его настоянию Арутюн Шмавонян опубликовал первое армянское периодическое издание «Аздарар» в Мадрасе в 1784 году.

Умер в 1799 в Вагаршапате; похоронен на южной стороне крыльца Свято-Гаянского монастыря. После его смерти преемником Гукаса I Карнеци стал Давид V Енегетци.

Ссылки
 Католикос Лука (1780-1800), Диван истории Армении, Книга D, изд. Открытие священника Аганианц, Тбилиси (Грузия), пр. М. Шарадзе, 1899.
 Вардан Григорян, Атипичное Сострадание Гукаса Карнеци, "Банбер Матенадаран", 6, Ереван, 1962, с. 429-435.
 «история Армении, новая серия, первая книга, Гукас Карнеци», том А, 1780—1785, с трудолюбием Вардана Григоряна, Издательство Академии наук Армянской ССР, Ереван, 1984, 595 страниц.
 «Диван истории Армении, новая серия, первая книга, Гукас Карнеци», том B, 1786—1792, с усердием Вардан Григорян, Издательство Академии наук Армянской ССР, Ереван, 2003, 804 с.
 Армяно-русское наследие в 18 веке, 1760-1800, Труды, изд. АН АрмССР, Ереван, 1990.

Умершие в 1799 году
Родившиеся в 1722 году
Католикосы всех армян


text:
#ifndef _CONSOLE_DS_JOYSTICKS_H
#define _CONSOLE_DS_JOYSTICKS_H

#ifdef __cplusplus
extern "C" {
#endif

extern void init_joysticks (void);
extern void close_joysticks (void);
extern void update_joysticks (void);

#ifdef __cplusplus
}
#endif

#endif

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Readability for Alfred
==============

### This project is no longer maintained, because [Readability is shutting down its service](https://medium.com/@readability/1641cc18e02b#.z040vqm1d).

This workflow lets you manage your Readability list with Alfred.

![Readability for Alfred Screenshot](https://raw.github.com/fniephaus/alfred-readability/master/screenshot.gif)

## Features

- Actions to copy, visit and archive, archive and delete links from your Readability list (```fn```, ```ctrl```, ```alt``` and ```cmd```)
- Hotkey to add new links from Chrome, Safari or your clipboard (```ctrl + R```)
- Action to deauthorize the workflow (```shift```)
- Supports notifications
- Saves your oauth_token securely in OS X's keychain

## Credits

This workflow uses [python-oauth2](https://github.com/simplegeo/python-oauth2), [httplib2](https://github.com/jcgregorio/httplib2), [python-readability-api](https://github.com/arc90/python-readability-api) and [alfred-workflow](https://github.com/deanishe/alfred-workflow).


Imagine a piano with the action of a world class performance grand, real grand piano damper mechanics, and the stunning sound of the Shigeru Kawai SK-EX in full flight. And the Kawai EX, and scores of other voices. With a piano technician built in, a suite of sound design, practice and recording tools, and sound by one of the world's premium audio technology companies.
The Novus NV10 is the perfect blend of tradition and innovation. A stunning hybrid instrument that combines a full grand piano keyboard action and damper mechanism, with the latest digital sound and amplification technologies.
Designed for and tested by professional pianists, the NV10 provides the unmistakable feeling of playing a premium quality acoustic instrument, with all the practicality and convenience of a modern digital.


This is the third installment from over conversation with Paul Shimmons. Paul is a veteran music director who's been teaching since 1991. His 27 years of experience has taught him a lot about teaching and what works best for his classroom and on the field. One thing that Paul is known for is the fact that he finds ways to incorporate the usage of technology in his program. He even has his own blog about it here. Our first two articles about Paul talk about how he uses technology on a day-to-day basis in his classroom and how he uses technology to stay connected with students, parents, and other music directors.
This post will give tips that Paul uses in his program about how you can improve your concerts by utilizing technology.
The preparation for a concert is just as important as the concert itself. There's technology you need to use during practice that you won't use during the actual live performance. There is much technology that can be used to help make the practices more beneficial to the actual performances being a complete success. These range from sound reinforcement to video capabilities that help the students both see and hear what they are doing. This can make collaboration between the many parts to work together in harmony.
During practice you need to communicate instructions with your students. The best way to do this and get your point across is by using a microphone and good speakers. Paul recommends this as opposed to yelling loudly because students tend to think that you're mad when you yell when in reality you're just trying to be heard. This is most important for marching bands as the distances can be much larger and many different elements need to hear not only the instruction but each other.
The other purpose for having the speakers during practice is so that you can listen to yourself to get a better feel on how well you are keeping tempo with the music. We'll get into the recording aspect in our next point.
When looking at what speakers to use, Paul has found that the PreSonus ULTs works best for his program because he says they're the first set he's used where the students have never had an issue with hearing him clearly. For smaller groups, though, don't underestimate the power of the built-in speakers on a MacBook or iPad.
Using an audio and video recording device is important to have so that you can properly evaluate how you're doing. It not only provides the instructor with valuable feedback, the performers can also see what they are doing and how to make the corrections needed to achieve a successful performance. Paul recommends making sure the video recording device is high quality. For most applications, a smart phone will be able to capture good enough audio and video, though higher quality equipment can be beneficial.
Another great tool for you to evaluate how you're doing, have an overhead projector and screen. This is a great way to allow a much larger group to see the recordings at one time and review it with your students during class.
Having this capability is specifically important for marching bands so that you can easily view and work on formations.
Just like during practice, having an audio and video recording device during the live performance is beneficial because this environment is completely different than practice. Being able to actually see and hear the actual concert from a third-person point of view after the fact can make you aware of things you hadn't even considered before. You'll be able to view the event as you would if you were a spectator.
You'll also be able to see if there's any difference in the way your students are able to perform between the live event and during practice. If there is, you'll be aware of it so that you can make a plan to improve it to make the next concert event better.
Continuing to find ways to be innovative and improve is important for music programs and technology can be a big part of that. Technology can be incorporated into practices and performances in ways that enhance the overall production, but don't take away from the tradition of the concert. If applied, the tips in this article will do just that.


text:
Allan Hancock College's SkillsUSA club participates in beautification project in downtown Guadalupe
By: Roselyn Romero
Students in the Allan Hancock College chapter of SkillsUSA gathered in downtown Guadalupe on Friday for a public service beautification project.
More than 30 participants painted curbs, swept and pulled weeds at the Guadalupe-Nipomo Dunes Center, according to a press release from Allan Hancock College.
"I never grew up here, but you can tell this community is very tied together and there's a lot of pride in Guadalupe, so it's a really good thing to give back to the community," said Allan Hancock College student Isaiah Urbano.
The press release says the public was also invited to contribute to the beautification project.
SkillsUSA is a national career and technical training organization that promotes community service.


text:
/*
 * Created on Oct 14, 2004
 */
package com.foc.desc.field;

import java.awt.Component;
import java.sql.Types;

import com.fab.model.table.FieldDefinition;
import com.foc.db.DBManager;
import com.foc.desc.FocDesc;
import com.foc.desc.FocObject;
import com.foc.gui.table.cellControler.AbstractCellControler;
import com.foc.list.filter.FilterCondition;
import com.foc.property.FProperty;
import com.foc.property.FSDOGeometryPoint;
import com.foc.property.FString;

/**
 * @author 01Barmaja
 */
public class FSDOGeometryPointField extends FField {

  public FSDOGeometryPointField(String name, String title, int id, boolean key) {
    super(name, title, id, key, 0, 0);
  }

  public static int SqlType() {
    return Types.STRUCT;
  }

  public int getSqlType() {
    return SqlType();
  }

  public int getFabType() {
    return FieldDefinition.SQL_TYPE_ID_CHAR_FIELD;
  }

  public String getCreationString(String name) {
    if (getProvider()== DBManager.PROVIDER_ORACLE){
   		return " \"" + name + "\" SDO_GEOMETRY ";
    } else {
      return "";
    }
  }

  public FProperty newProperty_ToImplement(FocObject masterObj, Object defaultValue){
    return new FSDOGeometryPoint(masterObj, getID(), 0, 0);
  }

  public FProperty newProperty_ToImplement(FocObject masterObj){
    return newProperty(masterObj, "");
  }

  public int compareSQLDeclaration(FField field){
 		return 0;
  }

  public boolean isObjectContainer(){
    return false;
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text:
Home | Santa Clara County Saratoga 95070 20602 Lomita Ave
20602 Lomita Ave, Saratoga, CA 95070
$4,050,000 Mortgage Calculator Sold on Dec 14, 2022 Single Family Residence
Stunning, Serene, Saratoga! Gorgeous both inside and out, this four bedroom, 3 bath home sits on over 1/2 acre just 2 blocks from the Historic Village of Saratoga. The open floor plan features an updated culinary kitchen, eat-in breakfast bar, breakfast nook, both formal living and dining rooms, and a separate family room. The backyard oasis has been professionally landscaped and features a multi-tiered water feature, dining deck, patios, fire-pit sitting area and raised bed garden area. This is a not-to-be-missed, one-of-a-kind home!
Family Room, Living Room
Detached, Off-Street Parking, Garage: 2 Car(s)
Rebecca Jepsen
20602 Lomita Ave is a Single Family Residence in Saratoga, CA 95070. This 2,896 square foot property sits on a 0.516 Acres Lot and features 4 bedrooms & 3 full bathrooms. It is currently priced at $4,050,000 and was built in 1990. Comparable nearby homes include 1064 Polk Ave, 445 Molino Ave, and 1176 W Iowa Ave. Nearby schools include St Cyprian School, Vargas Elementary School and Sunnyvale High School. The closest grocery stores are Safeway, Madras Groceries and Felipe's Market. Nearby coffee shops include Starbucks and 7-Eleven. Nearby restaurants include Pho Quyen 2 Noodle House, Madras Cafe and The Old Siam. 2135 Blue Bonnet Way is near Advanced Micro Devices Headquarters, Encinal Park and Las Palmas Park. This address can also be written as 20602 Lomita Ave, Saratoga, CA 95070.
This listing information is up-to-date as of December 14, 2022. For the most current information, please contact Rebecca Jepsen, (408) 357-3990


text:
Battle of the Bismarck Sea
Part of World War II, Pacific War
Japanese transport under aerial attack in the Bismarck Sea, 3 March 1943
Bismarck Sea, in the vicinity of Lae
Australia Japan
Ennis Whitehead
Joe Hewitt Gunichi Mikawa
Masatomi Kimura
39 heavy bombers;
41 medium bombers;
34 light bombers;
54 fighters
10 torpedo boats 8 destroyers,
8 troop transports,
100 aircraft
2 bombers,
4 fighters destroyed
13 killed[1] 8 transports,
4 destroyers sunk
20 fighters destroyed,
2,890+ dead[2]
1st Rabaul
1st Lae and Salamaua
Coral Sea
Kokoda Track
Buna–Gona
Bismarck Sea
I-Go
2nd Lae and Salamaua
Finisterres
2nd Rabaul
Admiralties
Emirau
Take Ichi
Aitape
Wakde
Lone Tree Hill
Biak
Noemfoor
Driniumor
Sansapor
Aitape–Wewak
Pacific War
Marshalls–Gilberts raids
Operation K
Doolittle Raid
Gilberts & Marshalls
Marianas & Palau
Volcano & Ryukyu
Indochina (1940)
Indian Ocean (1940–45)
Franco-Thai War
Dutch East Indies
Malacca Strait
Strategic bombing (1944–45)
Burma and India
Burma (1941–42)
Burma (1944)
Southwest Pacific
Dutch East Indies (1941–42)
Philippines (1941–42)
Portuguese Timor
Borneo (1945)
Estevan Point Lighthouse
Lookout Air Raids
Fire balloon bombs
Project Hula
Air raids
Hiroshima & Nagasaki
Volcano & Ryukyu Islands
Naval bombardments
Sagami Bay
South Sakhalin
Japanese surrender
Manchuria and Northern Korea
Kantokuen
Manchuria (1945)
Mutanchiang
Second Sino-Japanese War
The Battle of the Bismarck Sea (2–4 March 1943) took place in the South West Pacific Area (SWPA) during World War II when aircraft of the U.S. Fifth Air Force and the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) attacked a Japanese convoy carrying troops to Lae, New Guinea. Most of the Japanese task force was destroyed, and Japanese troop losses were heavy.
The Japanese convoy was a result of a Japanese Imperial General Headquarters decision in December 1942 to reinforce their position in the South West Pacific. A plan was devised to move some 6,900 troops from Rabaul directly to Lae. The plan was understood to be risky, because Allied air power in the area was strong, but it was decided to proceed because otherwise the troops would have to be landed a considerable distance away and march through inhospitable swamp, mountain and jungle terrain without roads before reaching their destination. On 28 February 1943, the convoy – comprising eight destroyers and eight troop transports with an escort of approximately 100 fighter aircraft – set out from Simpson Harbour in Rabaul.
The Allies had detected preparations for the convoy, and naval codebreakers in Melbourne (FRUMEL) and Washington, D.C., had decrypted and translated messages indicating the convoy's intended destination and date of arrival. The Allied Air Forces had developed new techniques they hoped would improve the chances of successful air attack on ships. They detected and shadowed the convoy, which came under sustained air attack on 2–3 March 1943. Follow-up attacks by PT boats and aircraft were made on 4 March. All eight transports and four of the escorting destroyers were sunk. Of 6,900 troops who were badly needed in New Guinea, only about 1,200 made it to Lae. Another 2,700 were rescued by destroyers and submarines and returned to Rabaul. The Japanese made no further attempts to reinforce Lae by ship, greatly hindering their ultimately unsuccessful efforts to stop Allied offensives in New Guinea.
1.1 Allied offensives
1.2 Japanese plans
1.3 Allied intelligence
2 Allied tactics
3 Battle
3.1 First attacks
3.2 Further attacks
5 Game theory
Allied offensives[edit]
Six months after Imperial Japan attacked Pearl Harbor in December 1941, the United States won a strategic victory at the Battle of Midway in June 1942. Seizing the strategic initiative, the United States and its Allies landed on Guadalcanal in the southern Solomon Islands in August 1942, beginning the Solomon Islands Campaign. The battle for Guadalcanal ended in victory for the Allies with the withdrawal of Japanese forces from the island in early February 1943. At the same time, Australian and American forces in New Guinea repelled the Japanese land offensive along the Kokoda Track. Going on the offensive, the Allied forces captured Buna–Gona, destroying Japanese forces in that area.[3][4]
The ultimate goal of the Allied counter-offensives in New Guinea and the Solomons was to capture the main Japanese base at Rabaul on New Britain, later codified as Operation Cartwheel, and clear the way for the eventual reconquest of the Philippines. Recognising the threat, the Japanese continued to send land, naval, and aerial reinforcements to the area in an attempt to check the Allied advances.[5]
Japanese plans[edit]
Reviewing the progress of the Battle of Guadalcanal and the Battle of Buna–Gona in December 1942, the Japanese faced the prospect that neither could be held. Accordingly, Imperial General Headquarters decided to take steps to strengthen the Japanese position in the South West Pacific by sending Lieutenant General Jusei Aoki's 20th Division from Korea to Guadalcanal and Lieutenant General Heisuke Abe's 41st Division from China to Rabaul.[6] Lieutenant General Hitoshi Imamura, the commander of the Japanese Eighth Area Army at Rabaul, ordered Lieutenant General Hatazō Adachi's XVIII Army to secure Madang, Wewak and Tuluvu in New Guinea. On 29 December, Adachi ordered the 102nd Infantry Regiment and other units under the command of Major General Toru Okabe, the commander of the infantry group of the 51st Division, to move from Rabaul to Lae and advance inland to capture Wau.[7] Following the decision to evacuate Guadalcanal on 4 January,[8] the Japanese switched priorities from the Solomon Islands to New Guinea, and it was decided to send the 20th and 41st Divisions to Wewak.[6]
A Mitsubishi A6M Zero, painted to represent a section leader's aircraft from the Japanese aircraft carrier Zuihō during the Battle of the Bismarck Sea[9]
On 5 January 1943, the convoy, which consisted of five destroyers and five troop transports carrying Okabe's force, set out for Lae from Rabaul. Forewarned by Ultra, United States Army Air Forces (USAAF) and Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) aircraft spotted, shadowed and attacked the convoy, which was shielded by low clouds and Japanese fighters.[10] The Allies claimed to have shot down 69 Japanese aircraft for the loss of 10 of their own.[11] An RAAF Consolidated PBY Catalina sank the transport Nichiryu Maru.[12] Although destroyers rescued 739 of the 1,100 troops on board, the ship took with it all of Okabe's medical supplies. Another transport, Myoko Maru, was so badly damaged at Lae by USAAF North American B-25 Mitchells that it had to be beached. Nonetheless, the convoy succeeded in reaching Lae on 7 January and landing its troops, but Okabe was defeated in the Battle of Wau.[13]
Most of the 20th Division was landed at Wewak from naval high speed transports on 19 January 1943. The bulk of the 41st Division followed on 12 February.[6] Imamura and Vice Admiral Gunichi Mikawa, the commander of the South East Area Fleet, developed a plan to move the command post of the headquarters of the Japanese XVIII Army and the main body of the 51st Division from Rabaul to Lae on 3 March, followed by moving the remainder of the 20th Division to Madang on 10 March.[14] This plan was acknowledged to be risky because Allied air power in the area was strong. The XVIII Army staff held war games that predicted losses of four out of ten transports, and between 30 and 40 aircraft. They gave the operation only a 50–50 chance of success. On the other hand, if the troops were landed at Madang, they faced a march of more than 140 mi (230 km) over inhospitable swamp, mountain and jungle terrain without roads.[15] To augment the three naval and two army fighter groups in the area assigned to protect the convoy, the Imperial Japanese Navy temporarily detached 18 fighters from the aircraft carrier Zuihō's fighter group from Truk to Kavieng.[16]
Allied intelligence[edit]
The Allies soon began detecting signs of preparations for a new convoy. A Japanese floatplane of the type normally used for anti-submarine patrols in advance of convoys was sighted on 7 February 1943. The Allied Air Forces South West Pacific Area commander – Lieutenant General George Kenney – ordered an increase in reconnaissance patrols over Rabaul. On 14 February, aerial photographs were taken that showed 79 vessels in port, including 45 merchant ships and six transports. It was clear that another convoy was being prepared, but its destination was unknown. On 16 February, naval codebreakers in Melbourne (FRUMEL) and Washington, D.C. finished decrypting and translating a coded message revealing the Japanese intention to land convoys at Wewak, Madang and Lae. Subsequently, codebreakers decrypted a message from the Japanese 11th Air Fleet to the effect that destroyers and six transports would reach Lae about 5 March. Another report indicated that they would reach Lae by 12 March. On 22 February, reconnaissance aircraft reported 59 merchant vessels in the harbour at Rabaul.[17]
Kenney read this Ultra intelligence in the office of the Supreme Allied Commander, South West Pacific Area – General Douglas MacArthur – on 25 February. The prospect of an additional 6,900 Japanese troops in the Lae area greatly disturbed MacArthur, as they might seriously affect his plans to capture and develop the area. Kenney wrote out orders, which were sent by courier, for Brigadier General Ennis Whitehead, the deputy commander of the Fifth Air Force, and the commander of its Advance Echelon (ADVON) in New Guinea.[18] Under the Fifth Air Force's unusual command arrangements, Whitehead controlled the Allied Air Forces units of all types in New Guinea.[19] This included the RAAF units there, which were grouped as No. 9 Operational Group RAAF, under the command of Air Commodore Joe Hewitt.[20]
Kenney informed Whitehead of the proposed convoy date, and warned him about the usual Japanese pre-convoy air attack. He also urged that flying hours be cut back so as to allow for a large strike on the convoy, and instructed him to move forward as many aircraft as possible so that they could be close to the nearby captured airfields around Dobodura, where they would not be subject to the vagaries of weather over the Owen Stanley Range.[18] Kenney flew up to Port Moresby on 26 February, where he met with Whitehead. The two generals inspected fighter and bomber units in the area, and agreed to attack the Japanese convoy in the Vitiaz Strait. Kenney returned to Brisbane on 28 February.[21]
Allied tactics[edit]
In the South West Pacific, a conventional strategic bombing campaign was out of the question, as industrial targets in Japan were well beyond the range of even the largest strategic bombers operating from bases in Australia and New Guinea.[22] Therefore, the primary mission of the Allied bomber force was interdiction of Japanese supply lines, especially the sea lanes.[23] The results of the effort against the Japanese convoy in January were very disappointing;[10] some 416 sorties had been flown with only two ships sunk and three damaged, so clearly, a change of tactics was in order. Group Captain Bill Garing, an RAAF officer on Kenney's staff with considerable experience in air-sea operations, including a tour of duty in Europe, recommended that Japanese convoys be subjected to simultaneous attack from different altitudes and directions.[24]
Captain Robert L. Faurot of the 39th Fighter Squadron, seen here in front of his P-38 Lightning. He was shot down by Japanese fighters during the Battle of the Bismarck Sea.
Major Paul I. "Pappy" Gunn and his men at the 81st Depot Repair Squadron in Townsville, Queensland, modified some USAAF Douglas A-20 Havoc light bombers by installing four .50-inch (12.7 mm) machine guns in their noses in September 1942.[25] Two 450-US-gallon (1,700 l; 370 imp gal) fuel tanks were added, giving the aircraft more range. An attempt was then made in December 1942 to create a longer range attack aircraft by doing the same thing to a B-25 medium bomber to convert it to a "commerce destroyer",[26][27] but this proved to be somewhat more difficult. The resulting aircraft was nose heavy despite added lead ballast in the tail, and the vibrations caused by firing the machine guns were enough to make rivets pop out of the skin of the aircraft.[28] The tail guns and belly turrets were removed, the latter being of little use if the aircraft was flying low.[29] The new tactic of having the B-25 strafe ships would be tried in this battle.[30]
The Allied Air Forces also adopted other innovative tactics. In February 1942, the RAAF began experimenting with skip bombing, an anti-shipping technique used by the British and Germans.[31] Flying only a few dozen feet above the sea toward their targets, bombers would release their bombs which would then, ideally, ricochet across the surface of the water and explode at the side of the target ship, under it, or just over it.[18] A similar technique was mast-height bombing, in which bombers would approach the target at low altitude, 200 to 500 feet (61 to 152 m), at about 265 to 275 miles per hour (426 to 443 km/h), and then drop down to mast height, 10 to 15 feet (3.0 to 4.6 m) at about 600 yards (550 m) from the target. They would release their bombs at around 300 yards (270 m), aiming directly at the side of the ship. The Battle of the Bismarck Sea would demonstrate that this was the more successful of the two tactics.[32] The two techniques were not mutually exclusive: a bomber could drop two bombs, skipping the first and launching the second at mast height.[33] Practice missions were carried out against the wreck of the SS Pruth, a liner that had run aground in 1923.[34]
The Fifth Air Force had two heavy bomber groups. The 43rd Bombardment Group was equipped with about 55 Boeing B-17 Flying Fortresses. Most of these had seen hard war service over the previous six months and the availability rate was low. The recently arrived 90th Bombardment Group was equipped with Consolidated B-24 Liberators, but they too had maintenance problems. There were two medium groups: the 38th Bombardment Group, equipped with B-25 Mitchells, and the 22nd Bombardment Group, equipped with Martin B-26 Marauders, but two of the former's four squadrons had been diverted to the South Pacific Area, and the latter had taken so many losses that it had been withdrawn to Australia to be rebuilt.[35]
There was also a light group, the 3rd Attack Group, equipped with a mixture of Douglas A-20 Havocs and B-25 Mitchells.[35] This group was not just short of aircraft; it was critically short of aircrew as well. To make up the numbers the USAAF turned to the RAAF for help. Australian aircrew were assigned to most of the group's aircraft, serving in every role except aircraft commander.[36] In addition to the RAAF aircrew with the USAAF squadrons, there were RAAF units in the Port Moresby area. No. 30 Squadron RAAF, which had arrived in Port Moresby in September 1942, was equipped with the Bristol Beaufighter. Both the aircraft and the squadron proved adept at low level attacks.[37] Also in the Port Moresby area were the 35th and 49th Fighter Groups, both equipped with Bell P-39, Curtiss P-40 Warhawk and Lockheed P-38 Lightning fighters, but only the last were suitable for long range escort missions.[35]
Battle[edit]
Japanese ship movements (black) and Allied air attacks (red) during the battle
First attacks[edit]
The Japanese convoy – comprising eight destroyers and eight troop transports with an escort of approximately 100 fighters – assembled and departed from Simpson Harbour in Rabaul on 28 February.[38] During the January operation, a course was followed that hugged the south coast of New Britain. This had made it easy to provide air cover, but being close to the airfields also made it possible for the Allied Air Forces to attack both the convoy and the airfields at the same time. This time, a route was chosen along the north coast, in the hope that the Allies would be deceived into thinking that the convoy's objective was Madang. Allied air attacks on the convoy at this point would have to fly over New Britain, allowing interdiction from Japanese air bases there, but the final leg of the voyage would be particularly dangerous, because the convoy would have to negotiate the restricted waters of the Vitiaz Strait.[39] The Japanese named the convoy "Operation 81."[40]
Fifth Air Force bombs bracket the transport Taimei Maru[41]
The destroyers carried 958 troops while the transports took 5,954. All the ships were combat loaded to expedite unloading at Lae. The commander of the Japanese XVIII Army – Lieutenant General Hatazō Adachi – travelled on the destroyer Tokitsukaze, while that of the 51st Division – Lieutenant General Hidemitsu Nakano – was on board the destroyer Yukikaze.[38] The escort commander – Rear Admiral Masatomi Kimura of the 3rd Destroyer Flotilla – flew his flag from the destroyer Shirayuki. The other five destroyers were Arashio, Asashio, Asagumo, Shikinami and Uranami. They escorted seven Army transports: Aiyo Maru (2,716 gross register tons), Kembu Maru (950 tons), Kyokusei Maru (5,493 tons), Oigawa Maru (6,494 tons), Sin-ai Maru (3,793 tons), Taimei Maru (2,883 tons) and Teiyo Maru (6,870 tons). Rounding out the force was the lone Navy transport Nojima Maru (8,125 tons).[2][42] All the ships carried troops, equipment and ammunition, except for the Kembu Maru, which carried 1,000 drums of avgas and 650 drums of other fuel.[43]
The convoy, moving at 7 kn (8.1 mph; 13 km/h),[44] was not detected for some time, because of two tropical storms that struck the Solomon and Bismarck Seas between 27 February and 1 March, but at about 15:00 on 1 March, the crew of a patrolling B-24 Liberator heavy bomber spotted the convoy. Eight B-17 Flying Fortresses were sent to the location but failed to locate the ships. [45]
At dawn on 2 March, a force of six RAAF A-20 Bostons attacked Lae to reduce its ability to provide support. At about 10:00, another Liberator found the convoy. Eight B-17s took off to attack the ships, followed an hour later by another 20.[46] They found the convoy and attacked with 1,000 lb (450 kg) bombs from 5,000 ft (1,500 m). They claimed to have sunk up to three merchant ships. Kyokusei Maru had sunk carrying 1,200 army troops, and two other transports, Teiyo Maru and Nojima, were damaged.[40][47] Eight Japanese fighters were destroyed and 13 damaged in the day's action.[48]
The destroyers Yukikaze and Asagumo plucked 950 survivors of Kyokusei Maru from the water. These two destroyers, being faster than the convoy since its speed was dictated by the slower transports, broke away from the group to disembark the survivors at Lae. The destroyers resumed their escort duties the next day.[47] The convoy – without the troop transport and two destroyers – was attacked again on the evening of 2 March by 11 B-17s, with minor damage to one transport. During the night, PBY Catalina flying boats from No. 11 Squadron RAAF took over the task of shadowing the convoy.[46]
Further attacks[edit]
By 3 March, the convoy was within range of the air base at Milne Bay, and eight Bristol Beaufort torpedo bombers from No. 100 Squadron RAAF took off from there. Because of bad weather only two found the convoy, and neither scored any hits, but the weather cleared after they rounded the Huon Peninsula. A force of 90 Allied aircraft took off from Port Moresby, and headed for Cape Ward Hunt, while 22 A-20 Bostons of No. 22 Squadron RAAF attacked the Japanese fighter base at Lae, reducing the convoy's air cover. Attacks on the base continued throughout the day.[49][50]
At 10:00, 13 B-17s reached the convoy and bombed from medium altitude of 7,000 feet, causing the ships to maneuver, which dispersed the convoy formation and reduced their concentrated anti-aircraft firepower. The B-17s attracted Mitsubishi A6M Zero fighters, which were in turn attacked by the P-38 Lightning escorts. A B-17 broke up in the air, and its crew took to their parachutes. Japanese fighter pilots machine-gunned some of the B-17 crew members as they descended and attacked others in the water after they landed.[49] Five of the Japanese fighters strafing the B-17 aircrew were promptly engaged and shot down by three Lightnings, which were also lost.[10] The Allied fighter pilots claimed 15 Zeros destroyed, while the B-17 crews claimed five more.[49][50] Actual Japanese fighter losses for the day were seven destroyed and three damaged.[48] B-25s arrived shortly afterward and released their 500-pound bombs between 3,000 and 6,000 feet, reportedly causing two Japanese vessels to collide. The result of the B-17 and B-25 sorties scored few hits but left the convoy ships separated making them vulnerable to strafers and masthead bombers, and with the Japanese anti-aircraft fire being focused on the medium-altitude bombers this left an opening for minimum altitude attacks.[10]
Pilot Flight Lieutenant Torchy Uren of No. 30 Squadron RAAF takes a drink from his water canteen while in the cockpit of his Beaufighter during the battle
The 13 Beaufighters from No. 30 Squadron RAAF approached the convoy at low level to give the impression they were Beauforts making a torpedo attack.[51] The ships turned to face them, the standard procedure to present a smaller target to torpedo bombers, allowing the Beaufighters to maximise the damage they inflicted on the ships' anti-aircraft guns, bridges and crews in strafing runs with their four 20 mm (0.79 in) nose cannons and six wing-mounted .303 in (7.70 mm) machine guns.[49] On board one of the Beaufighters was cameraman Damien Parer, who shot dramatic footage of the battle; it was later published in The Bismarck Convoy Smashed.[52] Immediately afterward, seven B-25s of the 38th Bombardment Group's 71st Bombardment Squadron bombed from about 750 m (2,460 ft), while six from the 405th Bombardment Squadron attacked at mast height.[49][50]
According to the official RAAF release on the Beaufighter attack, "enemy crews were slain beside their guns, deck cargo burst into flame, superstructures toppled and burned".[51] Garrett Middlebrook, a co-pilot in one of the B-25s, described the ferocity of the strafing attacks:
They went in and hit this troop ship. What I saw looked like little sticks, maybe a foot long or something like that, or splinters flying up off the deck of ship; they'd fly all around ... and twist crazily in the air and fall out in the water. Then I realized what I was watching were human beings. I was watching hundreds of those Japanese just blown off the deck by those machine guns. They just splintered around the air like sticks in a whirlwind and they'd fall in the water.[53]
Shirayuki was the first ship to be hit, by a combination of strafing and bombing attacks. Almost all the men on the bridge became casualties, including Kimura, who was wounded. One bomb hit started a magazine explosion that caused the stern to break off, and the ship to sink. Her crew was transferred to Shikinami, and Shirayuki was scuttled. The destroyer Tokitsukaze was also hit and fatally damaged. Its crew was taken off by Yukikaze. The destroyer Arashio was hit, and collided with the transport Nojima, disabling her. Both the destroyer and the transport were abandoned, and Nojima was later sunk by an air attack.[54]
Allied aircraft execute a low-level attack on a Japanese ship
Fourteen B-25s returned that afternoon, reportedly claiming 17 hits or near misses. By this time, a third of the transports were sunk or sinking. As the Beaufighters and B-25s had expended their munitions, some USAAF A-20 Havocs of the 3rd Attack Group joined in. Another five hits were claimed by B-17s of the 43rd Bombardment Group from higher altitudes. During the afternoon, further attacks from USAAF B-25s and Bostons of No. 22 Squadron RAAF followed.[55]
All seven of the transports were hit and most were burning or sinking about 100 km (54 nmi; 62 mi) south east of Finschhafen, along with the destroyers Shirayuki, Tokitsukaze and Arashio. Four of the destroyers – Shikinami, Yukikaze, Uranami and Asagumo – picked up as many survivors as possible and then retired to Rabaul, accompanied by the destroyer Hatsuyuki, which had come from Rabaul to assist.[54] That night, a force of ten U.S. Navy PT boats – under the command of Lieutenant Commander Barry Atkins – set out to attack the convoy. Two boats struck submerged debris and were forced to return. The other eight arrived off Lae in the early hours of 4 March. Atkins spotted a fire that turned out to be the transport Oigawa Maru. PT-143 and PT-150 fired torpedoes at it, sinking the crippled vessel. In the morning, a fourth destroyer – Asashio – was sunk when a B-17 hit her with a 500 lb (230 kg) bomb while she was picking up survivors from Arashio.[56] Only one destroyer, Yukikaze, was undamaged among the four surviving destroyers.[57]
A Japanese ship, Kenbu Maru, under attack
Some 2,700 survivors were taken to Rabaul by the destroyers. On 4 March, another 1,000 or so survivors were adrift on rafts.[54] On the evenings of 3–5 March, PT boats and planes attacked Japanese rescue vessels, as well as the survivors from the sunken vessels on life rafts and swimming or floating in the sea. This was later justified on the grounds that rescued servicemen would have been rapidly landed at their military destination and promptly returned to active service,[58] as well as being retaliation for the Japanese fighter planes attacking survivors of the downed B-17 bomber.[10] While many of the Allied aircrew accepted these attacks as being necessary, others were sickened.[59][51] On 6 March, the Japanese submarines I-17 and I-26 picked up 170 survivors. Two days later, I-26 found another 54 and put them ashore at Lae.[54] Hundreds made their way to various islands. One band of 18 survivors landed on Kiriwina, where they were captured by PT-114. Another made its way to Guadalcanal, only to be killed by an American patrol.[60]
On 4 March the Japanese mounted a retaliatory raid on the Buna airfield, the site of a base that the Allies had captured back in January, though the fighters did little damage. Kenney wrote in his memoir that the Japanese reprisal occurred "after the horse had been stolen from the barn. It was a good thing that the Nip air commander was stupid. Those hundred airplanes would have made our job awfully hard if they had taken part in the big fight over the convoy on March 3rd."[10]
On Goodenough Island, between 8 and 14 March 1943, Australian patrols from the 47th Infantry Battalion found and killed 72 Japanese, captured 42 and found another nine dead on a raft. One patrol killed eight Japanese who had landed in two flat-bottomed boats, in which were found some documents in sealed tins. On translation by the Allied Translator and Interpreter Section, one document turned out to be a copy of the Japanese Army List, with the names and postings of every officer in the Japanese Army. It therefore provided a complete order of battle of the Japanese Army, including many units that had never before been reported. A mention of any Japanese officer could now be correlated with his unit. Copies were made available to intelligence units in every theatre of war against Japan.[61][62]
The battle was a disaster for the Japanese. Out of 6,900 troops who were badly needed in New Guinea, only about 1,200 made it to Lae. Another 2,700 were saved by destroyers and submarines and returned to Rabaul.[63] About 2,890 Japanese soldiers and sailors were killed. The Allies lost 13 aircrew, 10 of whom were lost in combat while three others died in an accident. There were also eight wounded. Aircraft losses were one B-17 and three P-38s in combat, and one B-25 and one Beaufighter in accidents. MacArthur issued a communiqué on 7 March stating that 22 ships, including twelve transports, three cruisers and seven destroyers, had been sunk along with 12,792 troops.[1] Army Air Force Headquarters in Washington, D.C. looked into the matter in mid-1943 and concluded that there were only 16 ships involved, but GHQ SWPA considered the original account accurate.[64][65]
The victory was a propaganda boon for the Allies, with one United States newsreel claiming the Japanese had lost 22 ships, 15,000 troops, and 102 aircraft.[66]
The Allied Air Forces had used 233,847 rounds of ammunition, and dropped 261 500-pound and 253 thousand-pound bombs. They claimed 19 hits and 42 near misses with the former, and 59 hits and 39 near misses from the latter. Of the 137 bombs dropped in low level attacks, 48, or 35 percent, were claimed to have hit, but only 29, or 7.5 percent, of the 387 bombs dropped from medium altitude.[67] This compared favourably with efforts in August and September 1942 when only 3 percent of bombs dropped were claimed to have scored hits.[68] It was noted that the high and medium altitude attacks scored few hits but dispersed the convoy, while the strafing runs from the Beaufighters had knocked out many of the ships' anti-aircraft defences.[10] Aircraft attacking from multiple directions had confused and overwhelmed the Japanese defences, resulting in lower casualties and more accurate bombing. The results therefore vindicated not just the tactics of mast height attack, but of mounting coordinated attacks from multiple directions.[67] The Japanese estimated that at least 29 bombs had hit a ship during the battle.[69] This was a big improvement over the Battle of Wau back in January, when Allied aircraft attacked a Japanese convoy consisting of five destroyers and five troop transports travelling from Rabaul to Lae, but managed to sink just one transport and beach another.[10]
Summary of Japanese movements in eastern New Guinea, 1942–1944
There was no doubt that the Japanese had suffered a major defeat. Imamura's chief of staff flew to Imperial General Headquarters to report on the disaster. It was decided that there would be no more attempts to land troops at Lae.[70] The losses incurred in the Bismarck Sea caused grave concern for the security of Lae and Rabaul. This resulted in a change of strategy. On 25 March a joint Army-Navy Central Agreement on South West Area Operations gave operations in New Guinea priority over those in the Solomon Islands campaign.[71] The XVIII Army was allocated additional shipping, ordnance and anti-aircraft units, which were sent to Wewak or Hansa Bay.[72] Of the defeat, Rabaul staff officer Masatake Okumiya said, "Our losses for this single battle were fantastic. Not during the entire savage fighting at Guadalcanal did we suffer a single comparable blow. We knew we could no longer run cargo ships or even fast destroyer transports to any front on the north coast of New Guinea, east of Wewak."[53]
The planned movement of the 20th Division to Madang was revised in the light of events in the Bismarck Sea. The operation was postponed for two days, and the destination was altered from Madang to Hansa Bay further west.[72] To reduce the Allied air threat, the Allied airfield at Wau was bombed on 9 March, and that at Dobodura on 11 March. Three Allied aircraft were destroyed on the ground, and one P-40 was lost in the air, but the Allied fighters claimed to have shot down nine Japanese planes.[73] The transports reached Hansa Bay unscathed on 12 March, and the troops made their way down to Madang on foot or in barges. The 20th Division then became involved in an attempt to construct a road from Madang to Lae through the Ramu and Markham Valleys. It toiled on the road for the next few months, but its efforts were ultimately frustrated by New Guinea's weather and the rugged terrain of the Finisterre Range.[72]
Some submarines were made available for supply runs to Lae, but they did not have the capacity to support the troops there by themselves. An operation was carried out on 29 March in which four destroyers successfully delivered 800 troops to Finschhafen, but the growing threat from Allied aircraft led to the development of routes along the coast of New Guinea from Madang to Finschhafen, and along both the north and south coasts of New Britain to Finschhafen, and thence to Lae using Army landing craft. It was by this means that the remainder of the 51st Division finally made the trip to Lae in May.[72] The necessity of delivering troops and supplies to the front in this manner caused immense difficulties for the Japanese in their attempts to halt further Allied advances. After the war, Japanese officers at Rabaul estimated that around 20,000 troops were lost in transit to New Guinea from Rabaul, a significant factor in Japan's ultimate defeat in the New Guinea campaign.[74]
In April, Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto used the additional air resources allocated to Rabaul in Operation I-Go, an air offensive designed to redress the situation by destroying Allied ships and aircraft in New Guinea and the Solomon Islands.[75] The operation was indecisive, and Yamamoto himself became a casualty of Allied intelligence and air power in the Solomon Islands on 18 April 1943.[76]
Game theory[edit]
In 1954, O. G. Haywood, Jr., wrote an article in the Journal of the Operations Research Society of America in which game theory was used to model the decision-making in the battle.[77] Since then, the name of the battle has been applied to this particular type of two-person zero-sum game.[78]
Battle of the Bismarck Sea order of battle
^ a b Gillison 1962, p. 695
^ Murray & Millett 2001, p. 196
^ Hayashi 1959, pp. 64–66
^ Morison 1958, p. 12
^ a b c Tanaka 1980, p. 48
^ Willoughby 1966, pp. 188–190
^ Willoughby 1966, p. 193
^ "Factsheets : Mitsubishi A6M2 Zero". National Museum of the USAF. Archived from the original on 13 January 2012. Retrieved 2 January 2012.
^ a b c d e f g h Spinetta, Lawrence (November 2007). "Battle of the Bismarck Sea". World War II. ISSN 0898-4204. Retrieved 2 August 2013.
^ Watson 1950, p. 136
^ Gillison 1962, pp. 674–675
^ Tanaka 1980, p. 49
^ Drea 1992, p. 67
^ Hata, Izawa & Shores 2011, pp. 49–50
^ Drea 1992, pp. 68–69
^ a b c Kreis 1996, p. 265
^ Watson 1950a, p. 99
^ Odgers 1957, pp. 23–24
^ Kenney 1949, pp. 198–201
^ Rodman 2005, p. 14
^ McAulay 1991, pp. 19–20
^ Kenney 1949, pp. 76–77
^ Kenney 1949, p. 144
^ Rodman 2005, pp. 40–42
^ McAulay 2008, p. 90
^ Griffith 1998, p. 82.
^ a b c Watson 1946, pp. 6–8
^ Gillison 1962, pp. 139–140, 631–633
^ a b Morison 1950, p. 55
^ Yoshihara 1955
^ a b Gamble 2010, p. 303
^ McAulay 1991, pp. 154–155
^ a b c d e Gillison 1962, pp. 692–693
^ a b c Watson 1950, pp. 144–145
^ a b c http://www.battleforaustralia.org.au/BABismarkSea.php
^ a b Bergerud 2000, p. 592
^ a b c d Gillison 1962, p. 697
^ Hara 1967, p. 168
^ Johnston 2011, p. 276
^ Dexter 1961, p. 10
^ Watson 1950, pp. 147–148
^ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kxu2trrFhHE
^ a b Rodman 2005, pp. 69–71
^ McAulay 2008, p. 240
^ Hata, Izawa & Shores 2011, p. 49
^ Morison 1950, pp. 62–63
^ a b c d Tanaka 1980, pp. 50–53
^ Bergerud 2000, pp. 592, 598
^ Morison 1950, p. 117
^ Morison 1950, pp. 127–129
^ Haywood 1954, pp. 366–371
^ Peters 2008, p. 3
Bergerud, Eric M. (2000). Fire in the Sky: The Air War in the South Pacific. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-3869-7. OCLC 42002639.
Dexter, David (1961). The New Guinea Offensives. Australia in the War of 1939–1945. Series 1 – Army. Volume 6. Canberra: Australian War Memorial. OCLC 2028994.
Drea, Edward J. (1992). MacArthur's ULTRA: Codebreaking and the War Against Japan, 1942–1945. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0504-5. OCLC 23651196.
Gamble, Bruce (2010). Fortress Rabaul: The Battle for the Southwest Pacific, January 1942 – April 1943. Minneapolis: Zenith Press. ISBN 978-0-7603-2350-2. OCLC 437298983.
Gillison, Douglas (1962). Royal Australian Air Force 1939–1942. Australia in the War of 1939–1945: Series 3 – Air. Volume 1. Canberra: Australian War Memorial. OCLC 2000369.
Griffith, Thomas E., Jr. (1998). MacArthur's Airman: General George C. Kenney and the War in the Southwest Pacific. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0909-1. OCLC 38885310.
Hara, Tameichi (1967) [1961]. Japanese Destroyer Captain. New York & Toronto: Ballantine Books. ISBN 0-345-27894-1.
Hata, Ikuhiko; Izawa, Yasuho; Shores, Christopher (2011). Japanese Naval Air Force Fighter Units and Their Aces 1932–1945. London: Grub Street. ISBN 1-906502-84-6.
Haywood, O. G. Jr. (November 1954). "Military Decision and Game Theory". Journal of the Operations Research Society of America. 2 (4): 365–385. doi:10.1287/opre.2.4.365. ISSN 0096-3984. JSTOR 166693.
Hayashi, Saburo (1959). Kogun: The Japanese Army in the Pacific War. Quantico, Virginia: Marine Corps Association. OCLC 652388228.
Johnston, Mark (2011). Whispering Death: Australian Airmen in the Pacific War. Crows Nest, New South Wales: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-1-74175-901-3. OCLC 733607074.
Kenney, George C. (1949). General Kenney Reports: A Personal History of the Pacific War (PDF). New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce. ISBN 0-912799-44-7. OCLC 1227801. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 February 2009. Retrieved 20 February 2009.
Kreis, John F., ed. (1996). Piercing the Fog: Intelligence and Army Air Forces Operations in World War II. Bolling Air Force Base, Washington, DC: Air Force History and Museums Program. ISBN 1-4102-1438-9.
McAulay, Lex (1991). Battle of the Bismarck Sea. New York: St Martins Press. ISBN 0-312-05820-9. OCLC 23082610.
McAulay, Lex (2008). Battle of the Bismarck Sea: 3 March 1943. Maryborough, Queensland: Banner Books. ISBN 978-1-875593-32-3. OCLC 271780681.
Morison, Samuel Eliot (1958). The Struggle for Guadalcanal, August 1942 – February 1943. History of United States Naval Operations in World War II. Vol. 5. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 0-316-58305-7.
Morison, Samuel Eliot (1950). Breaking the Bismarcks Barrier. History of United States Naval Operations in World War II. Vol. 6. Boston: Little Brown and Company. ISBN 0-7858-1307-1. OCLC 10310299.
Murray, Williamson; Millett, Allan R. (2001). A War To Be Won: Fighting the Second World War. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press. ISBN 0-674-00680-1.
Peters, Hans (2008). Game Theory: A Multi-Leveled Approach. Berlin: Springer. ISBN 978-3-540-69290-4. OCLC 804515280.
Odgers, George (1957). Air War Against Japan 1943–1945. Australia in the War of 1939–1945: Series 3 – Air. Volume 2. Canberra: Australian War Memorial. OCLC 1990609.
Rodman, Matthew K. (2005). A War of Their Own: Bombers Over the Southwest Pacific (PDF). Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama: Air University. ISBN 1-58566-135-X. Retrieved 20 February 2009.
Tanaka, Kengoro (1980). Operations of the Imperial Japanese Armed Forces in the Papua New Guinea Theater During World War II. Tokyo: Japan Papua New Guinea Goodwill Society. OCLC 672906428.
Watson, Richard L. (1946). U.S. Air Force Historical Study No. 113 – The Fifth Air Force in the Huon Peninsula Campaign (PDF). AAF Historical Office, Headquarters, U.S. Army Air Forces. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 May 2006. Retrieved 15 February 2009.
Watson, Richard L. (1950). "The Battle of the Bismarck Sea". In Craven, Wesley Frank; Cate, James Lea (eds.). The Pacific: Guadalcanal to Saipan, August 1942 to July 1944. The Army Air Forces in World War II. IV. University of Chicago Press. pp. 129–162. OCLC 30194835. Archived from the original on 26 November 2006. Retrieved 20 October 2006.
Watson, Richard L. (1950). "The Papuan Campaign". In Craven, Wesley Frank; Cate, James Lea (eds.). The Pacific: Guadalcanal to Saipan, August 1942 to July 1944. The Army Air Forces in World War II. IV. University of Chicago Press. pp. 129–162. OCLC 30194835. Archived from the original on 26 November 2006. Retrieved 20 October 2006.
Willoughby, Charles A., ed. (1966). Japanese Operations in the Southwest Pacific Area. Reports of General MacArthur. II – Part I. Washington DC: United States Army Center of Military History. OCLC 643562232. Archived from the original on 8 February 2009. Retrieved 10 February 2009.
Yoshihara, Tsutomu (1955). Southern Cross: Account of the Eastern New Guinea Campaign. Southern Cross. translation by Doris Heath. Tokyo: Australian War Memorial. Retrieved 15 January 2011.
Arbon, J (1979). The Bismarck Sea Ran Red. Marceline, Missouri: Walsworth Press. OCLC 7116275. "ASIN" B0006XMVUI.
Birdsall, Steve (1977). Flying Buccaneers: The Illustrated Story of Kenney's Fifth Air Force. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 0-385-03218-8. OCLC 3001974.
Henebry, John P. (2002). The Grim Reapers at Work in the Pacific Theater: The Third Attack Group of the U.S. Fifth Air Force. Missoula, Montana: Pictorial Histories Publishing Company. ISBN 1-57510-093-2. OCLC 52569977.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Battle of the Bismarck Sea.
Bismarck Convoy Smashed! Incorporates film of the battle by Damien Parer.
Coordinates: 07°15′S 148°15′E / 7.250°S 148.250°E / -7.250; 148.250


text:
Rose, Thistle and Shamrock, The
John Philip Sousa (arr. Keith Brion)
Subtitle: Patrol of the United Kingdom
Duration:c. 3:45
Publisher: Southern Music
Cost: Score and Parts - $95.00 | Score Only - $10.00
Rose, Thistle and Shamrock was composed expressly for the Sousa Band tour of Britain in 1901. It also was known as Patrol of the United Kingdom. The rose is in honor of England [other sources say Canada], the thistle for Scotland, and the shamrock for Ireland. Sousa also wrote the marches The Invincible Eagle and The Pride of Pittsburgh, along with the concert piece The Summer Girl in 1901.
- Program Note Heritage Encyclopedia of Band Music
Audio CD: Royal Artillery Band (Keith Brion,conductor) - 2001
Brazil (Ind.) Concert Band (Matthew S. Huber, conductor) – 2 June 2019
Virginia Grand Military Band (Alexandria, Va.) (Loras John Schissel, conductor) - 15 March 2015
Keene (N.H.) State College Concert Band (James Chesebrough, conductor) - 7 April 2009
Bierley, P. (1973). John Philip Sousa: A Descriptive Catalog of His Works. University of Illinois Press; Urbana, pp. 119.
Encyclopedia of Band Music. "John Philip Sousa." Accessed 18 March 2015.
Sousa, J.; Brion, K. (2004). The Rose, Shamrock and Thistle: Patrol of the United Kingdom [score]. Southern Music: San Antonio, Tex.
Retrieved from "https://www.windrep.org/index.php?title=Rose,_Thistle_and_Shamrock,_The&oldid=167929"


March 28, 1957: Hue Medical College was officially launched with the establishment of Hue University. At that time, it was recognized as Faculty of Medicine of Hue University to provide medical doctor training.
October 27, 1976: after the country reunification, the Prime Minister Pham Van Dong signed the Decision No 426-TTg to separated Hue Medical College from Hue University and directly under the managment and guidance of Ministry of Health (MOH). Hue Medical College was responsible for providing medical training of the Central – Highlands from Quang Binh to Binh Thuan provinces.
April 4, 1994: Hue Medical College became a school member of Hue University by the Decree No 30/CP and under Ministry of Education and Training.
March 26, 2007: Hue Medical College was renamed as Hue University of Medicine and Pharmacy, belonged to Hue University by the Decision No 334/QĐ-TTg of Prime Minister.


text:
DATA PROTECTION POLICY :
Article 24 of the G.D.P.R regulation states that in relation to the collection, collation, processing and sharing of data, measures need to be implemented appropriately as defined by the Data Protection Policies by the controller and processor.
This policy must be concise to the business at hand and easy for the consumer to understand. This covers a variable between protections for the consumer with adding productivity to services offered.
The General Data Regulation 2016 implementation 2018 replaces EU Data Protection Directives 1995 and supersedes the laws of individual member states that were developed in compliance with the Data Protection Directive. Its purpose is to protect the rights and freedoms of natural persons and to ensure personal data is not processed without their knowledge, and wherever possible it is processed with their consent. Ailgynnau Consulting Limited will apply the Data Protection Policy for
G.D.P.R legislation to the processing of personal data wholly or partly by automated means and to the processing other than automated means of personal data that form part of a filing system, marketing system, CRM system or for any other reason not defined in an engagement supplied by Ailgynnau Consulting Limited.
Any information relating to an identified or identifiable person or data subject directly or indirectly, in particular by reference to the identifier such as: name, ID Number, location data, business, position held or to one or more specific to the physical, physiological, genetic, mental, economical, cultural or social identity including revealing racial or ethnic origin. Political opinion, religious or philosophical beliefs, trade union or paid memberships to networking organisations and affiliated service and the collecting and processing of data that can be used for identifying a data subject with reference to the following data concerning health, or data concerning a data subjects sex life or sexual orientation.
This statement and policy includes the holding, obtaining, recording, use, disclosing, sharing and the storage of data.
The General Data Protection Regulations (GDPR), which came into force on 25 May 2018, completely overhauls the data protection regime governed by the Data Protection Directive and supersedes the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA) upon which it was based. GDPR extensively updates the definition of identifiable information.
What information is covered? …………………………………………………….
Policy statement………………………………………………………………………..
Principles ………………………………………………………………………………….
Scope of this policy……………………………………………………………………
Policy………………………………………………………………………………………..
Data protection responsibilities ………………………………………………….
Validity of this policy………………………………………………………………….
Ailgynnau Consulting Limited needs to collect person-identifiable information about individuals to carry out its functions and fulfil its objectives. Personal data is defined as 'information which relates to a living individual and from which they can be identified, either directly or indirectly'. Personal data at Ailgynnau Consulting Limited can include employees (present, past and prospective), patients, contractors and third parties, private and confidential information as well as sensitive information, whether in paper, electronic or other form Irrespective of how information is collected, recorded and processed person identifiable information must be dealt with properly to ensure compliance with the Data Protection Act (DPA) 1998 and the General Data Protection Regulations (GDPR). The DPA requires Ailgynnau Consulting Limited to comply with the Data Protection Principles and to notify the Information Commissioner about the data that we hold and why we hold it. This is a formal notification and is renewed annually. The DPA gives rights to data subjects (people that we hold information about) to access their own personal information, to have it corrected if wrong, in all permitted circumstances to ask us to stop using it and to seek damages where we are using it improperly. The lawful and correct treatment of person-identifiable information by Ailgynnau Consulting Limited is paramount to the success of the organisation and to the consumer to maintain the confidence of its service users and employees. This policy will help Ailgynnau Consulting Limited ensure that all person-identifiable information is handled and processed lawfully and correctly.
Data Protection Act and GDPR principles
Ailgynnau Consulting Limited has a legal obligation to comply with all relevant legislation in respect of data protection and information / IT security. The organisation also has a duty to comply with guidance issued by the ICO, as well as other relevant guidance issued by advisory groups and professional bodies. All legislation relevant to an individual's right to the confidentiality of their information and the ways in which that can be achieved and maintained are paramount to Ailgynnau Consulting Limited. Significant penalties can be imposed upon the organisation for non- compliance. The aim of this policy is to outline how Ailgynnau Consulting Limited meets its legal obligations in safeguarding confidentiality and adheres to information security standards. The obligations within this policy are principally based upon the requirements of the Data Protection Act 1998 and GDPR, as the key legislative and regulatory provisions governing the security of person- identifiable information.
What information is covered?
Personal data within the respective legislative and regulatory provisions covers 'any data that can be used to identify a living individual either directly or indirectly'. Individuals can be identified by various means including but not limited to, their address, telephone number or e-mail address. Anonymised or aggregated data is not regulated by the provisions, providing the anonymisation or aggregation of the data is irreversible.
Policy statement:
This document defines the data protection policy for Ailgynnau Consulting Limited. It applies to all person-identifiable information obtained and processed by the organisation and its employees. It sets out: the organisations policy for the protection of all person-identifiable information that is processed, establishes the responsibilities (and best practice) for data protection, references the key principles of the Data Protection Act 1998 and GDPR.
Principles and the objective of this policy is to ensure the protection of Ailgynnau Consulting Limited information in accordance with relevant legislation.
To ensure notification;
Annually notify the Information Commissioner about Ailgynnau Consulting Limited use of person- identifiable information.
To ensure professionalism;
All information is obtained, held and processed in a professional manner in accordance with the principles of the Data Protection Act 1998 and the provisions of GDPR.
To preserve security;
All information is obtained, held, disclosed and disposed of in a secure manner.
To ensure awareness;
Provision of appropriate training and promote awareness to inform all employees of their responsibilities.
Data Subject access;
Prompt and informed responses to subject access requests. The policy will be reviewed periodically by Ailgynnau Consulting Limited DPO TEAM.
Where review and update are necessary due to legislative changes this will be done immediately. In accordance with the equality and diversity policy
statement, this procedure will not discriminate, either directly or indirectly, on the grounds of gender, race, colour, ethnic or national origin, sexual orientation, marital status, religion or belief, age, union membership, disability, offending background or any other personal characteristic.
Scope of this policy;
This policy will ensure that person-identifiable information is processed, handled, transferred, disclosed and disposed of lawfully. Person-identifiable information should be handled in the most secure manner by authorised staff only, on a need to know basis. The procedures cover all person identifiable information whether clinical or nonclinical, electronic or paper which may relate to patients, employees, contractors, consumers and third parties about whom we hold information.
Ailgynnau Consulting Limited obtains and processes person-identifiable information for a variety of different purposes, including but not limited to: staff records and administrative records, matters relating to the prevention, detection and investigation of fraud and corruption from employees of Ailgynnau Consulting Limited. Complaints and requests for information, such information may be kept in either computer or manual records. In processing such personal data, Ailgynnau Consulting Limited will comply with the data protection principles within the Data Protection Act 1998 and GDPR LEGISLATION MAY 2018.
Data protection responsibilities: Overall responsibilities;
Ailgynnau Consulting Limited Board members, collectively known as the 'data controller' permit the organisation's staff to use computers and relevant filing systems (manual records) in connection with their duties. Ailgynnau Consulting Limited Board members have legal responsibility for the notification process and compliance of the Data Protection Act 1998 and GDPR breach reporting policies and legislation. Ailgynnau Consulting Limited Board members whilst retaining their legal responsibilities have delegated data protection compliance to the Data Protection Officer, whose responsibilities have been allocated to the organisation's Information Governance, Risk management and due diligence compliance reports. The Data Protection Officer's responsibilities include: ensuring that the policy is produced and kept up to date, ensuring that the appropriate practice and procedures are adopted and followed by Ailgynnau Consulting Limited. Provide advice and support to the Board on data protection issues within the organisation.
Work collaboratively with Organisational Development and Governance and Assurance to help set the standard of data protection training for staff, ensure data protection notification with the Information Commissioner's Office is reviewed, maintained and renewed annually for all use of person identifiable information, ensure compliance with individual rights, including subject access requests, act as a central point of contact on data protection issues within the organisation, implement an effective framework for the management of data protection.
Line manager's responsibilities:
All managers across the organisation are directly responsible for: ensuring their staff are made aware of this policy and any notices. Ensuring staff are aware of their data protection responsibilities. Ensuring staff receive suitable data protection training.
General responsibilities:
All Ailgynnau Consulting Limited employees, including temporary and contract staff are subject to compliance with this policy. Under GDPR, individuals and Directors can be held personally liable for data protection breaches if compliance training is not provided and administered from a designated DPO. Ailgynnau Consulting Limited employees have a responsibility to inform the Data Protection Officer, of any new use of personal data, as soon as reasonably practicable after it has been identified. All Ailgynnau Consulting Limited employees will, on receipt of a request from an individual for information held, known as a subject access request or concerns about the processing of personal information, immediately notify the DPO, who will inform the ICO and engage with the data subject in the agreed time set out in accordance with this policy.
Validity of this policy:
This policy will be reviewed at least annually. Standards will be subject to an ongoing development and review programme.
Data Protection Act 1998 – Data protection principles:
1. Personal data shall be processed fairly and lawfully.
2. Personal data shall be obtained for one or more specified and lawful purposes and shall not be further processed in any manner incompatible with that purpose or those purposes.
3. Personal data shall be adequate, relevant and not excessive in relation to the purpose or purposes for which they are processed.
4. Personal data shall be accurate and, where necessary, kept up to date.
5. Personal data processed for any purpose or purposes shall not be kept for longer than is necessary for that purpose or those purposes.
6. Personal data shall be processed in accordance with the rights of data subjects under this Act.
7. Appropriate technical and organisational measures shall be taken against unauthorised or unlawful processing of personal data and against accidental loss or destruction of, or damage to, personal data.
8. Personal data shall not be transferred to a country or territory outside the European Economic Area unless that country or territory ensures an adequate level of protection for the rights and freedoms of data subjects in relation to the processing of personal data. Summary of relevant legislation and guidance General Data Protection Regulations (GDPR) A legal basis must be identified and documented before personal data can be processed. 'Controllers' and 'Processors' will be required to document decisions and maintain records of processing activities.
Human Rights Act 1998 This Act binds public authorities including Health Authorities, Trusts and Primary Care Groups to respect and protect an individual's human rights. This will include an individual's right to privacy (under Article 8) and a service user's right to expect confidentiality of their information always. Article 8 of the Act provides that "everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence". However, this article also states, "there shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety, or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention or disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others". Each organisation must act in a way consistent with these requirements. It must take an individual's rights into account when sharing personal information about them.
Freedom of Information Act 2000: This Act gives individuals rights of access to information held by public authorities.
Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000: This Act combines rules relating to access to protected electronic information as well as revising the "Interception of Communications Act 1985". The aim of the Act was to modernise the legal regulation of interception of communications, in the light of the Human Rights laws and rapidly changing technology.
Crime and Disorder Act 1998 This Act introduces measures to reduce crime and disorder, including the introduction of local crime partnerships around local authority boundaries to formulate and implement strategies for reducing crime and disorder in that local area. The Act allows disclosure of person-identifiable information to the Police, Local Authorities, Probation Service or the Health Service but only if the purposes are defined within the Crime and Disorder Act. The Act does not impose a legal requirement to disclose person identifiable information and responsibility for disclosure rests with the organisation holding the information.
The Computer Misuse Act 1990:
This Act makes it a criminal offence to access any part of a computer system, programs and/or data that a user is not entitled to access Ailgynnau Consulting Limited will issue each employee with an individual user id and password which will only be known to the individual and must not be divulged to other staff. This is to protect the employee from the likelihood of their inadvertently contravening this Act Ailgynnau Consulting Limited will adhere to the requirements of the Computer Misuse Act 1990, by ensuring that its staff are aware of their responsibilities regarding the misuse of computers for fraudulent activities or other personal gain. Any member of staff found to have contravened this Act will be considered to have committed a disciplinary offence and be dealt with accordingly.
The Telecommunications (Lawful Business Practice) (Interception of Communications) Regulations 2000 This Act allows employers to intercept and record communications in certain prescribed circumstances for legitimate monitoring, without obtaining the consent of the parties to the communication.
Information Security Management:
The guidelines provide a framework for consistent and effective information security management that is both risk and standards-based and is fully integrated with other key sharing Information Governance areas. Without effective security, referral information assets may become unreliable and untrustworthy, may not be accessible where or when needed, or may be compromised by unauthorised third parties.


The Carling Stag Package in Nottingham gives you a ready made basic Stag Party. A Budget hotel located a short taxi from the city centre will be simply where the guys rest their head on the evening. A clean and tidy nationwide chain ensures a high quality with twin and triple rooms on offer, all with en suites. Your day time activity will be Paintballing at one of the countries most established venues, you will have 400 paintballs each which is enough ammo to get even the most trigger happy player started - hot lunch and drinks are all included in a full day paintballing. Once you are back at the hotel, showered and donned your best outfit for the evening you can rest assured of getting into the biggest and best nightclub in Nottingham as you are on guest list. Head straight in and enjoy the stags last night of freedom!!
Paintballing in one of the most established paintball sites in the country set in Sherwood Forest, with an abundance of games like Close Quarter Battle Field, The Castle, The Wild West, the Bridge Field, Bunker Hill, Tank Mania and Village Assault. Each player will receive all the kit, clothing, hot refreshments and a free hot lunch for groups booking in for a full day and 400 PAINTBALLS!!!!
Airsoft Combat is a military simulation war game that uses realistic AK47 rifles. We provide full combat clothing, camo paint, safety mask, ammo and your own replica machine gun. The session will include 1000 BB's per person and will last for approximately 2 hours.
Fancy harnessing the team spirit and drive in your group? Well the Jungle boot camp is for you. Be prepared to be pushed to the limit in the a 3 hour action packed session that will include Assault Course, LaserTag, Sandbag Bunker, Build Medivac, Poler Apart and Logistics Nightmare.
Visit a comedy club to guarantee the night kicks off with a lot of laughs and gets the guys in jovial mood for the rest of the evening a weekend. If you want to add food or drinks just let your organiser know.


text:
Le code foulard (aussi connu comme le code mouchoir, le code bandana, ou flagging,  ou  code en anglais) est un système de code couleur employé par les gays recherchant de la sexualité libre (casual-sex) ou pratiquant le BDSM aux États-Unis, au Canada, en Australie et en Europe, pour indiquer les fétiches sexuels préférés, le type de rapport sexuel recherché. Le  a été largement utilisé dans les années 1970 par les gays et les hommes bisexuels, et s'est ensuite développé pour y inclure tous les genres et les orientations sexuelles.

Aujourd'hui, le port de mouchoirs (bandanas) code-couleur est une manière de communiquer ses désirs et ses fétiches. Porter un mouchoir sur le côté gauche du corps indique généralement que la personne est /dominante (on considère que les actifs dans la pratique du fétiche sont indiqués par la couleur du mouchoir), le porter sur le côté droit du corps indiquerait que la personne est /soumise (on considère que les passifs dans la pratique du fétiche sont indiqués par la couleur du mouchoir). Cette réalité gauche-droite vient de la pratique antérieure qui voulait que sur la gauche de la boucle de ceinture en cuir, la personne était active, et sur la droite de la boucle de ceinture en cuir, la personne était passive. Les bandanas peuvent être portés à l'avant ou à l'arrière de la poche, attachés autour du cou (avec le nœud placé sur le côté gauche ou droit) ; autour de la cheville (avec ou sans bottes) ; ou sur d'autres parties du corps.

Le code couleur varie largement d'une région à l'autre, cependant, il y a un accord général sur les couleurs qui se réfèrent aux pratiques les plus communes, en particulier les plus intuitives comme le jaune pour l'ondinisme ; le brun pour la scatophilie ; et le noir pour les SM, mais pas de consensus absolu pour les pratiques les moins communes.

Origine

Le port de couleurs en bandana autour du cou était courant au milieu et à la fin du  chez les cow-boys, les conducteurs de trains, et les mineurs dans l'Ouest des États-Unis. Le fait de porter des bandanas par des hommes gays originaires de San Francisco après la Ruée vers l'Or, était venu du manque de femmes pour danser les danses carrées. Un code s'est alors élaboré pour indiquer que le bandana bleu porté par l'un des deux hommes, se référait bien au rôle de l'homme dans la danse carrée ; l'homme qui portait le bandana rouge prenait ainsi le rôle de la femme (ces bandanas étaient généralement portés autour du bras, accrochés à la ceinture ou dans la poche arrière du jeans). Le moderne  a certainement débuté dans la ville de New York à la fin des années 1970, ou au début de 1971, quand un journaliste du Village Voice a plaisanté en disant qu'au lieu de simplement porter les clés pour indiquer si quelqu'un est  ou , il serait plus efficace de subtilement annoncer sa préférence sexuelle par le port de mouchoirs de différentes couleurs.

Exemples

Ce tableau est établi à partir du  de Larry Townsend (deuxième édition de 1983 ; la première édition de 1972 ne comprend pas cette liste) et il est généralement considéré comme faisant autorité. Dans cette liste, le concept de polarité droite/gauche est implicite ; la gauche indiquant toujours au-dessus, dominant, ou partenaire actif ; la droite indiquant en dessous, soumis, ou partenaire passif. La négociation avec un partenaire potentiel reste importante, car, comme Townsend l'a noté, les gens peuvent porter des mouchoirs de toutes les couleurs  ou parce que certains .

Il existe d'autres codes de couleur qui sont moins souvent utilisés dans la pratique ; la plupart des codes de couleurs sont offerts dans presque tous les magasins LGBT avec leurs significations.

Références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Homosocialisation

Bibliographie

Symbole LGBT
Terme LGBT
Homosexualité masculine
Sémiotique
Code de couleurs