The South Platte River offers some of the best kokanee salmon fishing in Colorado, during the fall salmon spawning run. Wherever you choose to fly fish for kokanee salmon in Colorado, centering your efforts around the fall spawn run not only is your best shot at catching a kokanee on a fly but plays into the natural instincts of the fish. In the fall when the water temperatures drop below 55 degrees the 3 and/or 4 year old kokanee salmon in the reservoirs begin to change, they lose their silvery color and turn bright red; the males form large hook jaws all for one reason; to battle for the best spawning ground and their right to spawn. Kokanee prefer to spawn over clean gravel beds in deeper pools from the rivers they were hatched from or in Colorado's case, where they were stocked from. The instinct to head up river and battle for the prime spawning ground can be used against these fish to entice them to strike your fly.
You don not need any high tech ultra elite fly fishing rod and gear to trick and catch these fish, so any fly fishing beginner would have a blast targeting these hard fighting salmon. My preferred rod is a 9 foot 5wt rod; I�ve used the cheap scientific angler rods to the high end Orvis rods. You will catch just as many on either rod. A 9 foot, 8lb test leader and 8lb tippet are also recommended, especially on rivers that are catch and release like the South Platte river (Dream Stream), Gunnison river, and Taylor river. These fish fight hard and don�t need extra lines and flies hanging off them as they make their way up river. Weight is an often under estimated tool when targeting kokanee, you have to bounce the bottom when targeting kokanee so I use at least an 1/8 ounce round split shot weight to get it down to the strike zone faster and keep it there.Mojo Mud or moldable tungsten are also great options as you can adjust it by adding more or removing some. Place the weight 8 to 10 inches above the fly.In my opinion the strike indicator is the most important thing, especially for beginners. I use yarn indicators as they are very sensitive and you can see the subtle strikes.
I use two main flies: red San Juan worms and egg patterns. For the eggs I prefer the soft clear orange or yellow eggs or clear hot glue eggs, they look more realistic. But these are not the only flies you can use. I often use red copper johns or any other kind of red fly. Size is not important. The use of certain flies plays into the instincts of the fish. When you catch a kokanee during the spawn run you will see scars on them. This is from the fighting and jockeying for positions in the holes for the spawn. The use of the red color sparks this instinct and they will try to bite and swat at anything red during this period of the spawn. I use the egg patterns for two reasons. The first, you will notice most of the kokanee you catch on the eggs are females. The logic behind this is the females want their eggs to survive more then any other so they will eat, crush, and try to destroy any other species of eggs. That�s why orange or yellow works so well. The second reason I use eggs, is because in the fall the brown trout move up to spawn as well, however they will sit behind the kokanee and gorge themselves on eggs. I would go into more detail but that is for another article.
Lastly the most important piece of equipment you can have for this type of fishing; polarized glasses. I cannot stress how important a good set of polarized glasses are, not only do they protect your eyes, they eliminate the glare on the water surface allowing you to peer into the water below. You will need them to locate the pods of salmon you wish to fish.
Where to find the desired species? Kokanee salmon will be found in deeper pools that are lined with gravel. Look for these at the bends in the river or at the bottom of small drops or falls.Also, along deep weed beds as they will hold there before moving up stream. On the Dream Stream in the early part of the run (mid-October), you will want to start below the DOW spawning operation. If the water temperatures remain between 42 to 55 degrees the kokanee will be found in almost any deep hole, as they will stage there waiting for the next pods to move up and force them out of the holes and upstream.
The technique here is pretty simple and you will quickly adapt your own tweaks to fit your style. After you locate the fish either by seeing them with your glasses, seeing one porpoise? Or just guess and cast upstream a few feet above the pod. Cast far enough in front that the weight will get the flies down to the strike zone of these fish. As the strike indicator floats watch for any pauses and set the hook, even on the slightest of pauses. Remember hook sets are free. Many times it will be just weeds or the gravel but you don�t want to take the chance and not set the hook and have it be a fish. Since these fish no longer are eating to survive they will not hold anything in their mouth long before they spit it. The best hook set will be a straight lift of the rod above your head, the good thing about this hook set is that you will notice a resistance right away, so if it was the bottom you can stop and let it go back to drifting down stream.
The drift is also a little different than when targeting trout, when you cast upstream mend your line so that the indicator is upstream or parallel to the flies. Let the flies dead drift, but be sure to allow the flies to swing at the end of the drift as a lot of strikes will come with the unnatural change in motion of the red flies. Kokanee are very protective of their territory and will find them a threat.
I don�t fight the fish on the reel but a lot of people do its just personal preference. They fight hard and you will find your arm getting tired, so whatever works best for you. Its best to make the salmon run downstream by pointing your rod tip downstream, they will turn and run back upstream. Do this until they are ready to come in. When you are ready to bring it in, simply land it as you would any trout.


The Arlington Police Department in Texas has released surveillance video from an ATM in hopes of identifying and catching a robber and kidnapper who forced an unsuspecting woman into her trunk earlier this month, CBS DFW reports.
The kidnapping occurred at a drive-through ATM at a Wells Fargo bank Jan. 14, where the victim, choosing to be identified only as Christin, was withdrawing cash.
Speaking to the news station, the 21-year-old woman said that the entire incident went down quickly. "It didn't seem like it was planned. It was a crime of opportunity. … It could have happened to anyone," she said.
Surveillance video shows the young woman pulling up to the ATM and withdrawing cash. A man appears on the screen behind her car, around the ATM, and approaches the driver's side.
Christin told the station that she was ordered at gunpoint to get into the trunk before the man drove off in the car.
Eventually the car stopped, and believing that the suspect had gotten out of the car, Christin opened the trunk via the emergency latch and ran to a nearby convenience store to call 911.
"I thought maybe I have a chance of getting out of here. So I found the unlock from the trunk from the inside and I looked around to see if there was anyone nearby," she told CBS DFW.
The suspect is described as a black man, believed to be about 5 feet 6 inches tall and in his early 20s. He was wearing a gray jacket or coat and jeans at the time of the incident. Arlington police are asking for any tips involving the suspect.


The task was to design a logo and branding system for a series of workshops called "The 2nd Foundation." The workshops are geared towards youth in India and aim to instill a maker/DIY culture into the traditional grade school system with workshops on computational thinking, robotics, maker techniques and life skills. The workshops were branded as "Skills in Schools" but the creators wanted a logo that reflected the ideals of the workshops while intriguing students to participate in them. In this case, the "1st foundation" represents traditional school subjects and classroom-based learning. The 2nd Foundation is a new metaphor, where students "do, think, and learn," developing the 21st century skills needed to prepare them for the future world of work. A logo was designed that represents the core values of the workshops. In addition to the logo, the client wanted mascots designed for the different workshops. The logo itself is made of 2 shapes and when experimented with, I discovered that these two shapes can be made into many different types of creatures (minimal illustrations). I proposed to the client that the students create the mascots themselves for each workshop using the shapes from the logo mark. They can make them digitally or with physical materials as learnt in the maker/DIY workshops. The only constraint is that they have to use only the circle and triangle to create the mascots. Designing within these constraints itself is a small lesson in design thinking and therefore inline with the core values of the program.


From 29 March to 1 April, Sotheby's will present two exceptional wines sales in Hong Kong, bringing to the market more than 2,800 lots with a combined pre-sale estimate of HK$168-239 million (US$20-30 million).
The Dalmore, one of the world's most revered scotch whisky makers, has collaborated with the World's Best Chef, Massimo Bottura on his first foray into spirits with the creation of an exclusive, one of a kind scotch whisky bottling, The Dalmore L'Anima Aged 49 Years.
We are pleased to share our 2018 Sotheby's Wine Market Report , published by Sotheby's Wine Advisory Services, which includes a comprehensive review of sales data from our global Auction and Retail businesses, with analysis by Yassmin Dever.
Sotheby's is proud to present Tran-scend-ent Wines, the highest-estimated wine auction in history, from 29 to 31 March 2019, in Hong Kong.
Sotheby's Wine's annual worldwide sales reached an important new milestone in 2018, with sales significantly exceeding $100 million in a single year.


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Is Democracy Possible Here? Principles for a New Political Debate
Former Philosopher and Scholar of U.S. Constitutional Law
Carnegie Council's acclaimed Public Affairs program hosted speakers who are prominent people in the world of international affairs, from acclaimed authors, to Nobel laureates, to high-ranking UN officials.
If we want substantial political argument--and without it, true democracy is impossible--both "the red" and "the blue" must recognize shared moral principles, says Ronald Dworkin.
JOANNE MYERS: I'm Joanne Myers, Director of Public Affairs Programs, and on behalf of the Carnegie Council I would like to welcome our members and guests and to thank you all for joining us on this very, very special afternoon.
We are delighted to have as our guest Professor Ronald Dworkin, who will be discussing his book, Is Democracy Possible Here? Principles for a New Political Debate. This publication was based on the Scribner Lectures, which were originally delivered at Princeton University in the spring of 2005.
One week from today, many Americans will go to the polls and cast their ballots in a midterm election that has been noted for its frenzied activity and extremely negative political campaigning. Whether your views reflect the right or the left, Republican or Democrat, political rhetoric over the past few election cycles has become increasingly partisan and ever more divisive, leaving Americans without a productive discussion of the issues.
Our speaker this afternoon argues that "should this continue, we will find ourselves ill-equipped to achieve social justice and we will lose the ability to meet the challenges of an ethically diverse society. In this highly charged political atmosphere, the question of whether our country's political ills can be resolved is one that seems, not only appropriately urgent, but also is open to debate. Which leads me to ask the inevitable question: Is democracy possible here?"
In his latest work, Professor Dworkin critically examines the current political landscape and finds that in order to transcend everyday, petty political bickering and to avoid artificial divides, we need to find common denominators about the basic principles we all share. He writes that "this will lead to substantive political debate among people who mutually respect each other."
In making his case, our speaker begins by articulating two tenets of democracy that he is confident Americans can agree upon. The first principle he puts forward is his belief that every human life is intrinsically and equally valuable. Secondly, he argues that each person has an inalienable personal responsibility for realizing his or her own potential. He then applies these principles to some of the great issues of our time: the war on terror, religion in public life, and social justice.
It has been noted that, even if you assent to these two principles, you may differ about their definitions, applications, or the relationship of one principle to the other. Yet, from the start, Professor Dworkin says that he wants to initiate a political dialogue about the nature and force of human rights, the role of religion in politics, the distribution of economic wealth, and the character and forms of the politics through which those decisions are made. In fact, it is his openness to political discussion which makes this book so constructive and his arguments so highly valued, as is also his remarkable facility to make these complex and abstract arguments clear and accessible to a wide audience, not just lawyers and philosophers.
In this political season, when confrontational discourse is the norm, the opportunity to listen to one of the world's leading legal and political philosophers, who is eager to propose a way out of this morass and offer a fresh formulation of the liberal tradition in American politics, is a rare privilege indeed. Professor Dworkin's comments come at a time when they are most needed.
On behalf of the Carnegie Council, let me just say how very grateful we are to you to have the opportunity to listen to your ideas on this important topic.
Please join me in giving a very warm welcome to our guest, Professor Ronald Dworkin.
RONALD DWORKIN: Thank you very much for that very welcome, nice, and very helpful introduction, because I can start right in and save time.
Yes, I think our politics are in an appalling state, and I doubt that many of you would disagree with that. We don't have a rational discourse, and the greatest casualty of our dumbed-down politics is the lack of argument. You can have a true democracy if you have consensus and no argument. You can have one if you have disagreement and respectful argument. But if you have neither, it seems to me you are in terrible trouble, because it is no longer a democracy; it is simply a battle of numbers. Politics becomes war—or, worse, sports—carried out by other means.
So I am trying to find principles that we can agree on in the abstract, and I am looking for principles that we share across what is now called the "red/blue divide." These principles have got to be sufficiently abstract so that my claim that the great bulk of us on both sides of this supposed great divide share them becomes sensible. But they also have to be sufficiently dense so that an argument about them is not just name calling, but can be understood as an argument about the best interpretation of something that we generally share. So what I am hoping is to show that that kind of principle exists and that kind of argument is possible. That's my main agenda in this book.
I have a second aim. That aim is to defend a particular interpretation of the two principles. It would have been polemically useful if the concrete applications that I came up with, the views about heated issues of policy, split the difference between the red and the blue cultures. I have to report to you that that is not true. You will find the principles that I defend a vivid shade of blue. But that doesn't, it seems to me, show that my ambition is flawed, because if I am right, these principles are sufficiently deep so that a liberal interpretation of the key ideas will reverberate across the whole field of political argument.
What I'm hoping this book will achieve in general, and perhaps even in this room this evening, is an argument so that people who accept the principles that I'm going now to describe but who disagree with me about the vivid blue of my conclusion will nevertheless accept the challenge of explaining in terms of the principles why I've misunderstood the nerve of these central ideas.
So, to repeat the two principles, which you summarized very well, the first principle supposes that every human life has an objective importance; it is important that that life succeed rather than fail. This is not something that is just important to the particular person whose life it is and his or her family. It is something of objective importance. It has the same character of importance as a great painting or a piece of injustice—that is, matters of objective good or bad. That is the first principle.
The second principle is that in spite of the fact that the value of a human life is of objective importance, nevertheless one person has special responsibility for the development of that value for its realization, and that is the person whose life it is. That idea seems to me to have both a positive and negative force.
The positive force is a matter of personal responsibility, ethical responsibility. We each owe ourselves recognizing the objective value of our life, and that's why it is our responsibility to make something decent of our life, to make it a life we can look back on with some pride, rather than shame.
The negative force of the second principle is that we each owe a duty to other people to respect that personal responsibility that they have. That doesn't mean that we shouldn't try to influence other people in their conceptions of how to lead a life. We lead our lives, all of us, in cultures that make certain kinds of lives possible and others scarcely imaginable. In that way, we are all influenced by everyone else. Choices that others make influence our own. But this principle condemns subordination. It condemns the idea that we, as individuals or collectively through government, can tell people how to identify the value in their own lives.
Those are the two principles that I am claiming we share in the abstract across this political divide. It is not the case, of course, that these principles have everywhere and always been accepted. They are probably rejected by more people on our planet now than those who accept them. My claim is that we have a political culture in this country, in spite of our great divisions, that accepts these.
It is part of my claim that, though there have been, and are, religions in the world that would dispute both of these principles, none of these religions have any traction in the United States. We are fiercely divided about the role that religion should play in politics and in civil society, and I speak about that in the book. But I don't think we are divided about the idea that, to put it in religious language, we are all children of God and we all have a responsibility as such for seeking value in our own life and taking final responsibility.
So I hope that we can accept these principles in the abstract. But of course, now the serious question begins: Do these principles have any bite? Are they so abstract that they have no implications, they can't furnish the spine of an argument, they're just empty rhetoric? In the bulk of the book's substantive chapters, I argue to the contrary. I'll try to rehearse each of the arguments I make very briefly now.
The first topic that I take up is the idea and character of human rights. This is a matter of politics now in this country, because many of us feel that the Bush Administration's treatment of those it has detained as suspects in terror—that our policies of detention violate human rights.
There is, of course, also a claim, vividly felt, that the way we interrogate prisoners violates their human rights, that we torture them. But nobody defends that. The Administration doesn't say, "Yes, we torture them and that's right." It says, "No, we don't." So that's a factual issue.
What is not, however, in dispute is that we detain people indefinitely without trial, without indictment, without access to counsel, and that we justify that by saying, in a very familiar metaphor —much too familiar, I fear—that we need now to strike a new balance between liberty and security.
So I think we have to take up the question: What are human rights, and does this policy violate human rights? If our policies do violate human rights, then it is an inadequate defense to say that they make us safer. The whole idea of human rights is that people have rights that must be respected even at a cost—even at the cost, for example, of security.
In this book, I argue for what I believe is a somewhat different theory of human rights, and I do it in terms of the two principles that I described. My claim is that we identify human rights by asking: Which acts of government are such that a government that so acts cannot claim in good faith to be respecting the two principles I described? People can disagree about what these principles require—I expect we will disagree in the discussion—but there are some acts that simply are inconsistent with respect for the two principles, respect for the dignity and importance of human life and for responsibility over life. Torture is a very good example.
I suggest that a nation dishonors human rights, not only when it commits an act that is patently inconsistent, but when it violates its own traditions. Nations differ in how to respect these principles of dignity. Nations differ in how to respect them in the criminal process. We have, over more than two centuries, developed a distinctly American idea of what dignity requires in the criminal process, what recognizing people's lives as equally and objectively important requires. We have developed an entire jurisprudence.
When we violate those principles that we have ourselves developed, claiming that we do so to make ourselves safer, what we are saying is that our national cohesive tradition of what dignity requires is no longer on point when we are dealing with certain people, and that is, by hypothesis, a violation of the human rights of those people. Human rights on this account are a matter of attitude, and we show them disrespect when we don't give them the benefit of our own seasoned assumptions of what dignity requires.
The second topic that I consider is the very vexed topic of religion. You are all familiar with the many subjects, ranging from abortion, to whether the Ten Commandments can be exhibited in a courtroom, to gay marriage, to whether Indian tribes should be permitted to smoke peyote as part of their rituals. There is a long list of issues that are taught to law students under the heading "church and state," and those issues will be obsolete. The day after tomorrow we'll have another long list of issues. So I am certainly not going to talk now—I do in the book a bit— about distinct issues. But I am going to suggest to you that we have a choice between two models of how we want to organize our society on this dimension.
We all agree that the state must be tolerant, it must not demand religious obedience, and it must not dictate one church—or, indeed, any church—and require people to practice that faith. That we have agreed upon as a nation since the founding.
But there are two versions of that tolerance. There is a religious-tolerant state, which says that it is as a state committed to the value, for example, of monotheism, or, indeed, to the value of a particular religion, like Judaism in the case of Israel, though it is tolerant, because it will allow others to worship in a different faith or in none at all. There is, in contrast, the idea of a secular-tolerant society, which is not simply tolerant of religion, but which is as a nation indifferent to religion, because it says that religion is a private, not a public, matter. So it does not, as the religious-tolerant society does, endorse monotheism as a value to be celebrated officially.
The difference between these two is evident around the world. As I said, Israel is, at least in principle, a tolerant-religious state. France is most decidedly a tolerant-secular state. Britain, curiously, is in form a religious-tolerant state but in practice a secular-tolerant state.
Many of us grew up in this country—I did, in the 1950s—thinking that we had become a tolerant-secular state. That claim is now under serious reexamination and dispute, because we can define, I believe, the religious ferment that is what looks like a long-term element of our politics now as having the ambition to make us into, not a totalitarian religious state, but a tolerant-religious state.
We have arguments—we have the argument about prayer in the public schools; we have arguments about religious displays. But the important difference between these two models, or at least the one that I treat at greatest length in this book, is a division in what religious freedom encompasses. On the religious-tolerant model, religion is something special; it's a value to which the state is committed, typically in the form of an ecumenical, monotheistic religion. Since it is something special, religious tolerance can be something special; it can be limited to the practice of religion. But a secular-tolerant society, which doesn't count religion as anything special, cannot recognize a distinct right of religious freedom; it must recognize something broader, a right of conscientious freedom.
The debate that we are having in this country—about abortion; about stem cell research; about gay marriage, something that I take up at some length in the book—is a debate about the meaning and scope of religious freedom. Is it a narrow idea, freedom to practice a different religion; or is it a broader idea of which freedom of religion is only one part, namely, a right to freedom of conscience more generally?
I believe that the second principle that I identify requires that we be in this respect a tolerant-secular society, leaving entirely to people the formation of the place of religion as a value in their lives, rather than a tolerant-religious society. But I understand—at least I hope that others will see—the possibility of disagreeing with me on that score, by arguing for a different conception of what personal responsibility requires. That's the argument I am hoping to provoke.
The third topic I take up is the topic of great practical importance, taxation. You all know the campaign that particularly the Republican party, but joined in large measure by the Democratic party, has been waging against high taxes for over a generation.
We have to think about taxes against the background of the assumption, instinct in the first principle I described, that the sovereign duty of a political state is to show equal concern for the fate of all of its members. If you take seriously the idea of the equal importance of human life, then you are, it seems to me, committed in politics to the idea that a political settlement, the kind of settlement that dictates who ends up with what, must respond to the claim of people who are born looking down the path of their lives and seeing only a bleak future. It must be able to answer the question in the mouths of such people, "Are you treating me with equal concern? Are you treating my life as equally important to the life of anyone else?"
When a government, like the present Administration, appeals to some macroeconomic goal, increased prosperity, to justify a tax regime that requires it steadily to reduce welfare provision, then I think we have two questions:
The first question is the economist's question: Is it producing those macroeconomic goals? The answer in this case, I believe and argue in the book, is no. The median level of income in this country is steadily shrinking, in spite of the great wealth that is accumulated at the top. A familiar story. You know that.
But I want to press particularly the second issue, which is whether pursuit of macroeconomic policy, even if it were successful, can be defended as showing equal concern. If a family sets out to buy a house with the overall largest space that it can find for its budget and it ends up buying a house with some very grand rooms in it but with some bedrooms that are mean and closed cupboards, knowing full well which child will get those bedrooms, then that family has not treated all its members with equal concern. That, I fear, is the policy that we are heading to now.
I offer in the book a scheme for thinking about a just tax system. It is based on an insurance idea. Imagine that everybody could buy insurance on equal terms and could afford the insurance equally. Does it make sense to suppose that people who are now at the bottom would not have bought insurance against unemployment, sickness, and other forms of bad luck that would make their lives less despicably miserable than they are now? I think the answer to that is no, and I argue that that's an indication that those people have been denied equal concern.
The last topic I take up in the book is the mechanics of democracy itself, because my argument throughout has been that we don't have a true democracy. I distinguish between a majoritarian conception of democracy, which says democracy is provided when everyone can vote and numbers count—the majority wins. I contrast that to what I call a partnership democracy, which I think has been the American ideal, certainly the ideal expressed by Abraham Lincoln in his famous remarks about a government by and for the people. This is the idea that the people rule together—self-government, which can only mean government as a partnership.
But a partnership means collaboration. Partners can be outvoted, but they have to be respected, and reasons must be given to them, and there has to be, if the partnership is genuine, an argument in which one side may not have been persuaded by the other but in which neither side has simply trampled over the other by weight of argument.
How can we move our politics to get more argument? Well, my claim in the book is that the main weapon in any campaign to improve our politics must be education.
I describe and recommend a course called contemporary politics, which I believe should be a mandatory part of every high school education, in which high school children should be taught that there is a debate in the country about intelligent design and whether it is part of science or whether it is actually religion, should be taught about the gay marriage controversy, should be taught about these in a way that exposes children to reasonably sophisticated arguments on both sides of the issue, simply to bring them in, to the extent this can be done, to a culture of argument rather than a culture of sports/conflict.
I know that this seems a utopian idea. You could imagine the PTA meetings that will be considering what the teacher has taught the children in the course on contemporary politics. And I know that people say, "Well, high school students aren't up to that." I think it is far easier to underestimate than to overestimate the talents of high school students. Young people who can master peer-to-peer file sharing on the Internet maybe may find Kant's categorical imperative child's play, and it may even be that a little study of the categorical imperative would lead them to question whether file sharing, cheating the record companies, is the right thing to do.
I have other suggestions about the reform of politics. The lawyers in the room will be outraged, perhaps, by what I am about to recommend, though it is actually only to recommend importing into this country some of the practices in other mature Western democracies.
I think political advertisements on television should be forbidden in an election cycle, simply outlawed, and that we should move to the British practice of allowing political broadcast time to the parties, but requiring that this time be spent, a minimum of three minutes— no more twenty-second spots—in which a member of the party has actually got to appear on the box and talk to people, for at least two of the three minutes. Maybe a bit of showing him on a horse will be allowed, but he's got to talk for two minutes at least. Many politicians, I fear, would be exposed by that requirement.
I have other suggestions. I think there should be, as Congress once not so long ago passed, a limit on campaign expenditures. The Supreme Court said it was unconstitutional. That was a serious mistake. We should have a cap on how much a party or a candidate can spend in elections.
Now, as I say, the lawyers here will respond, I fear, with almost one voice, "That's unconstitutional." Certainly, the Supreme Court as now constituted would hold almost all of what I have recommended by way of election mechanics unconstitutional. I disagree with them. I'm a lawyer too, and I disagree with that judgment about at least some of what I have recommended.
But I am not recommending this as an interpretation of the Constitution. I am recommending these changes as valuable in principle, as moving us towards democracy. So I hope that in this case, as with the other three matters of substance that I discussed, those who disagree with me—and I expect there will be many—will treat this as a matter of principle and explain to me what's wrong with these measures, of trying to have a discourse about the most important matters we face that is argumentative rather than prayeral.
JOANNE MYERS: Thank you. Well, on Halloween night, you didn't provide any tricks, only treats, and they were food for thought. With that, I'll open up for questions.
QUESTION: You spoke about showing concern—that was the word you used—but there came to my mind another word that you used, I think, only once, justice. I was much influenced by reading Reinhold Niebuhr's The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness, in which he says that man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible but man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary.
RONALD DWORKIN: Niebuhr said that injustice makes democracy necessary, but unfortunately, democracy is not necessarily a cure for injustice.
QUESTION: Besides what is implicit in what you have said, that the Democrats probably have more of an approach to this than the Republicans, what is your suggestion in a kind of a nonpolitical sense as to how to get these ideas that you are offering up to become part of a broader political dialogue? I mean, beyond this election a week from today, how do you see, conceivably, these matters being meaningfully discussed in the next two years?
RONALD DWORKIN: Thank you. I could say people should buy my book, but that goes without saying.
QUESTIONER: On top of that.
RONALD DWORKIN: Your question really is terribly difficult and terribly important. I don't know how you get this going in the short term. That's why I emphasize education. I do think there's a vicious circle going on, that politics chases the electorate down and the electorate chases politics down. We have to find a way to reverse this vicious cycle.
Arguments of the kind that I'm hoping for are not going to be used by politicians until the public shows a demand for them. That's why, in addition to emphasizing education, I want there to be shorter-term remedies that will push politicians in this direction. Hence, banning political commercials and making politicians talk, at least for a couple of minutes at a time.
QUESTION: I want to thank you enormously for the last half an hour. You may think that my reaction is excessive, but you made my spirit soar, truly. I have been despairing because I don't hear these values or these views enunciated anymore by hardly anyone. So to hear you really did lift my spirits.
RONALD DWORKIN: Thank you very much.
QUESTIONER: I thank you.
John Dean, President Nixon's attorney, has just written a book. He is a Barry Goldwater Conservative. He and Barry Goldwater were most interested in exploring what is it that makes the authoritarian mind and what is it in the people who follow the authoritarians; how do the leaders manipulate the thinking of their followers. They studied Mussolini and they studied Hitler.
First of all, let me start by saying that Dean feels that we are presently in an authoritarian state. Now, this is not a Democrat or a lefty. This is a right-wing Conservative. He said that, after making this study, he and Barry Goldwater determined that there were a few things that Hitler and Mussolini did to control. One was to fear monger, and certainly this has been going on incessantly, constantly, since September the 12th, the day after. The second thing that Mussolini and Hitler did was to create an object of hatred. Then it was the Jew. John Dean thinks that today it's the liberal. There are others who think it might be the homosexual.
But he feels that if America doesn't wake up, that we really will cross the line from an authoritarian state into a fascist state. Now, this sounds extreme. I happen to think there's a lot of truth in what he said, but I would love to hear your reaction to that.
RONALD DWORKIN: Thank you. I think it is wise to notice the way in which our government may be becoming more authoritarian, on classical totalitarian lines. You have suggested two of them. I think it is equally important, however, to notice the distance that we would have to travel in order to become anything comparable to Italy or Germany under fascism. So I think we have to be careful with the analogies in both respects.
We have a system, a structure of government, in this country that they did not have. This is a structure that led, a few months ago, to the Supreme Court telling the President that he could not use certain means in fighting a war that he had frightened the Americans into thinking was necessary, and then Congress passed a really bad statute in response. So that story illustrates both the danger and the distance.
I think it's a question of are you an optimist or a pessimist. But I do think that we should be aware of the long-term implications of a trajectory that we are now starting on. But I also think that we do a disservice if we don't also recognize the strengths of our political culture.
QUESTION:Professor Dworkin, you talk about the two basic principles with which you think everybody can agree, and then you say you come up with a blue-state interpretation.
But couldn't it be argued that one of your two principles is a fundamentally red-state principle and that, carried to its logical extreme, it can undercut all of your blue-state conclusions, namely, the principle that each individual has responsibility for his own success and realizing his own potential? That is precisely what many people from the red states say, which means that every individual, no matter what his circumstances were, no matter how poor he was, no matter what kind of childhood he had, has the same kind of ability to realize his potentials; therefore, any type of welfare programs, any type of tax benefits, will undercut the responsibility that each individual has for realizing his own potential.
RONALD DWORKIN: You see, that is a very welcome comment to me, because I want there to be a red-state interpretation of what responsibility requires so we can then have argument about responsibility which is not just name calling.
Now, I emphasized what I take to be the absolutely fundamental duty of a political community, of equal concern. That is the basic idea, I think, of economic justice; equal concern. So we can put your question in the following way: Given that some people are born into relative poverty, given that some people have less marketable native talent than others, given that some people have bad luck in disease and technological unemployment—given all of that, how do we show equal concern for the people to whom these things happen?
I recommend—I can't really summarize it now—the insurance model, which has been a feature of politics for a very long time. It was the idea of social insurance—the idea of the Fabian movement in England, for example—thinking of us as, not all being equal in where we end up, but of being equal in the sense that we have an equal opportunity to insure against bad luck.
I don't think that showing responsibility when you are a member of a political community means bearing alone your bad luck . I think that in a political community respect for people's responsibility includes seeing that they have a decent opportunity to realize the potential of their lives without bad luck.
Now, I am perfectly happy to engage somebody who says, "No, that's a misunderstanding of responsibility." That's the argument I want to have. But my own view is that that argument confuses responsibility with faith. These are two different ideas.
QUESTION: Professor Dworkin, I was going to ask a different question until you gave your recent answer, in which you said that we must not underestimate the great strength of our political culture. There are people who are concerned about global warming, but most of us think this is going to be slow, slow, slow. But more and more scientists believe that you come to a tipping point in which things really happen fast.
Now, I don't share your optimism with regard to the strength of our political culture, ironically, for the very example you gave, that the Supreme Court seemed to invite Congress to pass a law so that their decision would not be kept, and Congress obliged.
So I would like your opinion on a couple of things here that I think have brought the weakening of the strength of our political culture to, perhaps, a close tipping point: the Military Tribunal Act, which you referred to indirectly; the promiscuous use of signing statements; and the total contempt for expertise, whether it be the intelligence community, the agricultural experts, NASA, you name it, but party loyalty trumps knowledge at any time. I don't see how argument can thrive in such a really dreadful partisan context.
RONALD DWORKIN: Yes, I said, in answer to that question, that it was important to see how far we've gone in the wrong direction as well as the distance that remains. I continue to think that the structure protects us still.
We haven't had the last decision on the Military Tribunal Act. Congress has passed a statute, and, in my opinion, the statute has several features that are unconstitutional. I expect that my view has four votes on the Supreme Court, I know that the other view has four votes, and we have to wait and see what Justice Kennedy thinks.
So it is a nice question. I absolutely agree with you that we have gone further—you have named three very good reasons—than we have been before. I think the country is really in the worst shape that it has been since the Civil War. The New York Times had a comment the other day that said "the invasion of Iraq may turn out to be the greatest debacle in American history." I knew there was something wrong with that sentence. What was wrong with it is the word "may." [Laughter] It is. The XYZ Affair was as nothing compared to this.
So I absolutely agree with you. And on the expertise, it's frightening. That's the "Brownie, you're doing a heck of a job" claim. I am probably too old to be a pessimist. That's a bad thing when you're getting on. But I still think—you know, you look back at a suitable purchase of history, say, to the end of the Second World War, and you think of America's behavior, particularly in the early decades of that period, as giving to the world things that were wonderful—I mean a spirit of national generosity; a spirit of constitutionalism that has transformed the legal systems of Western Europe, that has led to the Strasbourg Convention—all something that we initiated.
I think that there is still in American political culture, in spite of the demonization of all of us, a spirit which might be called "liberal"—I mean, it looks that way from a distance now, because it includes liberal Republicans as well—that I hesitate to think is over.
I think we are in a terrible period. Bush has got, at most, half of the nation behind him. I say "at most" because that might not even be so. There are more Democrats who voted for senators in the Senate now than Republicans, because of the odd way in which the Senate—
So I hesitate to jump to the conclusion that we are finished. But we are in a bad state.
QUESTION: In extolling Education as the linchpin in the honoring of communication and effective argument, I was interested in your ideal course, where you would have intelligent design discussed side by side with evolution. But what would you answer to those who would argue that that would establish, rather, a legitimacy or a benchmark for a discipline that has not really earned that right and would be a further erosion of the secular tolerance that you spoke of?
RONALD DWORKIN: I should have, perhaps, made my idea plainer. The idea that I expound in the book is that intelligent design has no place in a course on science. But it does have a place in contemporary politics, the course I want to see in high school, because in that course the question of whether it is science can be discussed in a political context. I think that people whose families believe that evolution is the creation of liberal secular thought would do very well to have a discussion in which the difference between religion and science is emphasized—not necessarily to the discredit of religion, but simply some discussion of the different levels on which these bodies of thought operate and claim. I think that would be very valuable.
We are having a terrible time with the discussion of evolution and teaching in schools. I think it's not just that it's red against blue. It's ignorance, and ignorance at a profound level, that is driving us. We have to try and do something about that.
QUESTION: We had an earlier comment that made reference to the Hamdi case. There are also the various gay marriage Supreme Court cases in both New Jersey and Massachusetts. It put me to thinking to ask this question about your thoughts on the tension between court cases and the manipulation of public opinion resulting from court cases.
I'll give you an almost humorous example. I got an e-mail when the New Jersey case came down from a lawyer friend, who said, "Why couldn't they have waited two weeks?" [i.e. until after the November 7 election.] This kind of stuff that goes on with the use of court cases to mobilize public opinion, I think, is something that might be worthy of comment.
RONALD DWORKIN: It's terribly important, terribly depressing. It started some time ago. Nixon was the one, I think, who created the idea of an activist judge. "Activist judge" means a judge who makes the decision you don't like. Nixon made that at the center of politics.
It's a very effective political weapon, because people don't in any case—and many people can't—read and understand the legal argument. Justice Marshall's opinion in the Massachusetts gay marriage case, I believe, has not been read by any of the politicians who campaign on the basis of denouncing it. So it is a wonderful weapon. You can just say, "Take my word for it, this wasn't the law; this was inventing something and pushing it on the people in spite of popular opposition to it."
The reply to that is, of course, "But that's what the argument is about. The argument is about whether it is the law. Please read the opinion and explain why it's bad law."
But that doesn't—and perhaps can't—happen in politics. So it is another depressing example of why we need a better educated electorate.
JOANNE MYERS: I thank you very much for laying such a fine foundation to continue the conversation. I invite you all to stay and do so.
Thank you very much for coming.
RONALD DWORKIN: Thank you.
View full transcript


A Day Resident will follow the same application procedure, apply for 1-12 weeks residency, and have access to all working facilities, just like any other artists who joins the programme.
The Residency is a space for individuals or groups to create new works while developing meaningful relationships with other artists. It's for artists and thinkers from all disciplines to explore their practice and give them the opportunity to initiate discussions, solo or group exhibitions, performances, film screenings, or workshops. While none of the above is required, sharing has proven to be an integral tool for artists to find inspiration and to allow others to experience in-progress or completed works.


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The Subways @ Oran Mor, Glasgow, 24/09/11
September 28, 2011 Paul Mitchell Live, Opinion, Review, The Subways
The Subways are back with new album Money and Celebrity and are on the promotional tour hitting relatively small venues across the UK.
The Glasgow date, supported by local band Young Aviators and Welsh lads Straight Lines, took place at Oran Mor which is one of the city's popular venues in the student part of town. Strangely it was somewhere I'd never been to until now, so I was quite looking forward to visiting. Thankfully I can safely say the venue is cracking, although the 10pm curfew for the gig was a bit disappointing. But I didn't go there to check out the architecture, so on to the bands!
Support slots were decent enough with Young Aviators rocking the few people who'd dared to turn up early enough. They were pretty good and I'll look forward to hearing more in the future, no doubt in other support slots. Truth be told, my secondary reason for attending this gig was to see Straight Lines. I'm loathe to criticise as I think they're a great up and coming band, but there was just something missing from the night's performance. Despite there being at least triple the number of people in the room at this point, they just couldn't seem to get the crowd engaged at all. I don't think it was really due to lack of effort on their part, but taking the opportunity to test out new songs with odd timings might not have been the best plan. I also felt that the overall sound let them down with a bit too much guitar and not enough vocal.
The Subways however, had no such problems with either crowd response or sound. The room had filled up really quickly in the quiet space between bands, and when they came on stage around 9pm the atmosphere was electric and they were greeted with a hugely warm cheer from the audience. Singer and guitarist Billy and drummer Josh got a cheer, but it was diminutive cute blonde bassist Charlotte that got the loudest (and leeriest) cheers of them all. I wonder why….
Now I like The Subways, though not being a huge fan though I hadn't seem live before. I'm not sure why, but despite the rocking-ness of some of the music I wasn't really expecting a high energy performance. I'm pleased to say I couldn't have been more wrong. Both Billy and Charlotte constantly jumped around on stage like they were wearing spring-loaded shoes. Billy has a charisma and stage presence that's truly incredible to behold and despite the Charlotte-factor, he still managed to have the crowd eating out of his hands for the entire performance. He's also physically bigger than I'd thought, which probably helps with the attention commanding personality, but he never had an arrogance that can alienate an audience.
The setlist was a good mix of the old and new from the 3 album catalogue with good emphasis on some of the new tracks. Special mention has to go to "I Wanna Dance With You", which my mate can't stand and they played live for the first time. Good times! Sound was sharp and clear in stark contrast to the support, with good crisp vocal's whether singing or chatting to the crowd. When left on her own Charlotte's voice was a bit on the shrill side, but worked well when combined with Billy's vocal. He had some really good shout moments too as he gave it all from song to song.
Old and new alike though, all songs were played with a passion and energy that was brilliant to watch. During finale track "It's A Party" there was a great moment where the roars of the crowd seemed to overcome Billy as he stopped the song for an impromptu second time and held a cheer-off between sides of the room and a Freddie Mercury like raised/lowered arms – cheer on/cheer off – moment. The crowd was utterly transfixed and clearly everyone in the room – band included – were absolutely loving it.
Although they did run over time a little, it was a real shame that they were only allowed to play for an hour before everyone was turfed out and the venue was turned into a nightclub. I'd love to have seen more and shall definitely be keeping an eye out for a return visit.
GlasgowOran MorStraight LinesThe Aviators
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Remember when we would make believe that we were married? จำตอนที่เราเล่นสมมุติแต่งงานกันได้ไหม?
Those were the days. I'd swim all summer! ช่างเป็นวันเวลาที่ดีจริงๆ ฉันว่ายน้ำตลอดทั้งฤดูร้อน!
Gale took her first step when she was 10 months old. She would walk and fall around each room of the house, and then she'd start again.
Remember when you'd spend all day exploring? คุณจำเวลาที่คุณใช้เวลาทั้งวันท่องเที่ยวไปเรื่อยๆ ได้ไหม?
I used to complain a lot about this job, but it's taught me so much.
I used to have more responsibility before, but now I'm much more relaxed at work.
I didn't use to spend so much time dealing with other people's problems.
In the other department, I didn't use to get a say in the bigger decisions.


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Post-Impressionism - O...
Paul Cézanne (1839—1906) French painter
Roger Fry (1866—1934) art historian, critic, and painter
Paul Gauguin (1848—1903) French painter
As the name implies, a term used to describe developments after and arising from Impressionism. It was first coined by the English painter and critic Roger Fry (1866–1934), who organized the exhibition Manet and the Post-Impressionists held at the Grafton Galleries, London in 1910–11. The imprecision of such an umbrella term, for all its undoubted usefulness, is demonstrated by the wide variety of developments from Impressionism: the quasi-scientific examination of colour by Seurat and the Neo-Impressionists; the structured examination of landscape by Cézanne in which lay the seeds of Cubism; the writhing, expressive brushwork of Van Gogh; the flat colour Symbolism of Gauguin and his followers.
From: Post-Impressionism in The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Art Terms »
Subjects: Art & Architecture
in The Oxford Dictionary of Art and Artists (4) Length: 427 words
in The Oxford Dictionary of Art (3) Length: 427 words
in A Dictionary of Modern and Contemporary Art (2) Length: 763 words
in World Encyclopedia Length: 108 words
View all reference entries »
Search for: 'Post-Impressionism' in Oxford Reference »


Pick up your sword and pull on some warm clothes – you are about to step into the shoes of Kenneth mac Alpin – 9th century king of the Scots of Dalriada.
Dunadd hillfort, the centre of royal power at Dalriada.
Just before sun down in the year 840.
Secure the safety of your religious centre, currently at Iona.
You must play your cards right to succeed!


Reception boys thoroughly enjoyed their trip to Pizza Express revelling in everything from the coach trip to making the pizzas.
The boys started by getting themselves prepared to make pizzas by washing their hands and decorating their hats. They learnt how to make the base and how to spread the tomato sauce before adding cheese. Whilst there, the chefs told the boys that Margarita is the Queen of pizzas and that the colours represent the Italian flag!
Once they returned to school the boys enjoyed their yummy pizza creations for lunch. The teachers commented on their lovely manners and how very well behaved they were.


Hudson Yards has opened to the public.
Meh, the vibe there is probably snobby and bougie as hell. I plan to visit the observation deck on the biggest building when it opens but other than that... meh.
I haven't been to the new mall yet, but from the list of stores I've read so far, it's nothing more than a luxurious, hipster-filled shithole.


Cegal has grown from a local startup to an international player. We have delivered steady EBITDA growth since the incorporation, and here are some details about facts and numbers.
Cegal´s three main areas of business are cloud, software and consultancy. Our cloud-based solutions provide high performance IT systems and customized software solutions to more than 11,000 end users. We support more than 1000 applications, and our support center offers a single point of contact for all IT related questions. We have five datacenters and more than 120 O&G customers. In 2017, cloud including cloud services represented 67.8% of our revenues. Long term recurring cloud revenue represents approximately 75% of total cloud revenues.
Cegal develops and sells software to extend, improve and speed up workflows within geology, geophysics,mreservoir engineering and data management. In addition, we offer development of high quality customized software solutions. In 2017, software products and services represented 20.5% of revenues.
Cegal offers highly experienced on-site consultants and expert geomodelers. In 2017, consulting represented 4.6v% of our revenues. In addition add-on sales of hardware and other software to IT cloud customers represented 7.1% of our revenues in 2017.
Cegal is a professional partner delivering cloud solutions, software and consultancy within IT, geoscience and data management. We have a business model based on delivery of scalable and recurring As a Service solutions. This enables our E&P customers in the oil and gas industry to scale costs easily.
With significant investments in our product and services portfolio over the last years, we now have a unique offering, and are well positioned for the future.
Cegal is owned by the private equity firm Norvestor (52%) through the Norvestor V, L.P fund, the founders of the company and employees.
Norvestor V, L.P. (2007) has made 9 control investments and completed 5 exits to date.
Norvestor V, L.P. has total commitments of €236 million. The fund has made investments of €10 million to €45 million in lower mid-market companies with enterprise values of typically €20 million to €120million. Its main focus has been companies in the Norwegian and Swedish markets, with the potential to achieve a leading pan-Nordic or international position where relevant.
We are happy to announce that the E&P Information Management Association (EPIM) has selected Cegal as their full-range supplier.


The backbone of the MAP tri-national region (Madre de Dios, Peru, Acre, Brazil and Pando, Bolivia), the Acre River transboundary basin covers almost 36,000 km2 and is home to more than 900,000 inhabitants in Southwest Amazon basin. Its tropical rainforest ecosystem is used for diverse economic activities, such as timber extraction, Brazil nuts, precious metals, oil, rice and corn crops, cattle ranching and fishing.
Over the past decades, the basin has been suffering extreme hydro-climatic events, mainly huge floods and prolonged droughts, affecting the local communities, economies, and ecosystems. In this context and building on the existing local MAP initiative, the GEF Amazon Project: Water Resources and Climate Change supported the implementation of a pilot project which assessed the vulnerability and adaptive capacity of local water resources and implemented a tri-national Early Warning System for the border MAP region along with providing training, information and data sharing, technology sharing and facilitating communication and cooperation across the borders.
More than 40 governmental representatives and 20 civil society institutions from the three countries participated in the initiative, contributing their experience and knowledge to define specific working lines about adaptation to risk and technical parameters in response to climate change.
The project supported the implementation of an Early Warning System (EWS), which helped improve the local governance capacity of Madre de Dios, Acre, and Pando. The system anticipates actions for prevention and mitigation of natural and man-made disasters in the region, and monitors and analyzes environmental risk alerts.
For the EWS, the three countries agreed to use the TerraMA2 development platform for monitoring, analysis and alert systems, developed and provided free of charge by the Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas Espaciais (INPE / National Institute of Space Research) of Brazil, which already operated in the State of Acre (Brazil). The use of the same software platform along with the harmonized databases allowed for coordinated actions, alerts and responses between the emergency response units across the borders.
The project activities also included: technical courses on TerraMA2 platform and Geographic Information Systems - GIS; analysis of the vulnerability and ecological risk of the transboundary MAP region, using the Ecological Risk Index (ERI); validation of information produced in the GIS environment through a 185 km field trip along the Acre River, with participation by representatives of the three countries, and a tri-national meeting.
The project had an immediate impact, as the Early Warning System was successfully used in the context of the historic flood that raised the level of the Acre River to more than 18 meters in February of 2015, thus benefiting more than 80,000 people in the MAP region.
In fact, the System is already being replicated at the national level in Peru. The National Water Authority of Peru reported the installation of Systems for Warning and Hydrological Monitoring at the national level, using the TerraMA2 technological platform adopted in the framework of the cooperation processes promoted by the GEF Amazon Project.


Informal NGO representatives meeting, where Professor Andrzej Górski (Polish Academy of Sciences, Chair of the Group) gave a short contribution on behalf of IAP.
The presentation of the report was organized as part of the Responding to the Challenges Posed by Scientific Advances for the Prohibition of Biological Weapons meeting which constituted a side event to the UN First Committee Disarmament and International Security General Assembly session.
The meeting provided an opportunity to review recent activities under the Programme on Biosecurity, to familiarize new members with them, and to discuss future plans and developments. During the meeting also further intensification of cooperation with the BWC Implementation Support Unit in Geneva was discussed, as well as the contribution of the Group to the then-upcoming 7th BWC Review Conference held in Geneva in December 2011.
Discussion of the Trends in science and technology relevant to the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention and dissemination of the Trends Workshop Summary.
International Workshop on Developing Practical Proposals for the Seventh Review Conference of the Biological Weapons Convention. The Workshop was held on 8–10 April in Montreaux and co-hosted by Norway, Indonesia and the BWC Implementation Support Unit.


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Homepage > Greville Road, BRISTOL, BS3 1LL
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Four Bedrooms 150 meters from North Street & 2 Miles from the City Centre Garden Unfurnished Available Late March Property suitable for a family only
Four bedroom Victorian home in the heart of Southville offering; three double bedrooms, one single bedroom, two reception rooms, open-plan kitchen/dining area, garden, bathroom, downstairs toilet and en-suite, this property is ideal for families looking to live in this location
Garden has a decked patio area and connecting French doors to both rear reception room and kitchen. Having two reception rooms, this property offers plenty of space and storage for family living, including bathroom/WC on all three levels. Upstairs has a main bathroom with free-standing roll top bath, separate shower cubicle and twin sinks. The first floor also has two double bedrooms with a bay window in one and window overlooking the garden in the other. On the second floor is the converted attic room with built-in storage space and en-suite with shower cubicle and WC.
Located less than 2 miles from the city centre, 2.5 miles from Temple Meads and less than 150m from the popular North Street this property is in an ideal location.
150 meters from North Street & 2 Miles from the City Centre
Available Late March
Property suitable for a family only
Parson Street (0.6 miles)
Bedminster (0.6 miles)
Bristol Temple Meads (1.3 miles)
Clifton Down (1.6 miles)
Redland (1.9 miles)
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Local Area Guide
Are you thinking about buying or renting a property in Southville, Bristol? Situated on the banks of the River Avon, the area is jokingly referred to as "Lower Clifton", in reference to Bristol's most affluent hilltop neighbourhood. The nickname is due to the gentrification of Southville since the 1980s, when people priced out of Clifton began to move to the area.
Today, Southville offers residents bars, restaurants and nationally renowned attractions, while still retaining an artsy neighbourhood vibe and friendly community atmosphere. The area also offers excellent access to both the town centre and Temple Meads Station, making it popular with young professionals.
Read on to find out if Southville could be the perfect area for you.
Are there local transport links nearby?
As previously mentioned, Southville has great access to Bristol Temple Meads, with the station located just 1.3 miles from the area's centre. From here, there are regular trains to all of the UK's major cities, including Bath, with a journey time of 12 minutes, Cardiff, with a journey time of around 50 minutes and London Paddington, with a journey time of one hour 44 minutes.
The area is also well-served by local buses, and it's only around 1.5 miles to Bristol Bus and Coach Station – from there you can travel to most of Bristol's suburbs, as well as most major UK cities.
What's the local food and drink scene like?
In recent years, as the area has developed, numerous bars and restaurants have sprung up, particularly along North Street in neighbouring Bedminster. Here you'll find a range of cuisines including Middle Eastern food at Soukitchen, Spanish tapas at El Rincon and Indian dishes at Madras Express. You'll also find the famous Tobacco Factory Theatre, which serves a variety of dishes, with a distinctly Mediterranean feel.
If you want to head out for drinks, there are a range of bars and pubs to choose from, including The Spotted Cow (which also serves great British pub food), Lounge and The Hare.
Alternatively, it's only around a mile to Bristol's Harbourside and adjacent Park Street, arguably at the centre of the city's night life and restaurant scene. Popular eateries include; The Stable, which serves some of the best pizza and cider Bristol has to offer, Tikka Flame, which serves delicious Indian cuisine and Jamie's Italian, which is located on Park Street.
There is also a huge range of popular bars including No1 Harbourside, which has live music in the evenings, Pitcher & Piano and budget options, such as Weatherspoon's.
How does Southville rate for sport and leisure facilities?
There's plenty of choice for residents of Southville who want to keep fit. Gyms include Workout Bristol, which has a cardio area, weights and sports conditioning equipment, as well as a steam room, sauna and fitness classes.
There's also the Bristol Kettlebell Club, which offers training sessions including beginner classes and personal training, Bristol South Swimming Pool in neighbouring Bedminster, and The Southville Centre, which holds classes, including Tai-Chi and yoga.
What can you do on a sunny day?
If the sun is shining in Southville, there are a number of open spaces where you can enjoy the sunshine. Greville Smyth Park is a popular park with lots of green open space and a children's play area.
There's also the larger Victoria Park in Bedminster, which is home to Victoria Park Tennis Club and Victoria Park Bowling Club, as well as facilities including a café and a play area. In Totterdown, (the opposite side of Bedminster to Southville) there's also Perrett Park, which has spectacular views across the city.
What can you do on a rainy day?
If the heavens open, the Southville area offers a number of indoor attractions, including the previously mentioned Tobacco Factory Theatre, which hosts theatre performances, live events, exhibitions and live music.
You can also head to Cabot Circus in central Bristol, which has a range of shops, including Urban Outfitters and House of Fraser, restaurants such as TGIs and Nandos, and a Showcase Cinema.
If you're hoping for a budget day out, entry to Bristol Museum & Art Gallery in Clifton is free, although you do have to pay to enter some exhibitions.
Alternatively, beautiful Bath is just a 12 minute train journey from Bristol Temple Meads and is home to world-class historic attractions, such as The Roman Baths, as well as all the major high street shops.
What's Southville like for food and retail shopping?
There are a number of large supermarkets in Southville, including an Asda, Aldi and Co-operative. Also, there are many smaller shops, including a Tesco Express and local fruit and veg grocers, butchers and bakeries.
In terms of retail shopping, there's a number stores in Southville and Bedminster, including a Boots, Superdrug and Wilko.
What does Southville offer in terms of entertainment?
Aside from fitness classes, The Southville Centre offers a toddler group and a Monday club for older people, whilst The Hare pub hosts a range of events including weekly quiz nights and regular beer and cider festivals.
In Bedminster, there's The Southbank Club, a social club, arts venue and live music club. The venue also hosts a number of classes, including salsa and ballet.
Are there decent local amenities such as libraries and health centres?
There are a number of doctor's surgeries in the local area, including Southville Surgery, which has cared for the health needs of residents since the 1900s. There are also a number of dental surgeries, including Coronation Road Dental Surgery.
Although there is no library in Southville itself, Bedminster Library offers free use of computers with email and internet access, as well as a wide range of literature for adults and children.
What's the local traffic and parking like?
Traffic can become congested along the main stretches of North Road and Raleigh Road. However, the good access to the city centre, M32 and Bath Road is helpful for commuters.
In terms of parking, most spaces are on-street and there is a Residents' Parking Scheme, which operates between 9am and 5pm, Monday-Friday. Bedminster Car Park is a paid carpark, which is open 24 hours a day and has 170 spaces.
How well is the area served by primary and secondary schools?
Residents of Southville have access to a number of good primary and secondary schools. For primary schools, there's Ashton Gate Primary School, which is rated as 'Outstanding' by OFSTED and Southville Primary School, which is rated as 'Good' by OFSTED.
A popular secondary school in the surrounding area is St Mary Redcliffe and Temple School, which is rated as 'Outstanding' by OFSTED.
To find out more about buying or renting a property in Southville, call or visit the local Andrews branch.
Southville branch
Trains and Tube stations
Parson Street
Bristol Temple Meads
Clifton Down
Bristol Industrial Museum
Bristol Exploratory Museum
Georgian House Museum The
Bristol City Museum & Art Gallery
British Empire & Commonwealth Museum
St Mary Redcliffe and Temple School Somerset Square, Bristol BS1 6RT
Bristol Grammar School University Road, Bristol BS8 1SR
Clifton High School College Road, Bristol BS8 3JD
Bedminster Down School Donald Road, Bristol BS13 7DQ
Cotham School Cotham Lawn Road, Bristol BS6 6DT
Ashton Gate Primary School Ashton Gate Road, Bristol BS3 1SZ
Compass Point: South Street School and Children's Centre South Street, Bristol BS3 3AU
Southville Primary School Merrywood Road, Bristol BS3 1EB
Luckwell Primary School Luckwell Road, Bristol BS3 3ET
Holy Cross RC Primary School Dean Lane, Bristol BS3 1DB
St Francis Pre School  St Francis Church Hall, Bristol BS3 2AN
First Steps Community Day Nursery  Southville Centre, Bristol BS3 1QG
Coronation Road Day Nursery  141 Coronation Road, Bristol BS3 1RE
Magic Roundabout Nursery  141 Coronation Road, Bristol BS3 1RE
Windmill Hill Playgroup  Community Centre, Bristol BS3 4LU
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text:
Irina Shayk Proves That Less Is More
Irina Shayk Proves That Less Is More in Sheer Tights, Underwear, and a PVC Jacket
Who needs clothes anyway?
By Amy Mackelden Published: Aug 31, 2019
Irina Shayk took to Instagram this week to share a seriously revealing video clip.
The model posed in a black PVC jacket, which was worn open; black bikini underwear; sheer tights; and nothing else.
Shayk is no stranger to wearing naked looks.
Irina Shayk is ready for the weekend, and she's not afraid to show it.
Watch Irina Shayk Spills Her Beauty Secrets
Taking to Instagram to share yet another naked look, Shayk poses in a skimpy all-black outfit, consisting of sheer tights, underwear, and a PVC jacket. In the clip, she walks toward the camera, her jacket unbuttoned, her look proving that sometimes less is more.
Shayk also turned the revealing moment into a super-apt meme as she captioned the video, "Walking into the weekend like .. 💋." Same, Shayk. Same.
The prolific model recently shared photos of herself wearing the same outfit, sprawled out inside a vintage car. In short, it seems as though the shoot was extremely steamy.
Appearing on BAZAAR.com's Summer Digital Cover, Shayk revealed, "I never was this kind of person who was like, 'I want to look pretty.'" She continued, "I thought I would be, I don't know, a teacher, or something related to piano because I went to music school for seven years. I really didn't have a plan."
She also opened up about natural beauty and her choice not to indulge in plastic surgery. "I always promote natural beauty because I think we live in this perfect world where everyone wants to be perfect," she explained. "But I'm not perfect. Sometimes I have a double chin. Perfection doesn't exist." Although, her latest Instagram definitely comes close.
Amy Mackelden
Amy Mackelden is a freelance writer, editor, and disability activist. Her bylines include Harper's BAZAAR, Nicki Swift, Cosmopolitan, Marie Claire, ELLE, The Independent, Bustle, Healthline, and HelloGiggles. She co-edited The Emma Press Anthology of Illness, and previously spent all of her money on Kylie Cosmetics.


There are numerous aspects to the Firm's culture. People immediately realize that things are different - very different - from other law firms, when they arrive at the firm.
We have an annual firm outing.
At many law firms this consists of being dragged to a nearby softball field to have hotdogs and play, well, softball. At D&S it is a bit different. Instead, we take all the lawyers and their significant others, and the administrative personnel who have been at the Firm for at least five years to a three-day weekend of eating and lying in the sun at one of the best hotels in Florida. In recent years it has been at the Breakers Hotel in the Palm Beach area. The outing is one of the highlights of the year. The reason is not the food – although that is good – it is because we really like each other and this is a fun time to just be together and enjoy each other's company. With few exceptions, we have had one every single year since the Firm was formed, including after 9/11 and during our two down years when business was poor.
We have an unusual business goal – to have a good time with our clients and ourselves. To recognize that none of us is getting younger and we are all working very hard with our colleagues – both internally and externally – and our lives will be much much better if we try to have fun as we service our clients.
Unlike many law firms, associates are strongly encouraged to market and build client and business relationships. In this regard, our Associate Marketers Program is open to all associates. With this marketing training, associates have (perhaps to their own surprise) achieved recent and strong success in their marketing efforts. Sometimes just showing people how to do it and giving them a little push, is all it takes.
A recent addition – and the brainchild of the Innovation Committee – are our Firm "Clubs".
The LBGTQ Club, run by Chair of the Leasing Group Eric Menkes, is a forum for the firm's lesbian, bisexual, gay and transgender attorneys and staff to share interests of common concern, and to develop recruitment and business development strategies for our firm.
The Pure Play in Snow Sports (PPISS) Club, led by Real Estate Partner Sam Lee, was founded with only one goal in mind…To play and enjoy with pure, unadulterated passion, the cold, snowy and dreary winter months in the Northeast. We openly pray (as far as our labor law and First Amendment lawyers will allow) for lots and lots of snow. And when it arrives, you may find us having a spontaneous snowball fight in Central Park, ice skating in Bryant Park, or Swooshing* down the slopes of Hunter Mountain. * "Swooshing" means waiting on a 45 minute lift line only to inch your way down the slopes at 2 mph dodging 1,997,017 people along the way; provided, however that, notwithstanding the foregoing and except as otherwise expressly set forth in the immediately preceding definition or in this proviso and as the context may require, "Swooshing" also means the sound made by novice members of the club giving out free face plant lessons as they scrape down the slopes.
The Jewelry Making Club, led by Billing Manager Janet Lupoli, meets to work together on various techniques of beading, chainmaille jewelry and wire wrapping. Depending upon the interests of the members in the club, we may have guest speakers come join some of the meetings.
Our Hedgehog Committee, which pervades the Firm in many ways.
Our Innovation Committee, which was formed (of course) to innovate and come up with new ideas and to make innovation an important part of every day life for all employees of the Firm.
Our Financial Oversight Committee, which is dedicated to improving the Firm's profitability, consistent with the Firm's values and culture.
DS Gourmet. This is because we are really "into food" at D&S. We try to make every Firm lunch and every client invitation to the Firm an exercise in great food. Perhaps it is an outgrowth of our hedgehog principle in that "food is love".
Committee On Associate Affairs. This committee is responsible for the promotion, evaluation and welfare of associates at the Firm.
Special Events Committee. This committee is responsible for parties and other special events, including our annual firm outing.
Taste Committee. This unusual committee was formed early in the Firm's existence and, yes, it is devoted to trying to enhance our good taste in all applicable aspects.
Values Committee: This committee was formed to spotlight and enhance our awareness of our Firm's Core Values.


text:
"Mr. Bowie, Tear Down These Walls"
Steve Wosahla Posted On January 17, 2016
Carly Simon might have been guided by the clouds in her coffee but David Bowie had mammoth moonage daydreams. There was something larger than life, other or outer-worldly about Bowie, who transformed folk songs originally made under his birth name Davy Jones into the epic spectacle of what became Ziggy Stardust.
Now it seemed like it was all over.
I had made my ritual stop following junior high dismissal to pick up the newest issue of Circus Magazine and now I was sitting in my religion class flipping through its pages hidden under the cover of my desk.
I read the news today, oh boy. There it was in front of me. I can still remember the photo caption: "As David Bowie stepped into his limousine, he announced his retirement. 'I shall not play another show.'"
The shocking news suspended all thought and concentration on the studies required for my impending confirmation.
"Can you tell me about Moses and the burning bush?" my teacher might have asked me as I pondered the news from across the Atlantic.
"No," I might have said in my state of shock, "but I can tell you about Weird and Gilly and the Spiders From Mars."
I probably knew at some level that art imitated life but now it seemed life was imitating art. I could hear Bowie singing about his alter ego Ziggy Stardust and the tale he foreshadowed right in front of us. "When the kids had killed the man I had to break up the band." Maybe we should had paid closer attention.
But was he really going to walk away from it all?
I was coming of age in a staid suburban Connecticut town at a time when my new fave rock starts were presenting themselves in spiked colored haired and make-up and platform boots. But if I had to admit it, the allure of glam and glitter completely enthralled me. It was reality being presented as theater born out of gutter rock. The Spiders of Mars thrashing and crashing. The guitar riffs of T-Rex and the raunch and roll of the New York Dolls, their frenzied "Personality Crisis" anticipating the punk rock that was still to come. As David Johansen would tell me some years later about the band's roots, "If you walked down St. Mark's Place, you'd see every form of life walking by you."
"Oh Bowie," my friends in junior high school soon began saying. It was a catch-phrase to both bait and admonish. A test of sorts for young boys, who, nervous about their own masculinity, began repeating to each other. To turn and face the strange, was in itself a dangerous step. David Bowie was a kind of litmus test and to acknowledge you might be curious, let alone like this new world, was crossing a line in the sand.
It's not like it was confined to the young glam boys. Even Mick Jagger was wearing dark mascara. He and his new pal David Bowie were part of high society fraternizing with his wife Angela Bowie, Lou Reed and Andy Warhol, the artist Bowie had presented as a folk hero in the song called "Andy Warhol." And what were he, Mick and Angela doing together? We were convinced the gorgeous and haunting Stones song "Angie" had to be about their dalliances and in whatever combinations thereof. That Keith Richards had a newborn daughter Angela and that this song could be about he and Anita Pallenberg (or about overcoming his own heroin addiction as he wrote in Life) seemed less alluring to this day, and besides why let the facts get in the way of a good story?
Ziggy may have been a victim of self-immolation but Bowie's own retirement was short-lived. It became one of the greatest publicity stunts ever perpetrated, one that was often imitated but never replicated. (Who could take Gary Numan seriously who, when at the height of popularity of his first hit record "Cars," he announced deadpan that he was retiring?) Bowie became Aladdin Sane, launch the Diamond Dogs and later become the Thin White Duke. And there was missionary work. Producing Lou Reed. Producing the Stooges. Writing for Lulu. Saving Mott The Hoople by giving them "All The Young Dudes" after they supposedly turned down "Suffragette City." Taking Iggy Pop under his wing, producing two comeback albums The Idiot and Lust For Life was an act of benevolence that saved Iggy from a post-Stooges life of tending to his excellent golf game.
If Bowie was larger than life, it was Ian Hunter of Mott the Hoople whose "Boy" reminded us that he was human too. The song is the centerpiece of Hunter's debut solo album Ian Hunter and features the ex-Spiders guitarist Mick Ronson. While some saw it as jab and admonishment of Bowie, it's also a tender call to arms to Bowie's great talent:
You're the guide
You're the number one
And your knees are shaking
Stand and deliver in an endless dream
You was only swearing yesterday
Oh you want to win the world away
But now you got nothing to say-ay-ay
Boy you're getting out of hand
You've got to make a stand
So put the coke away
Boy you got the do the show
Got to let the people know
You got the strength to stay
And maybe David had a larger purpose. Did his efforts to break down barriers between genres have an effect on world events? Did his struggle to overcome efforts his own detoxification by going to eastern Berlin add momentum to the demise of communism? While Bowie took to the cafe life in the gray-walled city behind the Iron Curtain, guards looked on from the towers spying on the subterranean sounds being generated by he and Brian Eno. Maybe inside he sub-consciously heard the words that were all along the mantra for his art. "Mr. Bowie…tear down these walls."
It would be another dozen or so years before West and East Germany would be united. But Bowie had always been breaking down barriers of his own choosing and expectations of what his music should sound like. Roy Bittan, the pianist of Bruce Springsteen's E Street Band, remembers getting a call to play on Station To Station. Bowie, he remembers, gave a general direction but was more interested in the ideas of the musicians. Bowie always had a good eye for guitarists beginning with Mick Ronson, classically trained who aspired to be a cellist but found there was a correlation with electric guitar when he heard Duane Eddy play the instrument's bass strings. Ronson would go on to play alongside Hunter and along with a stint on Bob Dylan's Rolling Thunder Revue tour and even an appearance on a Pure Prairie League album.
Then there was Carlos Alomar who came out of Amatuer Night at the Apollo Theater to become part of the house band and whose guitar riff led to Bowie's infectious single "Fame," providing the architecture for his ensuing dissonant dance music. Bowie's attendance at the Montreux Music Festival led to his fortuitous discovery of Austin guitarist Stevie Ray Vaughan with whom he talked hours his roots and influences before inviting him to play on his then-new album Let's Dance. Vaughan's fiery guitar emblazoned the tracks of the Niles Rodgers-produced album and preceded Vaughan's own landmark Texas Flood.
Over the past week Bowie released the wistful and mournful Black Star that foretold his own passing in a Bowie-esque art imitates life scenario. The sense of community that's formed around Bowie's passing has been comforting, My favorite radio station Sirius XM's The Loft essentially turned the channel into an all-Bowie station for a week. It did not come without some surprising consternation among some listeners but seemed appropriate to me in proportion to the enormity of Bowie's legacy.
Emma Swift and Robyn Hitchcock sent their own Facebook postcard as Swift shared how they visited the mural in Bowie's hometown of Brixton. "We left flowers and a poem among the hundreds of other bouquets, notes and mementos in his honour," she wrote. "Candles burned in the damp air. The English sky, reliably dismal, offered light rain. No music played. We both cried. Everyone around us cried. Fare thee well, David Bowie."
It was all against a week of the bizarre. Former wife Angie Bowie was told of his passing while filming the UK reality show Big Brother. The resulting confusion that ensued in which the cast thought that the show's David Gest had died turned the episode into the theater of the absurd.
But on the opening night of Bruce Springsteen's The River Tour, the guitarist remembered boarding a Greyhound bus to visit Bowie in Philadelphia during the making of Young Americans–-and how Bowie supported the young Springsteen, covering both "Growin' Up" and "It's Hard To Be a Saint In The City."
Then, very appropriately he ripped into "Rebel Rebel" and brought the house down.
David Bowie who seemed larger than life and much too big for Davy Jones' locker, was reincarnated for one night, the singer who was always about reinvention but never retirement–except when it was for publicity's sake.


MIT Design for America's (DFA) goal is to connect students with real people in order to build and create real solutions to real-world problems. DFA fosters that by teaching new skills, providing new opportunities to work on pressing problems, and creating a community of change makers eager to make an impact. DFA provides the resources and collaborative environment for students to make impactful and successful projects.
Each project team consists of 4–5 students, in majors ranging from computer science, mechanical engineering, to even neuroscience and architecture. Project members go out in the field and work with users to identify real-world problems and prototype solutions.
Hackshops are interactive sessions that teach students at MIT basic technical skills in a variety of areas, from shop skills to electronics to programming.


Fenugreek is an annual Mediterranean and Asiatic herb with aromatic seeds. Fenugreek is used to sootheåÊthe stomach, and isåÊused as a lactagogue (to increase breast milk production).
Adults: Take 2 capsules, 3 times per day with water at mealtimes. For prolonged use, consult a health care practitioner.
•ÈÀCaution:•ÈÀåÊDo not use if you are taking any medication. Do not use if you are undergoing hypoglycemic therapy, hormonal therapy, or anti-coagulant therapy, or are taking monoamine oxidase inhibitors. Do not use if you are pregnant.