text:
Te Miro o'one: the archaeology of contact on Rapa Nui (Easter Island)
World Archaeology 42(4):562-580
Josh Pollard
Alistair Paterson
Kate Welham
Abstract and Figures
Historical accounts of European exploration and intervention in Polynesia during the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries speak of the complex interpretative fields through which both Polynesians and Europeans came to understand each other. Here we employ the record of material practices on Rapa Nui (Easter Island) to investigate the indigenous response to European contact from the island's 'discovery' by the Dutch in 1722 to the population's conversion to Christianity in 1868. Rather than seeing events on the island during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a simple trajectory of decline, we highlight how myriad new practices and social orders emerged through a creative agency that drew inventively upon the material and cosmological possibilities afforded by contact.
Map of Rapa Nui showing principal sites mentioned in the text.
The ceremonial centre at 'Orongo, showing the location of Trenches 1 and 2 of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon 1961).
Ship paintings inside the buildings at 'Orongo (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon 1961).
Rapa Nui petroglyphs showing European and hybrid vessels (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon 1961 and Lee 1992).
European/hybrid vessel engraved on moai 263 Rano Raraku (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon 1961).
Figures - uploaded by Josh Pollard
All figure content in this area was uploaded by Josh Pollard
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All content in this area was uploaded by Josh Pollard on Feb 17, 2014
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Te Miro o'one
: the archaeology of contact on Rapa Nui (Easter Island)
Joshua Pollard; Alistair Paterson; Kate Welham
Online publication date: 05 November 2010
To cite this Article Pollard, Joshua , Paterson, Alistair and Welham, Kate(2010) '
: the archaeology of contact
on Rapa Nui (Easter Island)', World Archaeology, 42: 4, 562 — 580
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2010.517670
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Te Miro o'one: the archaeology of
contact on Rapa Nui (Easter Island)
Joshua Pollard, Alistair Paterson and Kate Welham
Historical accounts of European exploration and intervention in Polynesia during the later
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries speak of the complex interpretative fields through which
both Polynesians and Europeans came to understand each other. Here we employ the record of
material practices on Rapa Nui (Easter Island) to investigate the indigenous response to European
contact from the island's 'discovery' by the Dutch in 1722 to the population's conversion to
Christianity in 1868. Rather than seeing events on the island during the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries as a simple trajectory of decline, we highlight how myriad new practices and social orders
emerged through a creative agency that drew inventively upon the material and cosmological
possibilities afforded by contact.
Rapa Nui (Easter Island); European contact; ships; canoes; rock art.
Through observations made at the time, the impact of European exploration and colonial
intervention in Polynesia during the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries is
relatively well documented. Authored by the crews of European ships, missionaries and
early scientists/observers such as Cook, La Pe
rouse, Banks and the Forsters (e.g. Cook
1777; Forster 1777; La Pe
rouse 1798; Lisiansky 1814), these records describ e first
contact between Polynesians and Europeans and their subsequent relations. Many of these
accounts are, naturally, asymmetric: comprehension of how Polynesians understood the
appearance of 'these differently costumed and differentially ranked visitors in very large
canoes' (Hooper 2006: 51) is often gained indirectly through the reflection of European
observation. This acknowledged, the indigenous perspective has been given voice by
sophisticated exercises in historical anthropology (e.g. Dening 1992; Kirch and Sahlins
World Archaeology Vol. 42(4): 562–580 Debates in World Archaeology
ª 2010 Taylor & Francis ISSN 0043-8243 print/1470-1375 online
DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2010.517670
Downloaded By: [University of Bristol Library] At: 13:55 5 November 2010
1992; Sahlins 1985; Salmond 1991; Thomas 1990, 2003), most notably Sahlins' exposition
of the unfortunate convergence of British naval voyaging, the Hawaiian ritual calendar
and seemingly analogous structures of authority that led to James Cook becoming the
unwitting 'victim' of the logical extension of Polynesian mytho-praxis (Sahlins 1985).
Contact in Polynesia brought changes, including many detrimental effects through
introduced disease, alcoholism, firearms and missionary morality (Moorehead 1966).
However, characterizing contact as a 'fatal impact' is teleological inasmuch as it pre-
figures an outcome (Campbell 2003: 67). In other ways these events created local
opportunity, including changed political environments within which power relations could
be reworked and, through categorical distinction, an enhanced sense of what it was to be
Polynesian. As Campbell (1997) notes, far from weakening cultural selfh ood, successive
contact in Polynesia during the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries may even
have strengthened and sharply defined local identities. For Polynesians, the novelty of
dealing with Europeans and their material worlds provided conditions in which new
practices and new forms of behaviour could emerge, and, by drawing upon existing
cosmological structures, distinctive cultures of contact were created (Campbell 2003).
For archaeology, interest lies in the material dimensions of contact. Relations between
Polynesians and Europeans were forged through often intense exchanges on ship and
shore. Both sides engaged in mutually productive acts of exchange that saw the flow of
materials like cloth and iron to Polynesians; while provisions and, less pragmatically,
curiosities, souvenirs and sexual favours were eagerly received by European crews (Hooper
2006). In the process those things were re-contextualized, or fed into different regimes of
value, and so took on lives independent of the agency of their creators (Thomas 1991).
Europeans did not initially understand how acts of exchange had entangled them within
webs of affiliation and social and ritual obligation, or how items from their world could
become so embedded in the performance of Polynesian cultural order (e.g. Thomas 1999).
The Rapa Nui story
While historical record and retrospective anthropologies provide depth of knowledge of
the unfolding events and contact-era processes in certain island groups that wer e subject to
frequent early visitation and missionary work, such as Hawaii, Tahiti and New Zealand,
the situation is not true for all of Polynesia. In the case of Rapa Nui (Easter Island),
archaeology plays a significant part in writing not just the story of its prehistory, but also
that of the time of contact (Kirch 2000: 270) (Fig. 1).
The remotest inhabited isl and in Polynesia , Rapa Nui has been subject to considerable
archaeological attention since the late nineteenth century (cf. Heyerdahl and Ferdon 1961;
Lavachery 1936; Routledge 1919; Thompson 1891; Van Tilburg 1994). Research has been
dominated by a number of themes: namely, the timing and nature of settlement of the
island; the develop ment of monumental ahu architecture and associated large stone statues
(moai); and ecological degradation and the apparent 'collapse' of traditional Rapa Nui
lifeways and culture post
AD 1600 (Bahn and Flenley 1992; Hunt and Lipo 2006; McCoy
1979; Van Tilburg 1994). One of the key signatures for this dramatic shift in life is the
abandonment of the tradition of monumental construction focused on the moai statues.
Te Miro o'one 563
Following the palynological work of John Flenley (Flenley 1993; Flenley and King 1984),
which demonstrated dramatic changes in the ecology of the island post-settlement, and in
particular the eradication of the giant palm (a species related to Jubaea chilensis), it has
been forcibly argued that the driver for cultural change was the stress induced by over-
exploitation of the island's environment by its human populati on (see Bahn and Flenley
1992; Brandner and Taylor 1998; Diamond 2005; Van Tilburg 1994). Recent work by
Jared Diamond has popularized the debate even furt her. In Collapse, Diamond talks of
'ecocide', and uses the Easter Island case as a parable for modern global environmental
degradation (Diamond 2005). The moai themselves are implicated in this scen ario. It is
argued that the resource demands generated by carving and moving the statues resulted in
wilful and negligent consumption of the island's resources. With plants and animals driven
to extinction, there then followed starvation, warfare, social collapse and recourse to
cannibalism.
It cannot be doubted that major political and religious changes took place on Rapa Nui
prior to
AD 1800. The statue cult came to an end, with those moai on ahu platforms being
toppled deliberately (Heyerdahl 1961: 39).
This can be read as a material correlate of the
decline of traditional modes of chiefly authority based around genealogically ascribed rank
(Kirch 1984: 274–7) . What are at issue are questions of causality and the timing of events.
Rainbird (2002) and Hunt and Lipo (2010) have presented cogent arguments against the
humanly induced ecological collapse model. Rainbird sees the Rapa Nui population as
actors knowledgeably altering the island's environment, and points to inst ances elsewhere
Figure 1 Map of Rapa Nui showing principal sites mentioned in the text.
564 Joshua Pollard et al.
in the Pacific where ecological change was both intentional and enhanced subsistence
potential. Hunt and Lipo highlight the impac t on Rapa Nui of introduced rats, which
devoured palm nuts and seedlings and may have been chiefly responsible for the decline of
the giant palm. While inconvenient, especially for large-wood construction projects such
as canoe building, the loss of the giant palm need not have been overly deleterious: people
can and do live quite successfully on islands without large trees (for example, the Northern
Isles of Scotland). High food yields were also maintained following palm forest decline by
innovative soil management technologies such as lithic mulching and the creation of rock
veneer pavements (Stevenson et al. 2006).
Critically, Rainbird and Hunto and Lipo attribute population collapse and political/
religious change to the arrival of Europeans: i.e. collapse as a contact period process.
Using the distribution of habitation sites dated by obsidian hydration (Stevenson et al.
2007), Hunt and Lipo note that the marked decline in population from its likel y maximum
of c. 3,000–5,000 occurs after c. 1750 (2010: 38–9). Based upon better-documented events
elsewhere in Polynesia, it is hypothesized that introduced diseases resulted in both a sharp
decline in reproductive health and a rise in mortality (cf. Moorehead 1966). Peruvian slave
raids during the 1860s further depleted the population, with subsequent reset tlement of
the survivors leading to the introduction of smallpox (Fischer 2005: 87–91). By 1877, the
population of Rapa Nui stood at 110 (Me
traux 1940).
Good evidence exists from both archaeology and the accounts of early European
explorers to support the views of Rainbird (2002) and Hunt and Lipo (2010). Most
striking are the observations by early visitors, which reveal a trajectory of dramatic change
from the eighteenth century. Notably, the statue cult appeared to be extant as late as 1770,
as recorded by members of the Dutch and Spanish voyages led by Jacob Roggeveen and
Don Felipe Gonza
lez y Haedo (Corney 1908). Yet in 1774 Cook describes statues being
toppled (Cook 1777: 281). Over the next half century visitors described both toppled and
standing statues; the Russian expedition of 1804 reported around thirty standing moai
(Richards, R. 2008: 26). The last to stand may have been the giant Paro on Te Pito te Kura
on the north coast of the island, which was pulled down in 1862–4 (Fischer 2005: 80;
Thomson 1891: 489).
Questions of chronology
Ultimately, identifying the agents and contexts of change has to be linked to the
production of secure chronologies. Whether key developments – such as the end of moai
carving and erection; the emergence of new, performative leadership contests based
around the ceremonial centre at 'Orongo on the west of the island (Fig. 2); and a rise in
inter-group conflict indicated by the increased frequency of obsidian mata'a projectile
points (Smith 1961: 260–1) – belong to pre- or post-contact horizons is at issue. Within
Van Tilburg's four-period sequence for the archaeology of the island (1994: 50–3, based
upon Ayres 1973) the period of ideological inst ability and 'collapse' is located in a
'Decadent/Restructure Phase' that runs from c .
AD 1680–1722; thus placing the beginning
of the decline of traditional Rapa Nui culture towards the end of the prehistoric phase.
With sequences constructed largely from radiocarbon, there is a spurious precision here.
Many dates used to define the chronology of key ceremonial sites, especially those from
the 1950s' work of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition (Heyerdahl and Ferdon
1961), are on bulked charcoal samples. Without controls on sample residuality and old
wood effect, such determinations will tend to be earlier than the contexts they purport to
date and are best treated with caution (Martinsson-Wallin and Crockford 2001).
The chronology of developments at the ceremonial centre of 'Orongo provides a case in
point. Located on the edge of the Rano Kau crater on the south west of the island, a series
of stone buildings reportedly served as temporary residences during an annual leadership
contest in which participants would vie to collect the first eggs of the sooty tern from the
outlying islands of Motu Kaokao and Motu Nui (Routledge 1917, 1919, 1920; Me
traux
1940; Ferdon 1961). The winner, or tangata manu, became paramount warrior chief for the
year, though their resulting tapu status demanded that much of this time was spent
residing in seclusion. The emergence of these rites reflects an erosion of traditional chiefly
authority constructed around genealogically ascribed rank and its substitution with
performative leadership structures controlled by warriors and priests (Thomas 1990: 120,
178–9), a pivotal shift in the way power relations were enacted. While it is known that the
last tangata manu ('birdman') ceremonies were held at 'Orongo in 1866 or 1867 (the eve of
conversion), the period during which they emerged is somewhat ambiguous. Van Tilburg
and Lee place the political changes that gave arise to the birdman ceremonies in the early
Figure 2 The ceremonial centre at 'Orongo, showing the location of Trenches 1 and 2 of the
Norwegian Archaeological Expedition (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon 1961).
to mid-sixteenth century (Van Tilburg 1994: 92; Van Tilburg and Lee 1987: 136). This
chronology is based upon radiocarbon dates on bulk charcoal samples recovered during
the 1955–6 Norwegian Expedition excavations at 'Orongo (Ferdon 1961: 221–55). Four
trenches were dug within Complex B, the main area of ana stone buildings connected with
the birdman cult. Trenches 1 and 2 produced deeply stratified deposits indicative of long
sequences of activity that included clearance deposits (thick charcoal-rich soils) and
settlement-related features (a series of pits in Tr ench 2), and it is from these that
radiocarbon dates were obtained whose calibrated ranges span the thirteenth to twentieth
centuries. The sequence for Trench 1, from which four dates came (K-520, K-514, K-506
and M-708), should stand alone. However, both the sequence and the dates were
extrapolated to argue for a central date of c.
AD 1540 for the construction of building R-12
in nearby Trench 2, and by extension for the whole complex (Ferdon 1961: 243) – a
tenuous assumption. Taking a critical stance, all that can be reliably inferred from the
published sequence is that structure R-12 was created some time later, and potentially
much later, than a charcoal lined-pit from which a date of
AD 1412–1643 (T-194, at 95.4
per cent) was obtained on a bulk sample. Rather than lying within the later part of the
prehistoric period, it could equally be argued that the stone structures which form
Complexes B and C at 'Orongo, and which provided the focus for the tangata manu
ceremonies, belong to a hor izon of religious and political change that is post-contact. New
dates from appropriate contexts are clearly needed . If new dates were to support a post-
contact chronology, as we suspect, they would have profound impl ications for our
understanding of the timing and mechanisms of changing politico-religious practices on
the island, effectively moving key events out of the prehistoric sequence.
The character of European contact
The frequency of early contact events on Rapa Nui was not great. From 1722 to 1795 the
island was visited on only seven occasions by Europeans: the first four were the
exploratory voyages of Roggeveen (1722), Gonza
lez (1770), Cook (1774) and La Pe
(1786); the last three were commer cial sailings (in 1792, 1793 and 1795) out of Bristol. In
total, they represent only around two weeks of contact over an eighty-year period. Even
during the nineteenth century visits were sparse and fleeting (Richards, R. 2008). Between
1801 and 1861, eighty-five ships are reported to have visited the island, often stopping only
a day or two (McCall 1990). Rapa Nui was not a favoured 'port of call'. The absence of
abundant fresh water and pigs made it a poor location for provisioning; there was no
natural harbour and over time fear of cannibalism grew as relat ions between islanders and
European crews deteriorated following shootings and attempted abductions (Richards, R.
2008: 24, 33, 38). The Peruvian slave raids of 1862 soured Rapa Nui perceptions of
strangers further and resulted in a decimation of the population. Indicative of outsider
perceptions, it was not until the arrival of Jesuit missionaries in 1864–6 that any European
attempted to live on the island (Altman 2004).
While abbreviated and frequently confined to ship-board or shoreline exchange, a
certain intensity of interest and interaction nonetheless accompanied enco unters between
ships' crews and the Rapa Nui. Cloth, feathers and metal tools were much sought after by
the islanders. The considerable value afforded to cloth and clothing among Polynesians,
through its intimate association with status and sacred power, made it especially desirable.
Early accounts detail how hats, handkerchiefs and neckcloths were appropriated through
theft (Corney 1908; Richards, R. 2008), actions that were difficult for European morality
to accommodate, but which resembled the kinds of unrestrained behaviour displayed in
Polynesian religious festivals (Campbell 2003: 71).
Viewed from the island, early encounters with Europeans were profound events with
the capacity to elicit cosmogoni c crisis (Campbell 2003; Sahlins 1985; Van Tilburg 1994:
29–32). The sh eer isolation of Rapa Nui may have amplified the impact. Without the
materials to construct large canoes the capacity for Rapa Nui voyaging was severely
curtailed, and Roggeveen's arrival in 1722 may have been the first contact with others in
several generations. How the islanders viewed Europeans is of critical concern. Strangers
from across the sea were often afforded a semi-divine status within Polynesian mytho-
practice, and it is telling that words first used to describe Europeans implied their
supernatural provenance (Campbell 2003: 71). High-ranking chiefs, who possessed divine
linkage and were an embodiment of considerable mana, were regarded as strangers or
invaders (Thomas 1991: 92). As beings of extra-local origin, European crews were perhaps
conceived as the embodiments of gods, divine chiefs or, at the very least, as very powerful
beings. Here we should not con fuse the categorically rigid Judaeo-Christian concepts of
divinity with that of the Polynesian (Sahlins 1995). In a world view where the sacred and
supernatural is utterly inseparable from all aspects of life, men can at times be gods, as can
be animals, birds, fish and objects (Campbell 2003: 76). Their status as such is fluid and
highly contextual, as illustrated by the annual transformation of Hawaiian chiefs into the
living embodiment of the gods Lono and K
u during the times of their annual ceremonies
(Sahlins 1985).
The material trappings and actions of the first European voyagers to visit Rapa Nui
must have confirmed any pre-conceived notions of the power of strangers. During the first
two encounters in 1722 and 1770 both sides engaged in pomp and ceremony, though
mutual comprehension of the intention of these events was seemingly limited. Following
an on-board welcome by an individual of likely priestly status, Roggeveen was greeted by
thousands of islanders offering gifts of food (Corney 1908: 133), the prime medium
through which social relations were initiated. Once on shore, undue panic among the
Dutch led them to open fire upon a group of islanders. Relations were soon restored,
leading to intense and spectacular exchanges during which over 500 chickens and many
vegetables were offered to the Dutch, who in return gave a length of cloth wi th coloured
print 50–60 ells (c. 35–40m) in length (ibid.: 134). Awestruck by the largess of the gift of
this most special of materials, the islanders measured the cloth 'fathomwise more than a
hundred times over' (ibid.: 134).
Arriving nearly fifty years later, Gonza
lez claimed the island for Spain with an
incredible piece of political theatre that had considerable impact (Corney 1908: 47–104).
Three wooden crosses were carried in full procession, accompanied by drums and flying
colours, and planted on the three hillocks of Poike on the far east of the island. Once
erected, a proclamation was read and a triple salute fired, Gonza
lez's frigate and ship
responding with twenty-one guns. As Van Tilburg notes, such 'military and religious
pomp and ceremony . . . made a profound impression on the deeply ritualistic Rapa Nui'
(1994: 30–1). Contemporary Spanish accounts speak of 800 islanders (perhaps one quarter
of the population) assembling at the event, of Rapa Nui assisting in carrying the crosses,
singing, dancing, making offerings of barkcloth and chickens (Corney 1908: 100–4). The
religious and political import of the ceremony was understood, albeit through the lens of
eastern Polynesian cosmology. Van Tilburg makes the astute observation that the erection
of upright poles and crosses would have constituted an act of domination, such objects
being both symbols and implements of sacred and chiefly authority (1994: 31). Only four
years later, Cook observed toppled moai, the material signature of internal conflicts that
had been set in train by the politically destabilizing actions of the Spanish (Cook 1777:
281). Perhaps in acknowledgement of the power seen to reside in these irregular strangers,
his party was led in solemn procession around the island by individuals of chiefly or
priestly status (Cook 1777: 281–3; Van Tilburg 1994: 31).
The archaeology of contact
Bottle glass, buttons and items of copper and iron, sometimes reworked into beads and
fishhooks, are the 'small things forgotten' of contact-period Rapa Nui. Other aspects of
the archaeological record speak of the profound changes that followed the arrival of
European ships and crew. The increased frequency of mata'a projectiles and events at
'Orongo have already been mentioned. Toppled moai statues are a striking mate rial
manifestation of ideological changes that swept the island during the later eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries. There existed a distinct technology to these acts of ancestral
sacrilege, with moai being pulled forward onto their faces (Plate 1), exposing and violating
the most tapu part of a chiefly person, the back of the head and neck (Linton 1925: 86; Van
Tilburg and Lee 1987: 137). Boulders were positioned in such a way as to break the statue
necks upon their fall, thus severing their supernatural power (Ayers 1973: 132; M cCoy
1979). Many image ahu were modified, being turned into dwellings and structures for
burial, as at Vinapu (Mulloy 1961: 112; Van Tilburg 1994: 53). Oral testimony suggests
ahu continued to be constructed well into the nineteenth century (Routledge 1919: 230),
but by this stage they took different forms, principally pyramidal and canoe-shaped
(poepoe).
Boats and ships feature conspicuously in iconogra phy and religious performance during
the contact period (Figs 3–5). Telling of an interest in the physical manifestation of
strangers, and perhaps the connections real and cosmogo nic they were perceived to affor d,
are a number of petroglyphs and paintings of European-style ships. These remain the only
European objects to be depicted in the isl and's extensive repertoire of rock art (Lee 1992:
112), although painted images of horses and sheep may once have existed at 'Orongo
(Palmer 1870: 176). Around fifteen images of ships are known, located along the south
coast of the island (Lee 1992: 32, 112–13). Potentially a product of differential
preservation, a particular association exists with caves and the stone buildings at 'Orongo:
nine painted ship images are known from the latter site alongside designs depicting sooty
tern and semi-anthropomorphic 'ao and rapa dance paddles used in performances at the
site (Fig. 3). Other ship designs occur carved on a boulder near a cave entrance at Ana
Tu'u Hata, in a cave at Hanga Te'e/Vaihu (here comprising a painted ship and small boat:
Heyerdahl 1961: 478–9) and at Ana Kai Tangata, where a painted ship is partially
obscured by later bird images (Routledge 1919: fig. 102). In addition, isolated ship
petroglyphs are known on stone structures at Rano Kau (sites 1–43 and 1–118), carved
onto the front of moai 263 at Rano Raraku and on the back wall of ahu Vinapu 2 (Mulloy
1961: 117, pl.12a).
Certain features identify these images as those of European ships rather than Polynesian
canoes. Most are shown side-on as distinctively non-Polynesian three-masted and square-
rigged vessel s, the single-mast vessels at ahu Vinapu 2 and 'Orongo perhaps representing
end-on views, the latter with a studding sail running off one of the yardarms (Fig. 3). On
visiting 'Orongo in 1882 Geiseler noted freshly painted European vessels with sailors 'lined
up hands to hips' (Ayres and Ayres 1995; Heyerdahl 1961: 79), while Routledge (1920:
433) records one vessel with two figures depicted in the rigging, one wearing a red shirt.
The most realistic depiction of a European ship is the painting in a cave at Hanga Te'e/
Vaihu discovered by the Norwegian expedition (Heyerdahl 1961: 478–9). It is sufficiently
detailed and faithfully represented to enable its identifi cation as a barque of eighteenth- or
early nineteenth-century date (Marquardt 1992). Here, attempts at strict similitude stop.
The other ship images are in fact curious hybrids, displaying features of both European
ships and Polynesian canoes. Equivalence between European ships and Polynesian
Plate 1 Toppled moai at Ahu Akahanga.
voyaging canoes may even be stressed in the curious combination of curved hulls without
foremasts and square-rigged triple main masts seen with the Rano Raraku and 'Orongo
images. Images of a European-style ship and large Polynesian canoe were even combined
at Ana Tu'u Hata (Lee 1992: 113). The hull of the more obviously Polynesian vessel
incorporates a series of komari (vulva) engravings along its length, implying an association
with the commemoration of adolescent initiation rites (Routledge 1919: 263). That a large
Figure 3 Ship paintings inside the buildings at 'Orongo (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon 1961).
voyaging canoe should itself be represented is of interest, given that by the eighteenth
century such vessels had long gone out of use on Rapa Nui (Thomson 1891: 474). This
part of the image may be more ancient, but it is equally possible that it dates to the contact
period and indicates perpetuated memory of the form of historically important vessels that
first brought settlers to the island including the mytho-historic founder and ariki mau
(supreme chief) Hotu Matu'a.
The ship image carved on moai 263 at Rano Raraku (Fig. 5) is again highly
schematized/hybridized, leading Skjo
lsvold (1961: 353) to uncertainty over whether it
represented a European ship or not. Its square-rigged form shows inspiration at least from
European vessels. Most perplexing is the attachment of a turtle to the anchor cable, and
the termination of this close to the statue's navel. It is almost as if the ship is joined to the
Figure 4 Rapa Nui petroglyphs showing European and hybrid vessels (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon
1961 and Lee 1992).
Figure 5 European/hybrid vessel engraved on moai 263 Rano Raraku (after Heyerdahl and Ferdon
statue via an umbilical cord. Here, the image of a vessel belonging to powerful
and partially comprehended visitors was literally worked ont o the body of an ancestral
European ships are not the only vessels to be depicted. Petroglyphs of Polynesian canoes
are very well represented on the island, especially in the region from Ra'ai to 'Anakena on
the north coast, and on pukao (scoria topknots) at the Puna Pau quarry (Lee 1992: 104–12;
Van Tilburg and Lee 1987). Although these designs may be long-lived and part of a rock
art tradition that goes back to the early settlement of the island, many are superimposed
on pukao that have been toppled from moai statues, suggesting that the frequency of
carving increased dramatically during the contact period (Lee 1992: 122). The distribution
of carvings contrasts with the south co ast focus of depictions of European/hybrid ships,
perhaps implying a division in ceremonial practices that reflects the existence at this time
of competing clan confederations.
Miro o'one
The large outriggerless canoes of 'glorious beings' (Driessen 1982) were commemorated
not just in images, but in a series of remarkable performative acts that took place in special
ceremonial structures. During fie ldwork on the island in 1914–15, Katherine Routledge
recorded the oral testimony of a popular religious performance.
She also discovered
archaeological evidence for the ritual in the form of a 42m-long platform of rounded
pebbles upon which a thatched house had stood. When Routledge enquired of its
significance among her local guides she was told that it was a hare a te atua (house of the
god or deified ancestor), and that the beings praised during ceremonies here were 'the men
who came from far away in ships' (Routledge 1919: 239). She goes on to describe simpler
forms of celebration on long earth mounds known as miro o'one (boats of sand). Surviving
earthworks of miro o'one are known on the south side of the island at Hanga Poukur a (site
6–14), on the ridge of M aunga Ori (site 6–411) and on low ground to the east of the latter
at Miro O' one (site 7–252). In plan they are of boat form, c. 30–54m in length and c.5min
width – dimensions close to those both of European sailing ships of the eighteenth and
early nineteen th centuries and of some of the larger Polynesian war canoes of the period
(Hooper 2006: 18). Depressions within these mounds most likely correspond to the
locations of wooden and thatched superstructures.
Ships, canoes and cosmological possibilities
So why such an inter est in ships, and what was being represented by these images and sites
of performance? Lee suggests the miro o'one ceremonies were components of a cargo cu lt,
intended to 'bring more ships to the island' (1992: 113). In such a perspective, Europeans
were valued as powerful conduits through which prized materials such as cloth and iron
were transported to Rapa Nui and for which rites were necessary to ensure continued
contact. While historical accounts suggest a desire on the part of the Rapa Nui population
for contact with European voyagers, there is interpretative danger in assuming this was
driven by hunger for material goods alone, and that Western commodities exerted 'some
irresistible attraction that is given the status of an inexorable historical force' (Thomas
1991: 103). It is, after all, the ships and their crews that are depicted on the paintings at
'Orongo and in cave sites, on petroglyphs and through the remarkable performances at the
hare a te atua and miro o'one. Perhaps the interest lay as much, if not more, in these
curious and powerful strangers, their actions and the vessels they travelled in as in the
cargo they carried.
There can be little doubt that a fascination with ships existed.
The first islander to climb
aboard one of Roggeveen's ships took a particular interest in its construction (Corney
1908: 8), and the same level of intense curiosity about these incredible pieces of floating
technology was expressed during the Spanish visit in 1770 (ibid.: 120). Hooper (2006: 18)
makes the pertinent point that boats were central in these encou nters because they were an
artefact type held in common; they constituted a material field within which Europeans
and Polynesians sought similitude. Ships were canoes, and canoes were ships. The master
of the Dolphin, George Robertson, recognized the utility in thinking of European vessels
as 'great canoes' (1948: 156), while the Tahitian chief Tu named one of his war canoes
Britannia at the request of his exchange partner, Captain James Cook (Hooper 2006: 19).
Striking similarities also existed between the hierarchical order within European naval
organization and that of Polynesian chiefdoms (Dening 1992): both communities shared a
concern with status and its material performance through dress and prowess in conflict
and voyaging.
We would argue that it helps to collapse the distinction between canoes and ships, things
that were Polynesian and things that were European. The world of culture contact is
characterized by mutability and re-contextualization of practices and materials (Thomas
1991), and we should be wary of reading outward form as a simple index of a spurious
inherent quality to any thing. Taussig (1993) makes the point eloquently in his study of the
colonial wooden figurines of the Cuna. While outwardly depicting white colonial figures,
the Cuna categorically stress that the figurines do not represent such; rather they are
powerful media through which magic and medicine can be performed.
As with the Cuna, mimesis on Rapa Nui needs to be viewed through a Polynesian lens,
albeit one reshaped by the experience of contact with outsiders. When the Spaniards
erected three crosse s on the hillocks of Poike in 1770 the islanders recognized these as a
material manifestation of a divine presence. Europeans did not always recognize how
potent wooden poles could be, as objects of genealogical connection to the land and the
divine, but learnt through Hone Heke's repeated attacks on the flagpole at Kororareka,
New Zealand, and the parading of the mast-and-sail-like staff of Lono on Hawaii (Dening
1992: 163–6; Sahlins 1985: 60–5). One might therefore wonder whether the triple masts of
European vessels, repeatedly depicted in ship paintings and petroglyphs, were
conceptually linked to the triple Poi ke crosse s, to the poles that separated earth and sky
and so to a sense of sacred origin.
As Colin Richards (2008) observes, within Polynesia voyaging was deeply implicated in
the formation of identity, with descent often traced back to named canoes within which
mytho-historic founders had travelled. Canoe/ship imagery on Rapa Nui might thus
express the feat of Hotu Matu'a, who according to legend originally brought settlers to
Rapa Nui in two large canoes (Van Tilburg and Lee 1987: 146), or to other voyaging
exploits, real or mythical, including that of the first Europeans. Voyaging was also a
transformative practice, and one that might take on a supernatural dimension
(C. Richards 2008: 212–5). It is reported that old canoes placed in caves on Rapa Nui
were used as burial cases (Thomson 1891: 474), here expressing a metaphor of spirit
journey through the conduit of a liminal landscape location. Much the same notion of
supernatural travel and journeying back to an ancestral homeland (Po, where spirits of the
ancestors dwelt: Fischer 2005: 58) could lie behind the inclus ion of ship imagery in the
caves at Ana Tu'u Hata, Hanga Tee/Vaihu and Ana Kai Tangata, and the ana (cave)
houses at 'Orongo. Transformation from corporeal to spirit state and journey to other
realms are certainly implied by the tangata manu imagery at 'Orongo. Could the
'umbilical' line running from the ship engraving on moai 263 at Rano Raraku be
accommodated within similar structural terms, as an expression of linkage through birth
back to distant lands – was the ancestor materialized by the moai conceptualized as
someone who had travelled to Rapa Nui on such a vessel? Specific interpretation has
always to engage with the complex and richly textured layers of metaphor, allegory,
mimicry and allusion that constitute Polynesian cultural practices from art and dance to
politics and religious performance (Kaeppler 2001, 2008; McLean 1999; Sahlins 1985).
The notion that contact bro ught profound changes to life on Rapa Nui is not a new one
(Lavachery 1936: 60; Routledge 1919: 300–1; Van Tilburg 1994: 29–32, 2006). To date, this
episode of the island's human history has not received the attention from archaeologists
that it deserves, no doubt because the intellectual appeal of Rapa Nui's archaeology has
always lain in the lure of origins (first settlement), an understanding of the island's
remarkable monument traditions and explanations of cultural evolution and collapse.
There also exists a tendency to see events on the island during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries as a simple trajectory of decline (cf. Fischer 2005), a sad postscript to
a vibrant prehistoric sequence. We have highlighted the ways that myriad new practices
and social orders emerged through a creative agency that drew inventively upon the
material and cosmological possibilities afforded by contact. There developed 'cultures of
contact' (Campbell 2003) that, while created out of pre-existing symbolic structures,
possessed their own distinct dynamic identities. Ship imagery and ship performances
belong to fields of practice that are obviously of this period, but we would argue that many
of the political and religious changes that are currently accommodated somewhat
uncomfortably at the very end of the island's prehistoric sequence, such as the
performative leadership contests at 'Orongo, are also an outcome of the peculiar
circumstances of contact. To demonstrate or refute this reading of the sequence is a
challenge that only archaeology can address.
We would like to thank Sue Grice for preparing the illustrations, Stephanie Wynne-Jones
for commenting on an earlier draft of this paper and Louisa Pittman and Sue Hamilton
for information. A special gratitude is owed to the two anonymous reviewers who helped
correct many errors of detail and interpretation.
Joshua Pollard
Department of Archaeology & Anthropology, University of Bristol
joshua.pollard@bristol.ac.uk
Archaeology, School of Social & Cultural Studie s, University of Western Australia
alistair.paterson@uwa.edu.au
Bournemouth University, Archaeology Group, School of Applied Sciences
kwelham@bournemouth.ac.uk
1 Moai were also toppled through the action of tsunamis. A particularly powerful tsunami
that struck the south-east coast of Rapa Nui in May 1960 washed fifteen moai up to
100m inland from the Tongariki ahu (Fischer 2005: 208).
2 As Van Tilburg has highlighted (2003), the conditions under which Routledge collected
her oral history on pre-conversion practices were far from ideal, and so the detail should
be treated with a degree of caution.
3 Rapa Nui was not the only place in Polynesia where indige nous ritualized appropriation
and manipulation of European ships occurred. Thomas (1991: 109–10) notes the case of
the Samoan Papalagi (foreigner) ship recorded by Commodore Wilkes of the US
Exploring Expedition in 1839. A 'replica' vessel was observed in a clear ing, made from a
tall tree around which a wooden framewor k hull and rigging was created.
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Joshua Pollard is a Reader in Archaeology at the University of Bristol. His research has
previously focused on the British Neolithic, depositional practices and landscapes of
monumentality.
Alistair Paterson is the Chair of Archaeology at the University of Western Australia. His
research interests include the archaeology of recent Aboriginal Australia, historical
archaeology, the archaeology of colonialism, cultural landscapes, historical rock art and
maritime archaeology.
Kate Welham is Head of Archaeology at Bournemouth University. Her research interests
lie in historical archaeology and archaeological science. She is a member of the 'Rapa Nui
Landscapes of Construction' project.
... Seventh, there is no evidence for widespread lethal weapons or skeletal trauma resulting in mortality (e.g., Gill and Stefan, 2016;Lipo et al., 2016;Owsley et al., 2016). Finally, critical reexaminations of ethnographic and ethnohistoric accounts point to a misunderstanding of the island stemming from the impact of European diseases, slave raids, and island-wide sheep ranching (e.g., Boersema, 2018Boersema, , 2015Hunt and Lipo, 2011;Lipo and Hunt, 2009;Mulrooney et al., 2009;Peiser, 2005;Pollard et al., 2010;Rainbird, 2002). Many, however, continue to present a collapse narrative in one form or another as if it were fact (e.g., Bahn and Flenley, 2017;Brandt and Merico, 2015;Kirch, 2017;Kolb, 2020;Ramírez Aliaga, 2019;Reuveny, 2012;Roman et al., 2018Roman et al., , 2017Scheffer, 2016). ...
... Precisely what caused the moai to fall remains unclear. What is clear, however, is that most certainly fell post-contact ( Figure 6; Edwards et al., 1996;Fischer, 2005, p. 80;Pollard et al., 2010). The first two European visits by the Dutch in AD 1722 and Spanish in AD 1770, for ex- Journal of Pacific Archaeology -Vol. ...
Revisiting Warfare, Monument Destruction, and the 'Huri Moai' Phase in Rapa Nui (Easter Island) Culture History
Robert J DiNapoli
Carl Philipp Lipo
Terry L Hunt
Warfare is widely accepted as a transformative factor in human history. However, as warfare is not inevitable in human groups, archaeologists must critically assess the empirical evidence for war and its importance in the past. Here, we reevaluate the culture history of Rapa Nui (Easter Island), often interpreted as a case of warfare resulting in social upheaval. Common accounts hold that, prior to European contact, clan groups eventually ceased making moai statues and statue platforms (ahu), battled with obsidian spears, sought refuge in fortified caves, and toppled rivals' moai in a prolonged period of internecine warfare termed the 'Huri Moai' phase. Examining this culture historical framework and evidence for warfare and monument destruction, we find a lack of support in archaeological or historical records for a pre-contact Huri Moai phase. Overall, these findings highlight how archaeologists must carefully evaluate assumptions about the prevalence of violence and war in the past given the evidence for each case. In the case of Rapa Nui, our prior understanding of the island's culture history is in need of fundamental revision.
... Regardless of who and what came on them, and the far-reaching repercussions thereof (cf. Campbell 2003;Pollard et al. 2010), the people of this remote island are described to have had a deep fascination for those giant vessels that first appeared on their shore on Easter Sunday of 1722. The big and complex sailing ships of Europeans were a stark contrast to the small indigenous Rapanui canoes made of sewn-together pieces of ...
... Ship petroglyph on the chest of moai 263 at the Rano Raraku statue quarry. Modified fromPollard et al. (2010) afterHeyerdahl and Ferdon (1961). ...
Eyes towards the horizon: structure-from-motion photogrammetry enhances understanding of ship petroglyphs from Rapa Nui (Easter Island)
Annette Kühlem
Christian Hartl-Reiter
Neka Atan Hey
Singa Pakarati
... It is generally thought that chickens were domesticated first for cultural purposes in the south or southeast Asia at least 8000 years ago (i.e. for cockfighting or as items of religious significance), and only then were their meat and eggs used as a food resource (Carter 1971;Crawford 1990). However, by the time they were transported as far as Rapa Nui, separating their use in cultural practices from that as a food source is somewhat difficult; early accounts by Dutch and Spanish explorers to Rapa Nui suggest that the main medium by which social relations were initiated were largely food-related (chickens, plantains, sweet potatoes were all seen as high status and traded for European items; Corney et al. 1908:13,121;Pollard et al. 2010). As chickens appear to have been a part of the diet throughout the entire period prior to European contact, their importance as a food source is undeniable (Commendador et al. 2013). ...
Commensals/Domesticates on Rapa Nui: What Can Their Phylogeographic Patterns Tell Us About the Discovery and Settlement of the Island?
Vicki Thomson
Michael B. Herrera
Jeremy Austin
Rapa Nui is one of the smallest, most remote, and isolated landmasses in the world to have already been settled when European explorers arrived in the eighteenth century. The first people to arrive on Rapa Nui were Polynesians thought to have island-hopped from east Asia (mitochondrial origin in southern China, Ko et al. 2014; Bellwood et al. 2017; language origin in Taiwan, Gray et al. 2009, Klamer 2019; nuclear genome origin in southern China, Yang et al. 2020) over many generations across Oceania to arrive on Rapa Nui approximately 750 years ago (Wilmshurst et al. 2011). The navigational achievements of the Polynesians simply to reach Rapa Nui, let alone persist on it, were extraordinary. Whether or not further eastward exploration included contact with pre-European South America, with accompanying gene flow between the Rapa Nuians and South Americans or only the trade of goods, is still up for debate. Either way, the transportation of animal and plant species undoubtedly proved essential to early Polynesian survival in both Near Oceania (defined as a region of the Pacific that includes New Guinea, the Bismarck archipelago, and the Solomon Islands that was settled 35,000 years ago) and Remote Oceania (defined as the islands east of the Solomon Islands that were settled from 3000 to 3500 years ago).
... Similarly, the pre-Routledge archaeological collections offer a unique point of entry for the study of early visitors to Easter Island (Altman 2004;Corney 1908;Palmer 1870;Salmond 1991), and the archaeology of contact (cf. Pollard et al. 2010), for instance through examining the provenance of the material in the PRM founding collection and connections with HMS Topaze. The history of the encounters of the Bounty mutineers and their descendants with the archaeological remains of Pitcairn remains an unexplored episode in Pacific history. ...
Easter Island and Pitcairn Island
Sue Hamilton
Dan Hicks
Mike Seager Thomas
Ruth Whitehouse
The Pitt-Rivers Museum holds c. 667 artefacts from Rapa Nui and c. 93 from Pitcairn Island, most of them collected by the Katherine and Scoresby Routledge expedition of 1914/15. Together they provide a key resource for the study of the prehistoric material culture of the two Islands.
Hoa hakananai'a: A new study of an Easter Island statue in the British Museum
James Miles
Mike Pitts
Hembo Pagi
Graeme Earl
A digital survey, combining photogrammetry and reflectance transformation imaging (RTI), offers significant new insights into the British Museum's Easter Island statue called Hoa Hakananai'a. These include the likelihood that it was made with a tapering base to stand in the ground, as seen by the crew of HMS Topaze in 1868, and that a nearby stone described a century ago was a pukau, a stone 'hat'. Petroglyphs consisting of two komari (stylised female genitalia) were subsequently added. Succeeding these were bas-relief carvings, here interpreted as a single composition that narrates the island's birdman myth as recorded in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This reading is supported by photographs of Hoa Hakananai'a taken in Chile in 1868. A new model is presented for the relationship between the statue and the birdman cult. As it now stands, in a nineteenth-century plinth, Hoa Hakananai'a appears to lean slightly from its intended placing
Ecocide or Utopia on Easter Island?
Robin Torrence
Drawing on their own primary research, Hunt and Lipo argue that Easter Island's population did not collapse from human exploitation of the environment.
Patrick C. Mccoy
On the Road of the Winds: An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands before European Contact
AM ANTIQUITY
Michael J. Kolb
Patrick Vinton Kirch
Yvonne Marshall
Shannon Wood
Islands of History
E. Palmer Patterson
Marshall Sahlins
The palaeoecology of Easter Island, and its ecological disaster
J.R. Flenley
The Ceremonial Site of Orongo"
Ferdon, E.N., Jr
The voyage of captain Don Felipe Gonzalez in the ship of the line San Lorenzo, with the Frigate Santa Rosalia in company, to easter Island in 1770–1: Preceded by an extract from Mynheer Jacob Roggeveen's official log of his discovery and visit to easter Island in 1722
B.G. Corney
Journals, instructions, minutes, and despatches, transcribed, translated and edited, with an extract from the 1825 journal of Lieut. George Peard, of H.M.S. Blossom. Preface by Cyprian Bridge. Includes a bibliography of 'Easter Island and the Pacific Ocean', pp. 147-58. This is a new print-on-demand hardback edition of the volume first published in 1908.
The Ceremonial Center of Vinapu
William Mulloy
Weavers of Song: Polynesian Music and Dance
Richard Moyle
Mervyn McLean
A visit to Easter Island, or Rapa Nui, in 1868
J Roy Geogr Soc Lond
J.L. Palmer
How "Natives" Think: About Captain Cook, for Example.
PAC AFF
When Western scholars write about non-Western societies, do they inevitably perpetuate the myths of European imperialism? Can they ever articulate the meanings and logics of non-Western peoples? Who has the right to speak for whom? Questions such as these are debated in this text. Marshall Sahlins addresses these issues head on, while building a case for the ability of anthropologists working in the Western tradition to understand other cultures. In recent years, these questions have arisen in debates over the death and deification of Captain James Cook on Hawaii Island in 1779. Did the Hawaiians truly receive Cook as a manifestation of their own god Lono? Or were they too pragmatic, too worldly-wise to accept the foreigner as a god? Moreover, can a "non-native" scholar give voice to a "native" point of view? This volume seeks to go far beyond specialized debates about the alleged superiority of Western traditions. The culmination of Sahlins's ethnohistorical research on Hawaii, is a reaffirmation for understanding difference.
Mike Parker Pearson
Colin Richards
Kevan Edinborough
The Between the Monuments Project
Nick Snashall
Michael J. Allen
Living with Monuments
Mark Gillings
Charles French
The aim of the project is to redress a critical imbalance in our knowledge of life and cultural landscapes during a key period of British prehistory - the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age (Neo-EBA; c .4,000-1500 BC). Accounts of the Neo-EBA are dominated by an interpretive framework devised to explain the creation of ceremonial and funerary monuments, which form the most visible and tangible part of its archaeological record. By contrast, knowledge of the character of contemporary settlement and other non-monument focussed activity lags behind. This project will redress this imbalance through a coherent and innovative programme of targeted fieldwork and reassessment of existing data within one landscape that is famed for its monumental architecture: that of the Avebury region in Wiltshire. The Living with Monuments Project is directed by Joshua Pollard (University of Southampton) and Mark Gillings (University of Leicester), in collaboration with Rosamund Cleal and Nick Snashall (National Trust), Mike Allen (Allen Environmental Archaeology) and Charly French (University of Cambridge). It is funded by an award from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). ... [more]
Stonehenge Riverside Project
Jim Rylatt
Julian Stewart Thomas
Benjamin Chan
So ends this day: American whalers in Yaburara country, Dampier Archipelago
February 2019 · Antiquity
Ross James Anderson
Ken Mulvaney
Josephine J McDonald
Research to document Aboriginal occupation across the Dampier Archipelago has also encountered the earliest archaeological evidence for the presence of American whalers in North West Australia. Inscriptions in the form of rock engravings made by the crews of the whaling ships Connecticut (1842) and Delta (1849) have been discovered on Rosemary and West Lewis Islands. These maritime inscriptions ... [Show full abstract] are uniquely superimposed over earlier Indigenous rock art motifs, appearing to represent distinct mark-making practices by the whalers on encountering an already-inscribed landscape, and thus providing insight into the earliest phases of North West Australia's colonial history.
Quantifying changes in the subsistence reef fishery of indigenous communities in Torres Strait, Aust...
January 2013 · Fisheries Research
Sara Busilacchi
Garry R. Russ
Ashley J. Williams
Stephen G Sutton
Catch levels and fishing practices for the traditional subsistence reef fishery in Torres Strait, Australia, have likely changed since the 1980s. Islanders now have greater access to motorised boats and modern fishing gears. This allows them to travel further, access more fishing grounds and improve catch rates. The aim of this study was to quantify changes in the fishery over a period of 15 ... [Show full abstract] years (1991/1992-2005/2006). Catch information collected in 2005/2006 allowed a comparison of subsistence fish catch and yields with estimates of these variables made from data collected in the 1990s. In 2005/2006, mean annual subsistence catch from Darnley, Yorke and Murray Islands were 71 mt (SE = 21), 55 mt (SE = 18) and 43 mt (SE = 15), respectively. This represents annual reef fish yields of 1.97, 2.96 and 3.49 mt km(-2) y(-1), respectively, or per capita yields of 248, 206 and 92 kg person(-1) y(-1), respectively. These levels of subsistence catch were up to 6 times higher than those estimated from data collected at the same islands in 1991/1992 and 1995/1996. Estimated yields were comparable with those considered sustainable for other reef fisheries in the Pacific region. In contrast to other studied subsistence fisheries, higher levels of modernisation of fishing activities corresponded to higher fish yields. These increases are likely a consequence of the shift in the nature of the traditional subsistence activities to include the relatively recent practice of sending fish from the islands to family members in other locations. If catch levels continue to increase in the future, it will be important to estimate more reliably sustainable yields for the fishery, which would allow more informed management decisions. (C) 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Cyclones influence native plant diversity on 22 remote high islands of French Polynesia and Pitcairn...
November 2014 · Physical Geography
Sébastien Larrue
I examined the relative influence of eight spatial characteristics on native plant diversity in 22 volcanic high islands of eastern Polynesia. The characteristics used as potential predictors in this study included island area, highest elevation, distance to the nearest continent, distance to the nearest archipelago, distance to the nearest similar island, index of isolation, distance to the ... [Show full abstract] largest and highest island of Tahiti, and distance to the "cyclonic alley." Among characteristics studied, native plant diversity (indigenous and endemic species) was primarily linked with the island area and highest elevation of the islands. Contemporary cyclones were an important predictor of indigenous plant diversity in the remote islands surveyed. In the study area, this result suggests that cyclones, moving from the west Pacific Ocean basin to the eastern Polynesian islands, have provided more indigenous species to the remote high islands located close to the cyclonic alley. Isolation did not appear as a significant predictor of native plant diversity in the high islands surveyed, possibly due to a stepping-stone-island effect and the proximity of the cyclonic alley. These findings suggest that isolation could be tempered by a cyclonic-transport-flow effect in the study area, thus reducing the effective distance of the remote islands from the mainland source pool for seed dispersal.
Inside the Pacific Rim: Legal Systems of the South Sea Islands
July 1998 · SSRN Electronic Journal
Norman Otto Stockmeyer
International commerce has focused attention on the legal systems of the large trading nations that form the Pacific Rim. Less studied are the myriad Pacific island nations. What is the source of their law? What are their court systems like? The author set out by ship to explore three representative South Pacific legal systems: those of French Polynesia, the Kingdom of Tonga, and the Republic of ... [Show full abstract] Fiji. This presentation of his findings was sponsored by the Cooley Law School chapter of APALSA, the Asian Pacific American Law Student Association.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
El USS St. Louis (CL-49) fue el buque líder de los dos cruceros ligeros de la clase St. Louis (derivada de la clase Brooklyn) de la Armada de los Estados Unidos. Prestó servicio de 1939 a 1946 y pasó a la marina de guerra de Brasil como Tamandaré (C-12) de 1951 a 1976. Fue desguazado en la República de China en 1980.

Véase también
 Anexo:Buques de guerra de Brasil
 Anexo:Cruceros de la Armada de los Estados Unidos

Referencias

Cruceros de la clase St. Louis
Barcos de 1939
Barcos construidos en Newport News (Virginia)
Buques de guerra transferidos por Estados Unidos a Brasil

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Businesses can accept payments with Tap to Pay on the iPhone by holding their phone close together
Apple Inc. on Tuesday announced a new feature for US merchants that allows them to pay by holding their phones close to each other simply by using apple pay and a partner-enabled iOS app. Tap to Pay, which is expected to come out later this year, will let businesses process transactions in stores by tapping […]
Apple Inc. on Tuesday announced a new feature for US merchants that allows them to pay by holding their phones close to each other simply by using apple pay and a partner-enabled iOS app.
Tap to Pay, which is expected to come out later this year, will let businesses process transactions in stores by tapping their iPhone on the customer's iPhone or Apple Watch, the tech giant said in a statement.
Apple said the feature will accept contactless credit and debit cards, as well as Apple Pay, Visa, American Express, Mastercard, and Discover. It added that no extra hardware or payment terminal would be needed.
"Tap to Pay on iPhone will provide businesses with a secure, private, and easy way to accept contactless payments and unlock new checkout experiences using the power, security, and convenience of iPhone," Jennifer Bailey, Apple's vice president of Apple Pay and Apple Wallet, said in the statement.
The tap-to-pay feature will use the iPhone's existing NFC chip that was being used to transmit payments down to a payment terminal. It will be available to developers via an iOS software update this spring. It will be up to developers and payment-services companies to add the capability to their point-of-sale software.
Stripe will be the first payment platform to offer Tap to Pay on iPhone to their business customers, including the Shopify Point of Sale app this spring. Additional payment platforms and apps will follow later this year.
"In collaboration with payment platforms, app developers, and payment networks, we're making it easier than ever for businesses of all sizes — from solopreneurs to large retailers — to seamlessly accept contactless payments and continue to grow their business."
It will also give Apple a competitive edge in the growing world of contactless payments, in which the iPhone, as well as Apple Pay, play a dominant role by effectively turning the iPhone into a point-of-sale terminal.
The iPhone has been used as a contactless way to pay for goods and services since Apple Pay launched in 2014. But it required merchants to have their own point-of-sale hardware in order to accept contactless payments.
Google and Samsung have unveiled Android devices that would allow merchants to use those devices as contactless payment terminals as well, but those announcements have been largely aimed at outside the U.S., where contactless payment habits are already well established. The new iPhone feature is aimed at the U.S., a much more lucrative market where contactless payments are still growing.
The feature will only be available on iPhones XS or later, Apple said, and will not be available on iPads. Just like with Apple Pay, the company said it will keep transaction data private and will not know what merchants and customers are buying.
Apple, apple pay, iphones, tap to pay


Exiles – the game is a science fiction action packed with RPG elements, in which you find yourself on a distant planet. According to the plot, the colony in the remote part of the cosmos is in desolation, while the government is trying to cope with the epidemic of a dangerous virus. In the role of a soldier of the elite unit, you have to cope with various missions and prevent a terrible plot. Create a hero by choosing one of three classes and begin your fascinating adventure. The player is waiting for a big world with complete freedom of movement, numerous locations and tasks, battles with enemies with the help of a vast arsenal of weapons and much more.
Exiles on your computer, you will need to install the BlueStacks emulator first. To download the emulator, use the link, after downloading the BlueStacks, run its installation.
Recommended: Quik: Free Video Editor on PC / Windows 7.8.10 & MAC.
Exiles on PC / Windows 7.8.10 & MAC, if you want to learn more about Apps and Games on PC please follow our Blog DroidWhiz and get all the latest feeds about Apps and Games on PC.


text:
February 1st, 2010 | Issue sixty-nine
Best European Fiction 2010
CENTRAL QUESTION: Is trauma essential to comedy?
by Miranda Mellis
20 Snaps
Miranda Mellis
In one of the biographical statements in Best European Fiction 2010, the debut of an annual series, Giedra Radvilavičiūtė says, "there aren't any geographically specific literatures," only good or bad writing. In this collection, locales often appear like artifacts or facades, ephemeral and illusory. Landscape is something one travels through unseeing, conflicted or dangerously lost. So what do these stories share if geographical specificity is not salient? They are irrepressibly various. In "Friedmann Space," Victor Pelevin conjures a "proven method of seeing into the world of the megarich." The assassination of your fellow citizen is a right doled out by the state in Peter Terrin's "The Murderer." A phantasmal headbutt provides an opportunity for Jean-Philippe Toussaint's exquisite, existential meditation in "Zidane's Melancholy," while threatening vegetation encroaches upon breakfast with an imaginary Haruki Murakami in Christine Montalbetti's "Hotel Komaba Eminence." These stories address the absurdities of power, the frail surliness of family, the brutalities of class, the prophetic valences of language, the comedies of unwitting transgression, and the unreliability of perception.
In "Foreign Women" by Elo Viiding, one of the gems of the collection, local mothers' mute complicity in their own subservience is vividly contrasted with the self-determined verve of the "foreign women" their poet husbands sleep with. The story exposes the ways in which ideas of cultural authenticity (as projected upon the visages of cowed women) can both mask and underwrite male privilege, an interpretation that springs from Viiding's devastatingly precise description and which speaks to the power of killer fiction to argue by inference.
Despite the wide range of these stories, there are persistent stylistic recursions here, notably parody, gallows humor, and digression. The dead don't stay dead, fame inexorably entails a bargain with the devil, virginity is ideology, and dolphins are killed at cocktail parties. Perhaps we can agree that what a writer is given to imagine and how they are disposed to set it down is not entirely unrelated to where (and when) they are coming from (if we are from a place, we are also from a time, as well as a language), albeit such contingencies are arbitrary. Under censorship, for example, writers resort to coding with geographically specific (i.e., politically and historically specific) meanings and effects. Or, to take another example, in the US, new fiction is produced largely under the auspices of MFA programs and is thereby pressurized by the relatively (insert adjective here) standards of workshop. Europe invented modern imperialism, capitalism, and ideology, reaped the criminal spoils of global empire, and suffered two world wars. The antic exorcisms, formally restless and liberating disenchantments enacted here could be said to result, in some part, from such a complex legacy. Or to put it another way, these writers know and care about the difference between fiction and propaganda.
But perhaps this is reductive when a signal attribute of the "best" writing is its immunity to any one interpretation and its potential to produce numberless readings. If that's so, then this collection is aptly named. Editor Aleksander Hemon declares in his preface that at the heart of this compilation is the "non-negotiable need for communication with the world, wherever it may be," and asserts that ongoing translation is crucial to this process. The English-language reading world, "wherever it may be," is grateful.
Miranda Mellis is the author of The Spokes, None of This Is Real, The Revisionist, and Demystifications (forthcoming, Solid Objects). Currently she is writing a novel called Two Problems and preparing a timely summer course—Afterworlds in Fiction and Film – at Evergreen, where she has taught since 2012.
More by Miranda Mellis
More Reads
The Visual Essay's Many Lives
Zoë Bossiere
Chismosa Bitch


Yu Tong Hotel Guangzhou official site! Best price guarantee!
Visitors to Guangzhou will find that the Yu Tong Hotel Guangzhou is a fantastic accommodation choice. This property features Free in-room Wi-Fi.
Traveling to the Yu Tong Hotel Guangzhou is easy with Guangzhou East Railway Station located approximately 6km away and Baiyun International Airport roughly 37km away.


You are currently browsing the Archaeofacts.com archives of Musings for the day Saturday, January 2nd, 2010.
Yeah, that says BUMERANG. Get one and watch that it doesn't clip your chin when you nab your jacket!
Crazy idea to visit IKEA today. The parking lot was packed. The aisles were packed. Saw no excessive grumpiness, however—oh, happy day!
Still, we escaped with our usual: candles and party napkins.
Plus two picture frames and incredibly inexpensive steak knives (like we have steak very often! ha!).
Since KW and GG have been talking kitchen plans, I've been thinking ours needs help; liked some of the real wood door/drawer fronts* I saw.


text:
GameStop nearly died in 2019. Now hedge funds are scrambling to deal with the company's exploding stock. Here's what's going on.
Inside a GameStop store in Manhattan, New York, on November 12.
Carlo Allegri/Reuters
The largest video-game retailer has had a wild few years.
Its stock value was below $5 per share in mid-August, but its share price has skyrocketed in recent weeks.
It turns out that explosion has little to do with video games, GameStop, or the video-game market.
In early 2019, GameStop's stock value fell off a cliff: It dropped from about $16 per share to under $4.
And it stayed in that range for just shy of two years.
Even in 2020, while the video-game business (including GameStop) had huge gains during coronavirus lockdowns, GameStop's stock price remained in the gutter. As recently as August — just under five months ago — the largest video-game retail chain had a stock value of less than $5 per share.
But in the second half of 2020, with big financial names like Michael Burry and Ryan Cohen buying up shares in the ailing retailer, things started looking up. The company's share value gradually increased until it outright surpassed its pre-collapse value in late 2020.
And that's when it got really weird: Between January 20 and January 26, GameStop's stock value leaped from just over $35 per share to north of $140 per share. By January 27, it hit new highs of over $325 per share — an over 8,000% increase from just a few months ago.
The past month of GameStop's stock-value movement demonstrates how much it has jumped in value.
The answer has little to do with GameStop, nothing to do with video games, and a lot to do with a Reddit forum dedicated to playing the stock market.
Read more: One GameStop shareholder got $2.7 billion richer in one week, and the rally isn't over yet
The forum, named Wall Street Bets, has over 2 million members, and it's the collective action of those members that appears to be driving up the value of GameStop's stock. Simply put: As more people buy the stock, its price increases. And there's no signs of that collective action stopping anytime soon.
"GME has bounced and is once again at $225," one thread in the Reddit forum said on Wednesday morning. "Hold strong boys ... we will take GME to $1,000."
Another thread urged users not to sell and to remove their $1,000 price limit, which would automatically trigger sales.
"GME will stay going until WE sell. Do not f---ing sell boys, $1,000 was the original target but nothing is stopping this from getting to $5,000 but us," it said. "It sounds like a meme but it isn't. Hold on tight and make father Musk proud!"
More than anything else, the prevailing theme in Wall Street Bets is collective power — enough collective power to push back on the hedge funds and analysts that predicted GameStop's stock would never reach such heights.
"FOR ALL THE BIG F---ING HEDGE FUNDS MONITORING US, THIS IS A MESSAGE FROM US TO YOU, WE F---ING OWN YOU NOW, F---. YOU. GO BUY THE F---ING NEWS. LIKE AND COMMENT SO THEY SEE THIS POST. F--- YOU MELVIN CAPITAL. F--- YOU CITRON RESEARCH. YOU HAVEN'T CLOSED S---. THIS IS GONNA GO DOWN IN HISTORY," one such post said.
An image from the Wall Street Bets subreddit.
WallStreetBets
But that doesn't mean the value will hold in the long run or that GameStop is worth its stock value to its shareholders.
The explosion in GameStop's stock value is "just a cult phenomenon," Michael Pachter, Wedbush Securities' managing director, told Insider. "They don't currently have the earnings power to support a price this high," he added.
Read more: How hedge funds are tracking Reddit posts to protect their portfolios after the Wall Street Bets crowd helped tank Melvin Capital's short positions
That's because, like Blockbuster and Tower Records before it, GameStop faces major challenges to its business model from the internet. As more people buy video games through digital storefronts, fewer buy games on physical discs. And GameStop is in the business of selling physical discs.
Despite a shake-up to the company's C-suite and the addition of Cohen to the company's board, GameStop hasn't revealed a long-term plan to stave off oblivion.
"The market appears to believe Ryan Cohen has a strategy that will take earnings up by a lot," Pachter said. "I can't give him credit for his genius until I see what the strategy is."
Got a tip? Contact Business Insider senior correspondent Ben Gilbert via email (bgilbert@businessinsider.com) or Twitter DM (@realbengilbert). We can keep sources anonymous. Use a nonwork device to reach out. PR pitches by email only, please.
SEE ALSO: How Reddit day-traders are using the platform to upend the stock market and make money in the process
NOW WATCH: What coronavirus stress is doing to your brain and body
More: Video Games Gaming GameStop Ryan Cohen
Michael Burry


text:
GE Research
Biology & Applied Physics
Controls & Optimization
Electronics & Sensing
Mechanics & Design
Robotics & Autonomous Systems
Software & Analytics
Thermosciences
GE Business
GE Research Engine
R&D Facilities
Side Menu Side Menu
Christopher Immer
PhD, Experimental Condensed Matter Physics (Florida State University) MS, Physics (Florida State University) BS, Physics (Florida State University) BS, Mathematics (Florida State University)
Chris has B.S.'s in Mathematics and Physics, an M.S. in Physics, and a Ph.D. in Experimental Condensed Matter Physics from Florida State University. Before GE, he worked for 12 years developing technology for Launch and Landing of Space Vehicles in support of NASA at the Kennedy Space Center, FL.
He Joined GE Research in 2010 where he worked in the following areas: Development of Low Cryogen Superconducting Magnets (LCM) and components for Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) Machines, controls and data acquisition for combustion test operations with Aviation and Power, financial models to support Capital with federal stress test regulations, development of High Speed control of 1 MW class inverters for Hybrid Electric Propulsion with Power Conversion, and turbine availability improvements at Renewables' offshore wind farm at Block Island.
Most recently he has worked with Additive on high speed closed loop control of the additive process, improvements to sensors, and development of the M-Line product line. He has recently served as Operations Leader for Controls and Operations. Chris has authored 90+ journal articles, holds 4 Granted patents, 2 Whitney Awards, 1 Dushman award, and is a Certified LabVIEW Developer.
In theory there is no difference between theory and practice. In practice there is.
First joined Kennedy Space Center
First Joined GE Research
Graduated with Ph.D.
We're ready to partner with you.


Physical Traits: This is the only eastern woodpecker with its entire head red (others may have patch of red). Its back is solid black and rump is white.
Habitat: It nests in holes of dead trees or poles. Their favorite foods are insects, nuts and dried fruits. It will visit feeders with sunflower seeds, nuts and suet.
Feeder Tips: Hanging the feeder from a tree branch or close to a tree trunk is optimal. Squirrel baffles are always recommended.


text:
        HTML

        WordPress

          {% highlight html %}
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          {% endhighlight %}

<button data-clipboard-action="copy" data-clipboard-target=".copy-html" class="copy-clipboard button button--tertiary">Copy HTML to clipboard</button>

          {% highlight html %}
{% include_relative component-wp.html %}
          {% endhighlight %}

<button data-clipboard-action="copy" data-clipboard-target=".copy-html" class="copy-clipboard button button--tertiary">Copy HTML to clipboard</button>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Continued high number of applicants for the manufacturer of the Walser dental matrices, that have already uncompleted a training.
The graduated Marina Röver from Singen made it despite all refusals, but still getting a training course as a clerk for office communication although she had applied in September, first. Before she preserved a traineeship, during which she passed the different areas through the Dr. Walser Dental and was adjusted after.
This year the sectional matrix system manufacturer Dr. Walser Dental received many applications for the business apprenticeship, again.
80% of the pupil, who were invited for work by the employment agency, did not advertise at the Dr. Walser Dental at all.
Like last year, the number of applicants who had already started with a training and uncompleted it for not comprehensible reasons, was high. So another increase in applications had to be recorded by teaching terminators. Two of this had abandoned the training even in the 2nd training year.
An applicant was invited to the interview and cancelled it 15 minutes before. She would have got a job which would be located at her place of residence more nearly. She called again three hours later and said she would have thought about it and would like to come to the interview anyway.
Some who were invited and promised to send the application, did not adhere to this anyway. Sometimes the received applications were already repeatedly on the way, therefore they were unsightly, had many spelling mistakes and some curricula vitae were incomplete or proofs of testimonials were missing. But also cover letters for other professions came in. Some, who should replace the testimonials or should call back, have not reported any more.
Some have already abandoned several trainings. So e.g. an applicant had already started with four trainings and uncompleted everyone, one applicant uncompleted two trainings and three studies without degree.
As a welcoming present the trainee received a top 100 book about excellent enterprises in the small and medium-sized businesses in which the Dr. Walser Dental is also reported about, by the management. In addition, a group portrait was made with the trainees.


Deep tissue massage is a type of massage aimed at the deeper tissue structures of the muscle and fascia, also called connective tissue. Deep tissue massage uses many of the same movements and techniques as Swedish massage, but the pressure will generally be more intense. It is also a more focused type of massage, as the therapist works to release chronic muscle tension or knots (also known as "adhesions.") Unlike a regular relaxation massage, deep tissue massage works effectively on the skeletal structures that lie deep within the body.
When muscles are stressed, they block oxygen and nutrients, leading to inflammation that builds up toxins in the muscle tissue.
Through controlled manual manipulation, deep tissue massage breaks down scar tissue and crystallization, loosens muscles, releases toxins and allows blood and oxygen to circulate properly.
If you require a deep tissue massage in Birmingham City (the Jewellery Quarter), Moseley, Harborne or Knowle (Solihull), please don't hesitate to contact me.


Cynthia Yatchman is a Seattle based artist and art instructor.
With an M.A. in child development and a B. A. in education, she has a strong interest in art education and teaches art to adults, children and families.
A former ceramicist, she received her B.F.A. in painting from the University of Washington. Her paintings are housed in numerous public and private collections and has been shown nationally in California, Connecticut, New York, Indiana, Michigan, Oregon and Wyoming. She has exhibited extensively in the Northwest, including shows at Seattle University, Seattle PaciIic University, Shoreline Community College, the Tacoma and Seattle Convention Centers and the PaciIic Science Center.
I work primarily with acrylic and latex paints, inks, papers and charcoal. My images contain many diverse layers of meaning from the universal to the specific and personal. My works are often abstract. I am frequently interested in pattern and/or creating a rich sensual surface by making layer upon layer of marks. There is often an unseen history within these layers as images are obscured and revealed. My work may give reference to my experience with nature and/or universal symbols. At times it speaks to issues of social justice, identity, revelation and connection.


text:
Captains Reveal the Best Part of Being on the Team
By Celine Macura
Senior captains Mia Oginski, Robin Shum, and Alex Bruni reflect upon their favorite moments being part of the team. The thrill of the game, the excitement of achievement, and the friendships formed show how these captains look back on their final season.
Cartoons by Angelina Wang
Mia Oginski: the sisterhood of soccer
On the field, they're a team, but in the locker rooms, they're sisters. "Being a part of the team gives everyone a sense of community, family, and unification," said senior soccer captain Mia Oginski. "It's important that everyone shares a special, unbreakable bond, which is why we have 'soccer sisters.'" Soccer sisters is a system put in place for players to get to know each other off the field. They bring each other gifts on game day and encourage one another to play her best. The special familial bond is Oginski's favorite part of being on the team. She said, "Anyone new to the team will feel and be a part of it—everyone will feel welcome, and there is no better support system than your teammates and coach."
Robin Shum: the emotions of field hockey
Over time, the sport becomes more than just a game, and the stakes rise to more than just a win, but senior field hockey captain Robin Shum knows the team has prepared her for more than just a great play. "I've experienced everything from the frustrations of losing, to the pain of being injured, to the pride at making a good play or shooting a goal and winning a game," said Shum. Field hockey, she said, has taught her to balance both academics and extracurricular activities and manage a busy schedule. Shum hopes her team knows how capable they are and that they can overcome all obstacles, on and off the field. The aspects she has learned from leading the team make her confident she will succeed in the future.
Alex Bruni: the mindset of football
The Rebels are on a highly alert defense as the opposing team comes charging through. They successfully stop a pass with a side tackle, bringing the quarterback to the ground as the football fumbles out of his hands and lands haphazardly at the cleats of a Rebels linebacker. The final play is stopped, and both teams begin to shuffle off the field. The players call out "good game" to each other, but senior captain Alex Bruni hasn't been paying much attention to the scoreboard. "Win or lose, I never have a bad time when I'm with my team," said Bruni. "I'll definitely remember all of it throughout my life, and I'll miss football and my teammates a lot." It's not the score that counts, emphasized Bruni, but the experience.
Celine Macura


text:
Алан Шугарт () (27 вересня 1930 – 12 грудня 2006) – американський інженер, підприємець і бізнесмен, відомий як засновник сучасної промисловості комп'ютерних дисків.

Особисте життя
Народився у Лос-Анджелесі. Вищу освіту здобув в University of Redlands, де отримав ступінь з інженерної фізики.

У серпні 1951 року Шугарт уклав шлюб із Естер Марс (у дівоцтві Белл), що стала матір'ю 3 його дітей. У серпні 1973 цей шлюб розпався. Він вдруге одружився з Ритою Шугард (у дівоцтві Кеннеді), шлюб тривав із 1981 року до його смерті.

Кар'єра
Свою діяльність розпочав на заводі компанії IBM у Сан-Хосе. He worked on the IBM 305 RAMAC, and rose through a series of increasingly important positions to become the Direct Access Storage Product Manager, responsible for its disk storage products; IBM's most profitable businesses at that time. Among the groups reporting to Shugart was the team that invented the гнучкий диск.

Шугарт приєднався до компанії Memorex у 1969-му, працював на посаді віце-президента відділу обладнання і очолював розробку дискових підсистем серії 3660 (сумісна з IBM 2314) та 3670 (сумісна з IBM 3330). Його команда також розробила Memorex 650 — один з перших доступних комерційно дисководів для флоппі-дисків.

1973 він заснував компанію Shugart Associates, у жовтні 1974 року став її головним виконавчим директором (CEO). The company was later acquired by Xerox. Then he and Finis Conner started Shugart Technology in 1979, which soon changed its name to Seagate Technology.

Під керівництвом Шугарта компанія Seagate Technology стала найбільшим незалежним світовим виробником дискових пристроїв і супутніх компонентів. У липні 1998 Шугарт залишив свій пост у Seagate.

Політична діяльність

Визнання
1997-го року отримав премію імені Рейнольда Джонсона від підрозділу систем збереження інформації IEEE ().
У 2005-му отримав звання дійсного члена () Музею комп'ютерної історії «за життєві досягнення, що призвели до створення сучасної індустрії дискових накопичувачів».

Примітки

Інженери США
Підприємці США
Бізнесмени агломерації Сан-Франциської затоки
Уродженці Лос-Анджелеса
Померли в Каліфорнії
Головні виконавчі директори США


text:
Q: How to make a HTML file on Apache webserver accessible from other devices and locations via a web browser [I have already installed and set up Apache2; this is not a duplicate question, please see below]
I have uploaded a HTML file to the Apache2 localhost web server, using the default :8000 port. I want this file to be accessible via a web browser on another device in another location, by entering a WWW domain into a search engine. In other words, I want to create a fully accessible website while keeping the HTML files for my website on the Apache web server.
I would appreciate any help I can get.

A: Place the file like this /var/www/html/index.html. Then go to /etc/apache2/sites-available, here create a file index.conf and add the following
<VirtualHost *:80>
        ServerName test.com
        ServerAdmin info@test.com
        ServerAlias www.test.com
        DocumentRoot /var/www/html

        <Directory /var/www/html>
                Require all granted
        </Directory>

        ErrorLog ${APACHE_LOG_DIR}/error.log
        CustomLog ${APACHE_LOG_DIR}/access.log combined

</VirtualHost>

As I did forgot and E. Yagmahan mentioned save your file and run this command:
sudo a2ensite index.conf

This command will enable your configuration file.
After all that run this:
sudo systemctl restart apache2

A: In addition to the answers of thirteen3054:
After creating the new file index.conf you should enable it via:
sudo a2ensite index.conf

Doing that enables the specified site within the apache2 configuration. It does this by creating symlinks within /etc/apache2/sites-enabled. (Likewise, "a2dissite" disables a site by removing those symlinks.)

A: Place the file like this /var/www/html/index.html. Then go to /etc/apache2/sites-available, here create a file index.conf and add the following

        ServerName test.com
        ServerAdmin info@test.com
        ServerAlias www.test.com
        DocumentRoot /var/www/html
    <Directory /var/www/html>
            Require all granted
    </Directory>

    ErrorLog ${APACHE_LOG_DIR}/error.log
    CustomLog ${APACHE_LOG_DIR}/access.log combined

save your file and run this command:
sudo a2ensite index.conf
This command will enable your configuration file.
After all that run this:
/etc/init.d/apache2 restart

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


As of May 1, 2016, review of water availability for development has shifted from Public Health to Planning and Development Services. Per RCW 19.27.097, each application for a building permit for a building necessitating potable water must provide evidence of an adequate water supply for the use of the building.
Adequate water supply: a water supply which is capable of supplying at least 350 gallons of water per day, meets siting criteria established by State and local regulations, and meets water quality standards in SCC 12.48.110.
Alternative Water Source: a water source other than a drilled well drilled by a licensed well driller.
Group A Water System: a water system that serves 15 or more connections or 25 or more people for at least 60 days per year. To construct a Group A system, the applicant must meet the requirements of WAC 246-290 and receive approval from the State Department of Health. WAC 246-290 covers both federal and state requirements, including system design criteria, source water protection, water quality, and, if necessary, water treatment.
Group B Water System: a water system that meets the criteria for a public water system but does not meet the criteria to be a Group A system. To construct a Group B system, the applicant must meet the requirements of WAC 246-291 and Skagit County Code Chapter 12.48.
Individual Water System: a water system for a single house.
Public Water System: a water system with multiple houses on one drilled well source.
Water rights: grants from the State of Washington establishing a legal beneficial use of the water. More info from the Department of Ecology.
Water Well Report: a report that a licensed well driller creates to document the drilled well providing information on the water quantity and the geological layers drilled through to find the fresh water aquifer. Required to the Department of Ecology within 30 days of completing the well.
Well Delegation: a Department of Ecology program that delegates to Counties to view the installation of drilled well seals and abandonments.