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John J. Dilulio, Jr: The Rise and Fall of the US Government
January 14, 2015 ·	by Rise Up Times ·	in Congress, Government/Politics, U.S. Economy	· 2 Comments
Afflicted by deep polarization among elites and mass mistrust of government, America's repatrimonialized republic has descended into what Fukuyama terms a "vetocracy," a paralytic liberal democratic regime in which not even clear and present fiscal, foreign or other dangers elicit sound and timely policy decisions.
By John J. Dilulio, Jr. Moyers and Company January 10, 2015
Moyers & Company — Editors' Note: We're pleased to publish the article below, reprinted with permission of Washington Monthly magazine. Written by John Dilulio Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania, it reviews the most recent work of political scientist Francis Fukuyama, the former neoconservative whose views are always provocative and informed by a comprehensive knowledge of history.
More than a book review, in examining Fukuyama's theories, Dilulio's essay also is a compelling and thoughtful analysis of the state of American liberal democracy, the current dysfunction of its government and what could be done to repair the damage wrought by greed, interference and ineptitude. We welcome your comments.
In 1985, Harvard University hosted a conference celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the publication of political scientist Louis Hartz's The Liberal Tradition in America. In that classic book, Hartz explained the virtual absence of European-style socialism in America as resulting from the total absence of European-style feudalism in America. My doctoral dissertation's co-adviser, Samuel Huntington, prodded me to attend the conference, knowing I had read the book in his graduate political development seminar. Hartz, who died the next year, was not present. That was probably fortunate, because, being thirty years younger and at least thirty times brasher than I am today, I proceeded to attack key aspects of Hartz's thesis — noting, among other things, that there were far greater class divisions in 18th- and 19th-century America than Hartz allowed. A senior Harvard faculty member, visibly perturbed by my take-no-prisoners critique of Hartz's book, grumbled that I was "obviously" mistaken. "You claim to have found fleas on the lion," he intoned, "but there is a lion beneath the fleas."
I recalled that incident while reading Francis Fukuyama's latest work, Political Order and Political Decay. In this book Fukuyama, also a student of Huntington's, updates his mentor's influential 1968 Political Order in Changing Societies, which argued for the importance of political institutions in the ability of developing countries to modernize. While there are many fleas on Fukuyama's nearly 700-page tome, including historical glosses and overgeneralizations, none are even close to being fatal. Fukuyama is a true intellectual lion. (And he shares my take on Hartz.)
In the 1980s, Fukuyama, a Harvard-trained political scientist who worked at the RAND Corporation and in the U.S. State Department, was among the first analysts to foresee the Soviet Union's fall and Germany's reunification. In a 1989 essay in theNational Interest, Fukuyama wondered whether we might be witnessing not just "the end of the Cold War" but "the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government."
In 1992, in the best-selling The End of History and the Last Man, Fukuyama forecast that liberal democracy's global march would deliver peace, prosperity, and personal security to billions, but he fretted that over time people might become so alienated by liberal democracy's benefits and bounty as to "assert themselves in new and unforeseen ways," and maybe even engage "in bloody prestige battles, this time with modern weapons.
Credit: The Washington Monthly
Today, the brilliant and public-spirited Fukuyama, a senior fellow at Stanford University's Spogli Institute for International Studies, wears an older, wiser and more practical public intellectual's clothes. In his 2011 book, The Origins of Political Order, he meditated for nearly 600 pages on the biological bases of human sociality, the trek from the Neanderthal clan to the Napoleonic Code, and the global transition from tribal cultures to early nation-states.
Now, in the second installment of this two-volume treatise, Political Order and Political Decay, Fukuyama picks up where the French Revolution left off and proceeds to the present.
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While he stresses that liberal democracy is not "humanly universal," he still believes that there is "a clear directionality to the process of political development" that favors liberal democracy. But, in stark contrast to The End of History and his concern over hypothetical last men and their possible discontents, in his latest book he is worried about liberal democracies not sustaining themselves and notreliably delivering peace, prosperity, and personal security to their peoples. As he writes, if "there has been a single problem facing contemporary democracies, whether aspiring or well established, it has been centered in their failure to provide the substance of what people want from government: personal security, shared economic growth, and quality of basic public services like education, health, and infrastructure that are needed to achieve individual opportunity."From Africa to Asia to the Americas, he frets, there is a political deficit wrought by a lack of "modern states that are capable, impersonal, well organized, and autonomous" rather than "weak and ineffective" (emphasis in the original).
Now, in the second installment of this two-volume treatise, Political Order and Political Decay, Fukuyama picks up where the French Revolution left off and proceeds to the "Modern" states, as opposed to what the sociologist Max Weber called "patrimonial" ones. In patrimonial states, Fukuyama explains, the ruler "used his family or household, and friends — oftentimes the warriors who helped him conquer the territory in the first place — to staff his administration" and run it almost exclusively for their benefit. By contrast, modern states are staffed by officials chosen on the basis of merit and expertise, and run for the sake of a broad public interest. Modern states succeed patrimonial ones by delegitimizing the tendency to favor family and friends and instituting civil service examinations, merit qualifications, and rules against bribery, corruption, and conflicts of interest.
But differences in history, culture, geography, and leadership produce differences in modern state building from one country or continent to the next. Most African nations, Fukuyama reckons, are badly afflicted by what he terms "neopatrimonialism": each has "the outward form of a modern state, with a constitution … a legal system, and pretensions of impersonality, but the actual operation of government remains at core a matter of sharing state resources with family and friends." In Turkey, Brazil, and some other nations, the problem is not so much neopatrimonialism as it is political institutions that are proving too rigid to adapt to social change. In the Middle East and elsewhere in the world, political violence remains sadly but stubbornly "integral … to the creation of modern states."
Today's most vexing governance problems, however, are to be found in well-established liberal democracies that are undergoing "repatrimonialization," a term Fukuyama uses to describe the capture of ostensibly impersonal state institutions by powerful elites. Britain, Japan, and other liberal democracies each face serious challenges, but the United States, the world's first and most advanced liberal democracy, has suffered the most from repatrimonialization. "While the American economy remains a source of miraculous innovation, American government is hardly a source of inspiration around the world at the present moment."
That the federal government has become paralyzed, dysfunctional and captured by moneyed elites is, of course, not news. Fukuyama's contribution is to situate this condition within a grand historical analysis of how nations and political systems advance and decline.
Despite the Kennedys, Bushes and Clintons, America is safely past overt nepotism and other neopatrimonial practices. Instead, over the last half century, America's political decay has been fueled by what Fukuyama characterizes as a new "tribalism" that authorizes influence peddling at the highest levels of modern politics. American government, Fukuyama declares, is now dominated by "interest groups that are able to effectively buy politicians with campaign contributions and lobbying." This perfectly legal vote buying is an insidious form of "clientelism" practiced with huge sums of money and at a much larger scale than ever before.
Congress is now controlled by politicians who raise money and win reelection by granting political favors to their supporters. For example, high-priced lobbyists for Wall Street first devised the deregulation that made too-big-to-fail banks possible, and then fashioned the faux financial fix-it legislation that followed the 2008 economic crisis. These new laws featured a "highly complex stew of new regulations" that could not be well implemented and "would likely not solve the underlying … problem even if they were." Similarly, Fukuyama parses the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010, aka Obamacare, characterizing it as a 900-page "monstrosity" enacted on party-line votes and forged by "concessions and side payments made to interest groups, including doctors, insurance companies, and the pharmaceutical industry."
But, as Fukuyama sees it, even worse than the buying of federal policies by moneyed interests are the bureaucracies that implement those policies. Citing substantial evidence from public administration specialists, he argues that the overall quality of the American government has been deteriorating steadily for more than a generation and that the US civil service has been "decomposing since the 1970s." He invokes two reports by the National Commission on the Public Service (better known as the Volcker Commission), the first one released in 1989 and the second one released in 2003. The latter report described the federal workforce as under-trained and under-motivated, with its best workers underpaid and its worst workers overpaid.
That the federal government has become paralyzed, dysfunctional and captured by moneyed elites is, of course, not news. Fukuyama's contribution is to situate this condition within a grand historical analysis of how nations and political systems advance and decline. It is also noteworthy that his analysis runs counter to the views of most contemporary conservative thinkers, among whom Fukuyama is usually grouped. America's dilemma is not that its central government is too powerful, says Fukuyama, but that it has grown too weak. He is right, though he largely misses, as do many, a major cause of this decline.
Fukuyama theorizes that there are three institutions that co-produce political order and that, when in some proper balance, tend to result in prosperous, well-governed liberal democratic regimes: the state and its bureaucratic machinery; the rule of law and its impartial administration; and the public accountability mechanisms generally associated with democratic norms, choices and elections. Hence, there's nothing wrong in Denmark, Fukuyama's iconographic example of an older "society that is prosperous, democratic, secure, well governed, and experiences low levels of corruption" because it has long managed to keep its modern "state, strong rule of law, and democratic accountability" mechanisms in near-perfect equilibrium.
Other nations, however, do not possess this balance, or even have all three institutions in fully evolved form. China, Fukuyama judges, has a strong central state bureaucracy — indeed, it was the first civilization to have one, some 2,000 years before the West — and leaders who, if not democratically accountable, have managed to stay focused on the basic needs of its citizens. What China lacks most, argues Fukuyama, is true rule of law, which in other nations evolved as an outgrowth of universalist religions and which Confucian China has also traditionally lacked. India, on the other hand, has a stronger rule of law and a remarkably successful democracy. But, like many other nations, it suffers from "a failure of the state" begat by "bureaucracies at local, state, and national levels" that remain either too corrupt or too incompetent to supply citizens with decent public services.
In political development terms, Fukuyama believes the United States, too, to be "trapped in a bad equilibrium." It has long had a robust rule of law and a hardy, almost hyperactive, democratic accountability regime. But it now harbors a sprawling public sector without having a strong, competent, modern state with autonomous bureaucracies.
As he notes repeatedly, where political development is concerned, "sequencing … matters enormously." In short, nations that fail to build strong state agencies before they democratize have a hard time doing so afterward. In America, respect for the rule of law was present at the nation's creation. The country also democratized early, opening the vote to all white males in the 1820s, decades before any country in Europe. But it was relatively slow to create autonomous, impartial state bureaucracies thanks to a national temperament that militated against central governmental authority.
Instead, starting in the Jacksonian period, the Founders' patrimonial "elite patronage system" was converted into "a mass clientelistic one" characterized by the "trading of votes and political support for individual benefits rather than programmatic policies." Think of urban political bosses passing out Christmas turkeys, or the scenes in the recent movie Lincoln in which Honest Abe's shadowy henchmen secure the support of lame-duck Democrat congressmen for the Thirteenth Amendment with offers of jobs as federal postmasters, and you get the idea. Clientism, Fukuyama observes, occurs "when democracy arrives before a modern state has had time to consolidate into an autonomous institution with its own supporting political coalition." It is thus best understood as "an early form of democracy."
Though some state building occurred through Lincoln's prosecution of the Civil War, for decades America retained a clientelistic government by "courts and parties," not a "centralized, bureaucratic, and autonomous state of the sort that had been created in Prussia, France, and Britain." Only toward the end of the nineteenth century did the United States begin the decades-long process of central state building. But whereas in Europe as well as China, strong professionalized bureaucracies evolved as defenses against military threats, in America they arose from internal political struggle, specifically the Progressive Movement. Fukuyama credits Progressive reformers, allied intellectual elites, and their middle-class minions with sending America's patrimonialism and clientelism packing, at least for a half century or so. He paints the Progressive political coalition as motivated by a "passionate moralism" centering on the "values of education, merit, organization, and honesty," but also fueled by a revanchist desire to "recoup the social status" that their Anglo-Protestant predecessors had lost to "Jacksonian populism."
The Progressives succeeded through measures that included the Pendleton Act of 1883, the expansion of the federal civil service system, and the dawn of professionalized state and local government agencies. Progressive reformers, and later those of the New Deal, "tried to construct a European-style administrative state." But they did so against an ingrained national suspicion of "Big Government."
Still, despite Progressive reform efforts that were backed by forceful leaders including Teddy Roosevelt, the "end of the patronage system at the federal level did not arrive until the middle of the twentieth century." Even then, most Americans and their leaders mistrusted government and refused to "delegate to the government authority to make decisions in the manner of other democratic societies."
The result was often agencies with insufficient autonomy from Congress and the courts to resist capture by powerful industries. Fukuyama's example of a federal agency crippled from birth is the Interstate Commerce Commission, tasked in 1887 with regulating the railroads. From the first, it had "too little power." By the time the ICC was abolished in 1996, it had gone from exercising too little power "to imposing an excessive regulatory burden." He blames the ICC's sorry record on "the design of the American state, with its complex system of checks and balances."
By contrast, Fukuyama holds up the US Forest Service as a case study of a bureaucracy that began with integrity but decayed over time. The agency, he gushes, was "the premier example of American state building during the Progressive era," a "shining example of a high-quality American bureaucracy," and "the gold standard of American bureaucracies." Situated within the Department of Agriculture, in 1905 the new agency replaced its patronage-ridden predecessor. It was staffed by "university-educated agronomists and foresters, chosen on the basis of merit and technical expertise."
The "formative" issue in Progressive Era "American state building," Fukuyama proclaims, "was bureaucratic autonomy: the idea that professionals in the [Forest Service] and not politicians in Congress should be the ones to make decisions on the allocations of public lands." The agency's first leader, Gifford Pinchot, a close friend of Teddy Roosevelt's, mobilized conservationists and beat back efforts by the ultra-powerful House speaker, "Czar" Joe Cannon, to make the agency a welcome mat for business interests. Pinchot, Fukuyama claims, "created a high-quality agency" with a single, clear-cut, and depoliticized mission, namely, "neither fire suppression nor conservation per se but rather the sustainable exploitation of forest resources — in other words, timber harvesting."
As Fukuyama tells it, during its first half century the Forest Service was free from "congressional interference." But in "the middle decades of the twentieth century," Congress, "excluded from the micromanagement of land sales back in 1905, reinserted itself." The Forest Service's "clear, single mission was replaced by multiple and potentially conflicting mandates" that emanated from diverse congressional client groups including "consumers of timber, environmentalists, homeowners, western developers, young people seeking temporary jobs as firefighters," and others. Congress added conflicting objectives to the agency's traditional "timber exploitation" task.
As Congress multiplied its mandates, the agency's leaders became enmeshed in battles like the one between environmentalists who favored a "let burn policy" and "homeowners living at the wildland-urban interface." No longer shielded from such political crossfires by "a single, coherent mandate," the agency's workers succumbed to "recolonization by their clients" and "clung to old mandates even when both science and the society around them were changing."
Thus, supposedly, did the once "small, cohesive agency" steadily "evolve into a large, balkanized one," complete "with bureaucrats more interested in protecting their budgets and jobs than in the efficient performance of their mandates." "The travails of the Forest Service," Fukuyama concludes, are an "example of a broader phenomenon of political decay."
It is perhaps inevitable that a thinker with such sweeping erudition as Fukuyama, whose interests range from thirteenth-century Mamluk slaveholders to the theories of Oswald Spengler, might get a few things wrong. His narrative of the Forest Service is an especially significant example, for it leads him to misconstrue the actual way bureaucracies in America behave, and to miss one of the most profound reasons for their recent decay.
While timber harvesting was once unquestionably its job one, the Forest Service never truly had a single mission. Fukuyama cites Herbert Kaufman's 1960 classic, The Forest Ranger, regarding how the agency succeeded in building a cohesive culture even though "the individual forest rangers live in highly dispersed locations." But the very pages of Kaufman's book that he cites open a chapter headed "The Size and Complexity of the Forest Service Job." Kaufman made clear that the job had long since included not only timber harvesting but fire control, watershed management, livestock grazing, insect and disease control, and more. Indeed, Kaufman's chapter on "Challenges to Unity" delineates how the rangers struggled to avoid "capture" by one or another competing external client group, and how congressional in-reaching for various constituencies routinely got prompt attention and caused "reverberations throughout the hierarchy of the Forest Service."
In Fukuyama's sweeping American political decay narrative, the post-1970 federal bureaucracy has "moved away from the Weberian ideal of an energetic and efficient organization staffed by people chosen for their ability and technical knowledge," and the Forest Service is his Exhibit A. But neither the Forest Service, nor, to my knowledge, any other federal bureau, was ever truly organized around any such ideal in the first place.
Consider, for example, Fukuyama's too-pat take on the so-called Pinchot-Ballinger dispute, which resulted in Pinchot being fired by President William Taft. Fukuyama asserts that "old-style corruption" led to the firing. Richard Ballinger was Taft's secretary of the interior, and was opposed by conservationists because he favored reopening certain federal lands to commercial uses. An Interior official charged that he had violated federal law by opening Alaskan coal fields to powerful private mining interests. Two Forest Service officials backed the whistle-blower, and Pinchot backed them. Fukuyama notes that in 1911, Congress passed a law (the Weeks Act) that "constituted the final consolidation of the bureau's powers" over public lands. He cites Pinchot's 1947 autobiography, praises the "charismatic early leader" for creating "an institution" that survived "his departure," and acknowledges that Pinchot was a "political operator" who had "spent years cultivating a wide range of groups."
But Fukuyama might also have noted that those same interest groups energetically cultivated Chief Pinchot and his top Forest Service aides. Pinchot defied his Agriculture Department administrative superiors, ignored a direct appeal from Taft (aka the chief executive), and violated agency protocols by writing a letter on the Ballinger matter to a sitting member of Congress, who then publicized the missive on the Senate floor. In fact, following several in-depth investigations, the charges against Ballinger were dismissed. In 1911, Taft fired Pinchot for administrative insubordination. Unfazed by his firing, Pinchot politicked his way to a post as Pennsylvania's forestry boss, and he later won two terms as Pennsylvania's pro-Prohibition governor. Pinchot also made three unsuccessful bids for a U.S. Senate seat and failed on his third bid for the Pennsylvania governor's mansion.
In sum, Pinchot practiced Progressive politics, high and low, as a vote-seeking vocation. If anything, Pinchot's 16 successors as chief, including the nine who served after 1970 right down to the present director, Thomas L. Tidwell, a 37-year veteran of the agency who started out as a district ranger, were closer to being professional, nonpartisan public administrators than Pinchot ever was. Even during its Progressive reform salad days and five "Weberian ideal" decades, the Forest Service was about as close to being a Prussian-style bureaucracy as its iconic Smokey the Bear was to being a real talking bear.
Historical gloss aside, Fukuyama is correct that today's Forest Service is a "highly dysfunctional bureaucracy performing an outmoded mission with the wrong tools." But, contrary to his analysis, the present-day Forest Service's poor performance is not due mainly to bureaucrats protecting their jobs, fluffing their budgets, clinging to old mandates, ducking behind union bosses, or factionalizing internally in ways that reflect capture by competing external client groups, each with its sponsors in Congress or its protectors in the courts.
Rather, today's Forest Service is an agency with a $6 billion budget and about 30,000 full-time workers — 5,000 fewer than it had two decades ago, spread across two dozen administrative units, nine regions, seven research stations, and several Washington, DC, offices. These federal bureaucrats are responsible for the "multiple-use management" of nearly 200 million acres of public lands.
Today's Forest Service depends heavily on volunteers (more than 100,000 a year), part-time workers, and for-profit contractors and grantees. In 2008, the Government Accountability Office warned about "the cumulative effect that outsourcing a large number of federal jobs could have on" the agency's "firefighting capability" and related functions. In 2010, the USDA's Office of the Inspector General echoed that warning, as did another GAO report in 2011, saying that "a lack of qualified firefighters due to retirements and inadequate planning could jeopardize the Forest Service's ability to accomplish its wildland fire suppression mission, resulting in loss of more property and natural resources and increased safety risks to fire suppression personnel."
As documented in a 2013 report by the Congressional Research Service, between 2010 and 2012 the number of acres burned more than doubled, to about nine million, and the number of structures destroyed increased more than sixfold, to about 5,200. Yet in recent years, the agency has been losing veteran workers faster than it can possibly replace them, its core fire prevention/suppression workforce has not grown, and it has lacked sufficient firefighting aircrafts.
By the same token, a 2013 GAO report detailed how, despite its extensive use of "volunteer labor," the Forest Service now has a grave and growing "maintenance backlog" on more than a third of the 158,000 trail miles that not only service recreational users but also serve as "access for timber harvesting or firefighting," and the time the agency's full-time workers spend "managing volunteers can decrease the time" they can focus on other tasks.
Those neglected other tasks include overseeing the agency's contractors. A 2014 GAO report documented that the Forest Service makes only hit-or-miss use of performance-based contracts, and does not "consistently assess contractor performance as required." Together with two other USDA agencies, in fiscal years 2009 through 2013 the Forest Service failed to follow basic federal contract oversight protocols to the tune of nearly $800 million of the funds obligated to contracts for assorted professional and support services.
In recent surveys, most Forest Service employees have indicated that while they believe in their storied agency's multiple-use mission, like what they do, and respect their immediate supervisors, they lack confidence in their leadership and are to varying degrees demoralized.
Much more important than the size of government," observes Fukuyama, "is its quality." Amen; and immediately following his Forest Service saga, Fukuyama notes that while "the mandates on government to do various things, from reducing child poverty to fighting terrorism, have indeed expanded dramatically," the "actual size of the federal workforce has been capped at approximately 2.25 million since the end of World War II, and subject to repeated bouts of downsizing." He continues, "What has expanded are, first, a series of authorities that perform public functions while remaining separate from government, and an army of unaccountable contractors who do everything from providing cafeteria services to protecting diplomats to managing the computer systems for the National Security Agency."
Unfortunately, Fukuyama does not hold that thought about government growth through contracting out. Had he mined and refined his insight about outsourcing, he might have realized how much America's post-1970 political decay owes to the ongoing explosion in what public administration scholar Donald Kettl has termed "government by proxy."
Fukuyama is right about Congress being the main culprit behind the nation's political decay. But he needed to puzzle over why Congress has record-low approval ratings yet sky-high incumbent reelection rates. The answer is that, for all the mass public's anti-Washington sentiments, most American voters are getting precisely what they want from the federal government, namely, ever more benefits without ever higher taxes and without ever bigger bureaucracies.
As the great American federalism scholar Martha Derthick has observed, "Congress loves action — it thrives on policy proclamation and goal setting — but it hates bureaucracy and taxes, which are the instruments of action," so it has institutionalized debt financing while "turning over the bulk of administration to the state governments or any organizational instrumentality it can lay its hands on whose employees are not counted on the federal payroll."
Echoing Kettl and Derthick, in a little book published in 2014, Bring Back the Bureaucrats, I argued that for a half century now America's huge and hugely dysfunctional government has worked by borrowing billions of dollars a year from foreigners and from Americans who are not yet born, and by hiring tens of millions of Americans each year who are never counted on the federal payroll. Congress masks government's huge spending by debt financing, and it masks government's huge scope by paying three types of federal proxies — state and local government workers, for-profit business contractors, and nonprofit organization grantees — to administer federal policies, programs and regulations.
America's post-1970 big government is actually a big intergovernment by proxy. The World Bank financial data that Fukuyama cites measures only the national government's taxing and spending in relation to gross domestic product. All told, federal, state, and local government tax revenues are equivalent to about a third of GDP, while combined government spending has in recent years hovered around 40 percent of GDP (about 24 percent federal and 16 percent subnational). Adjusted for cross-national differences in accounting practices, total government spending in the United States as a percentage of GDP is just a couple points below the average for the seventeen so-called euro area democracies.
Today, more than two dozen federal departments and agencies spend a combined total of over $600 billion a year on more than 200 intergovernmental grant programs for state and local governments. Washington also spends over $500 billion a year on contracts with for-profit firms. About a third of the nonprofit sector's more than $2 trillion in annual revenues now flows from some government source.
The federal workforce was smaller in 2013 than it was in 26 of the 53 years since 1960, and much smaller than it was in 1960 relative to annual federal expenditures (about one-fourth as large), pages in the Federal Register (about a fifth as large), and the total US population (less than half as large). Whether in the Forest Service, the Internal Revenue Service, the Social Security Administration, the Environmental Protection Agency, or many other understaffed federal agencies, is it any wonder that federal workers do not always seem up to their jobs and often report being demoralized?
While the post-1970 federal civilian workforce has hovered around two million full-time bureaucrats, the state and local government workforce roughly tripled, to more than 18 million. Many subnational government workers function as de facto federal bureaucrats. The Department of Defense alone obligates more than $300 billion a year to private contractors. The DOD has roughly 800,000 civilian workers plus the equivalent of some 700,000 full-time contract employees. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 was a roughly $800 billion "stimulus bill" that dedicated about $250 billion to more than 80,000 federal grants, contracts, or loans to state and local governments, for-profit businesses, and nonprofit organizations.
Washington's proxy-government clientelism consists of state and local government officials, heads of for-profit corporations, and leaders of nonprofit organizations that incessantly advocate for federal policies, programs, and regulations that they are paid to administer or co-administer, or hope to. For instance, drug companies virtually wrote certain Obamacare provisions, and during one two-year period organizations that won federal funds to implement Obamacare spent more than $100 million on lobbying.
Fukuyama is harder than he should be on public employee unions. Neither they nor the bureaucrats they represent should be blamed for budget deficits or performance failures. And contrary to what assorted antigovernment crazies have claimed, further clipping the federal workforce would have no far-reaching fiscal effects. Indeed, eliminating the entire federal civilian workforce and its payroll (about $250 billion a year in wages and benefits) would save far less than the federal government now spends each year just on Medicare beneficiaries (about $600 billion), and less than it now spends each year just on for-profit defense contractors (more than $300 billion).
The federal civil service is overloaded, not bloated. The failed Federal Emergency Management Agency response to Hurricane Katrina in 2005 hit when FEMA had only about 2,100 employees and had recently lost many senior managers. The badly bollixed launch of Obamacare health exchanges in 2013 involved scores of contractors and was overseen by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, a federal center with fewer than 5,000 employees. The Internal Revenue Service fails to collect more than $300 billion a year in taxes it knows are owed, in part because it lacks the necessary personnel.
Fukuyama is correct that America has never had a fully "centralized, bureaucratic, and autonomous state"; but he is wrong to imply that America needs one. What America does need is a federal public administration workforce that relies less on proxies and more on full-time bureaucrats who are well selected, well trained, well motivated, well rewarded financially, and well respected by one and all.
American government is decaying mainly because it has too few federal bureaucrats chasing after too many federal proxies, monitoring too many federal grants and contracts, and handling too many dollars. The way forward is to de-leverage the federal government by defunding its nonessential proxies and relying more on full-time federal civil servants to directly administer federal policies, programs, and regulations. Over time, hiring more federal bureaucrats while pruning proxies would result in a federal government less beset by grant-seeking and contract-mongering special interests, more "faithfully executed" by the executive branch, and less bollixed by the Congress and its dozens of massively dysfunctional administrative oversight committees and subcommittees.
There are many steps on the path to reversing America's political decay by proxy. We need to reinvent federal grants-in-aid to the states, drain the federal for-profit contracting swamps, and wring more public value from grants to nonprofits. But we also quite simply need to hire more federal bureaucrats. The federal bureaucracy is more nearly the solution than the problem. InBring Back the Bureaucrats, I crudely calculated that we need about one million more full-time federal workers by 2035 in order to serve the public, stop draining its purse, start improving performance, and create an actual system of national public administration.
America's political decay is fed daily by public disdain for public servants and fueled each election season by bovine congresspersons in both parties who score points with voters by bashing "the bureaucrats" and "running against Washington." The first step toward slowing or reversing America's political decay is to recognize how for-profit contractors and other administrative proxies have rigged the system in their own interest, expand the federal civil service, and start treating federal bureaucrats as if our public well-being depended on them — for it does.
Copyright 2014 Washington Monthly Publishing, LLC
John J. Dilulio Jr., is the Frederic Fox Leadership professor of Politics, Religion, and Civil Society at the University of Pennsylvania/ He is a member of the National Academy of Public Administration and served as first director of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives under President George W. Bush.
Tags: American politics, corrupt Congress, liberal tradition in America, Pendleton Act, Progressive reform, U.S. bureaucracy, U.S. Congress, U.S. economy, U.S. empire, U.S. Government
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text:
Treize est un téléfilm (1981) d'après un scénario de Michel Creton, réalisé par Patrick Villechaize.

Synopsis
A trente-trois ans, Pierre Mallois, marié à la douce Claire qui lui tient, est le capitaine de l'équipe de basket l'A.S. Denain-Voltaire. Ancien international, il a toute la confiance de ses dirigeants et des supporteurs. Or, son équipe doit disputer le titre national face au C.O. Beauvais. Dans cette rencontre, Pierre fait une partie moyenne et le public découvre une nouvelle coqueluche, Didier Varence. C'est aussi le début d'un conflit familial entre Pierre et la fidèle Claire - et avec le fils Raphael...

Distribution
 Michel Creton : Pierre Mallois
 Claude Jade : Claire Mallois
 Raphaël Creton : Raphael Mallois
 Jess Hahn : Bob
 Valéry Demory : Didier Varence
 Gaby Murzin : Basketteur AS Denain Voltaire

Lien externe

Téléfilm français des années 1980
Téléfilm diffusé en 1981

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Keeley Age: 29. If you're tire of fake girls and girls faking it, come see meI like to travel to foreign countries, to see new places, to learn about their cultures and experience their lifestyle.So,apparently having nothing new to say in this box, something that haven't been said by others before me, i can only invite you to know me better and to see if all above are true and more.hi! I am vanessa.
What it is: A nondrying facial cleanser that removes makeup and impurities for clean, soft skin. What it is formulated to do: This multitasking formula cleanses.
Description:Combination, Medium, Not Sure Hair: Black, Straight, Fine Eyes: Brown I really do like this product a lot.


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UN Charter and Marriage Equality, A Serendipitous Day in San Francisco
By: Mark Leon Goldberg on June 26, 2015
The pre-amble to the UN Charter is an impressive expression of idealism. Even in the wake of World War Two, world leaders had an expectation that humanity was going to lift itself up from the degradations experienced in the years prior. It's worth reading in full.
WE THE PEOPLES OF THE UNITED NATIONS DETERMINED to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to regain faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,
AND FOR THESE ENDS…to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours, and to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods, that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest, and to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples,
HAVE RESOLVED TO COMBINE OUR EFFORTS TO ACCOMPLISH THESE AIMS…Accordingly, our respective Governments, through representatives assembled in the city of San Francisco, who have exhibited their full powers found to be in good and due form, have agreed to the present Charter of the United Nations and do hereby establish an international organization to be known as the United Nations.
Those words became the foundation of the United Nations. And exactly 70 years to the day that world leaders gathered in the United States to sign this expression of a more hopeful future, the United States Supreme Court offered a profound affirmation of the human rights of one of the world's most historically marginalized peoples.
The timing of the Supreme Court's decision could not have been more serendipitous for Ban Ki Moon who was visiting San Francisco to both commemorate the 70th anniversary of the 1945 San Francisco Conference that birthed the United Nations and accept an award from the Harvey Milk Foundation.
Both events took place at City Hall, where 37 years ago Harvey Milk was the victim of a hate crime and not far from the spot where, on June 26 1945, the UN Charter was signed by the UN's founding members. Flanked by Mayor Ed Lee, Governor Jerry Brown, Nancy Pelosi–and with Nobel Peace Prize laureate Malala Yousavzai looking on — Ban noted that the Charter was one month older than him, but even as a child he quickly learned the value of the UN, first hand.
"When the Korean War ravaged my country, I lost my home, my school, all I knew," he said. "Help came bearing the United Nations flag: sacks of grain from UNICEF, textbooks from UNESCO, and many young soldiers from 21 nations, including the United States. The United Nations showed us we were not alone."
Moments after accepting the Key to the City of San Francisco, Ban Ki Moon was honored by the Harvey Milk Foundation for his support of LGBT rights around the world. Ban started the UN's Free and Equal Campaign in 2011 to combat discrimination, and during his tenure as Secretary General he has consistently fought for the expansion of basic human rights for the LGBT community. Even the normally humble Ban Ki Moon acknowledged that the mainstreaming of LGBT Rights into the traditional human rights agenda of the United Nations will likely be his most enduring legacy as Secretary General when his term expires at the end of next year.
And it all goes back to the UN Charter, which gives the UN a platform to push the boundaries of human rights.
Today was very much a day of celebration for Ban Ki Moon and for the city of San Francisco, which gave birth to both the United Nations and to the modern LGBT Rights movement. But most important, today is an affirmation that the idealism enshrined in the UN Charter, which asks us to "regain faith in fundamental human rights," is as relevant today as it was 70 years ago.
#UN70
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The UN Charter Turns 70 Years Old This Week. Here's The Story of How it Came to Life
Trending analysis posts

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Christian White is an Australian author and screenwriter whose projects include feature film Relic. The Nowhere Child is his first book and one of Australia's bestselling debut novels ever. An early draft of this novel won the 2017 Victorian Premier's Literary Award for an Unpublished Manuscript. Since publication, The Nowhere Child has been shortlisted for major awards, including the Australian Book Industry Awards' General Fiction Book of the Year, Matt Richell Award for New Writer of the Year and the Indie Book Awards' Debut Fiction Book of the Year. Rights to The Nowhere Child have been sold in 16 territories around the world, and were acquired in a major screen deal by Anonymous Content (US) and Carver Films (Australia). Christian's keenly awaited second book, The Wife and the Widow will be published in Australia by Affirm Press in October 2019. Christian lives in Melbourne with his wife, filmmaker Summer DeRoche, and their adopted greyhound, Issy.
A nervy, soulful, genuinely surprising it-could-happen-to-you thriller - a book to make you peer over your shoulder for days afterwards. - A.J. Finn, bestselling author of The Woman in the Window[An] outstanding debut. Thriller fans will want to savor every crumb of evidence and catch every clue. White is definitely a writer to watch. - Publisher s Weekly (USA), starred review[White] is a born storyteller, one who seems to instinctively understand the weave off a proper yarn, and The Nowhere Child is tight, gripping and impressive in all the right places. - The Saturday PaperHugely entertaining ... a multifaceted, unsettling debut. - The Age
Home » Books » Fiction & Literature » Crime
Home » Books » Fiction & Literature » Mystery & Detective » General
The Wife And Widow Books
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Christian White


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Apple's 2018 hardware blitz! [Cult of Mac Magazine]
By Lewis Wallace • 8:00 am, November 3, 2018
What a week!
Cover: Leander Kahney/Cult of Mac
This week was one heckuva wild ride for Apple fans. First we got new MacBook Airs, iPad Pros, Mac minis and Apple Pencils. Then Apple threw Wall Street a curveball during yet another surprising (and surprisingly positive) earnings call.
Get the scoop on the latest Apple hardware, plus reviews and how-tos, in this week's free issue of Cult of Mac Magazine. Then get ready to spend your weekend drooling over it on your iPad or iPhone. Grab your free subscription to Cult of Mac Magazine from iTunes now.
Bonus: Don't miss your chance to win an iPhone XR!
What we loved and what we didn't — catch our 'More in the Making' hardware reax on The CultCast
By Erfon Elijah • 6:01 am, November 2, 2018
New Macs, new iPads, new specs, new prices. We break it all down.
This week on The CultCast: Apple's "There's More in the Making" keynote was an action-packed ride stuffed with one hardware update after another! We'll tell you what we like (and what we don't) about Apple's newest product updates. Plus: Apple quietly offers a big "screw you" to 2018 MacBook Pro owners. Prepare for a rant!
Our thanks to Squarespace for supporting this episode. It's simple to accept Apple Pay and sell your wares with your very own Squarespace website. Enter offer code CultCast at checkout to get 10% off your first hosting plan or domain.
You can now watch Apple's iPad and Mac event on YouTube
By Luke Dormehl • 4:15 am, November 1, 2018
Tim Cook getting ready to open a can of Mac and iPad whoop-ass at the "There's More in the Making" event in Brooklyn, New York.
Apple has been killing it this year, and this week's "There's More in the Making" event was no exception. People tuning in were treated to the unveiling of a new Mac mini, a stunner of an iPad Pro refresh, a gorgeous new MacBook Air, and more. Heck, there was even a super-hot New York crowd thrown in for good measure!
If you missed the event live, there's now an easier way to see it than ever. That's because Apple just uploaded the whole 90-minute event to YouTube.
MacBook smackdown: Which laptop is right for you?
By Killian Bell • 1:05 pm, October 30, 2018
Save on the newest MacBook Air today.
Apple finally dusted off the MacBook Air. The 2018 model sports a brand new design, a gorgeous Retina display, and powerful upgraded internals. All of sudden, Apple's most affordable notebook is up there with its best.
In fact, the new ultraportable is so good, you would be crazy to buy a 12-inch MacBook right now. So, how does the new MacBook Air stack up against the rest of Apple's laptop lineup? Which model best suits your needs, and which delivers the best bang for the buck?
Find out right here in our comprehensive MacBook comparison.
New line of free Apple seminars will make your brain bulge
By David Pierini • 12:10 pm, October 30, 2018
Apples Stores will sell you the iPads and Apple Pencils. "Today at Apple" will show how to use them.
More than 60 new sessions to teach Apple users how to get the most creatively from their apps and devices will be added to the "Today at Apple" program, the company announced in New York today.
Held at Apple Stores around the world, the sessions offer primers on essential hardware and software in the Apple ecosystem. Each workshop is headed by local creative professionals teaching coding, digital drawing, photography, video and making music.
Pimped-out iPad Pro will destroy your bank account
By David Pierini • 10:39 am, October 30, 2018
Thinking about a new iPad Pro with all the accessories?
You don't need a second-gen Apple Pencil with finger-tap gesture commands to do the math.
Walk into an Apple Store for the newest iPad Pro, Apple Pencil, keyboard and other useful items, and you could walk out more than $2,000 lighter in the wallet.
Burn your credit card before watching these new Mac and iPad Pro vids
By Buster Hein • 9:52 am, October 30, 2018
Apple dives into its recycled aluminum process in a new video.
Didn't have time this morning to watch the full keynote video from Apple's 'There's More in the Making' keynote this morning in New York? Well, you can now catch all the highlights by watching the new videos Apple produced to go with the products.
Apple just uploaded six new videos to its YouTube channel showing off all the new features on the MacBook Air, Mac mini and iPad Pro. We've gathered them together here so you can catch up on all the new goodies.
The biggest takeaways from Apple's 'More in the Making' event
Tim Cook wants TV shows to be family-friendly.
Apple finally gave its Mac and iPad Pro lineups some much-needed love today during its big 'There's More in the Making' event in New York.
Tim Cook and company brought out some new faces to introduce some gorgeous new products for the company's last event of the year. Even though we already had a solid idea of what to expect, the company still managed to throw in some surprises and blow away our expectations.
These are the biggest takeaways from the More in the Making keynote:
iPad Pro bids farewell to the 3.5mm headphone jack
By Luke Dormehl • 9:03 am, October 30, 2018
Apple ditched the 3.5mm headphone jack for the iPhone a few years back.
The amazing new iPad Pro comes with a redesigned form factor and USB-C. But it's lacking one feature that'll surely upset a few fans: the 3.5mm headphone jack.
Apple first dropped the legacy port on the iPhone back in 2016 with the iPhone 7. With Apple now no longer making the iPhone 6s and SE, you can't get a new iPhone with the headphone jack any more. And now it's gone from the new iPad as well.
New iPad Pro says goodbye to bezels, hello to USB-C
By Ed Hardy • 8:08 am, October 30, 2018
Apple's old 12.9-inch tablet next to the 2018 iPad Pro.
Apple just unveiled the biggest change to its iPad line since Steve Jobs showed off the first iOS tablet in 2010. The display bezels have been stripped away, essentially giving the iPad Pro an all-screen design.
Equally as important, this is the first iOS device ever with a USB-C port in place of the Lightning port. This will allow the iPad Pro to connect to external monitors and other hardware.
Load more stories »


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More than 400 Catholic priests, nuns die of COVID-19 in India
By RVA News | 01 June, 2021
At least 400 Catholic priests and nuns died in India due to COVID-19 in the past two months, a Vatican report said.
The report cited data compiled by the Church-run Indian Currents magazine, which listed 205 priests and 210 who succumbed to the disease as of May 29.
The report said the number could be higher as some casualties have not been reported.
The list includes three bishops: retired archbishop Antony Anandarayar of Pondicherry-Cuddalore, Bishop Basil Bhuriya of Jhabua, and retired Bishop Joseph Pastor Neelankavil of Sagar of the Syro-Malabar rite.
"The high rate of casualties among priests and nuns is due to them working in remote areas where medical facilities are rare," the report quoted Capuchin priest Suresh Mathew, editor of the magazine.
The priest said most of those who died "risked their lives to serve the Church and society."
"The nation lacks infrastructure in the health sector. They lived and worked in rural areas and died amidst them," Father Mathew told Vatican News.
Those who died came from 98 dioceses and 106 religious congregations, said the report.
Several dioceses and congregations have offered their facilities for the treatment of COVID-19 patients while many church groups offered meals for patients and their families.
Father Mathew said the number of casualties went up "due to asymptotic conditions and late access to hospitals that resulted in late diagnosis."
He said some of those infected went about doing their normal duties, attending gatherings, retreats, and meetings.
"We should have set a model for others by avoiding unnecessary gathering of priests and religious," said Father Mathew, adding the death toll would have been much lower had there been enough vaccines and higher rate of inoculation. - LiCAS.news
Catholic nuns
A Catholic nun builds 150 houses for those on the periphery
Indian Catholic Bishops establish Bioethics Forum to engage with moral questions
Church relief agencies distribute aid to flood victims in India's Bihar state


Normal drivers in the market for a truck or SUV that goes above and beyond don't have to look far; Sam Leman Chrysler Jeep Dodge Bloomington works with SCA Performance to bring some of the most powerful, rugged trucks and SUVs to central Illinois. Whether you're looking to max out your new Ram 1500 or want a new Wrangler that is ready for whatever adventure life throws at you, SCA Performance has a solution with updates to fenders, lighting, paint, wheels, and suspension.
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Many of our customers have asked us what the difference between our Chrome extension and Email Hunter is. In this article you'll find a comparison to help you make an informed decision.
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Javea or Xabia in Valencian dialect is the pearl of the Costa Blanca, Spain..
Villas du Monde invite you to Javea where we have our own reception office and are ready to welcome you and take care of you during your stay in one of our hand picked holiday villas, with private pool of course.
The town of Javea / Xabia is the most desirable and sought after seaside destination for family holidays on the Costa Blanca. Situated equidistant between Valencia and Alicante, around 100 km from each, near to Moraira and Denia, with easy access on the ap7 motorway, Javea is set on an outcrop of the Costa Blanca, by the sea. Javea is the place which is the least built up in the area, it is predominantly private villas with pools and large gardens which are established here.
Made up of various areas which are sought after for their own individual qualities, Balcon al Mar and the Cap de la Nao are renowned for their sea views, el Tosalet for its residential chic. The port area and Costa Nova along with Montgo dominate the bay. The beautiful, gently sloping sandy beach Arenal flanked turquise sea and row of restaurants, bars, boutique shops and the promenade is the key attraction, the pebble beach and port have a family ambiance and with a spectacular backdrop of the Montgo mountain it is a fine spot for dining out. The old village has charming narrow streets and oozes traditional Spanish charm, so pleasant on a warm evening, its covered market, boat shaped church cafes and tapas bars are very pleasant. Boasting an official rating as one best three climates anywhere, giving you clear blue skies, turquoise waters... Javea!
Villas du Monde was one of the first agencies to offer Javea villas to rent with private pool in all of the main areas of Tosalet, Montgo, Balcon al mar, Cap de la Nao, Adsubia, Valle del Sol, El pucho, Costa nova. All of our seaside villas in Javea are checked before each arrival, our staff are multilingual, English speaking and ready to assist at any moment during your holiday, at your service.
Working direct with private Spanish owners Villas du Monde offers weekly rentals or longer as well as last minute booking, villas which are really inexpensive, from as little as 350€ per week outside August, also top end luxury villas of very high quality with stunning sea views, all with private pool.


Which placement of my bahagian, atas 10 princes do anda agree with the most?
From which country should be one of the seterusnya Disney Princes?
Do anda Like Disney Slash?
Prince Phillip is one of the most progressive Disney male characters that were initially born into royalty even judging sejak the modern standards.
So I made my kegemaran senarai and I thought I might as well make a most handsome list. I'm a guy so it's kind of difficult for me to talk about guys looks. If only I was as good at talking about guys looks as girls on Fanpop are with girls. Anyway komen telling me what anda think.
a comment was made to the poll: From which country should be one of the seterusnya Disney Princes?
a poll telah ditambah: Which placement of my bahagian, atas 10 princes do anda agree with the most?
a comment was made to the poll: Which of these pairs do anda think would become better Friends than the others?
a comment was made to the poll: Which Prince would anda rather have as your grandfather?
a comment was made to the poll: Which Prince would anda rather have as your father?
Which prince doesn't Ciuman his princess in his original (first) movie?
which is bahagian, atas 3 fav prince?


text:
The Letter-Writer Surprised
The Cook
Verwersdijk 52 B
Anthonij Jans de Molijn (1656-1729), Antony's nephew the doctor, lived here after 1688.
Verwersdijk 97 A
Grandfather Thonis Philips Leeuwenhoek (-1643) gave it to his granddaughter Geertruijt Huijchs Leeuwenhoeck (1628-1684) scheiding odh 1685 05/31. She was unmarried and childless. When Leeuwenhoek registered his engagement and marriage to Barbara de Meij in July 1654, he said he was living on the Verwersdijk, the last word on the middle line in the image below. This was probably today's Verwersdijk 97A, which is the only house on that street owned by anyone in his family. His grandfather bought the house and bequeathed it to his son, Antony's uncle Huijch, who bequeathed it to his daughter, Antony's cousin Geertruijt. In 1654, she was 26...
Voldersgracht 4
Anthonij Jans de Molijn (1656-1729), Antony's nephew the doctor, lived here from 1685 to 1688. On 1688 11/08, he sold it to Ridder for 2,125 gl / 1,400 gl (ORA inv. 215 fol. 5d319) House name 't Hart. See Achter de Gevels.
Jan Jans de Molijn (-1620), notary, paid the 1620 verponding 121r4 and was "oostbelending" in deed of 1614: Weeskamer Delft, inv. 2110, Charternummer 3322. Was he Jacob's brother?
Voorstraat 19
In the 1640's, this house was owned by Adolf Croesert, who was revealed in 2006 as the stern Burgher in Jan Steen's 1655 painting (right). The house in the painting is not this house on the Voorstraat. Croesert sold this house on the Voorstraat (3v004v) to Adriaen Everts van Bleijswijck, who was married to Clara Abrahams Hogenhouck. She and Leeuwenhoek had the same great-grandmother, Neeltje Jans Hogenhouck. Two owners later, it went to Johannes Swalmius (1664-1693), medical doctor and nephew of Leeuwenhoek's second wife Cornelia. Swalmius bought it from Hendrick van...
Pieter Abrahams Hogenhouck (-1679), brewer, is listed on the 1585-1648 huizenprotocol OAD inv. 731 fol. 163V1 sale letter 3W188 and the 1632-1654 verponding 041r4
Adriaen Johannes Swalmius (1631-1667), Cornelia's doctor brother, and his wife owned it according to the will "insertedt" in the sale letter 6b023v
Engelbert Graswinckel van Maeslant's widow Margareta Maertens Hogenhouck (1588-1648) (Antony's great-grandmother Neeltje's niece) gave it to their son Maerten 1639 05/03 as part of his father's estate. He gave it to his son Engelbert 05-1679 05/01. Maerten paid the 1632 - 1654 verponding. (two nodes for Margareta?)
Wateringsevest 24
Pieter Abrahams Hogenhouck (-1679) owned this probably as an investment and rented it out because his main residence was E0542bis now Koornmarkt 43.
Westplantsoen 2
Maerten Jans Hogenhouck (1550-1613) bought it from the brother of his nephew's wife. That is, seller Joost's sister Neeltje Jacobs van Adrichem was married to Pieter Sebastians van den Berch who was the son of Sebastian Cornelis van den Berch and Neeltje Jans Hogenhouck, sister of buyer Maerten Jans Hogenhouck. The property was a couple hundred meters along the Buitenwatersloot, beyond the edge of development even in 1832, about 150 meters beyond A0129-0131.
Cat Family
Merry Couple
Couple with a Parrot


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[ARCHIVED] In-Custody Death Investigation
Reporting Deputy: Correctional Captain Martin Tochtrop
File # IC2214600001
On Thursday, May 26, 2022, at 7:43 AM, deputies assigned to the Riverside County Sheriff's Department- John Benoit Detention Center were notified of an unresponsive male inmate in his cell. Custody staff and jail medical staff immediately responded and began to administer life-saving measures. Fire Department personnel and American Medical Response (AMR) responded to assist and continued further life- saving measures which were ultimately unsuccessful, and the inmate was pronounced deceased at 8:15 AM.
Riverside Sheriff's Department investigators responded and assumed the investigation. The cause of death will later be determined by the Coroner's Bureau. The identification of the deceased will not be released at this time pending notification to the family. There are no signs of foul play and due to the ongoing status of the investigation, no further information is available at this time. Anyone with information regarding this incident is encouraged to call Investigator Williams at (951) 696-3452.
If you are interested in a career with us, please apply at joinrsd.org or call 1-888-Join-RSD
Other News in Sheriff's Administration
Riverside County Sheriff's Office Statement on the Death of Tyre Nichols
Line of Duty Death of Deputy Darnell Calhoun (Update)
Deputy Involved Shooting
Deputy Sheriff and Correctional Deputy Expedited Hiring Event
Media Advisory – Media staging area during funeral service for Deputy Isaiah Cordero
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Operation Holiday Cheer 2022


Customers, who take our gold book residual forecasting product, will see new forecasts in July for the Upper Medium and Executive sectors, which are based on revised future market deflation assumptions for these sectors.
The changes to our assumptions are in the main relatively minor.
These sector reviews are the second of a 5 month cycle in which we will revise our sector and fuel type future market deflation assumptions, based on our latest forecasts for new car registration volumes, the latest UK economic forecasts and our expectations for the future market dynamics of different fuel types. Collectively these will determine the balance of used car supply and demand, which drives future market deflation/inflation.
In the Upper Medium and Executive sectors we consider that over the next five years, overall registration volumes will continue to decline particularly in the early years, with a continuing shift away from diesel, primarily into petrol. The shift away from diesel will be less marked for the larger vehicles. Over the same period, future used demand will change but continue to broadly balance the change in supply for both fuel types; with the scales tipping slightly in favour of less deflation for petrol cars.
Fuller details of these deflation assumption changes, and the overall impact of the sector reviews on our forecasts, will be available in our July gold book editorial.


Toner for Brother MFC 9760 Laser Printer - FREE Shipping - No Quibble Warranty AND Trophy Points!
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Tried-and-true, this Used 2018 Hyundai Accent SE packs in your passengers and their bags with room to spare. This Hyundai Accent features the following options: URBAN GRAY, BLACK, CLOTH SEAT TRIM, Wheels: 15 Steel w/Covers, Urethane Gear Shift Knob, Trunk Rear Cargo Access, Trip Computer, Transmission: 6-Speed Automatic w/SHIFTRONIC -inc: Hillstart Assist Control, Torsion Beam Rear Suspension w/Coil Springs, Tires: P185/65R15, and Tire Specific Low Tire Pressure Warning. Pilot the whole group in luxurious comfort in this safe and reliable Hyundai Accent. A short visit to Red McCombs Superior Hyundai located at 4800 Nw Loop 410, San Antonio, TX 78229 can get you a hassle free deal on this tried-and-true Hyundai Accent today!


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History Daily
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Carrie Finnell: The Bad Girl Of Burlesque
People | June 23, 2019
Carrie Finnell was the Bad Girl of Burlesque. Source: (redhotsburlesque.com)
From the 1870s through the 1940s, Burlesque shows were a popular form of entertainment. Staged in nightclubs, theatres, and cabarets across the country, these variety shows featured salacious comedy, lewd musical acts, and female striptease dancers. By today's standards, the performances of the female dancers were tamed – nothing more than suggestive teasing – but it was enough to entice male audience members to return again and again to see the shows. One of the first of these dancers – and the one credited with developing the striptease format – was Carrie Finnell, the Bad Girl of Burlesque.
Ziegfeld Chorus Girls in 1917, the same year Carrie Finnell joined the troupe. Source: (pinterest.com)
A Ziegfeld Girl
A former gym teacher from Kentucky, Carrie Finnell joined the Ziegfeld Follies as a Ziegfeld Girl in 1917. As a chorus girl and dancer, Finnell quickly learned how to tease the male audience members with her flirting skills and a show of her well-turned legs. She was naturally buxom and used this trait to her advantage.
Finnell's act was both unique and tantiizing. Source: (gahoney.wordpress.com)
The "Most Novel and Most Startling Act in Show Business"
As Finnell grew in popularity, she stepped away from being one of the chorus girls in the Burlesque shows to having her own act. It was billed as "one of the most novel and most startling acts in show business." Finnell is credited with being the first Burlesque dancer to use strategically placed tassels on what she described as her "educated bosom." To the amazement of the audience, Finnell could spin one tassel at a time. Later in her career, Finnell added bells and lights to her costume.
Fan club photo of Carrie Finnell, 1940. Source: (Photo by Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images)
The Longest Striptease in History
During the 1920s, Carrie Finnell kept her audience wanting more. Her signature move was to remove one strap from her costume at the end of her show. She would promise to remove another strap the next week. For 54 weeks she kept her fans enthralled and they returned to her show week after week in hopes of getting a glimpse of the last strap falling.
Finnell's costumes were scandalous. Source: (burlexe.com)
A Confident Performer
Finnell was not shy about showing her skin. Photographs of her from the twenties show her to be a little overweight, but Finnell was comfortable in her own skin and confident in her charm. Her male audience members clamored to see more of her. When she went on tour, Finnell removed one piece of clothing per week for the duration of her contract. The clever club managers charged higher and higher ticket fees as Finnell's wardrobe items became fewer and fewer.
Who talked Gypsy Rose Lee into disrobing on stage, Carrie Finnell. Source: (mirror.co.uk)
Finnell and her Contemporaries
According to stories, it was Carrie Finnell who first convinced Gypsy Rose Lee to shed her clothes on stage, thus kicking off her successful Burlesque career. Finnell also once competed against the legendary Mae West in a Burlesque striptease dance contest and beat West handily.
Carrie Finnell had 100,000 dollar legs. Source: (burlesque.it)
The $100,000 Legs
Carrie Finnell's well-endowed chest appealed to audience members just as much as her legs. Curvy and muscular, Finnell's legs were advertised as "the $100,000 legs" by Burlesque Show promoters. She was an accomplished dancer with flexible kicks and turns.
Carrie Finnell once beat Mae West in a Burlesque dance contest. Source: (legacy.com)
A Performer Until the End
Carrie Finnell died in 1963. Throughout her career, she continued to entertain crowds in Burlesque shows and even performed on radio. Even as a seventy-year-old woman, she could still swing her tassels to the amazement of her fans.
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Tags: burlesque | carrie finnell | famous people
Karen left the world of academic, quitting her job as a college professor to write full-time. She spends her days with her firefighter husband and four daughters on a hobby farm with an assortment of animals, including a goat named Atticus, a turkey named Gravy, and a chicken named Chickaletta.
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Annual release showcases new custom location and route management web tools for precise mileage and drive times.
Princeton, N.J. – September 18, 2018 – ALK Technologies, a Trimble Company and global leader in transportation technology and mobility solutions, announced today the release of PC*MILER® 32, the latest version of its PC*MILER truck routing, mileage and mapping software.
Creation and management of two of our most popular features, Places and Route Modifiers, has moved from within PC*MILER to ALK Content Tools. Users can continue to save and quickly access frequently geo-coded business or stop locations when route planning, as well as modify routing preferences by avoiding or favoring road segments. With migration of these management features to the web, this content no longer needs to be manually backed up or moved locally between versions. In addition, it can be more seamlessly shared across multiple users on a company account.
Located in ALK Content Tools, customers can enhance their custom Places by drawing a boundary polygon around a site perimeter and adding truck entry and exit gates. As variance between street addresses and actual entry and exit locations may differ greatly, Site Manager can dramatically improve the accuracy of mile and cost calculations, directly affecting rates, billing, and driver pay. Equally important, a defined site provides more granular turn-by-turn directions to help keep drivers safe and alleviate stress when approaching and departing a destination.
ALK's cloud-based ecosystem of web tools allows users to create, manage and share custom location and route management content across licensed ALK products, including CoPilot® Truck in cab navigation, for improved operational consistency from the back office to the vehicle.
Now, customers can more quickly generate PC*MILER's popular Mileage report for trip leg and overall miles and immediately view the additional distance impact when inserting a stop along a route. Additionally, customers can more easily create or modify a route by quickly inserting multiple stops at once using the new Quick Add Stop Entry feature.
With each release, ALK's team of map data experts add new highways and local roads along with commercial vehicle restrictions and allowances, as well as new construction projects. Also, specialized Places, including Distribution Centers, truck stops, and rest areas are added to ensure safe and efficient routing while getting the most precise mileage.
PC*MILER runs on Microsoft Windows, IBM AS/400 (iSeries), and mainframe computers, is also available as a web-based application, and can be seamlessly integrated with transportation and supply chain management systems. Some services mentioned may require additional licensing.
For more information on PC*MILER visit our website: www.pcmiler.com.
For PC*MILER 32 images, click here.
ALK Technologies is a transportation technology company dedicated to defining the optimal route to success through innovative routing, mileage, mapping and mobile navigation solutions. From trusted industry standard data to seamless integration, ALK solutions are developed for a broad range of industries, workforces, and everyday drivers on the road. For over 35 years, its suite of powerful solutions, including PC*MILER, CoPilot, and ALK Maps, have set the foundation for safe and efficient journeys worldwide – one mile, one driver, one vehicle at a time. ALK is a Trimble (NASDAQ: TRMB) Company and part of its Trimble Transportation division. To learn more about ALK, visit www.alk.com.


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