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This solid STEEL BATON expands to 16 inches with just a flick of the wrist. Comes with a rubber handle for easy gripping and a heavy-duty nylon holster for easy carrying. If you are looking for effective self-defense with extra reach, the steel baton is for you. Closed length 6.5"
*Check with your local officials if you are uncertain of any restrictions or regulations.


text:
Etiqueta: prepares
Biden administration, in a setback, prepares to send Abrams tanks to Ukraine
After weeks of discussion, the Biden administration is preparing to send Abrams tanks to Ukraine, according to three senior US officials. The administration can announce the decision as early as…
All eyes on Alex Murdaugh as a small South Carolina town prepares for a 'circus'
WALTERBORO, SC — Hotel rooms have been booked for weeks in this small South Carolina town about 50 miles west of Charleston, where some residents have listed their homes on…
Donald Trump prepares for his return to Facebook and Twitter
Returning to the White House, Donald Trump seeks to regain control of his powerful social media accounts. With access to his Twitter account back, the Trump campaign is formally asking…
Ukraine prepares for new offensive as Russia and Belarus begin joint exercises
DNIPROVS'KE, Ukraine — The smell of sawdust hangs in the air around a network of carefully dug trenches in a quiet, heavily forested area on the Ukraine-Belarus border. Freshly cut…
Damar Hamlin returns to the Bills facility as the team prepares for the playoff game against the Dolphins
Damar Hamlin is back with his Buffalo Bills just 12 days after going into cardiac arrest in the game. Hamlin had to be revived for more than nine minutes after…
Brazil prepares to bury Pelé in Santos, a city that he turned into a soccer mecca
Ene 3, 2023 admin
Forty-five years after Pele played his last game, it's hard to imagine modern football, or Brazil, without him. Geovana Sarmento, 17, waited in line for three hours to see her…
Pope celebrates New Year as Vatican prepares to mourn Benedict XVI
Pope Francis prayed for his predecessor's passage to heaven as he presided over a special New Year's Eve Mass in St. Peter's Basilica on Sunday, a day after Pope Emeritus…
Colombia vs Argentina: video of Juan David Fuentes' great goal in the sub-20 – International Football – Sports
Sports programming for Saturday, January 28 – Other Sports – Sports
India's Generation Z grapples with Modi's dark past in new documentary
2 wounded in new attack in Jerusalem, say Israeli paramedics
Selection Colombia vs United States, time and where to watch on TV – International Soccer – Sports

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Multiple Deaths Linked To Non-Surgical Weight Loss Balloons, FDA Says
Aug 15, 2017 05:50 PM By Janissa Delzo @janissadelzo j.delzo@newsweekgroup.com
Five adults who had weight loss balloons placed in their stomachs died shortly after their health care providers installed the devices, the FDA announced.
"All five reports indicate that patient deaths occurred within a month or less of balloon placement," according to a safety alert issued by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). "In three reports, death occurred as soon as one to three days after balloon placement."
The agency is also looking into two more deaths reported around the same time period linked to possible health effects associated with the procedure.
"At this time, we do not know the root cause or incidence rate of patient death, nor have we been able to definitively attribute the deaths to the devices or the insertion procedures for these devices," the report says.
One of the deaths occurred after a patient used the ReShape Integrated Dual Balloon System and the other deaths occurred following the use of Orbera Intragastric Balloon System. Both systems involve a nonsurgical procedure in which health care professionals place a deflated balloon down the throat into the stomach. Once the balloon is in place, it's filled with saline in order to take up space.
It's not confirmed the balloons directly caused any of the deaths, but the FDA is currently working with both manufacturers, Apollo Endo-Surgery and ReShape Medical Inc., "to better understand the issue of unanticipated death, and to monitor the potential complications of acute pancreatitis and spontaneous overinflation."
The safety alert comes just a few months after the FDA advised health care professionals to closely monitor patients with balloon weight loss devices. After releasing the letter, both companies changed their product labeling to address the risks of acute pancreatitis and overinflation.
John Morton, a bariatric surgeon who has placed about 70 ReShape devices, speculates the deaths may be due to technique, he told the Los Angeles Times.
"There's skill involved in the placement of these balloons. Who places them makes a difference," Morton said. "If you're an experienced endoscopist and surgeon, you recognize the signs of perforation, which is important because they're treatable."
Morton hasn't witnessed any complications among his patients and notes that many have lost weight after having the devices implanted.
Patients hoping to lose weight with the help of the ReShape or Orbera system must meet the following requirements: be an adult, have a body mass index (BMI) between 30 and 40, and be willing to make lifestyle changes under the supervision of a doctor.
Both systems were approved by the FDA in 2015. The ReShape device's design and volume is slightly different from the Orbera device, but both involve similar therapy. Multiple studies based in the U.S. found the balloons helped patients achieve significant weight loss after six months of placement, according to Columbia University's Department of Surgery.


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Remote Working, iOS, Mac OS X, and more
(The only proper) PDO tutorial →
An excellent resource for getting started with PDO in PHP. With the appropriate drivers installed, you can use it to access everything from MySQL to PostgreSQL and Amazon Redshift.
PDO is a Database Access Abstraction Layer. The abstraction, however, is two-fold: one is widely known but less significant, while another is obscure but of most importance.
Everyone knows that PDO offers unified interface to access many different databases. Although this feature is magnificent by itself, it doesn't make a big deal for the particular application, where only one database backend is used anyway. And, despite some rumors, it is impossible to switch database backends by changing a single line in PDO config – due to different SQL flavors (to do so, one needs to use an averaged query language like DQL). Thus, for the average LAMP developer, this point is rather insignificant, and to him, PDO is just a more complicated version of familiar mysql(i)_query() function. However, it is not; it is much, much more.
PDO abstracts not only a database API, but also basic operations that otherwise have to be repeated hundreds of times in every application, making your code extremely WET. Unlike mysql and mysqli, both of which are low level, bare API, not intended to be used directly (but only as a building material for some higher level abstraction layer), PDO is such an abstraction already. It's still incomplete, but at least usable.
The real PDO benefits are:
security (prepared statements that are usable)
usability (many helper functions to automate routine operations)
reusability (unified API to access multitude of databases, from SQLite to Oracle)
Copyright 2021 Ryan Britton


For the first time in Romania a well-known and very much appreciated concept has finally happened in Bucharest, hosted by the pole of the cigar world in the country – El Unico. Thursday, September 27th, the finest cigar connoisseurs were welcomed at the Athenee Palace Hilton.
Habanos Night, a trademark concept implemented by Habanos S.A. and celebrated in countries all over the world, aims to gather together all the small little things that Cuban cigar enthusiasts love more, from limited or special cigar editions, to freshly rolled stogies, traditional cocktails, friends of the Habano and of course, the famous kind of fiesta only Cuban know how to throw. And this first edition of Habanos Night Romania was nothing short of that.
El Unico, the most important luxury brand on the cigar market in Romania and the sole owner of the La Casa del Habano franchise in the country, being the host of this entire event, has dedicated the night to the launch of Trinidad la Trova, a special edition of La Casa del Habano, already a highly appreciated smoke by the specialized press. The cigar, officially launched by the Cuban Ambassador in Romania was an instant hit amongst guests and can now be found in La Casa del Habano; but hurry, as it may have already been sold out!
Being an event held under the high patronage of the Cuban Embassy in Romania, of course this Habanos Night was set to bring together all the beauty of the Cuban lifestyle. Starting with Havana Club, going through a LIVE Cigar Rolling Show, adding a lot of dance on LIVE Cuban music by Meena, some tasting of a few Cuban dishes and finishing with a dance show signed by Willmark, the first Habanos Night in Romania was definitely a delight of the senses. We also held a Longest Ash contest, where the skilled winner received a box of cigars, the perfect opportunity to practice even more and maybe win again next year.
We want to thank everybody for participating in the first Romanian Habanos Night, as it was a pleasure offering our guests the true feeling of a Cuban fiesta. Special thanks go to our partners Athenee Palace Hilton, Havana Club and Gitana Winery and we hope to see everybody again next year for a second edition filled with even more exciting Habanos moments.


text:
086 042 4857 info@clustercentre.ie
Clusters & Networks
Cluster Centre Academy
'The role of Clusters in a post Covid Context'
The Cluster Centre Webinar on 'Clustering in the post Covid environment'. Friday, 24th July @ 12:00-12:45. Register here The Cluster Centre presents international expert James Wilson on 'Cluster policy in a Covid Context'. Where Clusters are a feature of the regional economy, this webinar looks at the basic principles of clusters and focuses on leveraging the power of cooperation. We will then explore how policy can use clusters to implement a range of policies that are central to regional resilience, as we rebuild from the COVID pandemic. Over the course of 20 minutes James will present:
Place based approach to Clustering
Leveraging the power of cooperation
Clusters and Covid
Regional Policies for Cluster
Followed by a 15 minute Q&A. Register Here About James Wilson James is Director of Research at Orkestra-Basque Institute of Competitiveness and teaching faculty at Deusto Business School. His research is focused on policy-relevant analysis of territorial competitiveness, including territorial strategy-making, governance, clusters and innovation policy. He has published widely on these issues in peer-reviewed journals and academic books, and is currently leading mapping and analytical work within the European Cluster Collaboration Platform. He is regularly invited as an expert speaker/advisor by institutions such as the European Commission and by national and regional governments and is a member of the Board of Directors of TCI Network.
Dilemmas in mature cluster programmes 3 May 2022
Just Transition – Social Enterprise Exchange 10 January 2022
What is the role of clusters in powering future growth? 15 November 2021
Roll-out of ground-breaking All-Island cluster network 13 August 2021
Success! Cluster Development Programme 2021 15 June 2021
Blog Archives Select Month May 2022 (1) January 2022 (1) November 2021 (1) August 2021 (1) June 2021 (2) May 2021 (2) April 2021 (1) September 2020 (3) August 2020 (3) July 2020 (2) June 2020 (2) May 2020 (4) April 2020 (1)
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British, b. 1943
Jerry Hall and Mick Jagger
New York, September 19, 1984 – Jerry Hall and Mick Jagger
Digital Print, DIASEC ® mounted, Limited Edition, available in three sizes, signed by Ron Galella on a sticker attached to the reverse
Mick Jagger and Jerry Hall
Beverly Hills, January 16, 1983 - Mick Jagger and Jerry Hall
John Lennon and Mick Jagger
Los Angeles, March 13, 1974 - John Lennon and Mick Jagger
Gelatin Silver print, printed later, 7,6" x 10" (19,3 x 25,3 cm). Stamped and signed in pencil on the reverse by Ron Galella
New York, June 16, 1981 – Mick Jagger
New York, April 23, 1973 – Mick Jagger
David Bowie and Mick Jagger
New York, November 28, 1985 - David Bowie and Mick Jagger
Modern color print, stamped and signed on the reverse by Ron Galella
Springsteen, Dylan, Jagger
New York, January 20, 1988 - Bruce Springsteen, Bob Dylan and Mick Jagger
Vintage Gelatin Silver print, 6,5" x 8" (16,6 x 20,2 cm). Stamped and signed in pencil on the reverse by Ron Galella
D. Hall, T. Turner, M. Jagger
Philadelphia, July 13, 1985 – Daryl Hall, Tina Turner and Mick Jagger
Vintage Gelatin Silver print, 6.9"x9.1" (17,5 x 23 cm). Stamped and signed in pencil on the reverse by Ron Galella
Gelatin Silver print, printed later, 8" x 10" (20,3 x 25,3 cm). Stamped and signed in pencil on the reverse by Ron Galella


Last month, the federal Drug Enforcement Administration proved its commitment to cracking down on synthetic drugs.
As we've explained in the past, though some forms of synthetic drug are technically legal due to manufacturers finding loopholes in current drug laws, synthetic drugs are very harmful substances that can even prove fatal. K2, spice, and bath salts are just a few of the names these drugs go by — and you can find them in regular retail stores.
Here's more on the DEA's recent crackdown and its impact on the synthetic drug industry.
Last month's synthetic drug raids focused on 29 states, including Massachusetts, New Jersey, and New York. Wholesalers, retailers, and synthetic drug manufacturers were the main target of the raids, with warrants served at private residences, warehouses, smoke shops, and other retail locations.
This isn't the first time that the DEA has tried to stem the manufacturing and distribution of synthetic drugs. In 2010, 5 main chemicals used in synthetic drug production were officially banned, forcing producers of synthetics to change their formulas. Of course, each time a new component is banned, synthetic drug manufacturers search for a loophole that allows the continued production of the drug.
Even with recent successes in the war against synthetic drugs, manufacturers will probably continue to work around laws. As a parent or business owner, you should be concerned with synthetic drug use in the home or workplace.
ARCpoint Labs of Worcester offers accurate, confidential synthetic drug testing – so you can rest easy knowing that your teen or employee isn't using these dangerous substances!
To learn more about our drug testing services, contact ARCpoint Labs of Worcester today at (774) 314-9551.
Lawmakers Looking to Ban Synthetic Marijuana in Massachusetts Massachusetts Teens Sneaking Drugs Into Schools – How Are They Doing It, & What Can Parents Do?


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NEW YORK, NY – INTEROP CONFERENCE & EXPO – October 2, 2013 – ExtraHop, the global leader in real-time wire data analytics for IT operational intelligence, today announced that president and co-founder Raja Mukerji will join Chris Kozlowski, Executive Director, Enterprise Infrastructure at Morgan Stanley, for a presentation at Interop New York.
Kozlowski and Mukerji will discuss how Morgan Stanley uses ExtraHop's IT operational intelligence platform to mine and analyze wire data, delivering cross-tier, correlated insight into the performance, availability, and security of applications across its IT environment. With nearly two decades of experience in IT operations, Kozlowski brings deep insight about wire data's role in transforming Morgan Stanley's IT operations through a combination of people, process, and technology.
Data off the wire has long been recognized as the definitive source of truth for IT operations, especially as all modern applications and systems rely on the network. As the saying goes, "Packets don't lie." But packets alone aren't enough. What is required is the ability to analyze and interpret wire data, which has never been available continuously, in real time, or in a way that was easily understood. Morgan Stanley is using a new technology that makes real-time wire data analytics accessible to everyone. With a view into all of the L2-L7 conversations occurring between distributed systems, IT teams can solve a number of operational challenges, including troubleshooting, monitoring security, optimization, and more.


The recruitment center in Chattanooga, Tennessee, where four Marines were gunned down by an Islamic terrorist, was a "gun-free zone." That meant that anybody with evil intent in their heart who had a gun and had some reason to kill American servicemen on United States soil, would meet with no armed resistance.
These zones only tell the crazies and criminals were the soft targets are.
Isn't that special. Which do you think is more dangerous — fried foods or lead bullets? It's obvious that our government didn't learn anything from the Fort Hood shooting — another Gun-Free Zone shooting.
Here's the article about Second Amendment armed citizens exercising their rights to protect their fellow-citizens.
The morning after a deadly attack on two military centers in Chattanooga, residents in Hiram [Georgia] are standing watch outside the local recruiting office with their personal firearms. It is their unique way of honoring the fallen Marines and they said to protect the lives of those who serve in the military.
"I teared up. I think any human being would be touched by what happened yesterday. Any U.S. citizen that has a heart and a soul to hear what had happened," said Crystal Tewellow, who organized the watch.
Recruiting offices are designated as being "gun-free zones" which means officers working there cannot carry their sidearm into the building. Tewellow, whose son just enlisted and the army and has a brother who is a recruiter, felt compelled to organize the watch.
News Radio 106.7's Nathalie Pozo was at the recruitment center on Friday morning and reported that about 30 people answered the call to arms.
More people are expected to show up throughout the day. Twellow said they are trying to have at least one person standing vigil every hour.
Ambitious Italian American who adheres to his own personal code of honor.
Shock: Smugglers Using the Same Children Over and Over to Get Illegals Into U.S.A.


text:
<?php
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/**
 * @var Concrete\Core\Page\View\PageView $view
 * @var Concrete\Core\Form\Service\Form $form
 * @var Concrete\Core\Validation\CSRF\Token $token
 * @var Concrete\Core\Config\Repository\Repository $config
 * @var Concrete\Core\Mail\SenderConfiguration $senderConfiguration
 */?>

<form action="<?= h($view->action('save')) ?>" method="POST">
    <?php
    $token->output('addresses');
    foreach ($senderConfiguration->getEntries() as $entry) {
        $keyPrefix = $entry->getPackageHandle();
        if ($keyPrefix !== '') {
            $keyPrefix = "{$keyPrefix}::";
        }
        ?>
        <fieldset>
            <legend><?= h($entry->getName()) ?></legend>
                <?php
                if ($entry->getNameKey() !== '') {
                    $fieldName = str_replace('.', '__', "name@{$keyPrefix}{$entry->getNameKey()}");
                    $value = $config->get($keyPrefix . $entry->getNameKey());
                    $attributes = ($entry->getRequired() & $entry::REQUIRED_EMAIL_AND_NAME) === $entry::REQUIRED_EMAIL_AND_NAME ? ['required' => 'required'] : [];
                    ?>

                        <?= $form->label($fieldName, t('Sender Name')) ?>
                        <?= $form->text($fieldName, $value, $attributes) ?>

                    <?php
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                ?>

                    <?= $form->label($fieldName, t('Email Address')) ?>
                    <?= $form->email($fieldName, $value, $attributes) ?>

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            <button class="float-end btn btn-primary">
                <?= t('Save') ?>
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Michael H. Belzer is an internationally recognized expert on the trucking industry, especially the institutional and economic impact of deregulation.  He is a professor in the economics department at Wayne State University.  He is the author of Sweatshops on Wheels: Winners and Losers in Trucking Deregulation (Oxford University Press, 2000).  Along with Gregory M. Saltzman, he coauthored Truck Driver Occupational Safety and Health: 2003 Conference Report and Selective Literature Review, National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, 2007.  He has written many peer-reviewed articles on trucking industry economics, labor, occupational safety and health, infrastructure, and operational issues.

Background

For ten years, he was a long-haul tank truck driver, one of the leaders of Teamsters for a Democratic Union, and a member of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. These experiences had a direct impact on his research, writing and career.

Belzer received his Ph.D. from Cornell University in 1993. His thesis, "Collective Bargaining in the Trucking Industry: The Effects of Institutional and Economic Restructuring," focused on the transformational dynamic of changed regulation and institutional structure on industrial relations in the trucking industry.

Research
Belzer studies the industrial and labor relations of the trucking industry, including motor carrier safety, driver safety and health, and intermodal freight and logistics. He is a proponent of "safe rates" and believes that that driver working conditions and compensation is a major determinant of motor vehicle driver safety and health.

His book Sweatshops on Wheels was critically well received.  Low pay, bad working conditions and unsafe conditions have been a direct result of deregulation. "[This book] argues that trucking embodies the dark side of the new economy." "Conditions are so poor and the pay system so unfair that long-haul companies compete with the fast-food industry for workers. Most long-haul carriers experience 100% annual driver turnover." As the Atlanta Journal-Constitution wrote: "The cabs of 18-wheelers have become the sweatshops of the new millennium, with some truckers toiling up to 95 hours per week for what amounts to barely more than the minimum wage. [This book] is eye-opening in its appraisal of what the trucking industry has become."

Published works
  .

Research reports
"Pay and Safety Report, September 2002"
"The Jobs Tunnel: The Economic Impact of Adequate Border-Crossing Infrastructure" (Nov. 2003).

Selected scholarly publications
"Pay Incentives and Truck Driver Safety: Case Study." With co-authors Daniel A. Rodriguez and Felipe Targa. Abstract published in Compendium of Papers CD-ROM of the 82nd Annual Meeting of the Transportation Research Board, January 12–16, 2003, Washington, DC.
"Effects of Truck Driver Wages and Working Conditions on Highway Safety: Case Study." With Daniel Rodríguez, Marta Rocha, and Asad J. Khattak. Abstract published in Compendium of Papers CD-ROM of the 82nd Annual Meeting of the Transportation Research Board, January 12–16, 2003, Washington, DC.
"Effects of Truck Driver Wages and Working Conditions on Highway Safety: Case Study." With Daniel Rodríguez, Marta Rocha, and Asad J. Khattak. Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board, no. 1833 (Freight Policy, Economics, and Logistics; Truck Transportation), pp. 95–102. 2003.
"The Case for Strengthened Motor Carrier Hours of Service Regulations" (with Gregory M. Saltzman). Transportation Journal, Volume 41, No. 4 Summer 2002, pp. 51–71.
"Trucking: Collective Bargaining Takes a Rocky Road." in Collective Bargaining: Current Developments and Future Challenges, edited by Paul F. Clark, John T. Delaney, and Ann C. Frost. Champaign, IL: Industrial Relations Research Association 2002, pp. 311–342
"Technological Innovation and the Trucking Industry: Information Revolution and the Effect on the Work Process." Journal of Labor Research, Volume 23, No. 3; Summer 2002, pp. 375–396.
"Truck Driver Security Issues: The New World of Secure Surface Transportation." Perspectives on Work: The Magazine of the IRRA, Vol. 6, No. 1; June 2002, pp. 13–15.
"Worker Representation in the Truckload Sector: What Do Truckers Want?" in the Proceedings of the 53rd Annual Meeting of the Industrial Relations Research Association, January 5–7, 2001, New Orleans, Louisiana.
"Deregulation and Decentralization: The Impact on Employment Relations." Twenty First Century Labor Studies International Academic Conference," Chinese Culture University. Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China. October 12–13, 2000, pp. 1-45.
"Government Oversight and Union Democracy: Lessons from the Teamsters Experience" (with Richard Hurd). Journal of Labor Research, Volume XX, Number 3, Summer 1999.
"Labor Market Regulation: Balancing the Benefits and Costs of Competition" (with Dale Belman). In Government Regulation of the Employment Relationship, Bruce Kaufman, ed. Madison, Wisconsin: Industrial Relations Research Association. 1997.
"Collective Bargaining in the Trucking Industry: Do the Teamsters Still Count?" Industrial and Labor Relations Review 48:4 (July 1995).
"Labor Law Reform: Taking a Lesson from the Trucking Industry." Proceedings of the Forty-Seventh Annual Meeting of the Industrial Relations Research Association. Washington, DC. January 6–8, 1995. Madison, Wisconsin: Industrial Relations Research Association. 1995.
"The Motor Carrier Industry: Truckers and Teamsters Under Siege." In Contemporary Collective Bargaining in the Private Sector, edited by Paula B. Voos. Madison, Wisconsin: Industrial Relations Research Association. 1994.
"Paying the Toll: Economic Deregulation of the Trucking Industry." Washington, D.C.: Economic Policy Institute. 1994.

See also
Work-related road safety in the United States

References

External links
 Wayne State University Faculty Homepage

Living people
Wayne State University faculty
American economics writers
American male non-fiction writers
Transport economists
Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations alumni
Year of birth missing (living people)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
MARXIST ESSAYS AND COMMENTARY
Eric Blanc
John Riddell (on Comintern)
Lars T. Lih
Communist International
Historical Materialism books
New source material
Pathfinder Press books
Reviews of 'To the Masses'
Reviews of 'Toward the United Front'
Self-guided study sessions
100 years ago (documents)
USSR/Russia
World socialist movement
Clara Zetkin
Policies and debates
Socialist Economy
Workers' government
Movements and struggles
Anti-Nazi
Colonial freedom
Environment, farming
Women's liberation
Exhuming Thomas Sankara: Anti-Imperialism in Burkina Faso, 1983-87
Thomas Sankara, President of Burkina Faso, 1983-87
An abridged version of the following text was presented on Sunday, July 9, 2017, to the Socialism 2017 conference in Chicago. See also response by John Riddell and comment by David Crawford Jones
By David Crawford Jones. On May 25, 2015, on a warm Monday morning on the outskirts of Ouagadougou, the capital city of Burkina Faso, a large crowd gathered outside the gates to Dagnoen Cemetery, located in an especially destitute neighborhood in one of the world's poorest countries.
Police, wearing bullet-proof vests with the French word gendarme planted on the back, blocked the crowd's access to the cemetery grounds. Yet still the mass of people pushed forward, hoping to get even a small glimpse of the shovels piercing the parched earth, robbed of moisture by the steady advance of the Sahara Desert through this landlocked West Africa nation.
Their view of the operation was blocked by the police, by the burnt orange rocks blazing in the sun, and by the few shrubs that ringed the outskirts of Ouagadougou's most forsaken burying ground. Nonetheless, the crowd knew that its presence was imperative, reflecting both the solemnity of the occasion, as the shovels reached into the earth to pull up a vital piece of the nation's revolutionary past, as well as the distrust that the masses felt for a government that had long sought to conceal the national legacy of struggle and resistance against corruption, imperialism, and neocolonialism.
The diggers whose spades punctured the ground at Dagnoen that day were looking for the remains of Thomas Sankara, the former head of state of Burkina Faso. His bullet-riddled body had been unceremoniously dumped into the ground, along with those of his closest associates, 28 years earlier, in the decisive act of a brutal counter-revolution that brought to an end one of the most remarkable periods of modern African history. Prior to his death at the age of 37, Sankara had guided the Burkinabé revolution from 1983 to 1987, a four-year period in which Burkina Faso sought to defy the international neo-liberal order that crippled countless Third World countries in the 1970s, 1980s, and beyond. For four years, Sankara's government fought illiteracy, hunger, infant mortality, and desertification, all while insisting on a more equitable relationship with the nation's former colonial master, France, and demanding an end to the austerity programs that had plagued countless African states due to IMF and World Bank structural adjustment policies.
Sankara's revolution, rooted in a Marxism refracted through an anti-imperialist worldview inspired by figures such as Mao Tse Tung, Fidel Castro, and Che Guevara, had threatened the established neo-colonial pecking order, prompting a swift counter-revolution carried out by one of Sankara's closest associates, Blaise Compaoré, who reversed Sankara's policies and established a reign of terror in the country that would last until Compaoré's ouster in 2014. It was only thanks to Compaoré's fall from power that the exhumation of Thomas Sankara's body became possible. Prior to that, even mentioning the name of Sankara in the streets of Ouagadougou could invite harsh repression from the state.
Yet despite the official silencing of Sankara's legacy, the crowd that gathered outside Dagnoen Cemetery in May 2015 demonstrated by their very presence that memories of Sankara and his revolutionary government continued to inspire Burkinabé people, long after the former leader's death. In the mass demonstrations that led to Compaoré's downfall in October 2014, Sankara's name and image were prominently featured, suggesting that the former leader was a primary source of inspiration for the many thousands who took to the streets, declaring their uprising the "Black Spring," in a nod to the recent Arab Spring revolts in North Africa.
As one protesting student told Al-Jazeera, "Young people who were not alive during Sankara's administration are beginning to look back more to that period because something is wrong in the country today." Indeed, by the year 2015, Burkina Faso remained one of the world's poorest countries, its depleted economy dominated by subsistence agriculture, its average life expectancy just 59 years, its infant mortality rate 84 per 1,000 live births, its per capita GDP just $1,730. In all these vital indices, Burkina Faso joins many of its sub-Saharan African neighbors as uniquely impoverished and underdeveloped by the global capitalist order.
During his brief reign, Sankara had dreamed of—and in some ways begun to create—a different world, in which the Wretched of the Earth would claim their rightful place as full human beings, no longer condemned to suffer and die in nameless squalor. Alas, Sankara's death, supported by the former colonial powers and enabled by their neo-colonial allies on the African continent, had reduced that vision to rubble. In Africa, the human cost of failed revolution is especially catastrophic.
A usable history
Nonetheless, my primary aim here today is not to engage in another round of Afro-pessimism, nor is it simply to partake in any nostalgic longing for one of modern Africa's most remarkable revolutionaries. Rather, I want to suggest that popular interest in Sankara's legacy, 30 years after his assassination, suggests that the mass movements forming on the continent today can draw inspiration from Sankara's revolution, while simultaneously studying its limitations so as to imagine more radical futures. In short, what I want to present today is a usable history, responsive to the needs of global socialist struggles that must insist on the centrality of African experiences in order to realize our shared internationalist ambitions.
In making this claim on Sankara's legacy, one inevitably encounters significant ideological frictions. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, socialists have often emphasized the centrality of working class struggle on the African continent, counterposed against the corrupt and outmoded elites whose methods of governance had betrayed socialist agendas while serving the interests of neo-liberalism. Most significantly, Leo Zeilig's edited volume Class Struggle and Resistance in Africa argued that only the organization of the working class could successfully carry out the revolutionary mission of overthrowing capitalism on the African continent. As Zeilig writes in the conclusion to that volume, "politics must emphasize the ability of ordinary women, men, and youth, not great leaders, to act and change the world."
Thomas Sankara with Fidel Castro
There can be no doubt that Sankara represented the "great leader" model of radical change. The Burkinabé revolution of 1983-1987 did not come from the working class; it was not a revolution from below. It was, rather, a revolution from above, carried out by a young leader who had been deeply inspired by Marxist politics and the Third World revolutions of the second half of the twentieth century. As the product of a revolution from above, Sankara's government, like similar governments in other regions of the world, carried with it repressive and exploitative features that one inevitably encounters in revolutions carried out within the confines of a single nation-state, which lacks the capacity to actually implement socialism, and instead must settle for a state capitalism that, in its ideal form, improves the lives of the poor, the peasants, and the working class, and thus gains the support of those groups. Sankara's revolution, during its brief existence, won the support of the Burkinabe masses; in this respect, it was similar to contemporary nationalist revolutions in other Third World countries, most notably Cuba and Vietnam.
It should be no secret that nationalist, Third World revolutions have often bitterly divided the left over the last half century. Some see figures like Fidel Castro, Ho Chi Minh, or, for that matter, Thomas Sankara, as great revolutionaries in the tradition of Vladimir Lenin; others view them as ruling class tyrants whose revolutions had nothing to do with socialism and for that reason, perhaps, were not revolutions at all.
Claiming, and critiquing, the Burkinabé revolution
As someone whose socialist politics developed out of three stints living in Africa, I find myself in between these two adversarial positions. On the one hand, as I will argue today, Burkina Faso during the 1980s was not capable of carrying out a revolution from below, due to the weak and divided nature of the country's working class, and the lack of development in the rural areas. In that sense, Sankara's revolution—and it was a revolution—offered a bold step forward, with vast improvements in health that saved countless children, and literacy campaigns that offered real, tangible improvements in the lives of many Burkinabe people previously condemned to a life of anonymous suffering.
At the same time, the revolution's biggest weakness was its nationalist emphasis. The Stalinist model of socialism in one country proved particularly ill-suited for a continent whose very national boundaries were drawn by Europeans in order to expedite economic exploitation and resource extraction. As such, I wish to argue that, while drawing on Sankara's notable achievements, future Burkinabé inspired by his example will need to orient their struggles in ways that transcend national boundaries, in the process forging an international movement capable of achieving sustained progress through a reimagining of African political identities.
Sankara's struggle, I want to argue, is a vital piece of our revolutionary tradition, albeit one whose ultimate triumph can only be secured by a commitment to mass action against the international capitalist order and the gerrymandered African nation-states who serve its interests.
Confronting the burdens of colonization
Thomas Sankara was born on December 21, 1949, in the town of Yako, in what was then known as French Upper Volta. Throughout the colonial period, Upper Volta's fate had been victim to the whims of French colonial rule, as at various points it was combined with territories from present-day Niger, Mali, and Côte D'Ivoire, before finally being broken off into its own colony for good in 1958, just two years before gaining its national independence along with most of the rest of France's African empire.
That history, of colonial manipulation of national identities, left Upper Volta—as the country was known until Sankara changed its name to Burkina Faso in 1984—with a weak civil society, thanks in large part to the fact that the country, despite being barely larger in size than the state of Colorado, contained 70 different linguistic communities, including 11 major languages plus the French colonial tongue.
In addition, the colonial economy remained shockingly underdeveloped, as the rapidly desertifying soil produced little other than subsistence crops, forcing many thousands of the territory's population to engage in migrant labor in neighboring and more well-developed colonies, particularly Côte D'Ivoire. As a result of these dynamics, working class organization was limited and largely incapable of taking on the role of political leadership.
In this respect, French Upper Volta was not alone in its characteristic absence of a strong working class. Although Zeilig's Class Struggle and Resistance in Africa documents a long tradition of working class resistance in places like South Africa, Egypt, and Nigeria, these countries featured much more well-developed economies that were either already industrialized or in the process of undergoing an industrial revolution. Likewise, mineral-rich territories such as Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Namibia could also become hotbeds for working class radicalism thanks to the value of the gold, diamonds, and copper that many thousands of African men mined in appalling and dangerous conditions. But for an overwhelmingly underdeveloped and predominantly rural territory like Upper Volta (later Burkina Faso), working class radicalism was constrained by economic conditions that served the interests of the European metropoles.
This undeniable fact, shared in common—to greater and lesser degrees—by many African countries, has inspired significant debate regarding the dynamics of revolutions on the African continent. In the second half of the twentieth century, revolutionary figures like Amilcar Cabral and Frantz Fanon would seek to adjust Marxist theory to meet the challenges of creating and sustaining revolutions in territories where the working class was incapable of carrying out the historic role which Marx and Engels had assigned to it.
What each of these revolutionaries noted was that the working class was not only numerically insignificant, but that it was also frequently reactionary, as wage labor employment in urban areas conferred a certain sense of cosmopolitanism that encouraged the embrace of Western cultural and economic values, especially when compared with the vast rural hinterlands that were profoundly isolated from the benefits of urban life.
The solutions that Cabral and Fanon would offer to this dilemma varied: for Cabral, the weakness of the working class endowed the petty bourgeoisie with the decisive role in initiating a revolutionary overthrow of the colonial order; for Fanon, it would be the peasantry, those with "nothing to lose," who would spearhead the revolution.
By the time Sankara seized power in 1983, 90 percent of the country's workforce was employed in rural areas, most of them peasants struggling to grow crops in a hostile environment characterized by rapidly exhausted soils and predatory markets that condemned the vast majority of Burkinabé to abject poverty and famine. This set of conditions, persisting more than twenty years after independence, could be attributed not only to global capitalism but also to the national elites who served its interests.
Upper Volta, like so many other young African nations, became what Frederick Cooper [Africa since 1940: The Past of the Present] has described as a gatekeeper state, which is to say a state in which government officials, rather than attempting to develop the economy and infrastructure of the country, make it their business to perpetuate a neo-colonial relationship with the developed world, by enabling privileged access to the national wealth and using their control over the state to engage in petty corruption and the cultivation of profitable relationships with foreign investors and advisors. In Upper Volta in the 1960s and 1970s, this meant ensuring the availability of cheap labor to neighboring Côte D'Ivoire, where Burkinabé were forced into work on cocoa, cotton, and sugar plantations that served the needs of the global economic order.
The challenge of corruption in a gatekeeper state
Sankara, the son of a relatively privileged family thanks to his father's employment by the colonial state, was sensitive to the severe conditions of impoverishment that surrounded him, as well as the arrogance of the Europeans living in the country, ensconced in luxuries that sharply contrasted with the desperate suffering of the vast majority of Africans. In 1966, Sankara enrolled in the national military academy, a choice that likely reflected both the importance of discipline that had been instilled in him by his father, as well as his aspirations to combat the political corruption of the young nation's ruling class.
As Cooper notes, one of the primary features of post-independence Gatekeeper States on the African continent has been their instability, with governments frequently falling prey to military coups. The reason for this is that post-independence government officials aspired to occupy the place of the old colonial order, but generally speaking they lacked the awesome strength of a modernized and disciplined army to back up their rule. Instead, African gatekeepers struggled to retain the loyalty of the armed forces, particularly the enlisted men and junior officers who had not benefited from the largesse of political corruption. As a result, in moments of political instability, the military frequently aligned themselves with protest movements, as they often shared their frustration with endemic political corruption.
This is precisely what happened in Upper Volta. In the same year that Sankara enrolled in the military academy, a military coup overthrew the country's first elected president, Maurice Yaméogo, whose profligacy and authoritarianism sparked a popular uprising of workers, students, and the unemployed in Ouagadougou. When the army disobeyed Yaméogo's orders to disperse the crowd, the president was forced to resign in disgrace.
Thereafter followed a series of military dictators, who fell into the same trap that had ensnared Yaméogo and countless other African rulers of the late twentieth century. Instead of focusing their governments on the well being of the population, they used their access to power in order to enrich themselves and their clients, all while accepting loans from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, whose structural adjustment provisions required the imposition of destructive austerity measures, including the devaluation of the national currency, massive cuts to social programs, particularly health and education, the elimination of subsidies that protected domestic producers, and the easing of labor and environmental regulations so as to encourage foreign investment.
These programs, hugely unpopular with the civilian population, provoked mass insurrection and further interventions from the armed forces. It would be the fourth such coup in the nation's history in August 1983 that would bring to power the National Council of the Revolution, a group of radical young Army officers led by Thomas Sankara.
A political apprenticeship
When Sankara seized power, he was just 33 years old, but he had already gained the loyalty of many Burkinabé, especially the youth of Ouagadougou. Prior to taking power, his political apprenticeship had begun in Madagascar, where Sankara was stationed from 1969 to 1973. While in Madagascar, Sankara nurtured his own political education both by devouring classic Marxist texts, and also by witnessing the 1972 revolution in the country, in which popular rebellions against a corrupt government brought to power a military regime that initially devoted itself to combating corruption.
Thus, when Sankara returned to Upper Volta and was given command of a training center in the town of Pô, he used his new position to recruit other officers troubled by government corruption and committed to radical reform, while also developing relationships with leftist students and workers. Tragically, one of the Army officers he recruited during this period was Blaise Compaoré, the man who would eventually betray him in 1987.
As Ernest Harsch writes in his excellent biography of Sankara, the young lieutenant first entered the political arena in 1980. In that year, a military coup—the second in the nation's history—brought to power an Army colonel named Saye Zerbo, who pledged to root out corruption in the government. Though he did not participate in the coup, after its completion Sankara was promoted to captain and asked to serve as the new government's minister of information. Yet as the new regime lurched towards authoritarianism, Sankara publicly resigned his position in 1982.
Following a third military coup later that year, Sankara, in a sign of his growing popularity, was named prime minister in January of 1983. Using his new position as a platform for demanding radical change, he attacked the state bureaucracy, which he characterized as disconnected from the lives of suffering workers and peasants. Fearing his revolutionary rhetoric and growing popularity with the masses, Sankara was arrested in May 1983, but popular anger at this action forced the government to release him. With the support of a broad cross-section of the country, on August 4, 1983, Sankara seized power in the name of what was called the National Council of the Revolution.
Sankara: Class and ideology
When you read through Sankara's speeches and interviews collected in the Pathfinder Press volume Thomas Sankara Speaks, one of the features of Sankara's politics that stands out is his reluctance to be pigeon-holed into any particular ideological framework. His rhetoric was unmistakably Marxist and, as we will see, strongly anti-imperialist, but regarding some of the central questions of class struggle in post-colonial African nations, Sankara became a bit more slippery.
He was fond of saying that Africans were "not ideological virgins," meaning that they did not need to import any particular revolutionary theory uncritically, but rather ought to apply revolutionary principles of social justice and equality to local circumstances. Thus, regarding the class character of Upper Volta, Sankara found revolutionary potential in the working classes, the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, and the lumpenproletariat, although he also believed that the underdevelopment of the national economy precluded a revolution from below, as none of these groups possessed the level of organization or class consciousness that would be required in order to seize political power.
Of the popular groups listed above, Sankara argued that the working class was best positioned to lead, but its numerical weakness limited its power. He viewed the petty bourgeoisie as the most unreliable of all groups, vacillating between siding with the masses or the imperialist order. Finally, Sankara argued that the peasantry had suffered the most under the old regime, and its strength in numbers imbued it with significant, but as yet untapped, revolutionary potential. One of the primary goals of Sankara's government would be to develop the country's vast rural hinterland, thus awakening the peasantry to a revolutionary agenda.
Out of this class analysis, Sankara's revolutionary ideology encountered the significant problem of how to unite these disparate groups into a single people capable of waging war against national elites and the imperialist order. Sankara's solution to this question was to advance a radical nationalism that would bind together the working classes, peasants, and petty bourgeoisie in a common struggle. On the level of symbolism, Sankara changed the country's name from its colonial moniker, Upper Volta, to Burkina Faso, which translated to English means "The Land of Upright People." (It can also be translated as "The Land of Incorruptible People.")
Breaking with debt slavery
Preaching a language of self-respect and self-help, Sankara sought to free the country from dependency on foreign capital. He severed financial ties with the IMF and World Bank and the austerity measures they had imposed on the country. Of the debts that prior governments had accrued to these institutions and other developed nations, Sankara argued that Burkina Faso and other poor countries should not honor such obligations. As he once put it in a speech:
Debt has to be seen from the standpoint of its origins. Debt's origins come from colonialism's origins. Those who lend us money are those who had colonized us before. Under its current form, debt is a cleverly managed reconquest of Africa, aiming at subjugating its growth and development through foreign rules. Thus, each one of us becomes the financial slave, which is to say a true slave, of those who had been treacherous enough to put money in our countries with obligations for us to repay….But if we repay, we are going to die.
It is difficult to overstate the significance of Sankara's words here, for we find in them one of the clearest and earliest denunciations of the neo-liberal order that had emerged around the globe beginning in the 1970s, and which was deploying institutions like the IMF and the World Bank to enforce a neo-colonial relationship on Third World countries like Burkina Faso. In Sankara, the left gained a powerful and compelling voice against this global regime of exploitation that had condemned much of Africa, Latin America, and Asia to the severest form of poverty.
Of course, we know that in the 1990s and thereafter, this neo-liberal order came under increasing criticism thanks in large part to the anti-globalization movement. Sankara's assault on these forces of exploitation preceded the height of that struggle by more than a decade. It is, I would argue, his single most important legacy, and a position for which he and his country would pay dearly. Just a few months into his reign, as they confronted the fact that Sankara would not do their bidding, the agents of global capitalism began pulling their resources out of the country. France suspended all loans to the government by the end of 1983; the World Bank followed suit two years later.
Given the crippling poverty plaguing his country, it would not have been surprising if Sankara had relented on his hard-line stance against the policies of international financial institutions. But he was as good as his word, refusing to budge on the question of structural adjustment. As he once said in an interview, "Aid must go in the direction of strengthening our sovereignty, not undermining it. Aid should go in the direction of destroying aid. All aid that kills aid is welcome in Burkina Faso."
As the foreign loans upon which previous government had relied were eliminated, as Burkina Faso faced growing international condemnation of its radical agenda, as it remained ideologically isolated on a continent in which tyrants like Joseph Mobutu, P.W. Botha, and countless other collaborators with Western imperialism reigned, and as the Soviet Union's credibility and capacity for assistance was weakened by its quagmire in Afghanistan, Sankara knew that, for the revolution to succeed, it would have to turn inward, and embrace a vision of self-help that would require great sacrifices of the population.
This would be the revolution's greatest test: confined to a land-locked and impoverished country being choked by the expansion of the Sahara Desert, how would Burkina Faso marshal the resources needed to tackle the country's gravest problems, most notably an illiteracy rate that was 98 percent or higher in the rural areas, and an infant mortality rate that was one of the worst in the world, thanks to the scourge of diseases that were easily treated in more developed countries?
Ambitious campaigns
True to his own background and training, Sankara's government met these challenges through military-style campaigns whose swiftness astonished international observers. An ambitious vaccination campaign to inoculate millions of children against measles, meningitis and yellow fever was completed in just two weeks, saving the lives of thousands. The government's nationwide literacy campaign achieved a substantial increase in the country's literacy rate between 1983 and 1987.
To halt the expansion of the desert, Sankara's government planted some 10 million trees, accomplishing a greening of the environment that helped to preserve countless communities threatened by ecological catastrophe.
In these and countless other ways, Sankara sought to use the meager resources available to his government to improve the condition of the masses of peasants and working class people whose lives had been, in Sankara's words, a "barely tolerable hell" prior to 1983. Increases in government spending yielded significantly larger investments in health and education: during Sankara's reign, as Harsch reports in his biography of Sankara, spending on education improved by 26.5 percent per person, while spending on health increased by 42.3 percent. The outcome of these campaigns was to provide measurable and life-saving improvements in the lives of millions of Burkinabé citizens.
How did the Sankara government manage to afford funding such commitments? Notably, one of Sankara's primary accomplishments was to limit the state bureaucracy that had emerged under earlier regimes. Reductions in pay and the elimination of perks for civil servants freed up the budget for other priorities. In this regard Sankara also sought to lead by example: enrolling his children in public school, he sold off the limousines and private jets that had been the markers of privilege for previous rulers. He also vigorously prosecuted governmental corruption, annually laid off government workers who he argued had become too secure in their positions, and in this way freed up funds for more vital projects.
Sankara's reduction of government bureaucracy was certainly one of the most unique aspects of his regime. In many ways, Sankara's system of government closely resembled the Stalinist model, as defined by Paul Le Blanc in his very helpful essay "Reflections on the Meaning of Stalinism." Of the five principle elements of Stalinism which Le Blanc identifies, Sankara's Burkina Faso clearly meets four of the conditions: it was anti-democratic, it did pursue socialism in one country, it was unmistakably a revolution from above, both in terms of Sankara's military background as well as his nationalization of land and resources, and it did engage in both internal repression and extensive state propaganda. But, unlike most Stalinist regimes, it checked, rather than expanded, the state bureaucracy.
In this way, by ensuring that state resources were directed away from bureaucratic elites and towards the peasantry and working poor, Sankara's regime constituted revolutionary authoritarianism in a nearly ideal form. One would have to search extensively through the annals of revolutionary governments in the twentieth century to find a more enlightened example of revolution from above.
A nationalist vision: Its perils and limitations
Nonetheless, Sankara's nationalist vision meant that his revolution suffered from many of the same weaknesses that plagued the socialism-in-one-country model throughout the twentieth century. Most notably, by succumbing to the inescapable trap of state capitalism, in which, absent the means to eradicate capitalism, the state functions as an exploiter of labor, revolutionary Burkina Faso demanded enormous sacrifices of the peasantry and working class.
Thus, Sankara's bid to improve crop yields for critical food sources required the construction of dams to facilitate irrigation; the labor for those dams was unpaid, provided by volunteers pressured by a language of national service to toil without compensation. To better link the rural areas with commercial centers, Sankara also implemented what he termed "The Battle for the Railroad," a nationwide effort in which peasants supplied their labor to lay railroad tracks that would stretch from north to south.
These and other campaigns sought to invoke national honor and duty in order to provide the kind of infrastructure development that normally would have been funded by international loans. But with the severing of links between Burkina Faso and the neo-liberal order, the burden fell on peasants to develop the nation and thus secure its economic competitiveness in the future. In true Stalinist fashion, in 1985 Sankara announced a Five-Year Plan, a national offensive whose culmination was to result in "an independent, self-sufficient and planned national economy at the service of a democratic and popular society."
One should not minimize the accomplishments of this revolution from above. It increased food crop production, saved the lives of thousands of children, and awakened the population to an anti-imperialist message that took seriously the restoration of national honor in the aftermath of the more than two decades of disillusionment and neo-colonialism following independence in 1960. Sankara's revolutionary vision won him many admirers both inside and outside the country, but in no sense can it be judged a democratic revolution. The National Council for the Revolution which Sankara headed did not have democratic structures that enabled collective decision making, and Sankara had banned opposition political parties and curtailed trade unions upon taking power.
Towards the end of his reign, Sankara spoke of the need for a vanguard party and democratic centralism, but this ambition remained unrealized at the time of his death. Instead, the revolution's success largely depended on Sankara's enlightened perspective and his willingness to reconsider unpopular decisions. For as long as he remained in power, this approach was relatively successful; but his elimination ensured the demise of his political project.
Sankara's downfall can be traced to the young leader's enemies both inside and outside the country. Outside the country, France and its West African clients, most notably Côte D'Ivoire, desired a return to the old economic system by which wealthier countries were free to exploit Burkinabé labor. In particular, Côte D'Ivoire, which had a large Burkinabé population inside its borders, feared that the revolution might spread beyond Burkina Faso. It desired a return to the old dependency that had previously guided the relationship between the two countries, just as France and the other neoliberal powers wished to see Burkina Faso reinserted into global systems of economic exploitation.
The revolution loses steam
Sankara might have been able to ward off these threats had he developed better internal mechanisms for the defense of the revolution. Among the country's elites, Sankara faced many enemies, among them a bureaucracy who had seen its power and wealth curtailed by Sankara's program, and rural elites who resented the rescinding of their privileges. In particular, Sankara's advocacy of women's rights, including the banning of forced marriages and the expansion of education for girls, angered male elders accustomed to female subservience. Among the country's peasantry and working class, Sankara had many allies; but by 1987, the revolution, which had demanded much sacrifice from these groups, was becoming increasingly exhausted.
After the success of government initiatives focused on health and education, large-scale development projects stalled due to limitations of labor and resources. By 1987, Sankara's "Battle for the Railroad," had managed to lay just a few kilometers of track. Additionally, there was growing popular resentment against government repression. Upon taking power in 1983, Sankara had created the CDRs, which stand for the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, civilian groups who were responsible for spreading the revolution's ideals throughout the country, in every village. Modeled after similar organizations formed in 1960 in Fidel Castro's Cuba, many CDRs began to serve more as vigilante organizations, punishing civilians for often ill-defined reasons. Growing increasingly disconnected from Sankara's influence, the CDRs were unable to actually defend the revolution once it faced its greatest challenge.
Counter-revolution
Although some aspects of the 1987 coup that killed Sankara and ended the revolution remain unknown, what is clear is that the president of Côte D'Ivoire, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, either with the implicit or explicit support of France, played a significant role in facilitating Sankara's fall from power, as he developed close ties with Sankara's assistant Blaise Compaoré, whose soldiers carried out the coup on October 15, 1987. Upon taking power, Compaoré pledged to, in his words, "rectify" Sankara's revolution, but instead he presided over a full-scale counter-revolution that reversed the gains made under Sankara. By the early 1990s, IMF and World Bank assistance once again directed the nation's economic life, with structural adjustment policies leading to deep cuts in health care and education, and the continued immiseration of the population, which by 2013 was ranked by the UN as the seventh poorest country in the world.
From the perspective of the twenty-first century, it is tempting to conclude that all this was inevitable, that Burkina Faso's revolution, like so many other Third World revolutions was destined to fail. If we take as a given that Sankara's movement would confine itself to a national reawakening that would bring about the kind of socialism-in-one-country once espoused by Joseph Stalin, then the defeat of Sankara's regime was indeed assured. The reason for this is not just that socialism-in-one-country is unfeasible, but more importantly that it is particularly toxic on the African continent, given that region's history of colonial manipulation of national borders.
The trap of African nationalism
When Sankara reduced his revolutionary vision to the territorial space occupied by the nation-state known as Burkina Faso, he accepted the boundaries as they were imposed by the French colonial order, whose entire aim was to create artificial territorial states designed to fail. The reason Burkina Faso is a landlocked and impoverished nation is because the French made it that way, both by separating it from neighboring territories blessed with more favorable geography, and then by ensuring the continued underdevelopment of the country in the service of the needs of the international capitalist order. Burkina Faso as such is incapable of achieving the revolutionary transformation Sankara envisioned; its only hope for success is as part of a broader international movement.
At some level, Sankara recognized this, through the alliances he cultivated during his time in office with countries like Cuba, Nicaragua, and Ghana. But these examples of solidarity were largely abstract and symbolic, and thus not capable of effecting the kind of global revolutionary transformation that the Wretched of the Earth—whether residing in Managua or Ouagadougou—require in order to finally liberate themselves from the shackles of global capitalism.
On the African continent such internationalist dreams are not confined to the tradition of revolutionary socialism. In the era of independence, the emergence of pan-Africanism seemed to point towards such a reconfiguration, although its ideological ambiguity ultimately made it unfeasible. In more recent years, radical Islamism has emerged as a force seeking to transcend the loyalties of the nation-state, through such organizations as Boko Haram, Ansar Dine, and Al-Shabaab. But their violent and reactionary tendencies, not to mention their reliance on Islamic doctrines that are not shared by millions of Africans, clearly limit their potential effectiveness in achieving authentic liberation.
Nonetheless, the existence of these organizations shows that there is a real momentum for a new kind of politics on the African continent, capable of transcending the old colonial order. As the neo-liberal consensus frays under the weight of populist rebellions around the world, the forces of revolutionary socialism must position themselves to gain a hearing. In that regard, Thomas Sankara, and the memory of his revolution, can be an asset to the left. Often referred to as Africa's "Che Guevara," Sankara lives today not just as a symbol of chic revolutionary nostalgia; the achievements of his government demonstrate conclusively that, as our banners often put it, "another world is possible."
Despite its limitations, Sankara illustrated what can be accomplished when the resources of society are commandeered to improve the lives of the majority rather than to benefit the enrichment of the minority. That legacy, of anti-imperialism, anti-austerity, and anti-corruption, not to mention the positive developments that occurred during his regime in the fields of education, health, and environmental preservation, continue to inspire the masses, as the popular interest in Sankara's 2015 exhumation demonstrates.
But to win on a larger and grander scale than was possible during the 1980s, it will be the vital task of the global left to build movements from below capable not only of resisting the forces that brought about Sankara's downfall, but of actually seizing power in the name of the masses. In this regard, we remain confronted by significant ideological questions.
Without doubt, the capacities of the working class on the African continent are stronger today than they were in the 1980s, when levels of industrialization and wage labor employment were much lower. Nonetheless, the old legacies of colonialism continue to endure, shaping the boundaries of what is politically possible. In this regard, the stark division between urban and rural spaces remains a key dynamic of virtually all African countries in the 21st century, as does the prominent place of subsistence cultivators and participants in the informal economy.
Given these realities, the task in some way remains the question, first posed by Fanon, of how to stretch the Marxist frame of analysis to the African context. These are the debates I hope we can have now and in the future, while always of course keeping in mind that it will be Africans themselves who must write their own histories of struggle, and that on this revolutionary road they will need the engaged solidarity of the working classes in imperialist nations, to check the aggression of more powerful governments against mass struggles waged within the formerly colonized world.
Despite whatever limitations we may find in Sankara's ideology, this question of international solidarity was central to his own political vision. During a trip to the United States in 1984, Sankara visited Harlem, where he spoke before large crowds assembled at the Third World Trade Center and the Harriet Tubman School. As he said there, "We feel that the fight we're waging in Africa, principally in Burkina Faso, is the same fight you're waging in Harlem. We feel that we in Africa must give our brothers in Harlem all the support they need so that their fight too becomes known….When the people stand up, imperialism trembles!"
If the history of Burkina Faso teaches us anything, it is that socialism will never be possible unless and until an international movement emerges that will take just as seriously the futures of African protesters and peasants as it does those of Standing Rock water protectors or the victims of police brutality. By his words, Thomas Sankara understood this fundamental aspect of anti-imperialism, even if his actions and ideology did not always follow through on his internationalist sentiments. Today, 30 years after his assassination, this is the call we must heed, the battle we must fight, the future world we must win.
David Crawford Jones teaches African history in the department of African American and African Studies at Ohio State University. He is the author of a forthcoming book on the liberation struggle in Namibia.
Books about and by Thomas Sankara:
Thomas Sankara Speaks: The Burkina Faso Revolution 1983–87, by Thomas Sankara
Women's Liberation and the African Freedom Struggle, by Thomas Sankara
Thomas Sankara An African Revolutionary, by Ernest Harsch
Burkina Faso: A History of Power, Protest, and Revolution (forthcoming), by Ernest Harsch
From → Anti-imperialist, Movements and struggles, World socialist movement
Djiomou permalink
Mon nom est Djiomou et je désire construire un site web (www.afriqueaction.com) dans le but de partager l'information.
Afin de rester dans la légaliter, pouvez vous m'autoriser à uliser l'image Thomas Sankara sur le site web d'Afrique Action qui se trouve à l'adresse suivante : https://johnriddell.files.wordpress.com/2017/08/sankara-face.jpg?w=273&h=356
Recevez, mes meilleures salutations.
Djiomou
Équipe Afrique Action
John Riddell permalink
Vous pouvez utiliser tous les mattériaux sur mon site de web sans permission, mais je vous prie d'indiquer l'origine. Dans le cas de la photo de Sankara, elle est disponible dans Google Images.
Pascal permalink
This is was a really great read. Thank your for thoughtfully and thoroughly synthesizing this information.
Charity permalink
This is answer to the question, why Africa needs to unite and stand that there can be no successful uprising in Africa unless it's an African uprising. Truly truly enlightening.
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I have been active in the revolutionary socialist movement in Canada, the United States and Europe since the 1960s. This blog features my current articles and some of my past writings that still seem relevant.
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Comintern Project Book List Hits a Dozen
Canada's 'Liberals' Have a Disturbing Imperial Streak
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I have a Bluetooth mouse that goes to sleep after a few minutes of inactivity.
I want to either disable this feature so that it no longer goes to sleep after a few minutes of inactivity OR delay how long it takes for it to go to sleep.
The mouse is a Gearhead Bluetooth mouse model number MBT9650RED.
Right now the Bluetooth mouse seems to go to sleep after about two minutes of inactivity.
The problem is that I have to move it around for a few seconds for it to wake up and become useful again after it's gone to sleep.
I'm using Windows 10 Pro 64-bit as my operating system.
Is there a setting I can change within this operating system that will either force my Bluetooth mouse to stay awake or delay how long it takes for it to go to sleep after a few minutes of inactivity?
In other words, how can either I stop or delay my Bluetooth mouse from going to sleep?
Re: How to stop/delay a Bluetooth mouse from going to sleep?
front page of your User's Manual) and information regarding your computer's operating system.


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To get an insight of our Practice, below is some of the comments made by patients.
My family and I have been attending Ivar for many years. Ivar has a great manner with the kids and made their appointment fun but also explained everything to them. My new glasses are fab so also thanks to Helen and Gwen for their advice and help! What a choice of frames!! We would recommend visiting Ivar, he is thorough and explains everything really well.
I and my family have been patients of this practice for over twenty years. I have always found them very friendly and helpful.
3 years ago, I changed from wearing glasses/monthly contact lenses to nocturnal lenses and I can't believe the difference! I found them challenging for the first week until I got used to wearing hard lenses, having never worn them before, but the bonus of not needing any lenses/glasses at all during the day was worth it. I would definitely recommend anyone to try them and "see" the difference!
I have been going to see Mr McLeish for years, and couldn't ask for a better service! Mr McLeish and his staff are lovely, they even remembered myself and my daughter when they met for the first time at 2weeks old. I Had the OCT scan for the first time today, it's really amazing what it can do.
I've been going to Mr McLeish for years and couldn't ask for a better service! Had the OCT scan for the first time today and it's really amazing what it can do – everyone should definitely get it done.
After a really bad experience with hard contact lenses 20 odd years ago I thought I'd be stuck with glasses forever! then I heard about nocturnal contact lenses and couldn't quite believe they could be as good as they sounded – 6 months on I'm delighted with them, best decision ever! The testing and fitting process was reassuringly thorough and every step was explained, staff at IJ McLeish were really supportive throughout.
So impressed with my new Orthok nocturnal contact lenses. No more glasses after just 1 week, 20/20 vision after 2 weeks, now 6 weeks on & have never been happier. Thanks so much to Mr McLeish & lovely staff, best decision I ever made!
Been going to I J McLeish Opticians for over thirty years for my eye care and still very happy with the care I get. Peace of mind that my eyes are healthy and for over six years been wearing my prescribed contact lenses especially made for over night wear and in the morning my distance vision is so good I don't need to wear my glasses. Its the nearest thing for me to having laser eye surgery. Just contacts no operation to get my 20 20 vision.
I had never heard of nocturnal lenses before, but after trying them I have never looked back! Highly recommended if you don't like wearing glasses.
Went today to have my eyes tested as it had been a long time. The service and equipment used here is fantastic!!
Very friendly staff…professional and good prices.
EXCELLENT SERVICE FOR 20 YEARS WITH FRIENDLY COMPETENT STAFF.
Comments made by some of our patients.


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Josep María Fusté (ur. 15 kwietnia 1941 w Linyoli) – hiszpański piłkarz grający na pozycji obrońcy.

Najdłuższy okres w jego karierze przypadł na lata gry w katalońskim klubie FC Barcelona, gdzie grał w latach 1962 - 1972. W sumie rozegrał 492 spotkań i pomógł drużynie w zdobyciu kilku trofeów Copa del Generalismo.

W reprezentacji Hiszpanii grał 1964–1969.

Związany nadal z FC Barceloną. Aktualnie organizator meczów drużyny weteranów.

Przypisy

Bibliografia

 Profil na BDFutbol.com

Reprezentanci Hiszpanii w piłce nożnej
Katalońscy piłkarze
Piłkarze FC Barcelona
Piłkarze CA Osasuna
Piłkarze Hércules CF
Mistrzowie Europy w Piłce Nożnej
Urodzeni w 1941


This entry was posted on July 30, 2015 at 2:07 pm and is filed under It Could Be Worse..., Jesting.	You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.


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German submarine U-1001 was a Type VIIC/41 U-boat of Nazi Germany's Kriegsmarine during World War II.

She was ordered on 14 October 1941, and was laid down on 31 December 1942, at Blohm & Voss, Hamburg, as yard number 201. She was launched on 6 October 1943, and commissioned under the command of Kapitänleutnant Ernst-Ulrich Blaudow on 18 November 1943.

Design
German Type VIIC/41 submarines were preceded by the heavier Type VIIC submarines. U-1001 had a displacement of  when at the surface and  while submerged. She had a total length of , a pressure hull length of , an overall beam of , a height of , and a draught of . The submarine was powered by two Germaniawerft F46 four-stroke, six-cylinder supercharged diesel engines producing a total of  for use while surfaced, two BBC GG UB 720/8 double-acting electric motors producing a total of  for use while submerged. She had two shafts and two  propellers. The boat was capable of operating at depths of up to .

The submarine had a maximum surface speed of  and a maximum submerged speed of . When submerged, the boat could operate for  at ; when surfaced, she could travel  at . U-1001 was fitted with five  torpedo tubes (four fitted at the bow and one at the stern), fourteen torpedoes or 26 TMA or TMB Naval mines, one  SK C/35 naval gun, (220 rounds), one  Flak M42 and two  C/30 anti-aircraft guns. The boat had a complement of between forty-four and fifty-two.

Service history
U-1001 participated in six war patrols. None of these resulted in any ships damaged or sunk.

On 21 September, during her third war patrol, U-1001 laid 15 TMB near Porkkala, on the Baltic Sea. The next day, 22 Sep 1944, U-1001 rescued 13 shipwrecked German soldiers from the Baltic and landed them later on 2 October, at Libau.

On 29 October 1944, during her fourth war patrol, U-1001 transferred two medical cases from  and  in the Baltic.

U-1001 had Schnorchel underwater-breathing apparatus fitted out in February 1945.

On 8 April 1945, 29 days out of Kristiansand, on her sixth war patrol, she was located by the British frigates  and . U-1001 was sunk by depth charges in the North Atlantic south-west of Land's End, killing all forty-six of her crew.

The wreck now lies at .

See also
 Battle of the Atlantic

References

Bibliography

External links

German Type VIIC/41 submarines
U-boats commissioned in 1943
World War II submarines of Germany
1943 ships
Ships built in Hamburg
Maritime incidents in April 1945
World War II shipwrecks in the Atlantic Ocean
U-boats sunk by depth charges


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Made In Michigan
Mid-Michigan high school principal says drug testing policy is helpful, not punitive
By Elisse Ramey |
Posted: Thu 6:24 PM, Dec 05, 2019 |
Updated: Thu 8:12 PM, Dec 05, 2019
FLINT (WJRT) - (12/5/19) - The decision by a Michigan school board to approve a new, random drug testing policy for any student involved in extra-curricular activities is raising questions about other drug testing policies in other Michigan communities.
The Plainwell School Board policy was met with some backlash from parents, as reported by ABC12 affiliate WZZM.
While the policy in Plainwell is new, Powers Catholic High School in Flint has been testing students for several years -- and administrators say the drug policy there has been beneficial to students and their parents.
"The whole idea behind it was that if a student is caught while using drugs that they get the help that they need," said Principal Sally Bartos.
Powers Catholic High School, a private tuition-based school, is in its 5th year of having a drug testing policy in place for all students. It was implemented by the Diocese of Lansing at all four of its high schools, including Powers.
The school also relies on campus security guard, Joe Lash, and detection dog, Pepper, to sniff out marijuana, cocaine, gun powder, tobacco and other substances students are not allowed to have on the premises.
"Drugs in high schools have been a problem since I was in high school, which was a long time ago. So to say it's a new notion is completely false," Bartos said.
While many mid-Michigan schools use narcotic-detecting dogs to help maintain a drug-free environment, far fewer employ drug testing.
Bartos, along with President Rory Mattar, explained that the test happens randomly once per year, and it is mandatory.
Bartos says unlike other similar policies, this one is not punitive.
"The notion that if we can help one kid, if we can help them overcome what could be a lifelong addiction, then it's a service rendered and a very good thing," Bartos said.
The test looks for narcotics and opioids. The high school, which has 640 students, has dealt with a handful of positive results over the years. In some cases students even use the drug testing as an excuse to say no to drugs and their peers who may be pressuring them.
There's also an extreme amount of privacy that comes along with the students' compliance.
"Literally the only person in the school that knows the results of the drug test is me," Bartos said. "We haven't actually caught a whole lot of kids but a few, and those kids I do believe we have helped a great deal."
As the effects of new drug laws are felt in Michigan, Bartos doesn't rule out the possibility of having to adapt as well.
"We're addressing the vaping issue. I think with the legalization of marijuana, you know, as this rolls out," Bartos explained. "It's hard to say exactly what the impact will be, but I guarantee we're going to have to look at that and see because certainly students will have more access."
Roads refreeze overnight, very slick conditions
Mid-Michigan VFW Post 3087 closing its doors, holding public auction to clear building
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'Owls' is LUIK's beautiful dark debutalbum. Full of whispering slowcore where leafs permanently seem to fall of trees, cars always have a flat tire and a lift-off seems impossible. The band around Lukas Dikker presents a mix of softly picked guitars, pressing bass and whistling vocals with a touch of melancholy, moody vibes.
The album received 4/5 stars in De Volkskrant and on NU.nl and will play Noorderslagfestival (one of 3VOOR12's tips), and now released an album that can match the likes of Beach House, Julian Lynch, Low or Sparklehorse.


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Rissoinidae is a large family of very small and minute sea snails with an operculum, marine gastropod mollusks, in the clade Littorinimorpha. Several genera that were previously part of Rissoinidae have been assigned to the Zebinidae family.

Genera
Genera within the family Rissoinidae include:
 Ailinzebina Ladd, 1966
 Anteglosia H.E. Vokes, 1948†
 Apataxia Laseron, 1956
 Bralitzia Gründel, 1998†
 Buvignieria Cossmann, 1921†
 Chiliostigma Melvill, 1918
 Hudlestoniella Cossmann, 1909†
 Lamellirissoina Kuroda & Habe, 1991
 Leaella Cossmann, 1921†
 Moerchiella G. Nevill, 1885
 Ottoina Harris & Palmer, 1947†
 Parazebinella Boettger, 1893
 Phosinella Mörch, 1876
 Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Rissoinella Oyama in Taki & Oyama, 1954
 Sulcorissoina Kosuge, 1965
 Zebinella Mörch, 1876
 Zebinostoma Conti & Fischer, 1982†

Genera brought into synonymy
 Austrosina Laseron, 1956: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Caporista Iredale, 1955: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Condylicia Laseron, 1956: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Costalynia Laseron, 1956: synonym of Rissoina (Rissolina) Gould, 1861 represented as Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Dentrissoina Laseron, 1956: synonym of Tomlinella Viader, 1938
 Fractoralla Laseron, 1956: synonym of Rissoina (Rissolina) Gould, 1861 represented as Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Laseronia Cotton, 1959: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Peripetella Laseron, 1956: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Phintorene Iredale, 1955: synonym of Phosinella Mörch, 1876
 Planapexia Laseron, 1956: synonym of Phosinella Mörch, 1876
 Pleneconea Laseron, 1956: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Rissolina Gould, 1861: synonym of Rissoina (Rissolina) Gould, 1861 represented as Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Stiva Hedley, 1904: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840
 Zymalata Laseron, 1956: synonym of Rissoina d'Orbigny, 1840

References

 Ponder W. F. (1985) A review of the genera of the Rissoidae (Mollusca: Mesogastropoda: Rissoacea). Records of the Australian Museum supplement 4: 1-221
 Sleurs W.J.M. (1993). A revision of the Recent species of Rissoina (Moerchiella), R. (Apataxia), R. (Ailinzebina) and R. (Pachyrissoina) (Gastropoda: Rissoidae). Bulletin de l'Institut Royal des Sciences Naturelles de Belgique, 63: 71-135
  Criscione F. & Ponder W.F. (2013) A phylogenetic analysis of rissooidean and cingulopsoidean families (Gastropoda: Caenogastropoda). Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 66: 1075–1082


text:
GeekSlash is Becoming the 'Go-To' Tech Blog for the Geeks & General Public for Fixing their Tech Problems
The Regularly Updated Website Features News, Information, Updates & Reviews about
all kinds of Latest Developments & Innovations in the Evolving World of Information Technology
October 28, 2019 – GeekSlash.com has proudly announced the launch of their all-new website that will serve as the ultimate platform of news and updates in the world of information technology. The emerging tech-blog is already gaining massive popularity and it is designed to help people fix their tech-related problems easily. Moreover, the site features how-to articles and manuals for troubleshooting of standard and well-known tech issues people may face daily.
The website also features authentic reviews by some of the most seasoned industry experts regarding all kinds of latest innovations in the world of information technology. "From our daily updated how-to articles to common troubleshooting guidelines and technology-related news, we strive hard to present our valued visitors with regularly updated content each day," said the spokesperson of GeekSlash.com, while talking about the website. "We also have a 'features' section that features and benefits of different tech-gadgets and tools, and we are grateful to our valued visitors for their overwhelming feedback regarding our site," he added. The twenty-first century is an age that is driven by technology and the team of GeekSlash.com takes great pride in keeping up with the rapidly evolving innovations.
In addition, GeekSlash.com also has a team of dedicated experts and IT geeks, and this team puts a lot of time and resources while conducting research for their new blog posts. Tech blogs are a great way to educate people about whatever is latest in the world of technology but when it comes to educating and informing tech geeks, more impressive hard work and research is required. This blog is, therefore, a great effort made by the geeks for the geeks and for the general public.
For more information and for the latest posts, please visit the website at:
www.GeekSlash.com
Company Name: GeekSlash
Contact Person: Jason Morris
Website: GeekSlash.com


The Product Marketing Manager is responsible for the products' positioning and messaging. In doing so the Product Mktg Manager understands the consumers' needs and operational use cases. At this capacity, Product Mktg Manager develops product messaging that is fitting to the consumers' current mindset. Studying the company's products and their benefits for users, the Product Mktg Manager is responsible for presenting the portfolio of products in ways that will strengthen the brand and enable sales. The Product Marketing Manager will be responsible for identifying problems and articulate solution value messaging: understand and translate technical capabilities, as defined by the Product Manager, into business and customer values to enable the work of the business unit (Sales, Pre sales and CEs).
The tangible results of a product marketer's work typically include Sales enablement materials, such as: Product pitch, Positioning and messaging, Demo flow and Competitive intelligence. Those materials are the result of close work with Sales and Pre Sales, on one hand, and with the product managers, on the other.
Excellent people and communication skills to interact with staff, colleagues, cross-functional teams, and third parties.