If there is one place that countries can get the best bang for their carbon buck it's looking to their own fiscal incentives: reforming government subsidies to fossil fuels and taxing them properly. The resulting savings can then be redistributed into incentivizing sustainable energy and to communities and sections of society affected by rising fuel prices and loss of jobs. Research has found that governments could save and average of USD 93 per tonne of carbon abated through fossil fuel subsidy reform and could generate a whole lot more revenue if carbon fuels and energy were taxed appropriately to account for ill health and climate damage. Greenhouse gas emissions reductions would be significant too—around a quarter of the current country effort committed toward Paris through one fiscal instrument. Many countries are leading the way and along with the private sector: several organizations shared stories and actions for success at the recent United Nations climate change talks in Katowice, Poland. These groups included the Friends of Fossil Fuel Subsidy Reform, the Nordic Council of Ministers and the Global Subsidies Initiative (GSI) of the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD). Countries that were able to highlight successful stories and opportunities for change included Argentina, Costa Rica, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finland, India, Indonesia, Italy, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and Zambia.
On December 11, the Friends of Fossil Fuel Subsidy Reform launched a Network for action on fossil fuel subsidy reform. Countries having previously come together virtually throughout 2018 to share stories for success on themes including peer review, communicating subsidy reforms, subsidy swaps for sustainable energy, investment in a just transition and mitigation measures via cash transfers. A brochure accompanied the launch and outlined the lessons shared across the Network in 2018 and how more countries can get involved with the Network in the future. Marc Chardonnens of Switzerland said "We must learn from each other's successes to enable smooth changes and reforms toward adequate pricing of fossil fuels." Kimmo Tiilikainen, Finland said "These subsidies take us in the opposite direction of the Paris Agreement." Francesco La Camera of Italy (incoming Director General of IRENA) explained that "When we talk about reform … there are the environmental and social aspects that are to be considered at the same time if we want to succeed." Kangwa Muyunda from Consumer Unity & Trust Society (CUTS) International, Zambia explained that in a country where energy access is low "the cost of subsidizing the system is a barrier to energy access." Sveinung Rotevatn, Norway explained that "unfortunately, we are not on track to reach either 1.5 degrees nor 2 degrees at the moment and while this is happening, we are spending USD 400 billion on fossil fuel subsidies." He noted that "The group has been instrumental in bringing forward strong arguments for why subsidy reform is necessary." Stephanie Lee of New Zealand chaired the conference and explained that having lived in Indonesia she understood that "the Indonesian story is a brave one." Rachmat Witoelar, Indonesia then explained the practical steps that Indonesia took to save USD 15 billion from reforms in 2015.
On December 7, a side event organized by the GSI of the IISD with the Fundación Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (FARN) talked about the benefits of reforming fossil fuel subsidies. The event discussed successful reform examples from different countries around the globe and presented a new report about success stories of fossil fuel subsidy reform and taxation across the G20. Lourdes Sanchez (IISD) reported how Indonesia significantly increased public investment in programs to boost growth and reduce poverty, including infrastructure and social support for the vulnerable, after reforming diesel and gasoline subsidies in 2015—which saved the government USD 15 billion a year. CEEW's Arunabha Ghosh discussed the effects of the current shifting of subsidies to fossil fuel toward renewables in India. This shift has facilitated access to electricity and clean cooking fuels for tens of millions of Indians—notably the poor and vulnerable. Enrique Maurtua of Argentina's FARN concluded the event with a presentation on the evolution of fossil fuel subsidies in Argentina following the major subsidy reforms that the country has undertaken in the past couple of years. The reform of incentives to oil producers in that country saved at least USD 780 million in 2017 in public finance. These and other stories presented in the new report show that reform is possible and has significant related benefits. There are challenges, but during times of higher oil price, when oil prices increase it is important that countries stay on course with reforms and put in place compensation measures for the vulnerable.
On December 10th a side event organized by IISD/GSI with support of the Nordic Council of Ministers took place at the Nordic Pavilion. Participants included: Hannele Pokka, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of the Environment, Finland; Richard Bridle and Laura Merrill, IISD/GSI; Kangwa Muyunda, CUTS Lusaka; Astrid Knutsen Hårstad, Political adviser, Ministry of Climate and the Environment Norway; Oras Tynkkynen, SITRA; Eka Hendra Permana, Fiscal Policy Agency, Indonesia; and Gonzalo Sáenz de Miera, Director of Climate Change, Iberdrola. The event provided an opportunity to learn about the impact of government subsidies from a private sector energy company perspective, as well as about active reforms from a country-level perspective (Indonesia and Zambia) and to learn more about opportunities for countries to implement swaps and thus move away from government subsidies for fossil fuels and toward sustainable energy and transport. The event launched the latest report from the Nordic Council of Ministers on this issue with a focus on the business model and concept of swaps, including a detailed roadmap with Zambia and potential for action in Morocco.
From left to right Laura Merrill and Lourdes Sanchez, GSI/IISD; Enrique Maurtua, FARN; and Dr. Arunabha Ghosh, CEEW.
Elsewhere within the CoP the financial sector called for the phase out of fossil fuel subsidies by set deadlines, signed by 415 investor signatories with well over USD 32 trillion in assets. The issue of FFSR was also echoed in other publications including the UNE 2018 Emissions Gap Report and 2018 Brown to Green report.
Despite difficulties within the negotiations from some Parties, coalitions of the willing are forming to translate the Paris Agreement into action on the ground and between countries via peer to peer support and encouragement. What this means for true multilateral and international action and institutions, across the board, is unclear. Agreement was reached in Katowice, but in terms of early action, ambition and advantage such first mover country groupings of the willing (like the Friends of Fossil Fuel Subsidy Reform and others), will be key to success.


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As a television show, the original series of Star Trek focused on stories about Kirk and humanity. Some of the best Star Trek novels take advantage of this well-understood background to turn the readers' attention to characters and races that were less thoroughly explored onscreen. John M. Ford's World's Apart series offers two excellent and very different examples of this. The Final Reflection and How Much for Just the Planet? were originally published in 1984 and 1987 respectively. The books were not linked at initial publication, but were hitched together when they were reprinted in 1999. The Final Frontier, which was ably reviewed by Jo Walton on this site in late January, represented an early effort to explore the Klingon Empire. How Much for Just the Planet? extends Ford's exploration of Klingon culture by combining it with musical comedy.
The first time the Romulans appeared on Star Trek, the show could only afford a couple sets of ears and the rest of the Romulans had to wear big helmets. Since Klingon alien-ness in the original series was limited to being swarthy and willing to shoot people for no reason, Klingons were relatively inexpensive, which is almost certainly one of the reasons for the relatively frequent appearances of the Klingon race as villains of the week. As the alien race of convenience, the Klingons suffered from inconsistent characterization. In some episodes they relied on brute force and seemed to have a totalitarian political system with a high degree of personal risk and accountability. In other episodes, Klingon commanders seemed to operate independently and employed subtle, long-term strategies. The only important consistency was that, as the enemies of the Federation, the Klingons were metaphorically Soviet. Ford embraced the opportunities these inconsistencies offered for world-building, creating, in The Final Reflection, a Klingon approximation of The Hunt for Red October, which was published in the same year. The stories are not substantively similar, but the idea of seeing your enemy's essential humanity and the uncertainty and danger inherent in international/intergalactic tensions bind them together thematically.
If The Final Reflection is The Hunt for Red October, How Much for Just the Planet? Is The Mouse that Roared. Again, the stories are not substantively similar, but the humorous tone and the theme of exploiting intergalactic tension for the benefit of an otherwise vulnerable state bind the two together. In How Much for Just the Planet? a Federation Survey vessel and a Klingon ship discover Direidi, a planet in the Klingon-Federation neutral zone with OODLES of dilithium, basically simultaneously. Under the provisions of the Organian Treaty between the UFP and the Klingon Empire, this means that the two governments get to compete for the planet by demonstrating "the ability to develop the world in a peaceful and useful manner" with development rights being granted to "the party that best shows said ability." The treaty does not make clear what role the indigenous population of the planet in question is supposed to play in this selection process, especially if, as in this case, they aren't really keen on having their planet be useful to either party. Direidi's answer to this problem makes extensive use of community theater.
It would be easy to summarize the remainder of the book as Glee in space. The production numbers are apparently spontaneous and lavishly produced. But this comparison ignores the intricately crafted story that runs both through and beneath a surface layer of escalating chaos. Behind the scenes, a group of writers and production staff are working frantically to make sure that all the characters play their parts and the resolution is believable. These characters are thinly veiled allusions to popular science fiction writers – both an in-joke for devoted readers and a sly reminder that however outrageous this particular story seems, it works the way Star Trek has always worked.
The Final Reflection looked at the Klingon Empire through the eyes of extraordinary Klingons, who did extraordinary things. How Much for Just the Planet? looks at what it means to be Klingon through the eyes of Klingons in ordinary moments. Aperoki, the nerdy Klingon communications officer likes old Federation movies a little too much. Arizhel, the Klingon survey officer, talks about disappointing her parents with her career choices. A brief and hopeless romance between Arizhel and Captain Kaden vestai-Operai, is one of the best examples of the revealing nature of the mundane. In a rare, quiet moment they consider what their life together might be like, and realize that their empire's current policies leave them with no plausible shared future.
Ford's ideas about Klingons also had a limited future—they have been largely neglected in the accepted Klingon literature. Their omission from the canon is tragic and undeserved. The World's Apart series is a much needed revelation of the potential of enhancing intergalactic understanding through a combination of traditional narratives and dinner theater.
Ellen Cheeseman-Meyer has been a Star Trek fan since the early 90s, but only started watching the series in 2009. She teaches history and reads a lot.


Warmy - army and political news, experts' reviews, infographics and more.
Roskosmos has posted a video on YouTube captured by cameras mounted on 'Soyus-2.1a' carrier rocket. The video shows first person 'debut' launch from 'Vostochniy' cosmodrome.


There were three example videos, including one from Big History's big benefactor, Bill Gates (@BillGates). Another was by Jacqueline Howard (@JacqEHoward), the Science Editor at Huffington Post proxy. But the one that really stood out was by John Green (@johngreen), who's one of the vlogbrothers on YouTube.


Smart phone and tablet users can now access information on Armstrong Ceilings via a free App.
The super-user-friendly Armstrong Ceiling Systems app enables smart phone, IPad and tablet users to very quickly preview and download information such as system and product brochures, installation and maintenance guidance, guarantees, datasheets and more than 20 case studies.
It is the latest in a line of technologically-advanced developments including animated micro-sites that position Armstrong at the forefront of next-generation service delivery.
Product-specific brochures and datasheets include metal and mesh ceilings and walls, wood, islands, metal and mineral baffles, Axiom canopies and perimeter solutions, the passive energy-saving CoolZone system and the Tech Zone system which integrates building services such as air conditioning and lighting.
The app is so easy to use it barely warrants the included guide on how to use it! And links to the app can easily be shared through email, Twitter and Facebook.


Other than a random shift here and there during his two-plus seasons with the Capitals, Brett Connolly has had to witness the majesty of Evgeny Kuznetsov and Alex Ovechkin skating together from the friendly confines of the third line.
With Tom Wilson currently serving a 20-game suspension, Connolly has been upgraded to the first class cabin and is now alongside two of the NHL's premier offensive talents on the defending Stanley Cup champions' No. 1 line.
That has given Connolly a unique perspective of Kuznetsov and Ovechkin, and he has come away with nothing but praise.


text:
Slate Office REIT Reports Second Quarter 2021 Results Demonstrating Strong Leasing Activity
TORONTO–(BUSINESS WIRE)–Slate Office REIT (TSX: SOT.UN) (the "REIT"), an owner and operator of North American office real estate, reported today financial results for the three and six months ended June 30, 2021.
"Slate Office REIT's strong second quarter results demonstrate the continued strengthening of the real estate market and the demand for office space," said Steve Hodgson, Chief Executive Officer of Slate Office REIT. "The REIT completed over 347,000 square feet of leasing in the second quarter at positive rental rate spreads, which is more than triple the volume completed in the first quarter. Continued progress on vaccines will support further increases in touring activity, office utilization rates and real estate fundamentals."
For the CEO's letter to unitholders for the quarter, please follow the link here.
Strong leasing activity at positive spreads: The REIT completed a total of 347,574 square feet of leasing at an overall rental rate spread of 16.9%, comprised of 285,833 square feet of renewals and 61,741 square feet of new deals.
Occupancy growth: The REIT's occupancy finished the second quarter at 83.6%, an increase of 10 basis points compared to the first quarter of 2021. Management expects further occupancy gains as office real estate fundamentals in the REIT's markets continue to strengthen.
Durable income: 60% of the REIT's portfolio is comprised of government or credit rated tenants. The portfolio's strong credit tenancies have a weighted average remaining lease term of 5.4 years, which supports the REIT's attractive distribution yield of 7.5%.
Same-property NOI growth: Same-property net operating income ("NOI"), excluding the REIT's hotel asset, for the three months ended June 30, 2021 compared to the most recently completed quarter, increased by 4.3% to $22.3 million.
Core-FFO and Core-FFO payout ratio: Core funds from operations ("Core-FFO") was $11.2 million or $0.15 per unit for the quarter ended June 30, 2021, an increase of $0.8 million or $0.01 per unit compared to the most recently completed quarter. The Core-FFO payout ratio was 65.0% for the second quarter.
AFFO and AFFO payout ratio: Adjusted funds from operations ("AFFO") was $10.1 million or $0.14 per unit for the quarter ended June 30, 2021, an increase of $0.9 million or $0.01 per unit compared to the most recently completed quarter. The AFFO payout ratio was 72.5% for the second quarter.
Summary of Q2 2021 Results
Three months ended June 30,
(thousands of dollars, except per unit amounts)
Rental revenue
(6.8)%
Same-property NOI
Weighted average diluted number of trust units (000s)
Funds from operations ("FFO")
(18.0)%
FFO per unit
FFO payout ratio
Core-FFO
Core-FFO per unit
Core-FFO payout ratio
AFFO
AFFO per unit
AFFO payout ratio
Portfolio occupancy
Loan-to-value ratio
Net debt to adjusted EBITDA 1
11.6x
Interest coverage ratio 1
(0.1)x
1 EBITDA is calculated using trailing twelve month actuals, as calculated below.
Conference Call and Presentation Details
Senior management will host a live conference call at 9:00 a.m. ET on Friday, July 30, 2021 to discuss the results and ongoing business initiatives of the REIT.
The conference call can be accessed by dialing (647) 427-2311 or 1 (866) 521-4909. Additionally, the conference call will be available via simultaneous audio found at www.snwebcastcenter.com/webcast/slate/2021/0730. A replay will be accessible until August 13, 2021 via the REIT's website or by dialing (416) 621-4642 or 1 (800) 585-8367 (access code 5149467) approximately two hours after the live event.
About Slate Office REIT (TSX: SOT.UN)
Slate Office REIT is an owner and operator of North American office real estate. The REIT owns interests in and operates a portfolio of 34 strategic and well-located real estate assets across Canada's major population centres and includes two assets in downtown Chicago, Illinois. 60% of the REIT's portfolio is comprised of government or credit rated tenants. The REIT acquires quality assets at a discount to replacement cost and creates value for unitholders by applying hands-on asset management strategies to grow rental revenue, extend lease term and increase occupancy. Visit slateofficereit.com to learn more.
About Slate Asset Management
Slate Asset Management is a global alternative investment platform focused on real estate. We focus on fundamentals with the objective of creating long-term value for our investors and partners. Slate's platform has a range of investment strategies, including opportunistic, value add, core plus and debt investments. We are supported by exceptional people and flexible capital, which enable us to originate and execute on a wide range of compelling investment opportunities. Visit slateam.com to learn more.
All interested parties can access Slate Office REIT's Supplemental Information online at slateofficereit.com in the Investors section. These materials are also available on SEDAR or upon request at ir@slateam.com or (416) 644-4264.
Certain information herein constitutes "forward-looking information" as defined under Canadian securities laws which reflect management's expectations regarding objectives, plans, goals, strategies, future growth, results of operations, performance, business prospects and opportunities of the REIT. The words "plans", "expects", "does not expect", "scheduled", "estimates", "intends", "anticipates", "does not anticipate", "projects", "believes", or variations of such words and phrases or statements to the effect that certain actions, events or results "may", "will", "could", "would", "might", "occur", "be achieved", or "continue" and similar expressions identify forward-looking statements. Some of the specific forward-looking statements contained herein include, but are not limited to, statements relating to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Such forward-looking statements are qualified in their entirety by the inherent risks and uncertainties surrounding future expectations.
Forward-looking statements are necessarily based on a number of estimates and assumptions that, while considered reasonable by management as of the date hereof, are inherently subject to significant business, economic and competitive uncertainties and contingencies. When relying on forward-looking statements to make decisions, the REIT cautions readers not to place undue reliance on these statements, as forward-looking statements involve significant risks and uncertainties and should not be read as guarantees of future performance or results, and will not necessarily be accurate indications of whether or not the times at or by which such performance or results will be achieved. A number of factors could cause actual results to differ, possibly materially, from the results discussed in the forward-looking statements. Additional information about risks and uncertainties is contained in the filings of the REIT with securities regulators
Non-IFRS Measures
We disclose a number of financial measures in this news release that are not measures used under IFRS, including NOI, same-property NOI, FFO, FFO payout ratio, Core-FFO, Core-FFO payout ratio, AFFO, AFFO payout ratio, IFRS net asset value, adjusted EBITDA, net debt to adjusted EBITDA and the interest coverage ratio, in addition to certain measures on a per unit basis.
NOI is defined as rental revenue less operating property expenses, prior to straight-line rent and other changes. Same-property NOI includes those properties owned by the REIT for each of the current period and the relevant comparative period.
FFO is defined as net income and comprehensive income adjusted for certain items including leasing costs amortized to revenue, change in fair value of properties, change in fair value of financial instruments, transaction costs, depreciation of hotel asset, change in fair value of Class B LP units, distributions to Class B LP unitholders and subscription receipts equivalent amount.
Core-FFO is defined as FFO adjusted for the REIT's share of lease payments received for its Data Centre asset, which for IFRS purposes is accounted for as a finance lease and removes the impact of mortgage discharge fees (if any).
AFFO is defined as FFO adjusted for certain items including guaranteed income supplements, amortization of deferred transaction costs, de-recognition and amortization of mark-to-market adjustments on mortgages refinanced or discharged, adjustments for interest rate subsidies received, recognition of the REIT's share of lease payments received for its Data Centre asset, which for IFRS purposes is accounted for as a finance lease, amortization of straight-line rent and normalized direct leasing and capital costs.
FFO payout ratio, Core-FFO payout ratio and AFFO payout ratio are defined as distributions declared divided by FFO, Core-FFO and AFFO, respectively.
FFO per unit, Core-FFO per unit and AFFO per unit are defined as FFO, Core-FFO and AFFO divided by the weighted average diluted number of units outstanding, respectively.
IFRS net asset value is defined as the aggregate of the carrying value of the REIT's equity, Class B LP units and deferred units.
Adjusted EBITDA is defined as earnings before interest, income taxes, depreciation, fair value gains (losses) from both financial instruments and investment properties, while also excluding non-recurring items such as transaction costs from dispositions, acquisitions or other events and adjusting income received from the Data Centre to cash received as opposed to finance income recorded for accounting purposes.
Net debt to adjusted EBITDA is calculated by dividing the aggregate amount of debt outstanding, less cash on hand, by annualized adjusted EBITDA.
Interest coverage ratio is defined as adjusted EBITDA divided by cash interest paid.
We utilize these measures for a variety of reasons, including measuring performance, managing the business, capital allocation and the assessment of risk. Descriptions of why these non-IFRS measures are useful to investors and how management uses each measure are included in Management's Discussion and Analysis, which readers should read when evaluating the measures included herein. We believe that providing these performance measures on a supplemental basis to our IFRS results is helpful to investors in assessing the overall performance of our businesses in a manner similar to management. These financial measures should not be considered as a substitute for similar financial measures calculated in accordance with IFRS. We caution readers that these non-IFRS financial measures may differ from the calculations disclosed by other businesses, and as a result, may not be comparable to similar measures presented by others.
SOT-FR
Calculation and Reconciliation of Non-IFRS Measures
The tables below summarize a calculation of non-IFRS measures based on IFRS financial information.
The calculation of NOI is as follows:
Property operating expenses
IFRIC 21 property tax adjustment 1
Straight-line rents and other changes
The reconciliation of net income to FFO, Core-FFO and AFFO is as follows:
Add (deduct):
Leasing costs amortized to revenue
Change in fair value of properties
Change in fair value of financial instruments
Transaction costs
Depreciation of hotel asset
Deferred income tax expense
Change in fair value of Class B LP units
Distributions to Class B unitholders
FFO 2
Finance income on finance lease receivable
Finance lease payments received
Core-FFO 2
Amortization of deferred transaction costs
Amortization of debt mark-to-market adjustments
Amortization of straight-line rent
Interest rate subsidy
Guaranteed income supplements
Normalized direct leasing and capital costs
AFFO 2
Weighted average number of diluted units outstanding(000s)
FFO per unit 2
Core-FFO per unit 2
AFFO per unit 2
FFO payout ratio 2
Core-FFO payout ratio 2
AFFO payout ratio 2
1 In accordance with IFRIC 21, the REIT recognizes property tax liability and expense on its existing U.S. properties as at January 1 of each year, rather than progressively, i.e. ratably throughout the year. The recognition of property taxes as a result of IFRIC 21 has no impact on NOI, FFO or AFFO.
2 Refer to "Non-IFRS measures" section above.
The reconciliation of cash flow from operating activities to FFO, Core-FFO and AFFO is as follows:
(thousands of dollars)
Cash flow from operating activities
Working capital items
Straight-line rent and other changes
Interest and other finance costs
Distributions paid to Class B unitholders
FFO1
The calculation of trailing twelve month adjusted EBITDA is as follows:
Trailing twelve months ended June 30,
Interest and finance costs
Distributions to Class B shareholders
Adjusted EBITDA 2
2 Adjusted EBITDA is based on actuals for the twelve months preceding the balance sheet date.
The calculation of net debt is as follows:
Debt, non-current
Debt, current
Less: cash on hand
Net debt
The calculation of net debt to adjusted EBITDA is as follows:
Adjusted EBITDA 1, 2
The interest coverage ratio is calculated as follows:
The following is the calculation of IFRS net asset value on a total and per unit basis at June 30, 2021 and December 31, 2020:
Class B LP units
Deferred unit liability
Deferred tax liability
IFRS net asset value
Diluted number of units outstanding (000s) 1
IFRS net asset value per unit
1 Represents the fully diluted number of units outstanding and includes outstanding REIT units, DUP units and Class B LP units.
E-mail: ir@slateam.com
Der Beitrag Slate Office REIT Reports Second Quarter 2021 Results Demonstrating Strong Leasing Activity erschien zuerst auf subcablenews.com.
The Blue and Raman Cable Systems Stand Out. Here's Why.
30 Jul Customer — Network
Canadian 5G auction raises $7.2bn
30 Jul Networks & services

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text:
SquareHaven.com is the venerable Square Enix resource
News / 2007 / October / 08
Blue Dragon downloadable content promises "impossible" odds
Published at 17:46:12 PT
Reported by Eddy
Karma: ↓ 23 ↑
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Blue Dragon downloadable content promises "impossible" odds
Content seeking to challenge fans of Mistwalker's premier RPG, Blue Dragon, is now available for download on Xbox Live. Those dissatisfied with the game's pre-packaged difficulty can acquire the "Ultra Hard Mod" free of charge. Upgrades include Hard mode, which grants the player access to a difficulty setting twice as challenging as Normal, and Impossible: an arrangement intended for characters level 50 and above. In addition, players can now begin a new file using data from near the end of the game, courtesy of the Game Plus feature.
Content seeking to challenge fans of Mistwalker's premier RPG, Blue Dragon, is now available for download on Xbox Live. Those dissatisfied with the game's pre-packaged difficulty can acquire the "Ultra Hard Mod" free of charge. Upgrades include Hard mode, which grants the player access to a difficulty setting twice as challenging as Normal, and Impossible: an arrangement intended for characters level 50 and above. In addition, players can now begin a new file using data from near the end of the game, courtesy of the Game Plus feature.
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text:
Q: DFS - Java recursive - find sum of nodes Below is my code:
class Node{
    int value;
    Node left;
    Node right;
    Node parent;
       //getters, setters
}

Create the Tree
    private static void createTree() throws FileNotFoundException{
    Map<String,Node> nodeMap = new HashMap<String,Node>();
    Scanner sc = new Scanner(new File("<location>"));
    int row =0;
    while(sc.hasNextLine()){
        String line = sc.nextLine();
        Scanner scanLine = new Scanner(line);
        System.out.println(line);
        int col =0;

        while(scanLine.hasNextInt()){
            int value = scanLine.nextInt();
            System.out.println(row+","+col+"="+value);
            Node node = new Node(value);
            nodeMap.put(row+","+col,node);
            if(row >0){
                if(col %2 ==0){
                    //left node
                    Node parent = nodeMap.get(row-1+","+col/2);
                    if(parent !=null){
                        node.setParent(parent);
                        parent.setLeft(node);
                    }
                }else{
                    //right node
                    Node parent = nodeMap.get(row-1+","+(col-1)/2);
                    if(parent !=null){
                        node.setParent(parent);
                        parent.setRight(node);
                    }
                }
            }
            col++;
        }
        row++;
    }
    System.out.println(nodeMap);
    Node root = nodeMap.get("0,0");
    traverseTree(root);
    System.out.println("sum="+sum);

}

Actual Traversal
    static int sum =0;
private static void traverseTree(Node n){
    if(n != null){
        sum+=n.value;
        traverseTree(n.left);
        traverseTree(n.right);
    }
}

I have 2 questions:

*

*Read the input and create the tree: I read it from a file and store
the root node in the hashmap. What are the alternatives?

*In the recursive search, I am keeping the sum outside the function, so its possible to calculate the sum in a sequential fashion. Is it possible to keep the sum variable inside and return the total value at the end?

A:
I read it from a file and store the root node in the hashmap. What are the alternatives?

How you are doing it seems pretty reasonable given the apparent input format, however I'd recommend using a List<List<Node>> rather than storing it with strings, as your performance may degrade fairly quickly because the strings are very similar, which may cause hash collisions, degrading your map's performance greatly if the input is large.

In the recursive search, I am keeping the sum outside the function, so its possible to calculate the sum in a sequential fashion. Is it possible to keep the sum variable inside and return the total value at the end?

private static int traverseTree(Node n) {
    if (n != null) {
        return n.value + traverseTree(n.left) + traverseTree(n.right);
    } else {
        return 0;
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
This week, the Utah Opioid Task Force convened for their quarterly meeting to discuss the opioid crisis in Utah and consider new programs and resources.
Suicide & Opioid Addiction
Cathy Bledsoe from Hope4Utah presented to the Opioid Task Force on Hope Squads, a peer suicide prevention program. Hope Squads are made up of students elected for their kindness. These students are trained by professionals to watch for at-risk students and identify warning signs, provide friendship, and seek help from adults. The Hope Squad model was created in the late 90s by Greg Hudnall, a principal in the Provo School District who realized that too many lives were being lost and peers were an important tool in solving the problem. Data from the Provo School District has shown that these Hope Squads are invaluable in preventing suicide and that since their creation, student suicides have gone down. There are now 207 schools in Utah participating in the Hope Squad program, with new schools joining in all the time.
"Suicide is important to hear and talk about when fighting the opioid crisis," said Utah Attorney General Sean D. Reyes. "It's reaching the root of the problem – that people are in pain and trying to get rid of that pain."
Along with programs like SafeUT, Hope Squads provide support and resources to students in Utah. Suicide is one of the leading causes of death in youths ages 10-19. Utah alone is ranked 5th in the nation for suicide rates.
The Effect of Opioids on Children
Carrie Jensen from the CJC Program and Allison Smith from RIC-AAU urged the importance of understanding the effect that opioids have on children. When their parents are suffering from addiction, children are at a higher risk for having emotional, cognitive, and behavioral problems. Additionally, Jensen and Smith discussed the effects that tobacco can have on children. One particularly worrisome issue is that vape cartridges can be laced with other drugs such as Fentanyl that can have detrimental effects from addiction to death.
U of U Emergency Opioid Use Disorder Program
Peter Taillac, a Clinical Professor of Emergency Medicine with the University of Utah, and Paula Cook, an Assistant Clinical Professor of Addiction Medicine with the University of Utah, presented on the recovery programs provided by the University Neuropsychiatric Institute (UNI). They explained that addiction is a chronic illness and needs to be treated this way. Currently, when opioid users end up in the emergency department due to overdose or a willingness to get treatment, doctors give them resources and a referral to treatment, which users rarely follow up on. However, this new model proposes that emergency room doctors provide opioid addicts with a prescription for Buprenorphine, a medication that is used to wean users off of opioids, and schedules a follow-up for the user to meet with counselors at UNI. Users are also paired up with peer support coaches who have successfully overcome addiction and are given a case manager. UNI then provides treatment for free to the user for thirty days, after which they contact a community partner to provide housing and other resources for recovering addicts. Compared to the current practice, this model drastically reduces opioid usage of addicts and increases the number of addicts who continue long-term treatment compared. While this service is currently only available at the University Hospital, Professors Taillac and Cook are working with other medical centers to help them adopt the model.
Best of State – Public Works
This year, the Utah Opioid Task Force was honored to be the recipient of the 2018 Best of State Public Works Award. The Best of State Awards recognize outstanding individuals, organizations and businesses in Utah. More than 100 judges review the nominations and determine the winners based on achievement in the field of endeavor, innovation or creativity in approaches, techniques, methods or processes, and contribution to the quality of life in Utah.
The Utah Opioid Task Force is dedicated to combatting the opioid epidemic in Utah and works in collaboration with groups nationally and across the state to address the effects of opioid addiction. You can help combat the opioid crisis by steering clear of opioids, getting rid of unused meds, reaching out if you or someone you know is suffering from opioid addiction, learning to recognize an overdose, and learning how to use a Naloxone kit. Learn more here.
This entry was posted in Recent Posts and tagged CJC, Hope4Utah, Opioid Crisis, Opioid Epidemic, RIC-AAU, University Neuropsychiatric Institute, Utah Opioid Task Force on June 26, 2019 .
Part of the Utah Opioid Task Force, co-chaired by Attorney General Sean D. Reyes along with U.S. Senator Mike Lee and DEA District Agent-in-Charge Brian Besser, Utah Naloxone is a game-changer in the fight against opioids in the State of Utah. The Utah Attorney General's office is proud of the work Utah Naloxone co-founder, Dr. Jennifer Plumb, has accomplished and is privileged to partner with her and her organization as we address the opioid epidemic in our great state.
UTAH NALOXONE REACHES MAJOR MILESTONE
SALT LAKE CITY – More than 3,000 people in Utah have a second chance at life thanks to the efforts of Utah Naloxone. All of these individuals were given the medication naloxone (Narcan) during an opioid overdose by a non-medical layperson around them. Naloxone reverses an opioid overdose if given in time, causing the effects of the opioid to reverse and bringing them back. Opioids include pain pills, heroin, and fentanyl.
All of these life-saving doses were administered by non-medical members of our community who obtained rescue kits from Utah Naloxone or one of its Overdose Outreach Provider partners just for this purpose. The recent reports bringing us to this milestone came from our partners at One Voice
Recovery (OVR) who work across the state of Utah to educate on substance use disorder, work to decrease stigma, as well as to reduce infectious disease transmission and overdose deaths. These direct community partners are a major contributor to saving lives across Utah.
The number of lives saved by naloxone has been attributed as a large part of why Utah is seeing a decline in the number of opioid deaths. We were one of only seven states in 2017 where the death rate is going down. And as the number of people who are surviving an opioid overdose and making it to an emergency room for care is rising – almost doubling from 2015 to 2017 (1.5/10,000 in 2015 to 2.8/10,000 in 2017). People are saving lives and giving people a chance to survive to make it to an ER which alters outcomes for our state.
There is still work to be done. Overdose is still the leading cause of injury death in the state, and Utah still is among states with a high rate of overdose deaths. If you or someone you know is taking opioids you should have Naloxone on hand in case of an overdose. Naloxone kits are available through Utah Naloxone. It is legal to possess the drug, and legal to administer it if you suspect someone is overdosing on opioids. For more information go to UtahNaloxone.org.
Jennifer Plumb, MD, MPH
Medical Director, Utah Naloxone
UtahNaloxone@gmail.com
Patrick Rezac
Executive Director, One Voice Recovery
OneVoiceRecovery@gmail.com
Yesterday, Utah Attorney General's office Special Agents and staff were trained on how to administer Naloxone in the field by Dr. Jennifer Plumb. Check out the photos below:
This entry was posted in Recent Posts and tagged Narcan, opioid abuse, Opioid Epidemic, Sean D. Reyes, Utah Attorney General, Utah Attorney General's Office, Utah Naloxone, Utah Opioid Task Force on April 23, 2019 .
The Utah Attorney General's Office found itself the proud recipient of multiple Best of State awards this year. Those in the Utah AG's office work hard to uphold the Constitution, enforce the law, and protect the interests of Utah and its people. Our sincere thanks to all those who give their time and energy to help make our office the Best of State.
The Best of State Awards recognize outstanding individuals, organizations and businesses in Utah. More than 100 judges review the nominations and determine the winners based on achievement in the field of endeavor, innovation or creativity in approaches, techniques, methods or processes, and contribution to the quality of life in Utah.
See below for a complete list of the AG's Best of State 2018 awards.
Elected State Official: Utah Attorney General Sean D. Reyes
Military Personnel/Unit: Utah@EASE
Public Safety: Investigations Division, Utah AGO
Public Works: Utah Opioid Task Force
Public/Private Partnership: The Utah Children's Justice Center Program
Publication: Utah AGO White Collar Crime Offender Registry
State Agency/Office: Utah Attorney General's Office
Victim Advocacy: Attorney General Sean Reyes
Web-based Community Resource: The SafeUT App
The Utah AGO nominated DEA District-Agent-in-Charge Brian Besser for the following award due to his relentless work in combatting the opioid epidemic that has hit Utah both in the metro and rural areas. We are privileged to call him a partner, colleague, and friend.
Public Safety Officer: DEA District-Agent-in-Charge Brian Besser
This entry was posted in Recent Posts and tagged Best of State, SafeUT, Sean D. Reyes, Utah Attorney General, Utah Attorney General's Office, Utah Opioid Task Force, Utah@EASE, White Collar Crime Offender Registry on April 11, 2019 .
Yesterday, the Utah Opioid Task Force held a meeting to discuss the opioid crisis in Utah and share resources to aid in the battle against addiction and overdose.
The Effect of Opioids on Consumers & Children
Mark Jansen from the University of Utah David Eccles School of Business presented to the Utah Opioid Task Force on the indirect effects opioid abuse has on consumer behavior and finances. Some of the principal unseen effects of the opioid crisis are higher default rates and a raised cost of credit for consumers.
Children are also highly impacted by opioids, addictions, and overdoses. Carrie Jensen from the CJC program and Allison Smith on behalf of Utah Alliance for Drug Endangered Children, presented on the high-risk children are at when their parents are suffering from an addiction to opioids. Every 15 minutes in the U.S., a child is born addicted to opioids. Additionally, not only do children do what they see, but drug-endangered children will struggle throughout their lives with emotional, cognitive, and behavioral problems.
Naloxone Saves Lives
According to the latest statistics from the DEA, there were 4,714 opioid overdoses in 2018. Dr. Jennifer Plumb with Utah Naloxone stated that more people are surviving these overdoses due to Naloxone, prepared emergency rooms, and Utah Department of Health campaigns. Last month, the Task Force joined with the Uintah County Sheriff's Office to launch an experimental program to supply Naloxone rescue kits to inmates upon release, and their close support network in an effort to increase needed supplies to those most at risk of an overdose.
Midvale City Police Chief Randy Thomas and Utah CJC Director Tracey Tabet discussed a pilot program for screening processes that identifies children susceptible to addiction and helps them find help early on.
Attorney General Sean D. Reyes discussed emerging technology that might be used to fight the opioid crisis.
This entry was posted in Recent Posts and tagged Opioids, Utah Attorney General's Office, Utah Opioid Task Force on March 20, 2019 .
In a first for the State of Utah, the Uintah County Sheriff's Office partnered with Utah Naloxone and the Utah Opioid Task Force to launch an experimental program to supply Naloxone rescue kits to inmates upon release, and to their close support network.
Listen in here.
As you might guess, this population is highly at-risk of an overdose. The goal is to make tools available to save more lives and give people a fighting chance at redemption.
This new access program is a result of the combined efforts of people in medicine, public health, law enforcement, criminal justice, and the hundreds of thousands of family members who have either lost someone or are at risk of losing someone to an overdose.
An Innovative Solution
Studies have shown that within the first two weeks of an inmate's release from incarceration, inmates are 40 times more likely to die of an overdose. The Uintah County Sheriff's Office, the Utah Opioid Task Force, and Utah Naloxone recognized the importance of supplying this vulnerable population and worked out an innovative solution. If this proves successful, other law enforcement agencies may follow suit.
"This will save lives. I guarantee you. This will save lives that we would have reached no other way," said Dr. Jennifer Plumb with Utah Naloxone.
While Naloxone kits are already accessible to the public, most people are either unaware or feel uncomfortable purchasing a kit. As of November 1st, 2018, Utah's Naloxone access program has saved 2608 lives.
Dr. Plumb stressed the importance of educating and equipping the support network of those at-risk of overdose. In some instances, it may take police officers and first responders too long to arrive on the scene in order to administer Naloxone or perform life-saving measures. Educating and supplying family members and friends with Naloxone rescue kits saves lives by allowing a friend or family member to administer the medication, beginning the reversal process quickly, and allowing more time for first responders to arrive.
Lives are irreplaceable. In 2017, 73,000 Americans lost their lives to drug overdoses.
To their credit, the Uintah County Sheriff's Office understands the importance of finding strategies that work. "We need to get as many kits as we can into as many hands as we can. Just because you're currently dealing with addiction, doesn't mean you're not worth saving," said Uintah County Sheriff Steve Labrum.
Increasing Saturation
The need to educate and supply people with Naloxone rescue kits is not reserved to inmates and those close to them. Brian Besser of the Utah DEA urged the importance of saturation and educating everyone.
"We have to make our churches, our schools, our government entities, our faith-based institutions, parents, every person walking on the sidewalk needs to be aware of the efficacy of not only this program but the drug itself," said Besser.
One in six kits are used to save a life. If 500 kits were dispersed, approximately 100 lives could be saved.
"Prevention works, treatment is effective, and people recover every day, but you can only recover if you're alive. Too many people are overdosing. Naloxone simply saves lives," said Brent Kelsey with the DSAMH.
The Naloxone rescue kits are easy-to-use and cost-effective, coming to approximately $15 a vial and $30 for a whole kit. The kits are injectable, featuring large needles designed to inject into a muscle, similar to a flu shot. Although kits on the market feature other methods of inoculation, such as intranasal, the injectable kits are much more cost effective.
Kit Locations & Contact
If you need a Naloxone rescue kit, please contact Utah Naloxone.
Utah Naloxone
Website: www.utahnaloxone.org
Salt Lake County libraries also offer Naloxone kits without questions asked or names taken. Pharmacies and physicians often carry kits and can supply them without a prescription.
The AG's Office invites you to tune in, obtain a Naloxone Rescue Kit, and help us give those who struggle a fighting chance to reclaim and rebuild their lives.
This entry was posted in Recent Posts and tagged Access Program, Naloxone, Opioids, Uintah County Sheriff's Office, Utah Attorney General's Office, Utah Naloxone, Utah Opioid Task Force on February 25, 2019 .
The Utah Opioid Task Force, co-chaired by Senator Mike Lee, DEA District Agent in Charge Brian Besser, and Utah Attorney General Sean D. Reyes, had its quarterly meeting to discuss several topics for next steps following the Utah Solutions Summit, which focused on the opioid crisis in the state of Utah. Here's a brief recap.
Opioid Summit Report: Attendance surpassed expectations. The goal was to reach 5,000 between the morning session geared toward students and the afternoon spent resourcing the community. In reality, over 9,000 students and community members showed up and participated in the event. The big takeaway from the Summit was the powerful impact it had on the students in attendance. Many students download both the SafeUT App and the FENDMovement App – each of which has proven effective in students with helpful resources.
Dr. Eric Garland from the University of Utah College of Social Work spoke on mindfulness-oriented recovery enhancement (MORE). The research and evidence on this are showing remarkable results. It shows one can reduce the physiological response to opioid addiction, which is a huge answer for those who are suffering.
Gary Tennis, President of the National Alliance for Model State Drug Laws (NAMSDL), provided a great perspective on national drug laws and included information regarding police-assisted recovery from opioid addiction.
Chief Tom Ross, of the Bountiful Police Department, spoke about what police deal with on the streets. A pilot program is being developed to create options for addicts to go to the intensive treatment programs in lieu of criminal charges. This is a course of action the AG's office has been assisting with and promoting.
Following the meeting, Assistant AG Scott Reed, Coordinator of the Utah Opioid Task Force, took time to share with KSL-TV about the success of Solutions Summit. You can watch the interview below.
This entry was posted in Recent Posts and tagged Bountiful Police Department, Brian Besser, Chief Tom Ross, DEA District Agent in Charge, Dr. Eric Farland, Gary Tennis, KSL-TV, National Alliance for Model State Drug Laws (NAMSDL), Scott Reed, Sean D. Reyes, Senator Mike Lee, University of Utah College of Social Work, Utah Attorney General, Utah Opioid Task Force on December 13, 2018 .


text:
on December 12, 2020 - Last updated: December 23, 2020
By FOIA Research on Sat, 12/12/2020 - 17:22
[This is the first part of a three part series that intends to shed light on Third Positionism, a far-right ideology that has given birth to a whole cluster of neofascist and neo-Nazi groups in Europe. Current-day Third Positionism continues to be strongly influenced by the neofascist ideologue Gabriele Adinolfi, whose activities will serve as an example to understanding the bigger picture of this ultraright political current.]
Since in much of post-WWII Europe explicit Nazi activity was illegal many resurgent far-right groups hid behind moderate sounding names, and in many cases adapted their rhetoric in order to draw younger generations into the "brown" orbit. It is against this backdrop that in the late 1970s the term "Third Position" (Terza Posizione) emerged in Italy: to denote a neofascist or neo-Nazi political position that attempted to blend the irreconcilable ideologies of nationalism and socialism into a "third" position. This was done in order to lure in a gullible youth drawn to leftist, progressive, and anti-capitalist ideas, just as Hitler had recognized the popularity of socialist ideas among large parts of the working class, and thus calling Nazism "national socialism"—a con job.
In the postwar era, there emerged several variants of Third Positionism that have assumed different names, reaching from Claudio Mutti's and Franco Freda's Nazi-Maoism to Alexander Dugin's version of "neo-Eurasianism," and current-day Identitarianism.
The ideology of this particular current of "Third Positionist" neofascism and neo-Nazism generally stays within the narrow limits of an inherently völkisch (pagan) and racist worldview, and thus only cosmetically differs from openly and explicitly pro-Nazi substructures replete with swastikas and photographs of Hitler. This "pagan camp" differs from Christian (not pagan) post-war neofascist and neo-Nazi currents, including Christian White supremacists and Catholic integralist groups, but all of the above's linear antecedents are in the fascist and Nazi parties of the 1930s.
Gabriele Adinolfi's profile picture on Facebook in 2015.
https://m.facebook.com/adinolfigabriele/photos/a…
A note on nomenclature:
The term Terza Posizione ("Third Position") first appeared in Italy with the emergence of a short-lived organization of the same name (1978-1982), whose co-founder was Gabriele Adinolfi. In France, where Adinolfi lived for nearly a decade following his flight from Italy after the 1980 neo-Nazi terror bombings in Bologna, this current is called Troisième Voie ("Third Way"). In Germany the term Querfront ("Lateral Front") is used, and denotes an ideology that ostensibly combines far-right with left discourses ("Third Positionism"), as well as an alliance of far-right and left political forces ("Red-Brown alliance"). In Germany, there also exists an explicitly Third Positionist minority party, Der III. Weg, founded in 2013.
In trying to be clear about what a term like "neo-Nazi" means today it is important to understand the nature of the original Nazi movement itself as an extreme form of the fascist movements growing at the time across Europe and the US out of the devastation of WWI and the general crisis of capital culminating in the Great Depression.
The original Nazi movement was largely an umbrella term under which several currents can be identified, including Catholic, Lutheran (Protestant-Evangelical), and pagan adherents along with the interests of capitalists and feudalist landlords (Junkers), who never gave up their hatred for the modernist rise of capitalism which challenged their feudal world order and social positions. These feudal interests were often allied with conservative Church, most notably Bavarian Catholic, structures. Added to this were both right-wing elements of the military around General Ludendorff and "lumpenized" and unemployed workers suffering under the economic crisis of the global depression.
http://cdn.images.dailystar.co.uk/dynamic/1/photo…
Hitler, having recognized the attraction of socialist ideas to significant members of the working class, added the term "socialist" to the Nazi title, and deployed the brothers Gregor and Otto Strasser to organize a Nazi Labor Front of workers in support of his movement (see Strasserism). It was this mix of "anti-capitalist" Nazi workers and "anti-capitalist" feudalists that provided a profoundly reactionary "anti-capitalist" and violently hostile counter-movement to the progressive anti-capitalism embodied in the communist and left social democratic parties and workers movement.
Gregor Strasser (to the right of Hitler) participating in the party congress on the occasion of the reestablishment of the NSDAP in early 1925. To the right of Strasser: Heinrich Himmler. To Hitler's left: Franz Xaver Schwarz, Walter Buch and Alfred Rosenberg.
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gregor_Strasser#/me…
This tendency of Nazi "anti-capitalism" was embodied in the völkisch (pagan) racism of the Sturmabteilung (SA) of Ernst Röhm, which was demolished at the demand of the modernist Krupp-allied1 members of the Nazi movement and its allied military during the "Night of the Long Knives" (June 30 – July 2, 1934). The purge of the SA was carried out by Heinrich Himmler's SS, although the core völkisch (pagan) racism persisted within the SS and particularly its Ahnenerbe unit, responsible for racial purity and Nordic mysticism. (It was with this unit that the Italian fascist writer Julius Evola was associated, who was the arch-inspiration for the Italian Third Positionists.)
Julius Evola (1889-1974) was an Italian fascist writer, conspiracy theorist and occultist. He has been described as a fascist intellectual, a radical traditionalist, antiegalitarian, antiliberal, antidemocratic, antipopular, and as the leading philosopher of Europe's neofascist movement. [Source: wikipedia.org]
Indicative of the truly anti-worker intent of the leaders of this Nazi Labor Front "anti-capitalist" tendency, both Otto and Gregor Strasser, along with Rudolf Hess, Ernst Röhm, Hans Frank and other important Nazis, had joined the bloody Freikorps unit of the genocidal racist Colonel, and later Nazi Generalmajor, Franz Ritter von Epp. The Freikorps carried out the bloody and murderous assaults against the progressive, left, socialist and communist workers movements in 1918 – 1919 and in the crushing of the Munich Soviet in 1919. Otto Strasser's work in the labor movement was specifically to create an anti-socialist, anti-left Nazi Labor Front grounded in the medieval Nazi mysticism of the SA and its allied forces.
Just as in the fascist and Nazi movements of the 1920s and 1930s capitalist and reactionary pseudo-"anti-capitalist" positions co-existed, although tensions certainly persisted, today the post-war neo-Nazi and broader neofascist movements also have formed (and dismantled) varying alliances. The persistence of the pseudo-anti-capitalism of the 1930s Strasserite movement has had an appeal to certain unstable elements who claim to be "leftists." The resulting alliance is what is referred to as "red-brown," i.e. left "red" allied with right neofascist/neo-Nazi "brown" against the capitalist/bourgeois "center."
Unable to distinguish the evident problems of Weimar from the horrors of the Third Reich, unstable elements of the so-called Left today are being drawn into a trap by the more sophisticated and deadly Right into abandoning the flawed Center without building a capacity to challenge the greater power of the Right.
In fact, of course, it is no more a Red-Brown alliance than was the Strasserite movement to create a Nazi Labor Front a genuine workers movement. Brown can only take power if the Center is weakened and the Right is perfectly willing to recruit naive, angry or frustrated "leftists" into its war on the center, just as the Strasser brothers did nearly a century ago.
The website of the influential Russian Third Positionist neofascist Alexander Dugin used to carry the phrase "Left and Right Against the Center," and to facilitate this there has been an effort to deny that "left" and "right" are useful terms at all, thereby breaking down the conceptual dichotomy, while pretending that both wings are really united in the fight against the bourgeois capitalist center.
Far from being a fringe phenomenon, this train of thought reaches into current discussions in the so-called Left. On October 19, 2018, Alexander Dugin led a conference in Moscow where the young American "leftist" Caleb Maupin played the "red" foil to Dugin's demand for a left-right populist alliance against the capitalist-bourgeois global center.2 Recently Nick Brana, a former leader of the Bernie Sanders movement in an interview with pro-rightist Kim Iversen called for merging the US Rightwing into his "leftist" Movement for a Peoples' Party.3
With no serious Communist Left able to clarify the true goals of this rightist ploy, the mainstream centrist parties in Europe and the US have been continuously weakened and the more structured – and armed—right forces are growing. What we saw in Italy during the violence of the late 1960s and 1970s was how a group of young neofascists inspired by Julius Evola and others, reformulated their image as militant ultraleftists and carried out a series of violent provocations under a false flag—all to the benefit of the Right. In order to retrace the history of this so-called Third Positionism, the story of Gabriele Adinolfi, one of its preeminent leaders, may serve as an example.
The Italian brand of Third Positionism (Terza Posizione) has its roots in the postwar Italian neofascist scene, but seamlessly builds on the old fascist and Nazi networks of WWII, from which it inherited some key ideological elements. Its explicitly pan-European outlook can be traced back to the early 1940s, after the Nazi regime had launched its invasion of the USSR, and for strategic reasons decided to readjust its propaganda along a pan-Europeanist platform.4 In order to rally foreign legions and volunteers, Germanic supremacy or emphasizing racial inequalities could no longer serve as a propaganda narrative, and the myth of European supremacy was deployed to rally non-German support for the Axis powers. The collaborationist units of the Waffen-SS in various European countries became the heroes and models for the pan-European myth of many postwar neofascists, such as Oswald Mosley and his Europe a Nation vision, and their network the basis for a regrouping of postwar fascists and Nazis. This regrouping, as we know now, has in many instances been supported by Western secret services during the surging Cold War, in order to instrumentalize these networks in an anticommunist capacity.
Initially, Germany's first secret service was entirely made up of former Nazi military intelligence agents, and key figures in Konrad Adenauer's government (1949-1963) were Nazi criminals. In France, collaborationist elements that have gathered in groups such as the Organisation armée secrète were supported in the war against Algeria's liberation movement. In Italy, neofascist groups and parties, such as Movimento Sociale Italiano, Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale, were supported to defame the left, going as far as the deployment of domestic false-flag terrorism and murders. The instances of support of postwar fascist and Nazi networks by Western intelligence are too numerous to be recounted here, but the previous examples may give a glimpse of the immediate postwar reality, where both "Atlanticists," Nazis, and fascists entered a dangerous liaison, facing the same enemies: the rise of communism and the national liberation movements in the "Third World."
In Italy, whose history in this regard has been well studied,5 several neofascist groupings have been involved in what became known as the Strategy of Tension. The term has emerged in the Italian context as a designation for a strategy whereby tension is created to which average citizens would react with a wish for a "strong hand," or a more authoritarian rule, and which should serve as a pretext for state militarization under the protection of NATO.
To kill three birds with one stone, a series of domestic terrorist attacks, which were to be blamed on the Left, was to be staged to create that tension.6 For their execution, networks nurtured in the context of a project commonly known as Operation Gladio were relied on, coordinated by American and several European secret services, as well as elusive NATO substructures, such as the Clandestine Planning Committee, and the Allied Clandestine Committee.7 Gladio foresaw the recourse to former Nazi collaborationists and right-wing extremist networks all over Europe with a two-fold purpose: as a "stay-behind" network in the case of a war with the Soviet Union and to stop by all means the surging Left. Gladio was only revealed in 1990, after Italy's prime minister Giulio Andreotti had been forced to admit its existence under immense pressure; its revelation led to the passage of a joint resolution of the European Community against Gladio.
While on a political level death threats, blackmail and bribery were to stop an advance of the Left (Operation Demagnetize), the Italian Gladio network was looking to far-right extremist groups to break up the Left through various more violent means, including terror attacks, murder, infiltration, defamation, and street battles. Instrumentalized were predominantly gullible youngsters, some of whom were paid for pretending to be leftists, in order to infiltrate leftist, and to create pseudo-leftist, groups. In April 1968, 51 Italian neofascist students participated in a trip to Greece, together with around 60 students from the "League of Greek Fascist Students in Italy," organized in collaboration with Italian military intelligence and the Greek junta. According to journalist and author Frédéric Laurent "more than half of the Italians (...) returned from Athens suddenly converted to Anarchism, Leftism, or to Communism, preferably Chinese,"8 and started to infiltrate leftist groups.
The first major false-flag attack occurred on December 12, 1969, in a bank on Piazza Fontana in Milan, where a bomb explosion resulted in 17 people dead and many more injured. The attack initially was attributed to anarchists of the obscure Circolo anarchico 22 marzo that had only been created in October of that year, inter alia by former Avanguardia Nazionale (AN) member Mario Merlino, most likely for the sole purpose of having a leftist group to blame. Only later the terrorists Guido Giannettini and Stefano Delle Chiaie were identified as the local masterminds of the attack, supported by members of the neofascist groups AN and Ordine Nuovo. Both were agents of the Portuguese Aginter Press, a fake press agency that was basically a mercenary terrorist organization, consisting in large part of Organisation armée secrète members, doing dirty work for various Western secret services. Aginter not only had instructed members of Delle Chiaie's in the use of explosives,9 but it also provided them with fake identities to help them escape justice. Twenty years later, questioned by an investigation commission, Delle Chiaie revealed that AN had been implicitly involved in an operation ordered by an organization linked to the CIA and certain Italian anti-communist circles.10
Inside the Banca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura after the Piazza Fontana bombing in 1969.
https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anni_di_piombo#/med…
According to a 2000 report by the German broadcaster ZDF, "Aginter agent Giannettini was also working with the CIA and BND [German foreign secret service Bundesnachrichtendienst]. His task: to destabilize the political system with attacks. Right-wing terrorism that should appear as terror from the left."11
It is against this backdrop that our protagonist, Gabriele Adinolfi, comes into play. He was born in Rome in 1954 and, by his early twenties, had joined Avanguardia Nazionale in the period after the 1969 bombing (1973-1975?),12 when Delle Chiaie was already living in hiding in Francoist Spain, and Adriano Tilgher had taken over the leadership of the group. When the two most important militant extra-parliamentary groups, AN and Ordine Nuovo, were outlawed and dissolved in 1976, this opened a vacuum in the right-wing-extremist arena that resulted in the creation of several extra-parliamentary far-right groupings.
With a sentiment that the "old guard" of the "black fascist international" behind the early Strategy of Tension (Ordine Nuovo, Avanguardia Nazionale, etc.) had been instrumentalizing the far-right youth by having them execute the most dangerous actions, while taking advantage of the fruits, many younger far-right cadres went their own ways. This development was paralleled on a political level by a loss of consensus among the youth of the neofascist party Movimento Sociale Italiano (Italian Social Movement, MSI), parts of which deemed the strictly anti-communist and pro-Atlanticist direction of MSI leader Giorgio Almirante as outdated bloc thinking. Furthermore, seeing the successes of left agitation in the course of the student protests in the late 1960s, some far-right youngsters looked for a new format that would combine fascist doctrine with the modern appeal of left agitation strategies and social discourses.
Terza Posizione (Italy) (1978-1982)
Terza Posizione's logo is a variation of the Wolfsangel ("wolf trap") symbol, widely used in the Nazi era, with the central bar substituted by a fist holding a hammer.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terza_Posizione#/me…
In view of the above, Adinolfi, as a teenager affiliated to MSI's youth group Giovane Italia, became a founding member of the neofascist "movement" Terza Posizione ("Third Position," TP) in the late 1970s. TP had grown out of the far-right student organization Lotta Studentesca, founded in 1976 by Adinolfi together with fellow neofascists Walter Spedicato, Giuseppe Dimitri and Roberto Fiore in 1976. In 1978 Lotta Studentesca renamed itself Terza Posizione, by then mainly composed of ex-members of previously existing neofascist, and partly terrorist, groups, such as Ordine Nuovo, Avanguardia Nazionale, Lotta di Popolo, and Fronte Studentesco. Peppe Dimitri was the leader of the group, while Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Adinolfi were TP's most important ideologues. TP was a very short-lived "movement" (outlawed 1980; dissolved 1982), ideologically oriented toward traditionalism, nationalism, anti-parliamentarism and militarism. TP rejected both capitalism and communism, pledging instead for a political and economic "Third Position." But despite the conciliatory sounding name, TP was clearly a right-wing extremist organization, drawing its inspiration mainly from (neo)fascist ideologues, such as Julius Evola, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle and Corneliu Codreanu. With some TP members increasingly pledging for an armed struggle, they joined in parallel another group, the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (Armed Revolutionary Nuclei, NAR), which turned into the militant arm of TP within a short period.
Logo of the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (1977-1981), the acronym NAR being underlined with the Nazi Wolfsangel symbol.
https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclei_Armati_Rivol…
The history of TP radically changed its course after August 2, 1980, the day when a bomb explosion caused a massacre at the Bologna train station, killing 85 people and wounding 200. Within hours of the attack, then Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga saw a fascist matrix behind the massacre. With all leads pointing to members of TP and the NAR, an arrest warrant was issued against Adinolfi, Fiore, and others. Fiore fled to London, while Adinolfi fled to France, where he subsequently lived for almost 20 years underground. During that time, however, Adinolfi traveled back and forth between Italy, the United Kingdom and France, where he lives today. How Adinolfi (and several of his colleagues) could live undetected for almost 20 years, and what were his means of subsistence, remain unknown.
His whitewashing account13 of his life during the later phase of the Years of Lead certainly did not clarify the matter. The escape of the TP executives abroad after the 1980 Bologna massacre was deemed cowardly behavior by the NAR toward the other militants, which was also followed by accusations against Fiore and Adinolfi of having taken with them the "cashier" of the movement. Letting it be understood that TP's leaders had left the movement in disarray, a behavior no longer acceptable by the NAR, the group even tried to kill Fiore and Adinolfi on more than one occasion.14
Ruins of the Bologna station west wing after the bombing on August 2, 1980.
https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Strage_di_Bolo…
While living underground, first in France, then in the UK, and then mostly moving back and forth between France and Italy, Adinolfi was involved in the publication of several magazines (Terza Posizione, Dixie). During this early period in France he became acquainted with the French fascist Christian Bouchet who played an important role in the French far right and helped launch the French Troisieme Voie (Third Way) which was ultimately dissolved by order of the French government in 2013. Bouchet had been a close associate of the Russian neo-Nazi Alexander Dugin for many years. From 1985 to 1995 he ran the "Study Center for Orientation and Research" (Centro Studi Orientamenti & Ricerca), together with TP co-founder Walter Spedicato, dedicated to developing and spreading neofascist Third Positionist ideology. In over a decade, the Centro published several political documents as well as a quarterly. After Spedicato's death in 1992, the Centro continued for three more years before ceasing its activities. What else Adinolfi was involved in throughout the 1990s remains obscure. When in March 2000 the arrest warrant against him was finally dropped, and he (officially) returned to Italy,15 Adinolfi intensified his publishing activity. The same year he released an ideological tract on Third Positionism, Noi Terza Posizione ("Our Third Position"), written together with the notorious self-identified fascist Roberto Fiore, followed by several other books on far-right politics and history.
National secretary of the far-right Forza Nuova party, Roberto Fiore, posing in front of a Wolfsangel flag.
https://espresso.repubblica.it/attualita/2017/12/…
Former NAR member Fiore, who after his flight following the Bologna bombing had managed to live underground in the UK, has been instrumental in anchoring Third Positionism there, and had a "catalytic influence on the new ideological direction of the [British] National Front," according to Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, a researcher of the far right. "Roberto Fiore and his colleagues helped the NF forge a new militant elitist philosophy that foreswore electoral strategies in favor of educating and training a fanatical, quasi-religious 'New Man' in select cadres for a national revolution."16 Fiore also helped to build the International Third Position, formed by members of the "Political Soldier" faction of the British National Front under Derek Holland and Nick Griffin. Upon Fiore's return to Italy in 1997, he founded the neofascist Forza Nuova party.
In contrast to Fiore, Adinolfi did not get directly involved in politics, but concentrated on extra-parliamentary activities, such as the creation of several journals and websites in the early 2000s. In 2001, he was instrumental in reinvigorating and reconceptualizing the Italian far-right magazine Orion during a "summer university" program in Lombardy. Since 2004, Adinolfi has been managing the news website www.noreporter.org, and around that time also founded the think tank and publishing house Centro Studi Polaris, which remained active until about 2016. The Centro Polaris organized several national and international conferences and meetings, and has a long list of publications"including a DVD series, three books (Geopolitics of drugs and oil, Immigration, and Earthquakes), multi-level communication courses, cadre courses and a quarterly magazine."
Meanwhile, Adinolfi also started to write articles for various far-right newspapers, including the French extreme right-wing and antisemitic magazine Rivarol. From 2003 onward Adinolfi was involved in the organization of the notorious "Honor Guard of Benito Mussolini (Guardia d'Onore Benito Mussolini), which is keeping watch over Italy's former fascist leader's grave.
Honor Guard of Benito Mussolini
https://elcierredigital.com/investigacion/2468063…
It was also from 2003 onward that Adinolfi started to appear frequently as a speaker at far-right events, and got involved in the creation of the neofascist movement CasaPound. On his online schedule, Adinolfi has painstakingly documented his activities since 2003, the founding year of CasaPound (CP), which started out with the occupation of empty houses by far-right squatters. It reveals that Adinolfi attended the inauguration of CP on December 27, 2003. The entry for this day reads: "Inauguration - together with approximately hundred people - of the newly occupied CasaPound: allocation of vacant premises to families, creation of a center against usury and the high costs of living."
When the CP was established, Adinolfi did not publicly appear as a figurehead of the movement, and called himself a mere "patron," but his central role in its creation is certainly acknowledged by prominent figures of the far right. In 2010, the German New Right magazine Sezession (Götz Kubitschek) published a long feature about CP written by Martin Lichtmesz, in which he traces the movement back to Adinolfi: "Among the exposed heads of CasaPound are the mastermind Gabriele Adinolfi, co-founder of the group Terza Posizione, which was active in the seventies and closely linked to 'black terrorism,' and the 1973-born Gianluca Iannone, a bearded, tattooed giant who cultivates the image of a rough motorcycle rocker and has additional cult status as the head of the hardcore band Zetazeroalfa."
CasaPound's headquarters in Via Napoleone III n. 8, Rome.
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/th…
In 2004, Adinolfi held 13 lectures at CP, including one on the fascist ideologue Julius Evola ("Julius Evola, the Empowering Legend"), whose importance in the Third Positionist context cannot be overemphasized. Most of the events were "experimental courses" (corsi sperimentali) developed in the framework of his Centro Studi Polaris. In CasaPound several of the most nasty currents of the Italian far right come together. The movement interfaces with dozens of other far-right projects, which have been meticulously listed in an article by Patria Independente, reaching from far-right sport and mixed martial arts clubs, to commercial and cultural projects.
Until 2008, CP was closely linked to the neofascist party Fiamma Tricolore, a far-right split-off from the neofascist MSI party, whose first leader, Pino Rauti (1926-2012), was implicated in the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing. But after an internal dispute in 2008 they split, and CP appeared as a social association.
In 2012 CP turned into a party, and from early on supported the Alliance of European National Movements (AENM), an ultranationalist far-right European party founded in 2009 and led by Jobbik's Béla Kovács. When the Centro Studi Polaris ceased its activities around 2016, Adinolfi opened a new think tank, EurHope, which was supported by the AENM, and in the run-up to the 2019 European elections, CP, which in the meantime had ceased its status as a party, was openly supporting the AENM.
Adinolfi and his close collaborator, Pascal Lassalle, apparently have very good contacts to Ukrainian neo-Nazis. Although not having appeared on Ukrainian far-right platforms himself, close colleagues of Adinolfi from France and Italy have, among them former Mouvement d'action sociale figurehead Lassalle and Alberto Palladino. In 2017, Lassale had delivered a "special message" by Adinolfi to Ukrainian nationalists in the framework of the neo-Nazi Third Positionist Paneuropa Conference in Kyiv. In a report written by one of the organizers, Olena Semenyaka, the "coordinator of the Department of International Relations of the 'Azov' regiment 'Azov Reconquista,'" one can read in regard to Adinolfi17:
… [Lassalle] recited an honorable address to the Ukrainian revolution by this legendary co-founder of Italian Terza Posizione who back in times of the Maidan revolution was far-sighted enough to see that "Eurasia is a Utopia, the Kremlin and the White House are the Heirs of Yalta." … [The] Current European Union, undoubtedly, is the very opposite of the traditional empire: it's artificial, maintained by the police control and devoid of the cultural foundation. In full accord with Gabriele Adinolfi, Pascal Lassalle underlines that Europe hasn't really broken free from the post-war Yalta world's partition into the Washington-dominated (along with its Brussels puppets) and Moscow-dominated areas. Notwithstanding the ongoing chauvinistic encroachments of the neo-Soviet Russian Federation, Ukrainians, in his opinion, should also beware the threat of American globalization.
Members of the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion. Source: Belltower News.
https://i.imgur.com/sDrYIa8.jpg
The speech touches upon a sensitive contradiction of the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion (now part of Ukraine's gendarmery National Guard, and of a political party called National Corps), which on the one hand received funds from the U.S. government, but at the same time has an unmistakably Third Positionist outlook. This becomes clear when analyzing the organizations the participants of the Paneuropa Conference were hailing from, including CasaPound, Der III. Weg, Bastion Social (formerly Groupe Union Défense), or the now defunct "neo-bolshevik" Mouvement d'action sociale. Just as a reminder: the Azov Battalion formed during the Western-backed coup against Ukraine's government under Viktor Yanukovych in 2014, but has its roots in a Ukrainian neo-Nazi hooligan group dating back to the 1980s. There has surfaced ample evidence that the Azov Battalion had received support from the U.S. government, which has armed and advised the neo-Nazis in its proxy war against Russia. Trump's impeachment campaign was in part based on the 2018 provision passed by the U.S. Congress that blocked military aid to Azov.
Parts 2 and 3 of this dispatch will look into Adinolfi's current entanglements in France and Greece, including the so-called Lansquenets, a fascist elite cadre, whose figurehead he is. They reveal his involvement with proponents hailing from long existing and new right-wing extremist groups, such as the Groupe Union Défense, Ordre Nouveau, Bastion Sociale, and Dissidence Française.
1. The Krupp family, a prominent 400-year-old German dynasty, is famous for their production of steel, artillery, ammunition and other armaments. The family business was the largest company in Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, and was the premier weapons manufacturer for Germany in both world wars.
2. "Conference 'The alternatives to globalism: the strategies of the multipolar world.' Part 1," geopolitica.ru, April 29, 2018, https://www.geopolitica.ru/en/studio/conference-alternatives-globalism-strategies-multipolar-world-part-1. (defunct)
3. "A Movement For A Viable Third Party, A People's Party - Nick Brana," Kim Iversen on YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w9f1izqMtnI.
4. Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2017), 9–10, 38.
5. Nicola Rao, Trilogia della celtica. La vera storia del neofascismo italiano (La fiamma e la celtica; Il sangue e la celtica; Il piombo e la celtica) (Milan: Sperling & Kupfer, 2014); Pauline Picco, Liaisons dangereuses : les extrêmes droites en France et en Italie (1960-1984) (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2016); Franco Ferraresi, Threats to Democracy: The Radical Right in Italy after the War (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996).
6. Instrumental in the organization of these attacks was a colloquium on "revolutionary warfare" on May 3-5, 1965, in Rome, "quasi-exclusively financed by the SIFAR," then Italy's military intelligence agency. According to René Monzat, "this colloquium provided the theoretical framework for the strategy of tension." René Monzat, Enquêtes sur la droite extrême (Le Monde-éditions, 1992), 91. Monzat quotes François Duprat, L'Ascension du MSI (Paris: Edition les Sept Couleurs, 1972). Among the 20 students who participated, several had already been on SIFAR's payroll to infiltrate and break up left-wing groups and demonstrations (among them, Stefano Delle Chiaie, Guido Giannettini, and probably also Mario Merlino). Eduardo González Calleja, "Entre dos continentes. Estrategia de la tensión desde la ultraderecha latinoamericana a la europea," in Tiempo Devorado, Vol. 4, No. 1, 172, https://revistes.uab.cat/tdevorado/article/download/v4-n1-calleja/pdf_91.
7. Daniele Ganser, "Terrorism in Western Europe: An Approach to NATO's Secret Stay-Behind Armies," in Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, South Orange, NJ, Winter/Spring 2005, Vol. 6, No. 1, www.php.isn.ethz.ch/kms2.isn.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/PHP/18583/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/f4e652a3-cad7-4284-9aae-243b630f3440/en/Terrorism_Western_Europe.pdf.
8. Frédéric Laurent, L'Orchestre noir: Enquête sur les réseaux néo-fascistes (Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2013), 75.
9. It has also transpired "that instructors of Aginter Press... came to Rome between 1967 and 1968 and instructed the militant members of Avanguardia Nazionale in the use of explosives." Judge Guido Salvini hearing before the Italian Parliamentary Commission of investigation on terrorism in Italy, 9th session of 12 February 1997 (9ª SEDUTA - MERCOLEDI 12 FEBBRAIO 1997, Presidenza del Presidente PELLEGRINO), https://web.archive.org/web/20160303175430/http://www.parlamento.it/parlam/bicam/terror/stenografici/steno9.htm, quoted in Daniele Ganser, NATO's Secret Armies. Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe (Routledge, 2005), 120.
10. Nicola Rao, La fiamma e la celtica (Milan: Sperling & Kupfer, 2010) 57.
11. Egmont Koch and Oliver Schröm, "Kennzeichen D: BND-Schmiergeld," ZDF, February 16, 2000, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qqCFYC6nF7I. A transcript of the English translation is available at https://web.archive.org/web/20160412154446/https://www.scribd.com/doc/212742949/Kennzeichen-D-Report-False-Flag-Terrorism-in-Italy-English-Subs.
12. Nicola Rao, Il sangue e la celtica (Milan: Sperling & Kupfer, 2008), 45.
13. Gabriele Adinolfi, Années de plomb et semelles de vent (Paris: Les Bouquins de Synthèse Nationale, 2014).
14. Giovanni Bianconi, A mano armata. Vita violenta di Giusva Fioravanti (Milan: Baldini Castoldi Dalai, 2007), 44, 269.
15. Emanuele Del Medico, All'estrema destra del padre: tradizionalismo cattolico e destra radicale : il paradigma veronese (La Fiaccola, 2004), https://books.google.de/books?id=TuvZAAAAMAAJ&q="Centro+Studi+Orientamenti+%26+Ricerca".
16. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity (New York: New York University Press, 2000), 68-69.
17. "1st Paneuropa Conference Report," Reconquista Europe (undated), http://reconquista-europe.tumblr.com/post/161847863121/1st-paneuropa-conference-report-the-1st-paneuropa. Archived version: https://web.archive.org/web/20180825221000/https://reconquista-europe.tumblr.com/post/161847863121/1st-paneuropa-conference-report-the-1st-paneuropa.
Gustav Hilger
Country: Italy, France, Germany, United Kingdom
Terza Posizione
Pascal Lassalle
Gabriele AdinolfiThird PositionTerza PosizioneRoberto FioreCasaPoundCentro Studi PolarisHonor Guard of Benito MussoliniRivarolEurHopeAENMAlliance of European National MovementsPascal LassalleGiuseppe DimitriWalter SpedicatoNuclei Armati RivoluzionariNARYears of LeadChristian BouchetTroisième VoieBritish National FrontDerek HollandNick GriffinJulius Evola1980 Bologna bombing
Elisabetta Cassina Wolff - CasaPound Italia: 'Back to Believing. The Struggle Continues' (July 2019)
Guiseppe Casilio - A destra della destra: Terza Posizione (2011/2012)