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Speech at Chicago, July 10, 1858
Home Abraham Lincoln Speech at Chicago, July 10, 1858
My Fellow Citizens:—On yesterday evening, upon the occasion of the reception given to Senator Douglas, I was furnished with a seat very convenient for hearing him, and was otherwise very courteously treated by him and his friends, and for which I thank him and them. During the course of his remarks my name was mentioned in such a way, as I suppose renders it at least not improper that I should make some sort of reply to him. I shall not attempt to follow him in the precise order in which he addressed the assembled multitude upon that occasion, though I shall perhaps do so in the main.
A Question of Veracity—The Alliance.
There was one question to which he asked the attention of the crowd, which I deem of somewhat less importance—at least of propriety for me to dwell upon—than the others, which he brought in near the close of his speech, and which I think it would not be entirely proper for me to omit attending to, and yet if I were not to give some attention to it now, I should probably forget it altogether. [Applause]. While I am upon this subject, allow me to say that I do not intend to indulge in that inconvenient mode sometimes adopted in public speaking, of reading from documents; but I shall depart from that rule so far as to read a little scrap from his speech, which notices this first topic of which I shall speak—that is, provided I can find it in the paper. (Examines the Press and Tribune of this morning). A voice—"Get out your specs."
I have made up my mind to appeal to the people against the combination that has been made against me!—the Republican leaders have formed an alliance, an unholy and unnatural alliance, with a portion of unscrupulous federal office-holders. I intend to fight that allied army wherever I meet them. I know they deny the alliance, but yet these men who are trying to divide the Democratic party for the purpose of electing a Republican Senator in my place, are just as much the agents and tools of the supporters of Mr. Lincoln. Hence I shall deal with this allied army just as the Russians dealt with the allies at Sebastopol—that is, the Russians did not stop to inquire, when they fired a broadside, whether it hit an Englishman, a Frenchman, or a Turk. Nor will I stop to inquire, nor shall I hesitate, whether my blows shall hit these Republican leaders or their allies who are holding the federal offices and yet acting in concert with them.
Well now, gentlemen, is not that very alarming? [Laughter.] Just to think of it! right at the outset of his canvass, I, a poor, kind, amiable, intelligent, [laughter] gentleman, [laughter and renewed cheers] I am to be slain in this way. Why, my friend, the Judge is not only as it turns out, not a dead lion, nor even a living one—he is the rugged Russian Bear! [Roars of laughter and loud applause.]
But if they will have it—for he says that we deny it—that there is any such alliance, as he says there is—and I don't propose hanging very much upon this question of veracity—but if he will have it that there is such an alliance—that the Administration men and we are allied, and we stand in the attitude of English, French and Turk, he occupying the position of the Russian, in that case, I beg that he will indulge us while we barely suggest to him, that these allies took Sebastopol [Long and tremendous applause.]
Gentlemen, only a few more words as to this alliance. For my part, I have to say, that whether there be such an alliance, depends, so far as I know, upon what may be a right definition of the term alliance. If for the Republican party to see the other great party to which they are opposed divided among themselves, and not try to stop the division and rather be glad of it—if that is an alliance I confess I am in; but if it is meant to be said that the Republicans had formed an alliance going beyond that, by which there is contribution of money or sacrifice of principle on the one side or the other, so far as the Republican party is concerned, if there be any such thing, I protest that I neither know anything of it, nor do I believe it. I will however say—as I think this branch of the argument is lugged in—I would before I leave it, state, for the benefit of those concerned, that one of those same Buchanan men did once tell me of an argument that he made for his opposition to Judge Douglas. He said that a friend of our Senator Douglas had been talking to him, and had among other things said to him: "Why, you don't want to beat Douglas?" "Yes," said he "I do want to beat him, and I will tell you why. I believe his original Nebraska bill was right in the abstract, but it was wrong in the time that it was brought forward. It was wrong in the application to a territory in regard to which the question had been settled; it was brought forward at a time when nobody asked him; it was tendered to the South when the South had not asked for it, but when they could not well refuse it; and for this same reason he forced that question upon our party: it has sunk the best men all over the nation, everywhere; and now when our President, struggling with the difficulties of this man's getting up, has reached the very hardest point to turn in the case, he deserts him, and I am for putting him where he will trouble us no more." [Applause.]
Now, gentlemen, that is not my argument—that is not my argument at all. I have only been stating to you the argument of a Buchanan man. You will judge if there is any force in it. [Applause.]
What Is Popular Sovereignty?
Popular sovereignty! everlasting popular sovereignty! [Laughter and continued cheers.] Let us for a moment inquire into this vast matter of popular sovereignty. What is popular sovereignty? We recollect that at an early period in the history of this struggle, there was another name for this same thing—Squatter Sovereignty. It was not exactly Popular Sovereignty but Squatter Sovereignty. What do those terms mean? What do those terms mean when used now? And vast credit is taken by our friend, the Judge, in regard to his support of it, when he declares the last years of his life have been, and all the future years of his life shall be, devoted to this matter of popular sovereignty. What is it? Why, it is the sovereignty of the people! What was Squatter Sovereignty? I suppose if it had any significance at all it was the right of the people to govern themselves, to be sovereign of their own affairs while they were squatted down in a country not their own, while they had squatted on a territory that did not belong to them, in the sense that a State belongs to the people who inhabit it—when it belonged to the nation—such right to govern themselves was called "Squatter Sovereignty."
Now I wish you to mark. What has become of that Squatter Sovereignty? What has become of it? Can you get anybody to tell you now that the people of a territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard to this mooted question of Slavery, before they form a State Constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running fire, and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that side, assuming that policy had given the people of a territory the right to govern themselves upon this question yet the point is dodged. To-day it has been decided—no more than a year ago it was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon to-day, that the people of a territory have no right to exclude Slavery from a territory, that if any one man chooses to take slaves into a territory, all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out. This being so, and this decision being made one of the points that the Judge approved, and one in the approval of which he says he means to keep me down—put me down I should not say, for I have never been up. He says he is in favor of it, and sticks to it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty; but that any one man may take slaves into a territory, and all the other men in the territory may be opposed to it, and yet by reason of the constitution they cannot prohibit it. When that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter Sovereignty I should like to know?—(a voice)—"it has all gone."
When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people to make a constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854. It was a territory yet, without having formed a Constitution, in a very regular way, for three years. All this time negro slavery could be taken in by any few individuals, and by that decision of the Supreme Court, which the Judge approves, all the rest of the people cannot keep it out; but when they come to make a Constitution they may say they will not have Slavery. But it is there; they are obliged to tolerate it in some way, and all experience shows that it will be so—for they will not take the negro slaves and absolutely deprive the owners of them. All experience shows this to be so. All that space of time that runs from the beginning of the settlement of the Territory until there is sufficiency of people to make a State Constitution—all that portion of time popular sovereignty is given up. The seal is absolutely put down upon it by the Court decision, and Judge Douglas puts his own upon the top of that, yet he is appealing to the people to give him vast credit for his devotion to popular sovereignty. (Applause.)
Again, when we get to the question of the right of the people to form a State Constitution as they please, to form it with Slavery or without Slavery—if that is anything new, I confess I don't know it. Has there ever been a time when anybody said that any other than the people of a Territory itself should form a Constitution? What is now in it, that Judge Douglas should have fought several years of his life, and pledged himself to fight all the remaining years of his life for? Can Judge Douglas find anybody on earth that said that anybody else should form a constitution for a people? (A voice, "Yes.") Well, I should like you to name him; I should like to know who he was. (Same voice—"John Calhoun.")
Mr. Lincoln—No, sir, I never heard of even John Calhoun saying such a thing. He insisted on the same principle as Judge Douglas; but his mode of applying it in fact, was wrong. It is enough for my purpose to ask this crowd, when ever a Republican said anything against it? They never said anything against it, but they have constantly spoken for it; and whosoever will undertake to examine the platform, and the speeches of responsible men of the party, and of irresponsible men, too, if you please, will be unable to find one word from anybody in the Republican ranks, opposed to that Popular Sovereignty which Judge Douglas thinks that he has invented. [Applause.] I suppose that Judge Douglas will claim in a little while, that he is the inventor of the idea that the people should govern themselves: [cheers and laughter]; that nobody ever thought of such a thing until he brought it forward. We do remember, that in that old Declaration of Independence, it is said that "We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." There is the origin of Popular Sovereignty. [Loud applause]. Who, then, shall come in at this day and claim that he invented it. [Laughter and applause.]
Lecompton Constitution.
The Lecompton Constitution connects itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the Lecompton Constitution that our friend Judge Douglas claims such vast credit. I agree that in opposing the Lecompton Constitution so far as I can perceive, he was right. ["Good," "good."] I do not deny that at all; and gentlemen, you will readily see why I could not deny it, even if I wanted to. But I do not wish to; for all the Republicans in the nation opposed it, and they would have opposed it just as much without Judge Douglas' aid, as with it. They had all taken ground against it long before he did. Why, the reason that he urges against that Constitution, I urged against him a year before. I have the printed speech in my hand. The argument that he makes, why that Constitution should not be adopted, that the people were not fairly represented nor allowed to vote, I pointed out in a speech a year ago, which I hold in my hand now, that no fair chance was to be given to the people. ["Read it," "read it."] I shall not waste your time by trying to read it. ["Read it," "read it."] Gentlemen, reading from speeches is a very tedious business, particularly for an old man that has to put on spectacles, and the more so if the man be so tall that he has to bend over to the light. [Laughter.]
A little more, now, as to this matter of popular sovereignty and the Lecompton Constitution. The Lecompton Constitution, as the Judge tells us, was defeated. The defeat of it was a good thing or it was not. He thinks the defeat of it was a good thing, and so do I, and we agree in that. Who defeated it?
A voice—Judge Douglas.
Mr. Lincoln—Yes, he furnished himself, and if you suppose he controlled the other Democrats that went with him, he furnished three votes, while the Republicans furnished twenty. [Applause.]
That is what he did to defeat it. In the House of Representatives he and his friends furnished some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished ninety odd. [Loud applause.] Now who was it that did the work?
A voice—Douglas.
Mr. Lincoln—Why, yes, Douglas did it! To be sure he did. Let us, however, put that proposition another way. The Republicans could not have done it without Judge Douglas. Could he have done it without them. [Applause.] Which could have come the nearest to doing it without the other? [Renewed applause. "That's it" "that's it;" "good," "good."]
A voice—Who killed the bill?
Another voice—Douglas.
Mr. Lincoln—Ground was taken against it by the Republicans long before Douglas did it. The proportion of opposition to that measure is about five to one.
A Voice—"Why don't they come out on it?"
Mr. Lincoln—You don't know what you are talking about, my friend. I am quite willing to answer any gentleman in the crowd who asks an intelligent question. [Great applause.]
Now, who in all this country has ever found any of our friends of Judge Douglas' way of thinking, and who have acted upon this main question, that has ever thought of uttering a word in behalf of Judge Trumbull? A voice—"we have." I defy you to show a printed resolution passed in a Democratic meeting—I take it upon myself to defy any man to show a printed resolution of a Democratic meeting, large or small, in favor of Judge Trumbull, or any of the five to one Republicans who beat that bill. Every thing must be for the Democrats! They did every thing, and the five to one that really did the thing, they snub over, and they do not seem to remember that they have an existence upon the face of the earth. [Applause.]
Lincoln and Douglas.
Gentlemen: I fear that I shall become tedious, (Go on, go on.) I leave this branch of the subject to take hold of another. I take up that part of Judge Douglas' speech in which he respectfully attended to me. [Laughter.]
Judge Douglas made two points upon my recent speech at Springfield. He says they are to be the issues of this campaign. The first one of these points he bases upon the language in a speech which I delivered at Springfield, which I believe I can quote correctly from memory. I said there that "we are now far into the fifth year since a policy was instituted for the avowed object and with the confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation; under the operation of that policy, that agitation had only not ceased, but has constantly augmented."—(A voice)—"That's the very language." "I believe it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free." [Applause.] "I do not expect the Union to be dissolved,"—I am quoting from my speech—"I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, North as well as South." [Good, good.]
What is the paragraph. In this paragraph which I have quoted in your hearing, and to which I ask the attention of all, Judge Douglas thinks he discovers great political heresy. I want your attention particularly to what he has inferred from it. He says I am in favor of making all the States of this Union uniform in all their internal regulations; that in all their domestic concerns I am in favor of making them entirely uniform. He draws this inference from the language I have quoted to you. He says that I am in favor of making war by the North upon the South for the extinction of slavery; that I am also in favor of inviting (as he expresses it) the South to a war upon the North, for the purpose of nationalizing slavery. Now, it is singular enough, if you will carefully read that passage over, that I did not say that I was in favor of anything in it. I only said what I expected would take place. I made a prediction only—it may have been a foolish one perhaps. I did not even say that I desired that slavery should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I do say so now, however, [great applause] so there need be no longer any difficulty about that. It may be written down in the great speech. [Applause and laughter.]
Gentlemen, Judge Douglas informed you that this speech of mine was probably carefully prepared. I admit that it was. I am not master of language; I have not a fine education; I am not capable of entering into a disquisition upon dialectics, as I believe you call it; but I do not believe the language I employed bears any such construction as Judge Douglas put upon it. But I don't care about a quibble in regard to words. I know what I meant, and I will not leave this crowd in doubt, if I can explain it to them, what I really meant in the use of that paragraph.
I am not, in the first place, unaware that this Government has endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I know that. I am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the country, and I know that it has endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I believe—and that is what I meant to allude to there—I believe it has endured because, during all that time, until the introduction of the Nebraska Bill, the public mind did rest, all the time, in the belief that slavery was in course of ultimate extinction. ["Good!" "Good!" and applause.] That was what gave us the rest that we had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I believe. I have always hated slavery, I think as much as any Abolitionist. [Applause.] I have been an Old Line Whig. I have always hated it, but I have always been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the Nebraska Bill began. I always believed that everybody was against it, and that it was in course of ultimate extinction. (Pointing to Mr. Browning, who stood near by.) Browning thought so; the great mass of the nation have rested in the belief that slavery was in course of ultimate extinction. They had reason so to believe.
The adoption of the Constitution and its attendant history led the people to believe so; and that such was the belief of the framers of the Constitution itself. Why did those old men, about the time of the adoption of the Constitution, decree that Slavery should not go into the new territory, where it had not already gone? Why declare that within twenty years the African Slave Trade, by which slaves are supplied, might be cut off by Congress? Why were all these acts? I might enumerate more of these acts—but enough. What were they but a clear indication that the framers of the Constitution intended and expected the ultimate extinction of that institution. [Cheers.] And now, when I say, as I said in my speech that Judge Douglas has quoted from, when I say that I think the opponents of slavery will resist the farther spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest with the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction, I only mean to say, that they will place it where the founders of this Government originally placed it.
I have said a hundred times, and I have now no inclination to take it back, that I believe there is no right, and ought to be no inclination in the people of the free States to enter into the slave States, and interfere with the question of slavery at all. I have said that always. Judge Douglas has heard me say it—if not quite a hundred times, at least as good as a hundred times; and when it is said that I am in favor of interfering with slavery where it exists, I know it is unwarranted by anything I have ever intended, and, as I believe, by anything I have ever said. If, by any means, I have ever used language which could fairly be so construed, (as, however, I believe I never have,) I now correct it.
[Here the shouts of the Seventh Ward Delegation announced that they were coming in procession. They were received with enthusiastic cheers.]
So much, then, for the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in favor of setting the sections at war with one another. I know that I never meant any such thing, and I believe that no fair mind can infer any such thing from anything I have ever said. ["Good," "good."]
Now in relation to his inference that I am in favor of a general consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States. I will attend to that for a little while, and try to inquire, if I can, how on earth it could be that any man could draw such an inference from anything I said. I have said, very many times, in Judge Douglas' hearing, that no man believed more than I in the principle of self-government; that it lies at the bottom of all my ideas of just government, from beginning to end. I have denied that his use of that term applies properly. But for the thing itself, I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in his devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency in advocating it. I think that I have said it in your hearing—that I believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with himself and the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise interferes with any other man's rights—[applause]—that each community, as a State, has a right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that State that interfere with the rights of no other State, and that the general government, upon principle, has no right to interfere with anything other than that general class of things that does concern the whole. I have said that at all times. I have said, as illustrations, that I do not believe in the right of Illinois to interfere with the cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster laws of Virginia, or the Liquor Laws of Maine. I have said these things over and over again, and I repeat them here as my sentiments.
How is it, then, that Judge Douglas infers, because I hope to see slavery put where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, that I am in favor of Illinois going over and interfering with the cranberry laws of Indiana? What can authorize him to draw any such inference? I suppose there might be one thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference that would not be true with me or with many others, that is, because he looks upon all this matter of slavery as an exceedingly little thing—this matter of keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole nation in a state of oppression and tyranny unequalled in the world. He looks upon it as being an exceedingly little thing—only equal to the question of the cranberry laws of Indiana—as something having no moral question in it—as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture his land with cattle, or plant it with tobacco—so little and so small a thing, that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be in favor of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little things in the Union. Now, it so happens—and there, I presume, is the foundation of this mistake—that the Judge thinks thus; and it so happens that there is a vast portion of the American people that do not look upon that matter as being this very little thing. They look upon it as a vast moral evil; they can prove it is such by the writings of those who gave us the blessings of liberty which we enjoy, and that they so looked upon it, and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States where it is situated; and while we agree that, by the Constitution we assented to, in the States where it exists we have no right to interfere with it because it is in the Constitution and we are by both duty and inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit from beginning to end. [Great applause.]
So much then as to my disposition—my wish—to have all the State legislatures blotted out, and to have one general consolidated government, and a uniformity of domestic regulations in all the States, by which I suppose it is meant if we raise corn here, we must make sugar cane grow here too, and we must make those which grow North, grow in the South. All this I suppose he understands I am in favor of doing. Now, so much for all this nonsense—for I must call it so. The Judge can have no issue with me on a question of establishing uniformity in the domestic regulations of the States.
Dred Scott Decision.
A little now on the other point—the Dred Scott Decision. Another one of the issues he says that is to be made with me, is upon his devotion to the Dred Scott Decision, and my opposition to it.
I have expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred Scott Decision, but I should be allowed to state the nature of that opposition, and I ask your indulgence while I do so. What is fairly implied by the term Judge Douglas has used "resistance to the Decision?" I do not resist it. If I wanted to take Dred Scott from his master, I would be interfering with property, and that terrible difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of interfering with property, would arise. But I am doing no such thing as that, but all that I am doing is refusing to obey it as a political rule. If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be prohibited in a new territory, in spite of that Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it should. [Applause; "good for you;" "we hope to see it;" "that's right."]
Mr. Lincoln—That is what I would do. ["You will have a chance soon."] Judge Douglas said last night, that before the decision he might advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the decision when it was made; but after it was made he would abide by it until it was reversed. Just so! We let this property abide by the decision, but we will try to reverse that decision. [Loud applause—cries of "good."] We will try to put it where Judge Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it until it is reversed. Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is made, and we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably.
What are the uses of decisions of courts? They have two uses. As rules of property they have two uses. First—they decide upon the question before the court. They decide in this case that Dred Scott is a slave. Nobody resists that. Not only that, but they say to everybody else, that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands is as he is. That is, they say that when a question comes up upon another person it will be so decided again, unless the court decides in another way, [cheers—cries of "good,"] unless the court overrules its decision. [Renewed applause]. Well, we mean to do what we can to have the court decide the other way. That is one thing we mean to try to do.
The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision, is a degree of sacredness that has never been before thrown around any other decision. I have never heard of such a thing. Why, decisions apparently contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were contrary to that decision, have been made by that very court before. It is the first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history. [Laughter.] It is a new wonder of the world. [Laughter and applause.] It is based upon falsehood in the main as to the facts—allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts at all in many instances, and no decision made on any question—the first instance of a decision made under so many unfavorable circumstances—thus placed has ever been held by the profession as law, and it has always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as settled law. But Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take this extraordinary decision, made under these extraordinary circumstances, and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it and obey it in every possible sense. Circumstances alter cases. Do not gentlemen here remember the case of that same Supreme Court, some twenty-live or thirty years ago, deciding that a National Bank was constitutional? I ask, if somebody does not remember that a National Bank was declared to be constitutional? ["Yes," "yes"] Such is the truth, whether it be remembered or not, The Bank charter ran out, and a re-charter was granted by Congress. That re-charter was laid before General Jackson. It was urged upon him, when he denied the constitutionality of the bank, that the Supreme Court had decided that it was constitutional; and that General Jackson then said that the Supreme Court had no right to lay down a rule to govern a co-ordinate branch of the government, the members of which had sworn to support the Constitution—that each member had sworn to support that Constitution as he understood it. I will venture here to say, that I have heard Judge Douglas say that he approved of General Jackson for that act. What has now become of all his tirade about "resistance to the Supreme Court?" ["Gone up," "Gone to the Theatre."]
My fellow citizens, getting back a little, for I pass from these points, when Judge Douglas makes his threat of annihilation upon the "alliance." He is cautious to say that that warfare of his is to fall upon the leaders of the Republican party. Almost every word he utters and every distinction he makes, has its significance. He means for the Republicans that do not count themselves as leaders, to be his friends; he makes no fuss over them; it is the leaders that he is making war upon. He wants it understand that the mass of the Republican party are really his friends. It is only the leaders that are doing something, that are intolerant, and that requires extermination at his hands. As this is clearly and unquestionably the light in which he presents that matter, I want to ask your attention, addressing myself to the Republicans here, that I may ask you some questions, as to where you, as the Republican party, would be placed if you sustained Judge Douglas in his present position by a re-election? I do not claim, gentlemen, to be unselfish, I do not pretend that I would not like to go to the United States Senate, (laughter), I make no such hypocritical pretense, but I do say to you that in this mighty issue, it is nothing to you—nothing to the mass of the people of the nation, whether or not Judge Douglas or myself shall ever be heard of after this night, it may be a trifle to either of us, but in connection with this mighty question, upon which hang the destinies of the nation, perhaps, it is absolutely nothing; but where will you be placed if you re-endorse Judge Douglas? Don't you know how apt he is—how exceedingly anxious he is at all times to seize upon anything and everything to persuade you that something he has done you did yourselves? Why, he tried to persuade you last night that our Illinois Legislature instructed him to introduce the Nebraska bill. There was nobody in that legislature ever thought of such a thing; and when he first introduced the bill, he never thought of it; but still he fights furiously for the proposition, and that he did it because there was a standing instruction to our Senators to be always introducing Nebraska bills. [Laughter and applause] He tells you he is for the Cincinnati platform, he tells you he is for the Dred Scott decision. He tells you, not in his speech last night, but substantially in a former speech, that he cares not if slavery is voted up or down—he tells you the struggle on Lecompton is past—it may come up again or not, and if it does he stands where he stood when in spite of him and his opposition you built up the Republican party. If you endorse him you tell him you do not care whether slavery be voted up or down, and he will close, or try to close your mouths with his declaration repeated by the day, the week, the month and the year. Is that what you mean? (cries of "no," one voice "yes.") Yes, I have no doubt you who have always been for him if you mean that. No doubt of that (a voice "hit him again") soberly I have said, and I repeat it I think in the position in which Judge Douglas stood in opposing the Lecompton Constitution he was right, he does not know that it will return, but if it does we may know where to find him, and if it does not we may know where to look for him and that is on the Cincinnati platform. Now I could ask the Republican party after all the hard names that Judge Douglas has called them by—all his repeated charges of their inclination to marry with and hug negroes—all his declarations of Black Republicanism—by the way we are improving, the black has got rubbed off—but with all that, if he be endorsed by Republican votes where do you stand? Plainly you stand ready saddled, bridled and harnessed and waiting to be driven over to the slavery extension camp of the nation [a voice "we will hang ourselves first"]—just ready to be driven over tied together in a lot—to be driven over, every man with a rope around his neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas. That is the question. If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think they had better not do it, but I think that the Republican party is made up of those who, as far as they can peaceably, will oppose the extension of slavery, and who will hope for its ultimate extinction. If they believe it is wrong in grasping up the new lands of the continent, and keeping them from the settlement of free white laborers, who want the land to bring up their families upon; if they are in earnest, although they may make a mistake, they will grow restless, and the time will come when they will come back again and re-organize, if not by the same name, at least upon the same principles as their party now has. It is better, then, to save the work while it is begun. You have done the labor; maintain it—keep it. If men choose to serve you, go with them; but as you have made up your organization upon principle, stand by it; for, as surely as God reigns over you, and has inspired your mind, and given you a sense of propriety and continues to give you hope, so surely you will still cling to these ideas, and you will at last come back again after your wanderings, merely to do your work over again. [Loud applause.]
We were often—more than once at least—in the course of Judge Douglas' speech last night, reminded that this government was made for white men—that he believed it was made for white men. Well, that is putting it into a shape in which no one wants to deny it, but the Judge then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not warranted. I protest, now and forever, against that counterfeit logic which presumes that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I do necessarily want her for a wife. [Laughter and cheers.] My understanding is that I need not have her for either, but as God made us separate, we can leave one another alone and do one another much good thereby. There are white men enough to marry all the white women, and enough black men to marry all the black women, and in God's name let them be so married. The Judge regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the mixture of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down. Why, Judge, if we do not let them get together in the Territories they won't mix there. [Immense applause.]
A voice—"Three cheers for Lincoln." [The cheers were given with a hearty good will.]
Mr. Lincoln—I should say at least that that is a self evident truth.
Now, it happens that we meet together once every year, sometime about the 4th of July, for some reason or other. These 4th of July gatherings I suppose have their uses. If you will indulge me, I will state what I suppose to be some of them.
We are now a mighty nation, we are thirty—or about thirty millions of people, and we own and inhabit about one-fifteenth part of the dry land of the whole earth. We run our memory back over the pages of history for about eighty-two years and we discover that we were then a very small people in point of numbers, vastly inferior to what we are now, with a vastly less extent of country,—with vastly less of everything we deem desirable among men,—we look upon the change as exceedingly advantageous to us and to our posterity, and we fix upon something that happened away back, as in some way or other being connected with this rise of prosperity. We find a race of men living in that day whom we claim as our fathers and grandfathers; they were iron men, they fought for the principle that they were contending for; and we understood that by what they then did it has followed that the degree of prosperity that we now enjoy has come to us. We hold this annual celebration to remind ourselves of all the good done in this process of time of how it was done and who did it, and how we are historically connected with it; and we go from these meetings in better humor with ourselves—we feel more attached the one to the other and more firmly bound to the country we inhabit. In every way we are better men in the age, and race, and country in which we live for these celebrations. But after we have done all this we have not yet reached the whole. There is something else connected with it. We have besides these men—descended by blood from our ancestors—among us perhaps half our people who are not descendants at all of these men, they are men who have come from Europe—German, Irish, French and Scandinavian—men that have come from Europe themselves, or whose ancestors have come hither and settled here, finding themselves our equals in all things. If they look back through this history to trace their connection with those days by blood, they find they have none, they cannot carry themselves back into that glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us, but when they look through that old Declaration of Independence they find that those old men say that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," and then they feel that that moral sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of the flesh of the men who wrote that Declaration, (loud and long continued applause) and so they are. That is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link those patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of men throughout the world. [Applause.]
Now, sirs, for the purpose of squaring things with this idea of "don't care if slavery is voted up or voted down," for sustaining the Dred Scott decision [A voice—"Hit him again"], for holding that the Declaration of Independence did not mean anything at all, we have Judge Douglas giving his exposition of what the Declaration of Independence means, and we have him saying that the people of America are equal to the people of England. According to his construction, you Germans are not connected with it. Now I ask you in all soberness, if all these things, if indulged in, if ratified, if confirmed and endorsed, if taught to our children, and repeated to them, do not tend to rub out the sentiment of liberty in the country, and to transform this Government into a government of some other form. Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow. What are these arguments? They are the arguments that kings have made for enslaving the people in all ages of the world. You will find that all the arguments in favor of king-craft were of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the people, not that they wanted to do it, but because the people were better off for being ridden. That is their argument, and this argument of the Judge is the same old serpent that says you work and I eat, you toil and I will enjoy the fruits of it. Turn in whatever way you will—whether it come from the mouth of a King, an excuse for enslaving the people of his country, or from the mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another race, it is all the same old serpent, and I hold if that course of argumentation that is made for the purpose of convincing the public mind that we should not care about this, should be granted, it does not stop with the negro. I should like to know if taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men are equal upon principle and making exceptions to it where will it stop. If one man says it does not mean a negro, why not another say it does not mean some other man? If that declaration is not the truth, let us get the Statute book, in which we find it and tear it out! Who is so bold as to do it! [Voices—"me" "no one," &c.] If it is not true let us tear it out! [cries of "no, no,"] let us stick to it then, [cheers] let us stand firmly by it then. [Applause.]
It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make necessities and impose them upon us, and to the extent that a necessity is imposed upon a man he must submit to it. I think that was the condition in which we found ourselves when we established this government. We had slavery among us, we could not get our constitution unless we permitted them to remain in slavery, we could not secure the good we did secure if we grasped for more, and having by necessity submitted to that much, it does not destroy the principle that is the charter of our liberties. Let that charter stand as our standard.
My friend has said to me that I am a poor hand to quote Scripture. I will try it again, however. It is said in one of the admonitions of the Lord, "As your Father in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect." The Savior, I suppose, did not expect that any human creature could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but He said, "As your Father in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect." He set that up as a standard, and he who did most towards reaching that standard, attained the highest degree of moral perfection. So I say in relation to the principle that all men are created equal, let it be as nearly reached as we can. If we cannot give freedom to every creature, let us do nothing that will impose slavery upon any other creature. [Applause.] Let us then turn this government back into the channel in which the framers of the Constitution originally placed it. Let us stand firmly by each other. If we do not do so we are turning in the contrary direction, that our friend Judge Douglas proposes—not intentionally—as working in the traces tend to make this one universal slave nation. [A voice—"that is so."] He is one that runs in that direction, and as such I resist him.
My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desired to do, and I have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man—this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position—discarding our standard that we have left us. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are created equal.
My friends, I could not, without launching off upon some new topic, which would detain you too long, continue to-night. [Cries of "go on."] I thank you for this most extensive audience that you have furnished me to-night. I leave you, hoping that the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are created free and equal.
Address to the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois
Fragments on Slavery
Speech on the Kansas-Nebraska Act, October 16, 1854
Letter to Joshua Speed, August 24, 1855
Address to the Republican Banquet in Chicago, December 10, 1856 (on public opinion)
Speech on the Dred Scott Decision, June 26, 1857
House Divided Speech, June 16, 1858
Letter to Henry L. Pierce & Others, April 6, 1859 (Honors to Jefferson) Print This Email This
Address to the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, September 30, 1859
Speech at Cooper Institute, February 27, 1860
Speech at New Haven, Connecticut, March 6, 1860
Fragment on the Constitution and Union, c. January, 1861
Speech at Independence Hall, February 22, 1861
First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861
Message to Congress in Special Session, July 4, 1861
Emancipation Proclamation, January 1, 1863
Gettysburg Address, November 19, 1863
Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865
Speech on Reconstruction, April 11, 1865 (last public address)


text:
IEU pursues pay and conditions claim
Union proves accreditation should be granted
Ambitious agenda for year ahead
Parramatta counsellors prepare for industrial action
David Leyonhjelm and Pauline Hanson couldn't be more wrong about childcare
Complexity of Starting Strong is staggering
Industrial action on the cards at Navitas ACT
Diabetes teacher training seminar
More troubling news for Malek Fahd
HSC markers award negotiations underway
Are you eligible for a $4000 pay rise?
IEU supports Murdoch University teachers
New authority watching over you
Don't let data stop students with disabilities from counting
Moving from interstate?
New resource for English teachers
Maitland-Newcastle head retiring
Stop kids making lifelong mistakes online
New school embodies futuristic vision
Election of Branch Council Delegates 2016
O Canada, count me in
Select from 2017 comprehensive program of activities
Focusing on the year ahead
Say what you do and why it matters
Welcome down under
Getting started with accreditation
Super highway 16 revisited
Reasons to join a union
New agreement wins for teachers and support staff
making change work
WWCC reminder
Giants captaincy kicks off
This year started with more troubling news for the staff, students and community of Malek Fahd Islamic School.
On 5 January employees received notice from the school board advising them that the Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) had advised the school on 23 December 2016 that the school's appeal against the Commonwealth Government's decision to remove public funding had failed. This decision puts the school's viability under threat as federal funding accounts for about two thirds of the school's income.
The AAT supported the Department's finding that the school has been and is operating for profit and, as a result, is ineligible to receive financial assistance from the Commonwealth.
The 22 page decision noted evidence that suggests Malek Fahd "is a good school which provides quality education" and acknowledged the loyalty, passion and commitment of the staff.
The issue was and remains the financial relationship between the school and the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils Inc (AFIC) and perhaps most critically the lease arrangements for the Greenacre campus.
IEU attended a meeting open to all staff on 10 January. MFIS Board member Dr John Bennett addressed the meeting and responded to question from the floor. Dr Bennett confirmed that the school would lodge an appeal to the Federal Court. The Board was also meeting with AFIC with a view to resolving the Department's concerns.
Dr Bennett anticipated that the school would be able to operate for one term in the event that federal funding is not restored. He confirmed that the school had accounted for and had reserves to pay staff their accrued long service leave (LSL) entitlements of $2.4 million should the school be forced to cease operations. IEU will support its 50 members in ensuring that their entitlements (LSL, annual leave and redundancy) are recovered in the event that the school goes into liquidation.
One member raised the question about existing teachers gaining Proficiency with the NSW Education Standards Authority (NESA), formerly BOSTES.
IEU contacted NESA and we were assured that existing teachers employed at Malek Fahd have no reason to be concerned about gaining Proficiency whether or not they have alternative employment in the event that the school closes.
As the Authority's website is updated there will be an 'opt in' function for teachers who are presently not teaching but who have taught within the preceding five years. As long as members have not had a break from teaching of more than five years they will be able to achieve proficiency.
The Union will support any individual member who has issues with respect to their accreditation with NESA. IEU continues to assist teachers in gaining accreditation at both Proficient level (Band 2) and Experienced Teacher level (Band 3).
David Towson

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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How can it be a good time to buy and at the same time a good time to sell?
Real Estate is local! Although Macroeconomic factors are the overall influence on the real estate market, individual property values are most influenced by local market conditions. We have all heard the mantra "Location, Location, Location!" in describing the desirability of homes. The right area…the right school district…and for some people, even the right orientation.
So when is it a good time to sell?
Now would be a good time to sell and "move up", If you are going to outgrow your current residence within 2-5 years, thereby locking in an interest rate that is still close to historical lows at just under 4 %.
If you are going to downsize due to retirement, or have become an empty nester, it is a good time to sell and lock in the dramatic gains achieved by the huge increase in property values over the last 5 years. Even if you go out and rent for a while, because you are not able to determine exactly where you want to settle in…it might be better to rent in a couple of different locations, sort of "scouting" those areas out to make sure you like them before making the permanent investment.


Quick spinach in the microwave.
Put the spinach in a glass microwave dish. Add 2 tablespoons of water and cover (use a plate if your dish doesn't have a cover). Microwave on high for 2 to 3 minutes, until spinach is wilted. Remove from the microwave and put the spinach in a collander and rinse in cold water. Squeeze the spinach dry and then chop on a cutting board.
Melt the butter in a saute pan, add the spinach and stir. Cook for about a minute. Makes one serving.
You can use coconut oil in place of the butter, if you prefer.


text:
Meet Katie, Corrib Haven Support Worker
Katie Padden is a Support Worker with COPE Galway's Corrib Haven Family Hub. She joined the organisation while still a student, at a time when there were challenges around recruitment due to social distancing. Read more about Katie's career journey with COPE Galway below.
Most students spend their final months of university in a frantic job search, wondering what the future will hold after graduation. That wasn't the case for recent NUI Galway graduate, Katie Padden, who was recruited by COPE Galway through a virtual career fair while she was still a student. Not only was her job search done and dusted, but she was even able to start her new role on a part-time basis while she finished her studies, before transitioning to full-time employment with the organisation.
COPE Galway was willing to work around Katie's studies and allowed her to pick up shifts when she could. She was able to gain experience within the role and the organisation months before she was available to work full-time after graduation. Katie, in turn, worked to the very best of her abilities supporting the women and children living at Corrib Haven, often covering shifts at short notice. Katie had previous experience working with children with disabilities and COPE Galway's focus on serving the local community attracted her to the support-worker role. The position was also a way to apply learnings from her Law, Sociology & Politics degree to real-world issues.
On the day of the fair, she said that she found the virtual approach less nerve-wracking than she might have found an in-person career event. When she saw COPE Galway listed as one of the potential employers, she promptly searched online to find out more about the organisation's work before meeting the team.
"I saw COPE Galway [at the fair], I did a quick Google search and thought 'oh that sounds interesting.' And that one 15-minute conversation led to the job,"
"I'd recommend everyone to go to a career fair to see what options are there. Of course, I got very lucky on the day, when I met Sinéad Carey, COPE Galway's Head of Homeless Service!"
During her first shifts in the Family Hub, Katie compared herself to a 'deer in headlights' and said the role was different from anything she'd ever done before. That said, she 'got stuck in' and found that it wasn't at all as difficult as she'd thought it might be. An important thing to learn, she said, was recognising her limits. "There's a balance of duties between working with children, supporting the clients, helping with application for properties, helping them prepare documents they might need," Katie said of her work in family services. A typical shift entails 'constantly running around' and providing activities for the young children. "We're trying to make it as normal as possible [for them], making decorations to make the space kid-friendly."
As of recently, Katie's team became fully staffed for the first time since she came on board. "Having the full team is a breath of fresh air," she said. "There's more support and we're able to share our ideas for improving the service." The job, she said, has opened her eyes to the realities of the homelessness and housing crises in Ireland.
"Realising the lack of accommodation available, how severe it's gotten, makes you realise anyone can end up in these situations," Katie reflected. She said that she is consistently struck by the strength of women she works with who find themselves in difficult situations, and she is proud to be part of a team providing such vital services.


text:
Galdeano (Galdeano en euskera) es un concejo del municipio de Allín, Comunidad Foral de Navarra, España. En 2008 tenía una población de 68 habitantes.

Demografía

Referencias

Véase también
 Allín
 Navarra
 Concejos de Navarra
 Merindad de Estella

Enlaces externos
 Datos de Galdeano - Gobierno de Navarra - Información y datos de entidades locales de Navarra.
 Datos de Galdeano - Federación Navarra de Municipios y Concejos - Guía de entidades locales

Localidades de Allín
Concejos de Allín

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Explore Photos of Outdoor Ceiling Fans With Led Lights (Showing 1 of 15 Photos)Outdoor Ceiling Fans With Led Lights Pertaining to Trendy Outdoor – Ceiling Fans With Lights – Ceiling Fans – The Home Depot | Furniture, Decor, Lighting, and More.
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text:
Q: $\frac{ \partial{E} }{ \partial{s} } = \frac{ \partial{E} }{ \partial{z} } \frac{ \partial{z} }{ \partial{s} } = z - t$? The following is a lecture slide from a machine learning class:

Cross Entropy

For classification tasks, target $t$ is either $0$ or $1$, so better to use $$E=-t\log(z)-(1-t)\log(1-z)$$ This can be justified mathematically, and works well in practice -- especially when negative examples vastly outweigh positive ones. It also makes the backprop computations simpler $$\begin{align}\frac{\partial E}{\partial z}&=\frac{z-t}{z(1-z)}\\ \text{if}\qquad z&=\frac{1}{1+e^{-s}}\underset{\color{white}{\int}}{,}\\ \frac{\partial E}{\partial s}&=\frac{\partial E}{\partial z}\frac{\partial z}{\partial s}=z-t\end{align}$$

By my calculations,
$$ \dfrac{ \partial{E} }{ \partial{s} } = \dfrac{ \partial{E} }{ \partial{z} } \dfrac{ \partial{z} }{ \partial{s} } = \left[ \dfrac{z - t}{z(1 - z)} \right] \left[ \dfrac{e^{-s} }{ (1 + e^{-s})^2 } \right] = \dfrac{e^{-s} (z - t) }{ z(1 - z)(1 + e^{-s})^2 } = \dfrac{e^{-s} (z - t) }{ z(1 - z)(1 + 2e^{-s} + e^{-2s}) } = \dfrac{e^{-s} (z - t) }{ z + 2ze^{-s} + ze^{-2s} - z^2 - 2z^2e^{-s} - z^2 e^{-2s} }$$
$$ z - t = \dfrac{1}{1 + e^{-s}} - t = \dfrac{1 - t(1 + e^{-s})}{1 + e^{-s}} $$
Is the slide incorrect, or is there something I'm missing?
I would greatly appreciate it if people could please take the time to clarify this.

A: As you correctly calculate
$$\dfrac{ \partial{z} }{ \partial{s} } =  \dfrac{e^{-s} }{ (1 + e^{-s})^2 }$$
and since
$$z = \dfrac{1}{1 + e^{-s}}$$
we also have that
$$\dfrac{1}{z}-1 = \dfrac{1-z}{z} = e^{-s}$$
and
$$z^2 = \dfrac{1}{(1 + e^{-s})^2}$$
which you can combine to
$$\dfrac{ \partial{z} }{ \partial{s} } = z(1-z) \; .$$

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Sunderland putting the feelers out this Halloween
Sunderland city centre will be a sucker for tentacles this Halloween – as its fright fest adds an exciting new attraction to the programme of events.
Lights Out -which runs from 25 October to 3 November – will bring together a whole host of activities to mark the most frightening time of the year.
And now organisers Sunderland BID and Sunderland City Council has unveiled a new, exciting addition to the celebrations – giant, inflatable tentacles which will be attached to some of the city's buildings.
The inflatables are the work of acclaimed company, Designs In Air, which has worked with clients including the 2012 Olympics, The Eden Project and international performers, Cirque du Soleil.
Their work has been seen as far away as the Fuji Rock Festival in Japan, Lollapalooza in the USA and at Glastonbury.
And now for the first time their unique creations will be seen in the North East, thanks to sponsorship from the BID, the council, the University of Sunderland and the Bridges.
The majority of the huge inflatables will be situated at Mackie's Corner at the junction of High Street West while others will fly from the roof of the Bridges' car park, near the TK Maxx entrance.
Sharon Appleby, Head of Business Operations at Sunderland BID, said the tentacles would be a stunning addition to the Lights Out programme.
"They are going to look really spectacular and hopefully will bring people from across the region into Sunderland to see them, along with enjoying the full Lights Out events that are taking place," she said.
Alex Kirtley, who is currently developing Mackie's Corner, said she was delighted to be involved.
"At Mackie's Corner we can't wait to be part of the fantastic Lights Out event to be held in the city centre," she said.
"Halloween is a big celebration across the world and now Sunderland is getting involved thanks to the BID and the council.
"With loads of activities for families and the Halloween parade, it's going to be a brilliant October half term."
The 10 day programme will include everything from spooky bingo to a scary park run, with one of the highlights being the huge community parade which will take place on Friday 1 November, with hundreds of people taking part.
Groups across the city are already preparing for the event, which will leave from the Museum and Winter Gardens and ending up at Keel Square.
Throughout the festival there will be family friendly activities in the specially-dressed the Bridges shopping centre and events will draw to a close, on Sunday 3 November, with an alternative night market Halloween special at The Roker Hotel.
For full details of each day's events Click here
Thursday, October 3, 2019 - 09:27
2013 marked 21 years since Sunderland city status from HM The Queen, on 23rd March 1992.
RT @BridgesSund: On Monday 23rd December from 6pm to 7pm we will host a relaxed hour in our grotto for children with autism & additi… https://t.co/Ic0eqDdBPQ — 1 month 9 hours ago


Wondering where to vacation this year? Plan your next trip with this list of the best places to travel to in 2017.
The geographic diversity of the Emerald Isle astonishes. The landscape varies, and includes dramatic cliffs, primordial bogs and rolling hills of grass so green they seem illuminated. That abundance is matched by a rich culture—centuries worth of music, literature, castles and mythology—ripe for exploration.
Iceland is a bucket-list destination for many. Its pristine landscapes are untouched. Reykjavík, Iceland's capital and largest city, is a large, vibrant town of cafés and small museums, and live music can be heard late into the night. Take a short drive beyond the city limits and you can climb a glacier, slip into a geothermal hot spring and spot reindeer as they trot across the tundra.
The food alone could justify a trip to Italy. You can wander into almost any sidewalk café for a plate of pasta and a glass of wine, and it will likely be an experience you'll remember for years. Another reason it's one of the best places to travel: Italy has the most UNESCO World Heritage sites, so you're never far from another cultural marvel.
Croatia's coastline, dotted with hundreds of islands, may be its claim to fame, but Croatia's cuisine—stocked with seafood, olive oil and wine—is gaining attention, and it helped the country secure its spot as one of the best places to travel to in 2017. The old town of Dubrovnik—at the south end of the coast, with its remarkably well-preserved walls—is known as the Pearl of the Adriatic.
Not surprisingly, the world's second-largest country offers a vast variety of vacation choices. Find world-class skiing in British Columbia, dude ranch round-ups in Alberta, and icebergs along the rugged coast of Newfoundland. If an outdoor adventure isn't your ideal vacation, head to Québec City for old-world cobblestone streets or Toronto for a cosmopolitan buzz.
Though reconstruction from the 2015 earthquake is still ongoing, there's plenty to do in Nepal. The country's stunning mountain scenery is unequaled, and you can hike, climb or just gaze at the snow-covered peaks. Rafting, kayaking, paragliding, bungee jumping and mountain biking are also available to the adventurous. Afterward, find peace and quiet among the temples and teahouses.
Thanks to anti-poaching programs driven by conservation groups and the local government, Botswana is now among the places where you can see wildlife's big five. Home to the Okavango Delta and otherwise covered by the Kalahari Desert, Botswana boasts some of southern Africa's most stunning landscapes, and it's renowned for its low-impact, upmarket tourism business.
Argentina means tango and soccer, wine and waterfalls. The country is one of the best places to travel to for its Iguassu Falls. The falls, nearly 2 miles wide, are surrounded by Atlantic rainforest and form the border separating Argentina and Brazil. There are still relatively unexplored regions, too. Venture to the country's northwest corner, and you'll be rewarded with modern hotels and restaurants that mingle with traditional gaucho culture and few tourists.
Beyond the ancient temples and shrines and the ultramodern cities and bullet trains of Japan lies a world of natural wonders. Hike from hut to hut through the Japanese Alps, dive into the coral reefs off of white sand beaches outside Okinawa, or sink into one of the many natural hot springs found in nearly every region of the country.
The famous beaches and nightlife always beckon, but so do Mexico's deserts, cities and unspoiled cloud forest, which the BBC called the most magical forest on earth. Colonial-era San Miguel de Allende and Oaxaca, both rich in history and culture, are magnets for artists and other creative types.
Plan your trip with AAA. Call 877-396-7159 or contact a AAA Travel Counselor to get started.


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Home » Racing » F1 2018 Game Racing To Consoles, PC for August 24 Release Date
F1 2018 Game Racing To Consoles, PC for August 24 Release Date
10/14/2018 mediabest Racing
All the tracks, cars, and drivers of the 2018 Formula 1 season are coming to Playstion 4, Xbox One, and Windows 10 next summer, with the official 2018 F1 game set for a worldwide August 24 release. The newest incarnation in the 'F1' series is once again developed by Codemasters, which released its first F1 title in 2009. Its most-recent, last year's F1 2017, was generally well-received upon release.
For F1 2018, "the career mode has been further expanded to immerse players even deeper into the world of F1 than before", said Paul Jeal, Codemasters' F1 franchise director. Although details are scarce at this point, Jeal does tease the return of "a highly requested feature back into the franchise."
With the game's official slogan being "Make headlines in F1 2018", it seems the game might see the return of career mode press interactions for the avatar you create. This is a feature which was part of early games but disappeared with the release of F1 2012. It should be pointed out, however, that this is speculation at this point.
In addition to changes to the career mode, F1 2018 will feature more classic cars and "many other great enhancements", said Jeal. One of those teased in social media posts by Sky Sports F1 commentator David Croft, who provides voice-overs for the game, is that he's been recording a lot of names and "yours might well have made the list too," which certainly sounds immersive.
F1 2018 will feature two tracks that weren't in F1 2017: the Circuit Paul Ricard and Hockenheim. The addition of these tracks follows the return of the French and German Grands Prix to the real-life Formula 1 calendar, from which Malaysia was dropped this year. More news on F1 2018 is set to follow in due course.
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2012 Skate Canada Preview
by Alexandra Stevenson
ISU Grand Prix Facts
The prize money is awarded to winners and placed skaters/couples.
1st place U.S. $ 18,000
2nd place U.S. $ 13,000
3rd place U.S. $ 9,000
4th place U.S. $ 3,000
Points to qualify for the final are awarded based on place.
1st place 15 points
2nd place 13 points
3rd place 11 points
4th place 9 points
Pairs and Ice Dancers collect points up to 6th place.
Total prize money for Skate America is U.S. $180,000
The global prize money for the Grand Prix Final is U.S. $272,000.
Skate Canada International is the oldest competition in the Grand Prix Series of six events, begun in 1973.
The first U.S. skater to win a Skate Canada International event was Linda Fratianne in 1977
Skate Canada International was called Skate Canada until the Canadian Figure Skating Association (CFSA) changed it's name to Skate Canada in 2000.
(26 October 2012) Windsor, ON. With World Champions in three of the four disciplines entered in this competition, the second of the six Grand Prix events, the favorites are pretty obvious: Aliona Savchenko & Robin Szolkowy (Germany) in the pairs; Tessa Virtue & Scott Moir (Canada) in the ice dance, and Patrick Chan (Canada) in the Men's event.
It's far harder to call the Ladies event, although wunderkind Elizaveta Tuktamisheva, from Russia, who won't turn 16 until December 17, could jump away with gold, just as she did in this event last year. She has been spending a few recovery days in Western Ontario after her trip over from Moscow and did not perform in Thursday's first practice.
Determined to block her progress is world (senior) bronze medalist, Akiko Suzuki, 27, of Japan. The other Japanese Lady, Kanako Murakami, has been third in the past two Japanese championships and finished fifth in the last world championship.
There are two Russians, Polina Shelepen, who is making her Senior Grand Prix debut, and Ksenia Makarova, who was Russian champion in 2010 and 10th in the Olympics. Makarova has competed in the past three world championships placing 8th, 7th & 9th.
The two American entrants are Gracie Gold, who is the national junior champion and won silver in the last world junior championship, and Caroline Zhang, who placed fourth in the national senior championship. That was the same position as she took in her debut in 2008. She advance to gain the bronze medal the following year, but had two bad seasons as she grew. In the recent Nebelhorn Trophy in Germany, she had a traumatic competitive experience, and hopes her performance, unaffected by jet lag, will bring her better memories.
Also competing are veteran Elene Gedevanishvili, who represents Georgia, and the host country's Kaetlyn Osmond, a 15-year-old who had a sensation international debut winning gold in the RECENT Nebelhorn Trophy, and their champion, Amelia LaCoste.
Savchenko & Szolkowy, twice world champions, did not appear for morning practice, exhausted from their yesterday's incredibly long journey from Chemnitz to Frankfurt to Windsor. Although the host country is entitled to field three entries, they have fielded only two, Meaghan Duhamel & Eric Radford, Paige Lawrence & Rudi Swiegers.
Representing the U.S. are Tiffany Vise & Don Baldwin, who earned bronze in the recent U.S. International in Salt Lake City, and Lindsay Davis & Mark Ladwig, who teamed up in May. Ladwig is a veteran, having competed for many years with Amanda Evora. Davis most recently competed with Themi Leftheris.
Tessa Virtue & Scott Moir were definitely smiling on Thursday before their first practice at the Windsor FCU (Family Credit Union) Arena, which seats 6,400. The facility opened in December 2008 and is part of a complex with three community rinks and other facilities including a senior center. It is only a couple of miles from the Detroit River which forms the boundary between the US and Canada.
Probably the most exciting moment of Thursday practice, was when the Russian-born and trained Julia Zlobina & Alexei Titnikov, who represent couple Azerbaijan, nearly took out Virtue and Moir during the late afternoon's session. Perhaps Zlobina & Titnikov train in an Olympic sized rink. They came extremely close to Canadians who were standing by the barrier, the smaller standard hockey rink. Virtue slammed herself against the boards and Scott did a vault to put both blades on top to get out of their way.
Earlier in the day Virtue & Moir looked in top shape and showed off parts of their Carmen routine in the first practice. In these "bits", they looked sensational. They skate closer than they ever have before, with noses, and lips almost touching, and with adult posturing in their bodies. Their long lift near the end of the routine is mind-bogglingly difficult. The words, "sensuality" and "sexual" peppered questions and answers in their press "scrum" following practice.
Their main opposition is expected to come from Anna Cappellini & Luca Lanotte, who were sixth in the past world championship. They are also doing their Free to Carmen. Cappellini explained, "Yes, when we heard that Virtue & Moir were skating to the same music, we did consider going to another choice. But we had invested so much time in our routine and we really love it, that we decided to go ahead."
Entered from Russia are Ekaterina Riazanova & Ilia Tkachenko, who placed ninth in their first world championship last March. Looking to make a comeback are the French team of Pernelle Carron & Lloyd Jones. They were 12th in the 2010 & 2011 world championships but only 21st in Nice in March
Virtue & Moir, Olympic and 2010 & 2012 world champions, said they were delighted the event was so near where they were brought up and where their family live, London, Ontario, two hours' drive away, where the next Worlds will be held. When they moved to train in Canton, Mich., Virtue attended Windsor's Holy Names, which was the nearest Canadian High School. "I graduated here and I'm currently taking psychology classes from the University of Windsor. We've never competed in this arena but we skated with Stars on Ice when it performed here.
"We're very excited to debut our new material before a home country audience."
Three weeks ago they had planned to follow last season's successful beginning, and debut their new routines in Finland. But that became impossible when Moir "jarred my neck when we got stuck in a lift during training shortly before we were to leave."
On Thursday, Moir declared himself "100% healthy. I'm not feeling any limitations." It was only a pulled muscle." He explained, "When we dropped out of the Finlandia Trophy, we were probably erring on the side of caution, but I wanted to be completely healthy going into Skate Canada."
Virtue explained they have been working full out on both programs. "We've used the last couple of months to get these programs into our bodies. It's all about muscle memory and making ourselves feel natural. We're trying to be creative and challenge ourselves. Things are starting to feel comfortable. The challenge is to balance the technical elements and what is required of us with being artists and telling a story."
Chan's practice was less successful. He appeared to be having problems with his triple Axel, but didn't appear worried. "There's really no such thing as 'peaking'," he claimed. "Last season, I peaked at the Grand Prix Final and then sustained that peak through worlds by training hard each day. It is hard to stay at the top. [Chan had been second twice (2009 & 2010) and then won the 2011 & 2012 world titles and is in the Guinness Book of Records as being awarded the highest overall score ever.]
He was asked about his season debut in the Japan Open, an invitational television event staged recently in that country, where he fell four times. "It was a beginning of season lack of confidence. I went into my turtle shell and didn't do very well. I have changed coaches and, instead of having my routines created by Lori Nichol, I looked for something new with David Wilson and Jeff Buttle. Their approaches are very different to Lori's. My long is VERY emotional. This was the perfect time to make the change. How can I explain the difference? Lori keeps ownership of her routines while David allows me to (contribute and revise).
"In Japan, because things went wrong, people asked me if I would go back to my old routines. But I never considered that. Why would I? What I do need is more run throughs under my belt. I was also a little bit intimidated by Evgeny Plushenko but only because I watched him early in my career. I watched him skate in the 2002 Olympics. He'll be competing in his thirties but he's still on top of his game, although he doesn't compete often. I know I'll have to have more than one quad in my arsenal.
"The quad toe is going well. I'm trying the quad Salchow but it's not going into the program until maybe Canadians. I've also been working on the quad flip, but that won't go in till next season."
Chan trains in Colorado Springs with Kathy Johnson & Eddie Shipstad. He won the Skate Canada title in his first entry in 2008, and then repeated the win in 2010 & 2011. In 2009 he finished a shocking sixth but had lost much training time and was coming back from an injury at that time.
Chan faces a tough field this year. In the world championships in March (which the Canadian won), Florent Amodio of France was fifth, Denis Ten, who represents Kazahkstan but trains with Frank Carroll in California, was seventh, and Javier Fernandez of Spain, who trains with Brian Orser in Toronto, was ninth.
Fernandez created quite a sensation in last year's Skate Canada, when he won the Short Program stealing some of Chan's limelight, and finished second overall. Ten was fifth a year ago in Skate Canada, and Ross Miner sixth. Miner has also returned.
Miner, who is from Boston, has been bronze medalist in the past two U.S. national championships, and was 11th in the 2011 Worlds. This is only his fifth Grand Prix.
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Stir some magick into your recipes with the Kitchen Witch Magickal Culinary Blends from Inked Goddess Creations.
Each herbal blend has been specially formulated with herbs to suit each intent. The herbs are ground down to almost a powder, and then hand-mixed into the salt or organic sugar (depending on the blend). Once the blends are mixed together and packaged, they are then charged on my altar for an extra positive magickal energy. These blends are made to be added to your own recipes to add a particular energy to whatever it is your Kitchen Witch heart is cooking up!
I have been using these blends in my own personal Kitchen Witchery cooking for years now, and wanted to make them available to my customers!
There are 4 blends to choose from ~ Love, Healing, Money and Protection.
Love- A blend of Organic Sugar, Rose, Lavender, Orange Peel and Cinnamon to add a little sweetness and love energy to your baking or cooking. Can also be used to sweeten tea, sprinkled on breakfast items, and so much more!
Healing- A blend of Sea Salt, Rosemary, Calendula, Thyme, and Garlic to add some healing energy to your cooking. This blend goes GREAT in homemade chicken soup, when you have sick loved ones, and complements chicken dishes quite well.
Money- A blend of Organic Sugar, Chamomile, Cloves, Ginger and Nutmeg, to sweeten the prosperity energy in your life. Can be added to baking and cooking dishes, used to sweeten tea, or sprinkled on breakfast items. This blend also makes an AMAZING cider, when brewed with warm apple juice or cider (or even Mead, for a more adult drink!).
Protection- A blend of Sea Salt, Hawaiian Black Salt***, Sage, Dill and Black Pepper, to add cleansing and protection energies to your recipes. This blend complements poultry and fish dishes quite well, as well as vegetable dishes (especially roasted root vegetables!).
Each blend comes in a large, thick glass corked bottle, which holds 3.4 oz of the blend. Hanging from the bottle is a small charm and a color-coordinated hemp string. The bottle can be reused after your blend is gone.
If you decide to purchase the complete set of 4, you'll save $4 from the price of ordering each individually!
***Please Note: The Hawaiian Black Salt is culinary grade, made from solar evaporated sea salt from the Hawaiian island of Molokai, that has been coated with activated coconut shell charcoal to get the black coloring to it. DO NOT USE if you are allergic to coconuts! When you purchase this blend, you are saying you have read this note and accept full responsibility for its possible side effects, releasing Inked Goddess Creations of any liability.
These spices punch up any recipe! I got a small set in the Inked Goddess Creations box (Magickal Mail). I order the full set for my Yule baking to give family recipes a little something extra. Everyone loved it! Thanks, Morgan. These are now a permanent fixture in my kitchen and recipes.
I have all 4 of these spectacular jars of goodness, I don't know how I cooked before having them~! All 4 are delectable, a must have in the broom cupboard and the spice rack~!
Very happy with my order. I use the MONEY Spice in my hot Tea, I"ll use it in my baking too !!


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LG DoublePlay Phone Touts Two Screens for Multitasking Fiends
We 21st century humans are busy creatures. Bombarded by a constant stream of data flowing into our smartphones, we struggle to respond to text messages, tweets and e-mails in a timely fashion. But LG's latest smartphone, exclusive to T-Mobile, may provide a solution.
Dubbed the DoublePlay, the handset boasts a 3.5-inch touchscreen display for viewing content, and a slide-out qwerty keyboard that should appeal to the dwindling numbers of BlackBerry faithfuls among us. And, in a strange twist of industrial design, the DoublePlay also comes with another 2-inch touchscreen that splits the keyboard in twain, and serves as a second app dock for fast task-switching.
At first glance, the second screen seems like sheer novelty. T-Mobile pitches the dubious idea that the additional screen is perfect for the world of "fast-paced social networking." I can't say I've ever been struck with such an urgency to tweet that I've required a second screen to do so, but perhaps my wit isn't as sharp as yours.
Nonetheless, the DoublePlay allows instant access to up to eight apps docked on the second screen, eliminating the need to mash the home button over and over to access your app menu. It's a nifty time-saver for those obsessed with multitasking, and even the non-obsessive tweeters and texters among us should find the second screen helpful.
Android device manufacturers are scrambling to differentiate themselves from one another in today's extremely crowded mobile market. Some companies are attempting to carve out identity by adding more screen real estate, and, to this extent, the DoublePlay is akin to Kyocera's take on an Android handset from earlier this year, as well as Sony's unreleased clamshell tablet, the S2.
In addition to the 2-inch touchscreen, the DoublePlay boasts a 1GHz Qualcomm Snapdragon processor running Gingerbread, the latest version of Android (hopefully it will be upgradable to the forthcoming Ice Cream Sandwich OS release). The phone also sports what looks on paper to be a decent camera: 5 megapixels with support for 720p HD video capture.
T-Mobile is also boosting its group and cloud text messaging services, which now essentially let you text multiple contacts across different platforms. So, for example, if one buddy is working from his PC while another is on a tablet, you'll be able to text both friends from your phone. For better or worse, T-Mobile is essentially taking apps like Pinger and Google Voice's texting capabilities and replacing them with its own, carrier-branded versions.
We don't yet know the Doubletake's price or release date, but it'll be available in time for the holidays.
Photo courtesy of LG
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.: Garlic does well in a variety of soils, but is especially suited to loose, rich soils high in organic matter. Be sure location has adequate drainage and water will not stand in heavy rains. Ideally, location should be somewhat protected from winter winds. Soil should be well fertilized with compost, manure or other organic amendments, such as fish meal. (A soil test is always useful to determine what's needed for your specific site.) In the north, planting time is late September to early November, depending on location, and later the farther south you go. The ideal planting window for the Dakotas and Minnesota is roughly mid-October, but we've had success planting as late as early November.
.: Separate the cloves. To guard against disease, mold and pests, soak the cloves in isopropyl alcohol for 5-10 minutes before planting. Either let them dry completely, or plant immediately. Plant them individually with the root plate down and the pointy end up about three inches deep and 6 to 8 inches apart. Rows should be 6 to 12 inches apart.
.: Mulch with 6 inches of loose material such as hay or straw. Avoid material which could form a heavy mat and prevent emergence of garlic in the spring. Mulching protects the cloves from heaving out of the soil during freeze-thaw cycles, prevents winter-kill from cold temperatures and provides some weed suppression and moisture retention in the spring. Mulch should not be removed in spring unless there is serious concern of rot due to extreme wetness. Our garlic has shown hardiness in a wide variety of conditions.
.: One inch of water a week during the spring until two weeks before harvest is ideal; mulch will help retain soil moisture, but water requirements will depend on soil type. Again, our hardy varieties should withstand some water stress.
.: Foliar feeding or side-dressing with additional fertility (such as liquid fish and/or kelp) in the early spring can give garlic a boost, but only in the first couple of months after emergence. After that, additional nitrogen can inhibit bulb development.
.: For hardneck varieties, harvest the scape (flower stalk) 7-14 days after it appears. It can be snapped off by hand where it grows out of the plant. If removed early when tender, it can be ground into pesto, sautéed or cooked like asparagus, or eaten in salads or casseroles. Removing the scape will increase bulb size. Softneck varieties do not have a scape.
.: Different varieties of garlic will vary in length of time to maturity. In northeast South Dakota, harvest begins about the middle of July. Garlic should be dug (using a potato fork is easiest) on a dry day when about half the leaves have died back. Softneck varieties will be ready first. Avoid watering starting about two weeks before harvest. Leaving garlic in the ground too long will result in the bulb opening up, loss of wrapper skins and shortening of storage life.
.: Bunch garlic in groups of 10 or so and hang to cure out of the sun in a dry, well-ventilated place. Bulbs can be trimmed and used after 3-4 weeks of curing.
.: Store garlic in a cool, dry, well-ventilated place above 50 degrees F. Keep bulbs whole. Garlic should store into early spring.
***Always handle garlic with care! It bruises easily like an apple and damage can invite disease and mold.


The distance from Bridgeport to Mokena is 842 miles by road including 826 miles on motorways. Road takes approximately 12 hours and 41 minutes and goes through Stamford, New York, Paterson, Elyria and South Bend.
The distance between Bridgeport and Mokena is 842 miles by road including 826 miles on motorways. Distance from Bridgeport to Mokena by car takes approximately 12 hours and 41 minutes.
The driving time from Bridgeport to Mokena is approximately 12 hours and 41 minutes without intermediate stops.


Owner Information To enter your personal information. Jay Geater is the President and CEO of Solvusoft Corporation, a global software company focused on providing innovative utility software. Follow the onscreen instructions to install ActiveSync. The system will start synchronizing the Windows Live data. When selecting a recording format, you should consider the quality you need as well as how much storage memory the recording will use on your Pocket PC.
Use the File Explorer to move the file to the correct location of the storage card. Make visat that Make this device visible to other devices in Bluetooth settings is selected.
Devices with Bluetooth capabilities can exchange information over a distance of about 10 meters 30 feet without requiring a physical connection. Connecting to a Wireless Network 1. The setup wizard will install Microsoft ActiveSync. You need to connect to the internet before using Windows Live.
Bista can move files in File Explorer by tapping and holding the item you want to move, tapping Cut or Copy on the shortcut menu, browsing to the new location and then tapping Paste. On the Options tab in the Input control panel, select a voice recording format from the drop-down list.
Synchronization compares the data on the two sides and updates both computers with the most recent information. You are now ready to take it along with you when you go.
The Internet Explorer Mobile home page appears: To adjust the text size to see more content or increase the readability in many programs. Tap the desired network and follow the procedure to configure the wireless network. When you turn on your Pocket PC again, the Bluetooth radio turns on automatically.
The formats vary in both the quality of the recording and the size of the sound file. Do not check it in as luggage. The Navigation bar and Start menu: Or, tap the arrow to choose from previously entered addresses.
Tap to format text. Indicates an embedded recording. To give the partnership a more meaningful name, change the name of the device in Display Name. You are downloading trial software. The Today screen is accessible from anywhere by tapping and then Today.
Messages are sent as soon as you tap Send.
Do not use the charger while it is inside a carrying case. Screen Problems Screen is off If the screen does not respond even after you press the power button, try the following in order until the problem is solved: Wireless network and Bluetooth status Your day at a glance. While holding the navigation stick, slide the switch back to ON again. If you are inexperienced with updating Mio device drivers manually, we highly recommend downloading the Mio P Driver Utility.
Tap the program you want to remove and then tap Remove. You can also manually turn off the backlight by pressing and holding the power button. Make sure that your Pocket PC and the device that is beaming the information are within close range, and that device is discoverable.
The messages you receive and send through the mail service are stored in these folders. You will need to hide the Input panel to see all available fields.
In the event of moisture condensation, allow you Pocket PC to dry out completely.