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Referees Give No Explanation for No-Calls on Ravens' Final Drive
Ryan Mink
Shawn Hubbard/Baltimore Ravens
WR Willie Snead IV takes a hit while attempting to make the final play of the game
The Ravens came out on the short side of two non-calls on their final comeback drive attempt in a 28-24 loss to the Pittsburgh Steelers.
Head Coach John Harbaugh said he didn't get an explanation on either one of them.
The first was after Lamar Jackson completed a 32-yard pass to wide receiver Willie Snead IV down the middle of the field, putting the Ravens at the 23-yard line and in range for a go-ahead touchdown. There was 17 seconds remaining when Snead was tackled.
Back near the line of scrimmage, veteran Steelers defensive end Cam Heyward laid on the ground with what appeared to be a leg injury. At that point, the whistle should have been blown and the clock stopped.
With no timeouts, Jackson rushed his teammates down the field to try to spike the ball and stop the clock. Officials, however, didn't blow their whistles until just as Jackson took the snap.
Harbaugh called the official over to talk about adding time back on the clock for the late injury whistle. CBS broadcaster Jim Nantz guessed that about "five or six seconds" would be added and CBS rules analyst Gene Steratore agreed, saying "there's definitely more than the eight [seconds] we're looking at right now."
However, no time was added, which essentially meant the Ravens would not have enough time for two shots at the end zone.
"I asked about the time, I got no answer on that," Harbaugh said. "I think they said the time was fine."
The Ravens tried a quick pass to the sideline but Jackson was hit as he threw and it was incomplete. On the next play, Jackson tried to fire a pass down the seam to Snead for what would have been a game-winning touchdown. And again, there were questions about a no-call.
Replays show that Steelers safety Minkah Fitzpatrick made contact with Snead a hair early and, more obviously, hit Snead in the helmet with his shoulder. It was a huge collision inside the end zone.
This is the final play of game on which John Harbaugh said the refs should've thrown a flag.
Willie Snead was hit in the head, and Harbaugh said the rules are written and designed to protect WRs on these types of plays. pic.twitter.com/edQPjjR7DU
— Sarah Ellison (@sgellison) November 1, 2020
"As far as the last play – the shoulder to the helmet – no [explanation]," Harbaugh said. "They didn't say a word about it. They just ran off the field."
The referees were not shy about throwing flags for defensive pass interference on Sunday. The Ravens were penalized for it three times and flagged nine times for 110 yards overall compared to three penalties for 30 yards on Pittsburgh.
"It could have gone either way, to be honest," Snead said. "When I got hit, it just happened so quick. As soon as the ball touched my hands, I got hit. So, it's like, you never know. I didn't know how he hit me, seriously, but I got hit in the head. So, I'll just leave it at that."
Snead finished with a team-high five catches and 106 yards on seven targets. He made several huge plays and came very close to making one more.
"I feel for him a little bit, because I think that play would've been made in the end zone to win the game, and it would've been historic," Harbaugh said. "You just want to see your players protected. You want to see them protected just like the rules say they should be."
Lamar Jackson Keeps Winning As He Keeps Learning
Still just 24 years old, a mature Lamar Jackson is enjoying his third trip to the playoffs, and he's driven to reach the ultimate destination.


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Dataiku raises a $400M Series E at a $4.6B valuation to enable everyday AI in the enterprise
August 5th 2021 News
The largest French unicorn to date, seeded by Alven in 2015, continues its impressive growth with this new round of funding
Alven's portfolio Dataiku, the world's leading platform for Everyday AI, today announced a $400M Series E led by Tiger Global, with the participation from several existing investors, including ICONIQ Growth, CapitalG, FirstMark Capital, Battery Ventures, Snowflake Ventures, and Dawn Capital, as well as new investors, including Insight Partners, Eurazeo, Lightrock and Datadog CEO Olivier Pomel. This capital, which brings the company's valuation to $4.6B, will power Dataiku's mission to systemize the use of data for exceptional business results.
Dataiku, founded in 2013, enables over 450 companies globally to leverage one end-to-end platform to design, deploy, and manage AI and analytics applications. The company is rooted in the belief that any company can win in their market through Everyday AI. Dataiku also facilitates using prebuilt components and automation wherever possible to streamline work processes as well as consistent management and governance across teams and projects to create transparent, repeatable, and scalable AI and analytics programs.
The company has been a proven leader in the space since its creation and, despite the global pandemic, has only accelerated its dominance in the past few years. Dataiku understands the market thanks to experience working hand in hand with customers, fostering a deep understanding of the tensions they are facing when trying to implement AI initiatives.
"Organizations that use Dataiku elevate their people – whether technical and working in code, or on the business side and low- or no-code – to extraordinary, arming them with the ability to make better day-to-day decisions with data", said Florian Douetteau, co-founder and CEO of Dataiku. "This latest round of funding is a proof point that everyday AI is the future, and we're excited to help many more companies realize its benefits."
Companies worldwide use Dataiku to systemize their use of data and AI, driving diverse use cases from fraud detection to customer churn prevention, predictive maintenance to supply chain optimization, and everything in between. With this round of funding, Dataiku continues to grow into its role as a market leader, now employing more than 750 people in offices around the world, including New York, Paris, London, Munich, Sydney, and Singapore.
Alven is supporting Dataiku since the fund led its seed round in 2015.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Policy on Publishing Integrity
All issues Volume 3 (2013) J. Space Weather Space Clim., 3 (2013) A10 Abstract
EU-FP7 funded space weather projects
J. Space Weather Space Clim.
https://doi.org/10.1051/swsc/2013034
J. Space Weather Space Clim. 3 (2013) A10
On the parametrization of the energetic-particle pitch-angle diffusion coefficient
Neus Agueda1* and Rami Vainio2
1 Departament d'Astronomia i Meteorologia, Institut de Ciències del Cosmos, Universitat de Barcelona, 08028 Barcelona, Spain
2 Department of Physics, University of Helsinki, Finland
* Corresponding author: e-mail: n.agueda@ub.edu
Received: 8 June 2012
Accepted: 20 February 2013
Context: Solar energetic particle (SEP) events are one of the key ingredients of the near-Earth radiation environment. Pitch-angle scattering by fluctuations imposed on the large-scale magnetic field is assumed to be the basic physical process behind diffusive propagation of SEPs in the heliosphere. Various pitch-angle diffusion models have been suggested to parametrize the wave-particle interactions, based on the original results of the classical quasi-linear theory of particle scattering and improved new approaches.
Aims: We investigate under which circumstances the different functional forms of the pitch-angle diffusion coefficient can lead to equivalent results. In particular, we use two forms that are commonly used in two types of numerical methods to solve the particle transport equation, i.e., finite difference methods and Monte Carlo simulations.
Methods: We estimate the corresponding values of the parameters of the two scattering models by performing a least-square fitting of the functional form of one of the scattering-frequency models to the other. We also perform Monte Carlo simulations of near-relativistic solar electrons to investigate the similarity of the models in terms of observables at 1 AU.
Results: Our study shows that the two forms of pitch-angle scattering frequency lead to nearly equivalent results for electron transport from the Sun to 1 AU. We give the equivalent scattering parameters of the two models as curves that can be easily used when comparing the results of the two models.
Conclusions: By providing the equivalent parametrizations of two commonly used scattering models, we provide key information on how to relate the results from the two parametrizations to each other and to the theory of particle transport.
Key words: methods: numerical / interplanetary medium / Sun: particle emission
© N. Agueda et al., Published by EDP Sciences 2013
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Release timescales of solar energetic particles in the low corona
Modelling three-dimensional transport of solar energetic protons in a corotating interaction region generated with EUHFORIA
Interplanetary transport of solar near-relativistic electrons on 2014 August 1 over a narrow range of heliolongitudes
J. Space Weather Space Clim. 2017, 7, A30
Full inversion of solar relativistic electron events measured by the Helios spacecraft
Solar near-relativistic electron observations as a proof of a back-scatter region beyond 1 AU during the 2000 February 18 event
Journal of Space Weather and Space Climate
Editors-in-Chief: Anna Belehaki and Jean Lilensten - Editorial board


UKAN and MKAN (Middle Keys Action Network) joined forces last Saturday, April 1st, outside the Key Largo office of State Representative Holly Raschein to encourage her to support a bill that would ban fracking in Florida. Fracking is "a process in which fractures in rocks below the earth's surface are opened and widened by injecting chemicals and liquids at high pressure: used especially to extract natural gas or oil." (www.dictionary.com). Most scientists agree that fracking is highly dangerous to water supplies, especially in Florida with its highly porous sub-surface rock. Rep. Raschein chairs the Natural Resources and Public Lands Committee in the Florida House, so can (and should!) act now to add H.B. 451 (the so-called "anti-fracking" bill) to her committee's agenda. Call her TODAY to show your support!
More information about the environmental and economic costs of fracking.
Here is the link for some great coverage from Upper Keys Weekly re: this rally.


In the US, during a hearing by the Pennsylvania Gaming Control Board, a new regulatory change was suggested. This change would put an end to the unplanned benefit the casinos receive when a player misplaces their earnings vouchers. Should the proposal become law, casinos would be required to surrender the unclaimed funds to the state treasury. Additionally it would extend the life of a misplaced voucher for up to 6 months.
In Pennsylvania slot machine parlors and casinos, the slot machines print the vouchers when a player has completed their play at a particular slots machine. The voucher can then be taken to a cashier for cash, or placed into another slots machine like currency to begin again. At the moment, local casinos set their own time frame for the vouchers, how long they will be redeemable, and what will be needed there for.
This proposed change would have only minor impacts on the local casinos. One local casino already has a 6 month redemption period for their vouchers, as well as follow up attempts to contact players who have more than a couple of bucks waiting for them. This aggressive redemption tactic keeps the unredeemed vouchers at a minimum, as the majority of the unclaimed vouchers total dimes and nickels at any given moment. It is not uncommon for a player to leave a 50-cent voucher at the machine, when they move on. Passing on change to the Gaming Control Board in the State of Pennsylvania, would not have the extensive impact some may believe it will. The slots parlors, and racetrack casinos have not found that the left behind winnings make a difference in their budget, other than to offer a slight cushion for the unexpected, such can be made up for.
Currently the state gaming board has begun a 30-day public comment period on the possible regulation change. Citizens, casino operators, and anyone remotely involved are able to vocalize their thoughts on the matter directly to the Gaming Control Board of the State of Pennsylvania, by visiting their website. The public forum is the first step in passing such regulation changes. Following the response, the board will review what the public has said, and weigh their choices. Later it will be discussed in an open hearing, and put to a vote. Should this regulation change pass, the change will not be a visible one to most casino visitors.


Install light bulbs, doors, cabinets, paneling and other property related mechanicals.
Replace washers, faucets and seals on malfunctioning plumbing equipment, repair leaky faucets and clean clogged drains.
May assist in obtaining and/or unloading of delivery supplies.
Assist with maintaining company standards for property security.
Perform other duties and responsibilities as may be required.
Knowledge of and the ability to operate tools and equipment related to building maintenance.
Ability to establish and maintain effective working relations with other employees as well as our residents.
Up to three years of experience in one or more of the skilled trades.


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Q: Java (and Android) - Weak Property Setter Attribute In Objective-C, any property can have a weak attribute which mean it doesn't own the passed object. If this object becomes nil (or null in Java for that matter), then this property wil be nil (or null) too. The object where this property is, doesn't own the passed object.
Now in Java, how can I make that?
Update:
To make it more clear, here is what exactly happens. This is an Android app. I have an Fragment-A (inside Activity-A). Fragment-A passes itself to an object-B (the property name is requester. I use it to track how called object-B). Later on, when the user presses back on Activity-A, I remove Object-B. However, I receive "android – Unable to destroy activity java.lang.NullPointerException".
I suspected this a weak reference issue. That's why I asked my question.
Update 2:
The crash has nothing to do with weak reference. However, it was nice to know how to implement and I did. Thanks for all answers.

A: I think you will find http://docs.oracle.com/javase/7/docs/api/java/lang/ref/WeakReference.html useful.
WeakReference<Object> ref = new WeakReference<Object>(new Object());
...
Object newRef = ref.get();
if ( newRef == null ) {
    //Use newRef reference to Object as needed
} else {
    //Object has been released by the GC
}

A: In Java you can use a WeakReference for this.
Example:
WeakReference<Integer> myWeakInt = new WeakReference<Integer>(5);

An excerpt from the documentation:

Suppose that the garbage collector determines at a certain point in
  time that an object is weakly reachable. At that time it will
  atomically clear all weak references to that object and all weak
  references to any other weakly-reachable objects from which that
  object is reachable through a chain of strong and soft references. At
  the same time it will declare all of the formerly weakly-reachable
  objects to be finalizable. At the same time or at some later time it
  will enqueue those newly-cleared weak references that are registered
  with reference queues.

You can read more in the official docs about weak references but I think this article expains it better and in less words.

A: In Java you don't need to know ownership for memory management as it has a reliable gabage collection that can also deal with cyclic references.
If you plan to use this in the context of serialization, you will find that Java's WeakReference is not Serializable and that Java's serialization mechanism is less advanced than that of Objective-C. It has no concept of weak serialized references that don't trigger serialization themselfs but remain valid if the referenced object was still serialized because of strong references from somewhere else. In Java you can only make the reference transient in these cases which means it will never be serialized and also not restored and then you need to restore the reference manually by implementing a readObject method which requires you to know about an alternative access path to the object. It's unfortunatly far more cumbersome than in Objective-C.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Home Mr Gay New Zealand Final Day Preparations As Mr Gay World Public Voting Ends
Final Day Preparations As Mr Gay World Public Voting Ends
Mr Gay New Zealand Nick Francis and Mr Gay Pride Australia Rad Mitic in Cape Town enter the final day of Mr Gay World 2019. (Instagram)
As Australia and New Zealand wake to their Saturday morning, Mr Gay New Zealand and Mr Gay pride Australia are asleep on the other side of the world in Cape Town South Africa preparing for one of the biggest days and nights of their lives with the final of Mr Gay World 2019 only hours away.
Nick Francis and Rad Mitic have spent the week at The President Hotel and surrounding areas of Cape Town completing challenges, meeting locals, immersing themselves in LGBTIQ history and culture and tonight will step out on the stage at the famous Cape Town City Hall, the place where Nelson Mandella made his first public speech after being released from prison in 1990, attempting to take home the crown of Mr Gay World 2019.
Nick Francis with singer Somali Toyi (Instagram)
"Attending the Mr Gay World 2019 competition has been life-changing experience," said Francis.
"Having the honour of being surrounded by amazing passionate individuals from all over the world has reassured me that we continue to fight for equality and set a lasting legacy for future generations."
Rad Mitic preparing for the Formal Judging in the Mr Gay World competition. (Instagram)
Australia has received support overnight from the Australian High Commissioner in South Africa who tweeted and posted on facebook a message of support for Rad.
"Coming to Mr Gay World 2019 I never imagined that I would be so inspired but all the other delegates but most of all loved and supported by the South African people," said Mitic before The President's Ball last night.
Public voting closes for the competition at 10am AEST and Midday NST on Saturday with those results added to those of all the other challenges of the week to help secure a winner.
The President of Mr Gay World Eric Butter will present the winner with the winner's sash and trophy on stage tonight and you will be able to see a live stream of the event starting from 2am AEST 4am NST on the Mr Gay World Youtube and Facebook channels.
Previous articleMr Gay Peru Believes Being Authentic is the Key to Winning Mr Gay World
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Love Pride Backpack $51.18 $51.18
PRIDE Towel $40.25 $40.25
Gay Nation Brand Unisex T-Shirt $23.00 – $32.20
Rainbow USA Sticker $4.03 – $4.60


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4.1 Civil society and the media
As discussed in parts 2 and 3, a constitution-making body may officially work with civil society and the media in various ways; in a participatory process, in particular, they often play critically important roles in civic education and public consultation activities. (See, for example, the discussion in part 2.2.2.) We suggested in part 2.3.11 that the need for a constitution-making body to engage frequently with the media makes it vital to develop a media strategy. In addition, civil society and the media will often also take on key roles and activities related to the constitution-making process on their own initiative, in many ways quite distinct from any "official" roles they play in supporting the process. These can include roles and activities closely connected with what are generally understood to be important purposes of civil society and the media—exposing and sometimes challenging state institutions, and, in the case of civil society in particular, even mobilizing people against certain state policies. So in carrying out such roles and activities, civil society and the media can sometimes clash or have tense relations with constitution-making bodies.
In this section we discuss some of their key roles and activities, including promoting or organizing for constitutional change, informing the people about issues related to elections, providing civic education, supporting or conducting public consultations, preparing submissions, researching, lobbying, and monitoring the process. In doing so we identify some of the potential problems and dilemmas that can arise in relation to such roles and activities, and offer guidance about the constructive role civil society and the media can play, in particular to promote a participatory and deliberative process.
4.1.1 Promoting or organizing for constitutional change or reforms
As discussed in part 2.1.3, under the heading "The political dimensions of starting a process," the pressure for constitutional reform processes often comes from political action and street action, in which civil society and the media often play significant roles.
In Colombia the media linked with student groups to push for a constitutional referendum on creating a constituent assembly. (See box 1, "Colombia's popular movement for reform.") In Kenya, prior to the process that ran from 2000 to 2005, civil society, faced with governmental foot-dragging over starting a constitutional process, created a group of fifty-two religious and secular organizations that set up an unofficial commission to travel the country and collect the views of the people. This elicited such popular enthusiasm that the government reluctantly started an official process of review. One important lesson is that political action is more likely to be successful if civil society organizations can work together to get a process moving. Other forms of political action could include trying to get change onto the agenda of one or more parties—or even trying to create a party with constitutional reform as a main plank. This, however, is complex, and may be possible only as a long-term strategy.
In Afghanistan and Guatemala, civil society played a role during the negotiations about the structure of the process. In Timor-Leste [2002], after the constituent assembly was established, a consortium of civil society organizations became concerned about the short time limits for the assembly, the limited agenda of issues it was considering, and the lack of interest in consulting the people. Given that the United Nations was serving as the transitional administration, the consortium wrote to the United Nations Security Council to ask its members to use their influence to put the conditions in place for a deliberative and participatory process. When this request did not lead to change, the consortium demonstrated in front of the constituent assembly, demanding a more transparent and open process, and this led to changes in how the constituent assembly engaged the public, including holding regular press conferences and limited public consultation on the draft. (See the case study on Timor-Leste, appendix A.11.)
The 2006 People's Movement in Nepal was an example of street action. It is a form of direct political action that carries its own risks: of creating instability; of physical injury or death to some, as happened in Nepal; and perhaps of undermining belief in the rule of law, thusundercutting the whole idea of a constitution. One demand of leading groups in the movement in Nepal was a constituent assembly. The People's Movement turned what the political parties had agreed upon from an aspiration into a possibility.
It is difficult to provide guidance to civil society and the media about how best to be effective in playing such roles; much depends on the local context. Civil society, however, will generally be most effective in such roles if it is broad-based, with good networks between the various civil society actors (NGOs, churches, associations, and the like), and if civil society leaders have good links with one another, the media, and political parties. Finally, the campaigns for constitutional change need to be designed to apply real pressure to those in power.
4.1.2 Informing and educating the people about electoral issues related to constitution-making
Elections of various kinds can play important roles in the initiation and other aspects of constitution-making processes. Because of the complexity and political sensitivity of the issues relating to both the process and the contents of the constitution that so often are central in such elections, the roles of civil society and the media in providing information and civic education can often be of great significance.
The numerous kinds of elections that can have major significance for constitution-making processes include:
a normal election for the legislature where a major issue for voters concerns whether a constitutional reform process should be initiated;
a normal election occurring during a constitution-making process, when issues about the process, or the contents of the proposed constitution, may well be important electoral issues;
an election to select the members of a constitution-making body, such as a constituent assembly; and
an election for the legislature held after the new or revised constitution is adopted (which may be the first for a new legislature established in accordance with the new constitutional provisions), when key electoral issues may relate to the implementation of the new or revised constitution.
Such elections may involve issues about candidates' and parties' varying commitments to a constitution-making process, their views on the contents of a new constitution, and adherence to and implementation of new constitutional arrangements. They will therefore often be elections with unusual significance for a country. Voters may have opportunities to influence constitutional outcomes, both by voting and by participating in debates about process, constitutional contents, and implementation.
It is common for civil society and the media to play major roles in informing people about issues in relation to elections, and in addition for civil society to play a role in mobilizing and organizing people—for example, to lobby and apply other forms of pressure to parties and candidates, and to vote in particular ways. Because of the fundamental issues about the future of the country likely to be at stake in an election connected with a constitution-making process, the roles of the media and civil society may be particularly significant.
In many countries, the voting preferences of a large proportion of the voters are set (most voters having allegiances to particular parties), with most elections decided by the "swing" votes of a minority, with a limited range of issues likely to attract the voters' attention. But in elections connected to a constitution-making process there will usually be many issues on which the voters should focus. Voters may need encouragement to think beyond the immediate future (as is the case in a normal election) and instead think about the shape of the state and the rights of people far into the future. They may need to be helped to think of themselves not just as workers (especially when economic times are hard), parents (when education is the main issue), and patients (when healthcare is at stake). They are also people with much wider concerns; they are also citizens (who want effective and responsible government—even from "their" candidates), they are taxpayers (who want value for money and financial accountability), they are landless or landowners, minorities or members of the majority, women or men, urban or rural dwellers, and so on. A constitution will be relevant to all their concerns. And many may find that it is not their "regular" parties that have the best approach to the constitutional issues.
In countries emerging from turmoil to make a constitution, political parties may not be well established, though usually some sorts of groups of "like-minded" candidates will emerge. And a constituent assembly and even a parliament may comprise more nonparty members than does a typical legislature. So it may be important to focus on the views and capacities of the individual candidates when deciding how to vote.
Civil society and the media can play vital roles in alerting the voters to such issues. They should not rely solely on either official "voter education" or political parties. The media—to the extent that they are independent of political parties and powerful economic forces with their own interests in election outcomes—can also play critically important roles in providing information to voters.
4.1.3 Civic education
Civil society and the media can play a wide range of roles in providing education to the people about the constitution-making process and the agenda of constitutional issues arising in it. In a highly participatory process, the constitution-makers may link with civil society and the media in various ways to support the official civic education program. (See part 2.2.2.) When the constitution-makers are not committed to informing or educating the public, civil society and the media can play a key role by taking the initiative to begin the constitutional dialogue and to inform and educate the people as well as preparing them to advocate for a more people-centered process. (See part 2.2.2 for a discussion of civic education methods and some pitfalls to avoid.) Even where there is a participatory process, with a good official civic education program, there will almost always be room for additional information and education. Some civil society groups will be able to play special roles in the provision of education or information because of the specialized knowledge they have about key problems or issues (e.g., human rights) or their special relationship to marginalized groups (e.g., poor women).
4.1.4 Public consultation
In a highly participatory process, civil society and the media are sometimes given important roles in official public consultation processes (e.g., civil society can assist with organizing and facilitating face-to-face meetings between the public or sectoral groups and the constitution- makers, and media organizations can help by advertising meetings and gathering views—see part 2.2.3). In processes where no mechanism is provided for people to have input into the official process, civil society and the media have sometimes conducted their own public consultation and then provided constitution-makers with analyses of the views submitted. The degree to which this has had an impact on the process has depended on a number of factors, including the credibility of the methodology and the institutions involved as well as the willingness of the constitution makers to make use or review the views. In such circumstances, careful thought should go into how the public consultation is carried out to maximize the likelihood that the decision-makers will be receptive to the people's views. It may be wise to invite the constitution-makers to attend the consultation so they trust that the process is credible. Although the discussion of how to conduct public consultation and the issues to consider contained in part 2.2.2 is directed toward providing guidance to "official" constitution-makers, many of the points made there are relevant to unofficial consultation.
4.1.5 Submissions to the constitution-making body
The modern trend in constitution-making is toward popular participation, and increasingly the official process provides opportunities for public participation and will publicize how the people can participate. Civil society and the media can play significant roles in helping people better understand how to make submissions and share their views. Further, civil society groups can be expected to have strong interests in making their own submissions, particularly in relation to the constitutional issues of relevance to their fields of work and expertise. To be able to play such roles, both media and civil society will generally have to familiarize themselves with the timetables and procedures of the process so that opportunities to contribute are not missed. However:
delays in other parts of a process may reduce time allocated to public consultation, so that it can be critically important to pay constant attention to the changing timetables of consultative activities;
designers of official processes may have their own, rather limited, ideas of when public inputPart 4: Guide to key external actors in the process: Civil society, the media, and the international community is needed, and in what form, while civil society organizations may wish to have input at different times or in different ways; and
not all constitution-making processes are intended to be participatory, and even in such cases civil society may be able to encourage the submission of views from the people and may make its own submissions.
Further, a constitution-making body may have its own guidelines on how submissions of views should be made (e.g., the Uganda Constitutional Commission published a pamphlet on the subject). In such instances it will be important to study and understand the guidelines so that advice given to the public about making submissions is correct. However, at times the guidelines may not allow for the issues that civil society and the public are interested in presenting to the constitution-making body. Civil society and the media can then urge a broader constitution- making agenda.
An organization or an individual with a well-thought-out idea, or many ideas, about the content of the new constitution or how the process should be carried out should plan to present these views to the constitution-making body in a way that will have a powerful effect. As discussed in part 2.2.3, in a participatory process, many people or groups may make submissions in many forms. These can range from short statements at public meetings to SMS or e-mail, Twitter, and Facebook messages, handwritten letters, long written submissions, or even full draft constitutions. Brief submissions should not be discounted, as a particularly forceful statement may have a lasting impact on a reader.
Here are a few suggestions about making submissions, some drawn from the advice of people experienced in doing so, some based on common sense:
Find out whether the existing constitution contains anything relevant on the issue of concern. If so, should the new constitution contain the same provisions, or are you suggesting changes? If you are suggesting changes, what is the problem involved, what is your alternative, and how would it fix the problem? If your suggestion is to retain the current provision, what is the issue of concern, and why is the existing provision the best approach?
Do not simply make assertions such as "We favor a presidential system." Instead, always give reasons for what you propose.
Remember that research and accurate facts and figures are important. Make sure your information comes from sources that can stand up to inquiry.
Be as brief and as clear as possible.
Note that ideally a submission should stand out so that recipients want to read it—but usually there is no need for it to be "glossy" and expensive-looking.
If the submission is long, begin with a summary bringing out the main points clearly.
Recognize that sometimes a petition, or a postcard campaign in which many people are asked to sign and send in preprinted cards making a few short points, can be useful. But it is easy for critics to dismiss such campaigns, saying that most people who signed did not understand what they were doing.
For an oral presentation (for example, at a public meeting with constitution-makers) the following practical tips may be useful:
If the submission is on behalf of a group, choose a representative who is knowledgeable and persuasive.
Be creative in the form of the presentation. For example, in making a case for the rights of children, including some children with particular relevant needs, or even a short film emphasizing the plight of children, may have a powerful impact, and make your submission stand out.
Time limits set by the constitution-makers should be respected.
Remember that presenters should be respectful of the constitution-makers—but firm in the approach they take.
For any submission, it is wise to focus on the issues of substance and avoid "flowery" or exaggerated language. Defamatory, tribalistic, or other inflammatory statements should be avoided. A little personal detail may sometimes be helpful, showing how specific issues have affected citizens.
When using the media, it is worth noting that a constitution-making body may take more notice if the media can be persuaded to give some attention to a particular submission and the issues it raises. Suggestions in relation to use of the media include:
Take steps to ensure that the media know about a submission that is to be presented, and that they understand its importance.
Create effective press releases.
Remember that the press might welcome something to take a picture of—something that makes a good picture: a photogenic person, a march, a dance, a colorful event.
Box 44. Use of South Africa's petitions [1996]
It is often stated that the South African constitutional assembly received two million submissions. But in fact signatures on cards and petitions were counted as submissions. These forms of submission were not taken so seriously as were more formal ones that argued the case of the author, of which there were only about 13,000.
If the process does not make provision for public submissions or if deadlines for making submissions have been missed, it may still be possible to create opportunities to put views forward. Appropriate tactics will vary according to whether the intention is to submit views to a commission, a constituent assembly, or the national legislature. For example, to get views before a constituent assembly, a civil society organization might:
invite one or several assembly members to a meeting;
lobby members of the assembly, especially while the issue is being discussed in a committee or in the plenary;
use the media in efforts to influence public opinion and the opinions of assembly members;
hold dignified public meetings on relevant issues;
put together a small, easy-to-read publication that can go to every assembly member; or
introduce ideas into a committee directly or by lobbying committee members (because committees are smaller and are where much of the real work of making the constitution will be done).
In a constituent assembly with a strong party presence, or even dominance, it may be difficult to get views listened to other than through a party. That would suggest the need to focus on party members who are able to influence other members of their parties.
Sensitive issues
In almost all societies there will be some particularly sensitive issues about which provisions are potentially to be included in the constitution, and in relation to which it may be difficult to generate public support—positions perhaps favored by civil society actors informed by an understanding of the need for protection of human rights, or "liberal" perspectives of a similar kind. Such issues could include gay rights, the rights of sex workers or prisoners, women's rights to abortion, euthanasia, abolition of the death penalty, and rights for widows. Experience has shown that there can even be a risk that if too much attention is drawn to some issues, unsympathetic groups may be prompted to try to get the constitution drafted in a manner that excludes any "liberal" perspective on such issues. But consider the following:
On an issue such as the abolition of the death penalty, rather than confronting the issue, submissions from civil society could support introduction of a broader provision such as strong support for a right to life, opening the possibility that at a later point, the courts or the government can use that right to abolish the death penalty (as occurred in South Africa—see box 45 below).
Civil society submissions could draw upon international experience—especially the example of a country with similar social conditions that has adopted an idea like the one being promoted.
In the area of human rights, or perhaps the environment, submissions could rely upon the argument that the country is already supposed to do something because it has signed international agreements. (But remember that it is quite common for resistance to be shown to international agreements as "foreign interference.")
Once there is a full draft constitution, it may be hard to introduce fundamental changes; big ideas on major issues may have the best chance of acceptance if introduced at an early stage. Ideas of less central importance may be easier to introduce as changes to a draft, to refine it and make it more effective.
Suggestions accepted at some stage may not appear in the final constitution—they may meet later resistance or incomprehension, or may even be omitted by error. It is important for civil society actors with an interest in particular issues to monitor the process, reading drafts to see whether ideas have been accepted and pointing out omissions.
4.1.6 Research
Civil society has contributed in a number of constitution-making processes through conduct of research, sometimes undertaken on an official basis for the constitution-makers, and sometimes done as part of an effort to influence the process in one way or another.
Research for constitution-makers has included work intended to improve civic education efforts (e.g., on the types of media that effectively reach particular groups in society), and to assist with opinion polls and focus groups to feed information to decision-makers about the perceptions, views, and attitudes of the public on particular issues or to provide statistics or facts about the current context. Civil society and academic institutions have also seconded researchers to the constitution-making body to research any issue requested by the constitution- makers (e.g., Afghanistan [2004]).
In addition, civil society actors normally conduct research on specific issues connected to their main concerns, such as land reform or human rights protection. They often use such research to prepare submissions providing information and recommendations to constitution-makers about how key problems should be addressed in the constitution.
4.1.7 Lobbying
Lobbying is a process of dealing directly with decision-makers such as constitution-makers with a view to seeking support for a position on some issue of importance. In a constitution- making process the issues being lobbied about can involve the design and operation of the process itself as well as questions about contents of the constitution. It is common for civil society to become involved in lobbying on such matters. Here are some commonsense pointsPart 4: Guide to key external actors in the process: Civil society, the media, and the international community on lobbying as applied to members of a constituent assembly:
Choose the targets carefully: perhaps members who are not already committed one way or another on the issue in question, but may be persuaded to support the viewpoint held by the lobbying organization.
Find out the official view of each target member's party, and about the member's interests and possible biases.
Be prepared with all the facts and arguments.
Be on time for any meeting arranged, be polite, and be patient.
Be persuasive, using a little emotion perhaps, but always providing as much useful information as possible.
Be brief—in speech and in writing.
If the member asks a question for which you have no answer, be honest, promise to supply the information later—and do so!
Send a note of thanks after any meeting, one that emphasizes the main points made.
Lobbying a commission or expert committee may be harder. They are not chosen to "represent the people" in the same way a constituent assembly is. It is also unwise for any civil society actor to be exposed to any risk of being seen as attempting to use unfair influence on a member. Approaches to such bodies should perhaps be open—a request to speak to the entire committee, or an "open letter" in the newspaper, for example.
Box 45. Abolition of the death penalty in South Africa
During the South African constitution-making process, sensitivity about high crime levels contributed to difficulty in getting agreement on the abolition of the death penalty. But not long after the new constitution came into force, the constitutional court held that the "right to life" provision in the constitution meant there should be no death penalty.
4.1.8 Monitoring a process
Civil society and the media can play valuable roles by standing outside the process, monitoring and evaluating its performance and progress, and making proposals for improvement. Such roles can be of great importance in various ways. Regular monitoring can provide the basis for making regular reports that give the public independent assessments of progress. This can be particularly important where the official constitution-making body does not inform the people fully, whether as a result of a lack of "people-directedness," a lack of resources, a lack of full understanding, or even a deliberate wish to keep the people ill informed and thus possibly less critical. Credible and regular civil society monitoring can also be helpful to the government and to the constitution-makers by providing them with independent assessments of progress, outcomes, public attitudes to the process, and so on.
The following discussion outlines suggestions about civil society monitoring drawn from experience in a number of processes.
Establishing a relationship with the official process
To provide credible monitoring of a process, it will be helpful first to identify the civil society actors best placed to develop and maintain a good working relationship with the official process, and for particular persons in those organizations to invest some effort in building the relationships. Helpful strategies may include:
ensuring that relevant people in the official process know of the existence of the civil society actors in question, what they do, and what their interest in the constitution is;
developing good personal relationships with key individuals in the process, on both the management side and the decision-making side; and
getting to know the press and outreach people within the official process.
Developing such relationships provides a basis on which information is more likely to be readily volunteered by constitution-makers, and helps views put forward as part of monitoring reports (including suggestions about improvements to the process) to be dealt with in a nonconfrontational manner.
Civil society is often regarded with suspicion by senior politicians and civil servants. In developing countries and in conflict situations there is sometimes especially strong suspicion of NGOs that receive foreign funding (due to fears that they may be doing the work of foreign interests). In such cases it may be more difficult to develop good working relationships, and it may be wise to rely on civil society actors who do not have such problems.
Keeping the pressure up
Civil society may find that there is flagging enthusiasm for the constitution-making process on the part of politicians. Building support for the process, monitoring, and lobbying may all be as necessary during the process as they can be when getting it started. Even demonstrations and other forms of direct action may be required. There can be some risks in civil society getting involved in actions to maintain support for a process, including:
being used by political forces to achieve quite different aims, either in relation to the process or more generally; and
that in circumstances where there is serious controversy about the process, serious disorder could be used by those in power as an excuse to stop the process.
The balance between encouragement and critique
It is sometimes easier to criticize than to praise. Like anyone else, constitution-makers may grow to resent constant comments from civil society and the media that they see as negative and unfair. If the process is to come to a successful conclusion, it may sometimes be important that key constitution-makers feel appreciated and encouraged to go on. This may apply with particular force to nonpoliticians, but even professional politicians may resent being constantly criticized.
An effective monitoring program
The word "monitoring" has a range of meanings. In this context we are referring to systematically observing and recording what is being done in a constitution-making process in order to evaluate the impacts and outcomes of the process. One definition of evaluation is "collecting information to check performance against an expectation." Evaluation may involve comparing actual impacts and outcomes with what was expected.
Many aspects of a process can be monitored and evaluated, all depending on the interests of those doing the monitoring and evaluation. (For example, donor countries and agencies will want to know how their money is being used; agencies of foreign powers with interests in the country or the region where it is situated may want to monitor developments in the process with a view to considering whether conflict might break out again, and whether the constitution- making country is going to contribute to regional stability.) The focus for civil society would be expected to be on monitoring the process in order to evaluate how well it is making progress toward meeting the expectations and needs of the ordinary people of the country for which the process is being conducted.
An effective monitoring program should be:
well informed;
systematic;
flexible; and
Monitoring needs to be well informed because constitution-making is a complex business. If observation of what is going on is to be useful, it is important to understand the process well. How does what has happened relate to the objectives of the process? Monitoring a constitution- making process cannot be a mechanical affair.
The monitoring must be systematic in the sense that the monitoring bodies should have a strategy for collecting information. They need to know what they are looking for.
Monitoring should be flexible, because constitution-making will be affected by all sorts of political and social factors. As a result, information may come from many sources, some unexpected. Official sources should not be relied upon exclusively.
The monitoring should be consistent. Because circumstances may change quickly, important events may pass unnoticed unless monitoring is as continuous as possible. The challenges in monitoring a constitution-making process include the following:
It is not enough (though it is important) to check actual events against planned timetables. (The press is sometimes guilty of focusing almost entirely on questions of timing and not paying sufficient attention to the content of developments.)
It may be difficult for civil society to have access to the variety of skills needed to carry out an effective monitoring program, for the program may need to cover many aspects of a process, including: electoral systems and election management; public procurement and finance; civic education and public consultation methods; and debates on complex issues concerning the content of a proposed constitution.
Reading official accounts, or even newspaper accounts, of what is being done will not be enough; it will almost always be important to witness activities such as public consultation sessions, the meetings of the constitutional commission, constituent assemblies or constitutional conferences, and so on.
Monitoring must consider far more than just official accounts of the process, some of which may not be accurate; indeed, they may contain deliberate falsehoods. (Even opinion-polling organizations are sometimes known to be linked to political interests.)
The media may be dominated by certain political parties, business interests, or ethnic groups.
There are almost limitless possibilities for the structure of arrangements for monitoring and evaluation. An effective monitoring program would ideally involve more than one organization; a group of NGOs could usefully cooperate to watch the various aspects of the process. It may also be possible to link up with entities beyond civil society, such as independent government bodies (e.g., a human rights commission or an ombudsman) or a media organization with an established record of independence.
In terms of tasks, a civil society monitoring process could involve:
observing (and commenting on) whether the process unfolds according to its official timetable or at a reasonable pace, and why delays, if any, occur;
watching out for developments—deliberate or otherwise—that threaten the continuation of the process;
watching out for and drawing attention to process "hijackers" or spoilers—groups or people who may try to take the process over to influence the outcome to their own advantage, or who may seek to damage or destroy the process;
ensuring that the people understand when and how they can offer input;
watching to ensure that the process is inclusive (some women's groups have monitored processes to ensure gender equity); and
generally assessing whether the constitution-making bodies are fulfilling their mandates.
Box 46. Civil society monitoring in Zimbabwe
The Civil Society Monitoring Mechanism (http://www.cisomm.org) is a collective of about forty NGOs dedicated to monitoring and evaluating the implementation of Zimbabwe's September 2008 Interparty Political Agreement involving President Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union—Patriotic Front and the political opposition. Among other things, the agreement provided for a constitution-making process. The benchmarks that Zimbabwe's monitoring mechanism established for monitoring the agreement include:
ransparent and timely establishment of the select committee of parliament required to conduct the process;
meaningful representation of, and powers for, civil society within all subcommittees for the purpose of contributing to the constitution-making process;
widespread national consultations with the public and all civil society sectors on all relevant processes and on the content of the constitution;
full involvement of all stakeholders in "all stakeholders" constitutional conferences;
timely publication of the report, the recommendations for constitutional change, and the draft constitution presented to parliament;
meaningful inclusion of the public through impartial and comprehensive publicity and dissemination of parliamentary debate on the draft constitution (through broadcast and print media); and
no substantive amendments by parliament of the draft constitution so as to deny the will of the people as expressed during the public consultation process and all- stakeholders' conferences.
Its report for May–June 2010 recorded progress, but also identified some worrying failures, such as that the Zimbabwe African National Union—Political Front had "reportedly launched Operation Chimumumu (Operation Dumbness) whereby villagers are strictly instructed that only a few select individuals will contribute during the public consultations, with everyone else remaining a passive audience."
Some of the techniques and methods of gathering and assessing information that may be needed to carry out such tasks include:
developing a good understanding of the structure of the process, what is supposed to happen as part of it, and when;
studying carefully the official information that is put out—understanding it and checking on its accuracy;
reading the press and listening to the radio carefully (especially phone-in programs, which have become important barometers of public opinion in many countries, as well as ways of putting views forward to constitution-makers);
pulling together media (and other) reports from different sources, because any single media source can be expected to have an incomplete picture of what is happening;
engaging with organizations that are making submissions (to get a sense of what points they are making and how the official process has responded—both whether that process has shown a serious interest in the submissions and whether those who make submissions are being treated with proper respect);
having, if resources permit, representatives at public meetings where the official process gives out information or where the people make submissions (trying to ensure that the people's concerns are taken seriously, and also seeking to understand how people are feeling about the constitution-making process and the constitutional issues being considered); and
making use of contacts within the system in order to know what is really happening.
To be effective, outcomes of monitoring and evaluation need to be communicated to constitution-makers and to the public. Reports need to be made regularly, perhaps using newsletters, a website, or media reports. To do this in a sustained way over a prolonged period requires the commitment of both people and resources. Many monitoring groups have started with enthusiasm and been unable to sustain it.
Here are a few examples of monitoring activities carried out by groups working from outside constitution-making processes:
In Timor-Leste [2002], a group of women monitored the constituent assembly meetings as well as the public consultation meetings to determine whether the process was including women and hearing women's concerns. The group made recommendations to improve gender equity in the process. It linked with the media to inform them when there were problems in the process, and also with a large coalition of women's groups that then advocated for reforms of the process or changes to the draft constitution based on the information the monitoring group provided.
In Nepal [ongoing process], staff of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights attended some meetings held by constituent assembly members to collect public views, and were able to make useful comments on the organization of the meetings and on their limitations in terms of who was able to participate (especially women).
In Kenya [2010], the press reported on many misrepresentations being peddled by politicians and religious organizations in the referendum campaign.
It is also helpful to look at examples of effective civil society monitoring of government activities in contexts other than constitution-making. In the Philippines a monitoring program, undertaken by civil society with the cooperation of the government as an anticorruption measure, monitored the production and delivery of textbooks to schoolchildren, leading to the average price per textbook being halved; monitoring of civic education materials, broadcasting, and the like could help cut corruption in constitution-making processes.
4.2 Guidance for the international community
In part 2.3.12, we defined the various categories of entities that are often included in the term "international community" in reference to constitution-making processes and also discussed how constitution-making bodies or other key national actors can manage relationships with the international community in effective ways. Because one of the goals of the discussion in parts 2 and 3 is to provide guidance to national actors undertaking a process, it deals with the need to manage situations involving various kinds of input from the international community. They include funding the process, providing foreign advisers, including experts on constitutional matters, and assisting with negotiations or mediation efforts. Often these are necessary forms of input, and their impacts are positive. In other cases there can be a range of problems involved (for example, international actors dominate, or there are too many international actors seeking to play roles, resulting in contradicting pressures on national actors).
There are, in addition, situations in which some part of the international community may be in even more direct control of processes. Usually a multilateral organization or a particular country is officially or unofficially either leading or substantially influencing and shaping the process. (See the case studies of Afghanistan, appendix A.1, Bosnia-Herzegovina, appendix A.4, and Timor-Leste, appendix A.11.) The international community takes on such roles primarily in postconflict or conflict situations in which the absence of an effective state results in international or regional organizations serving as transitional administrations, or those in which a far more powerful country with strategic interests in the area plays a leading role in the political transition or becomes an occupying power (for example, the processes in Namibia [1990], Peru [1992], Cambodia [1993], Bosnia-Herzegovina [1995], Timor-Leste [2002], Democratic Republic of the Congo [2004], Afghanistan [2004], Iraq [2005], and Somalia [ongoing process]).
But even though a particular part (or parts) of the international community may have responsibility for running the process, there will almost always be many other international actors supplying particular input into the process. In that case, many of the issues will be much the same as in a process run by local actors.
In many of the processes where international actors exercise a high degree of control, some common difficulties and pitfalls have been experienced. Some of these are related to the extent to which international community influence tends to undermine national ownership of the process. As discussed elsewhere in this handbook, lack of leadership from national actors can undermine the legitimacy of a process and of the constitution resulting from it.
In this section we provide an overview of the problems and pitfalls experienced in processes where part of the international community plays a leading role. We also assess the current guidance available to the international community in such contexts and consider the extent to which it addresses those problems and pitfalls. We conclude with some practical tips for international actors operating in such situations.


MECHA MECHA performs the song "KARMA KROW" for BalconyTV.
Neo Classical-Alt rock trio Mecha Mecha, consists of brothers Angelo Webb (Drums) and Walter Webb (various instruments and singer) perform high energy and melodic rock tunes accompanied by the harmonies, violin and bass playing of Isaac Vincent, optimising their live shows to pack a punch and dance floors. Often sporting a traditional three piece rock line-up spawning music influenced by big name 90s acts such as Jeff Buckley, Radiohead and Tool, or harmoniously incorporating violin or keys to allow for a greater sonic variety, Mecha Mecha relishes in the power of heavy-hitting, blues-inspired grooves. Their chord progressions and melody lines reflect frontman Walter's childhood exposure to traditional Hungarian folk and gypsy music. The band strives to deliver a dynamic and exciting performance featuring tasteful displays of virtuosity, accompanied by the moving, elastic vocal melodies of lead singer Walter Webb.


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In Recognition of All Disney Parks
by John Frost
All of us have a preference for a specific park, a specific resort, or even a specific hotel. We are all very different, so this is not too surprising. However, one of the more disturbing results of this is that many fans have to prove to everyone that their preference should be shared by the… Read More »In Recognition of All Disney Parks
What About Bob (Iger)?
Joseph Menn of the Los Angeles Times takes a look at what Disney CEO Bob Iger has been doing, and how he's been doing it. In his short tenure, Iger has amassed goodwill by patching up feuds he inherited from his predecessor, Michael Eisner. Yet he has limited his public exposure to carefully selected events,… Read More »What About Bob (Iger)?
Ocean Park Thriving With Hong Kong Disneyland Competition
According to China Hospitality News, Hong Kong Ocean Park is doing well even with competition from Disney, but they are still postponing plans for mainland China. Looks like China is the new hot market to consider opening up a theme park. Allan Zeman said that a lot of cities from the mainland are contacting them… Read More »Ocean Park Thriving With Hong Kong Disneyland Competition
Hong Kong Disneyland Merchandise
by Mikey Walters
Hong Kong Disneyland officially opens September 12th. But via the magic of the internet here's a quick pointer to some great merchandise from the park. LaughingPlace.com has managed to secure availability of some souveniers and pins that are exclusive to the new theme park. I'm thinking of getting this Stitch Mug myself. Update: I forgot… Read More »Hong Kong Disneyland Merchandise
Hong Kong Disneyland, the conspiracy files…
Hong Kong Disneyland's Public Relations Department must feel like they're under attack. Now it's college students alledging that the Hong Kong government is secretly cutting Disney some slack when it comes to laws and regulations. At the same time back in the states Disney is fighting off accusations that the independant auditor they hired to… Read More »Hong Kong Disneyland, the conspiracy files…
Adventureland: Hong Kong
Adventureland is the biggest land at Hong Kong Disneyland. It sort of sucks up what would be both Adventureland and Frontierland in any other Magic Kingdom style Disney theme park. LaughingPlace.com has 16 pages of amazing photos from the Hong Kong Park. That completes all the lands of the new park. You can see all… Read More »Adventureland: Hong Kong
Hong Kong Disneyland Main Street Revealed
Hong Kong Disneyland (new website!) is nearing completion. Training for employees is well underway (500 have already worked at Walt Disney World and will pass that experience along), most of the tiny details that make Disney theme parks so special have been installed, and I must say the park looks great. LaughingPlace.com's "Tales from the… Read More »Hong Kong Disneyland Main Street Revealed
Hong Kong Disneyland… or is that whiner land?
Hong Kong Disneyland has been in the news as much for the ticky tacky things that plague a new themepark as it has for the fact that it's the first Disney theme park in China, which is the real story here. They've had problems with pollution, unexploded WWII shells, roving packs of dogs, shark fin… Read More »Hong Kong Disneyland… or is that whiner land?
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Q: Ethernet Network Switch MAC address I want to learn about the RSTP,STP supported network switches.
As I know, the BPDU frames have 802.3 Frame Structure.

For example switch have aa:bb:cc:dd:ee:00 base MAC address.
When I check the some BPDU frames on the port 2 of the Network Switches (3COM RSTP supported switches) with the Wireshark networkanalyse programs, BPDU have like this frame:
DA: 01:80:c1:00:00:00 (BPDU specific address)
SA: aa:bb:cc:dd:ee:02 ( Although switch MAC address is aa:bb:cc:dd:ee:00, than BPDU have port information end of the MAC address 00+02 = 02)
Besides that I know that, switches save the other device in ALU table ( Address Lookup Table) by looking Source Address (SA). So How are these things handled by RSTP switches?
If RSTP switch looks the Source Address any incomming frame, its ALU table have many MAC address with other device's port MAC address and other devices base MAC address. For example if there is another switch and it's baseMAC address is aa:bb:cc:dd:ee:02 , it will be problem in Network. How switches work to prevent this ? How does table saves, (or doesnt) frames like BPDU?
When I doing custom ethernet switch with http://ww1.microchip.com/downloads/en/DeviceDoc/KSZ8563R-Data-Sheet-DS00002418B.pdf I have a problem about this subjects


My name is Supriya Ramesh Unwane. I have completed my MCom. I grew up in a Middle Class, Nuclear family with Traditional.
My name is Pravin Pandhare and I am working as a Student in the Government sector. I have completed my Diploma. I grew up in a Middle Class class, Joint family with Moderate values.


Mathematical is a very interesting subject. Students will love Maths if this subject is thought in an interesting way. Here we are presenting few Mathematical equation puzzles which are presented in the form of picture puzzles. These are easy Mathematical Questions for students. Let us see how many of these equations you can solve it quickly?
In each of these Mathematical Puzzle Questions, four Mathematical equations are given as Picture Puzzle. There are four variables in these equations marked as A, B, C and D. Your challenge is to solve these equations and get the values of these variables as quickly as possible.
Answer of these Mathematical Puzzles Questions is given at the end.
1. Can you solve these Mathematical Equations?
2. Can you find values of A, B, C and D in these equations?
3. What are the values of A, B, C and D in these equations?
5. Will you solve these Mathematical Equations?
1. Math Brain Teasers With Answers: It contains many easy Maths Brain Teasers for Kids and Teens to twist your mind.
2. Math Picture Brain Teasers with Answers and Explanation: It contains different types of Mathematical Brain Teasers presented in the form of Picture Puzzles Images.
3. Middle School Math Brain Teasers: It contains Fun Maths Brain Teasers for Students to challenge your brain.
4. Number Brain Teasers: It contains Mathematical Puzzles in which number equations contains the logical patterns. Your challenge is to find these logical patterns and then find the value of the number which will replace the question mark.
Your answer is also correct. This Math Puzzle has many solutions.


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Tom Petty: "There's not a hint of metaphor in this thing"
One morning in 1987, someone set fire to Tom Petty's house while Petty, his wife, child, and housekeeper were inside it. Everyone survived, but the entire house, except for his basement recording studio, was quickly consumed by the flames. The arsonist was never captured.
After the fire, Tom Petty did two things: he rebuilt the house, and wrote I Won't Back Down. "There's not a hint of metaphor in this thing," he said of the song, which was released on his 1989 solo album.
A Big Time Rider in the Rumble Seat
In the 1980s, Tom Petty's Music Videos Could Get a Little Weird
2 thoughts on "Tom Petty: "There's not a hint of metaphor in this thing""
Lamoka says:
BTW, Fellow Wilburys George Harrison and Jeff Lynne play along in the video. Ringo also plays drums in the video, but not on the original recording.
In the 1980s, Tom Petty's Music Videos Could Get a Little Weird | Lamoka Ledger says:
[…] a thing for him). The song was written with Dave Stewart (Petty's next door neighbor when an arsonist set fire to Petty's house), who claimed it was inspired by a Carrollesque night he spent at a party at Stevie Nicks' […]


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GOP lawmakers protest efforts to expand wildlife refuges
By Julian Hattem - 06/20/13 06:26 PM EDT
"We're $17 trillion in debt in this nation," Rep. Jeff Duncan (R-S.C.) said. "We're borrowing money from China just to meet our own operating expenses as a nation and we're going to borrow more money from China to buy more property in Tennessee?"
The lawmakers' comments came during a sparsely attended House Natural Resource subcommittee hearing on the Fish and Wildlife Service's (FWS) proposal to expand wildlife refuges in Tennessee.
The agency manages 150 million acres of protected wildlife refuges across the country. The lands provide habitat for animals and can be used by the public for hunting, fishing and hiking.
To expand a protected area, as the FWS has proposed to do with the Lower Hatchie and Chickasaw refuges in Tennessee, the agency goes through a public and internal review process, at the end of which it can purchase land from willing landowners at market rate. Acquiring the 120,000 proposed acres in Tennessee would, at current prices, cost about $300 million.
Purchases of private land can take decades, though, during which time neighbors have no new regulations affecting their property.
Still, landowners might feel pressured from the FWS to sell their property, argued Fleming, the subcommittee's chairman.
"It seems to me there's a coercion factor here," he said. "And really, that expands to a much larger question that we are examining today: the coercive effect of the Internal Revenue Service on the citizens, the coercive effect of the EPA, what it can do to citizens."
He added, "So I really think, as we think through this, we really have to reconsider an ever-expanding government that begins to work in its own interest rather than the interest of its citizens and to be accountable to those citizens."
Rep. Stephen Fincher Stephen Lee FincherTrump announces, endorses ambassador to Japan's Tennessee Senate bid Lamar Alexander's exit marks end of an era in evolving Tennessee Tensions on immigration erupt in the House GOP MORE (R-Tenn.) told the panel that inappropriate behavior can go unseen in large government agencies, as seems to have occurred in recent government scandals.
"The government is so big," he said, "IRS, the Justice Department with the AP and Fox News reporter story, the NSA. All these programs… What happens is you have, sometimes, within all sorts of areas of our life and business and government, is bad actors sometimes do bad things and take it upon themselves to make judgment calls that may not be what the Fish and Wildlife Service intended at the time."
Federal wildlife managers disputed the claims of executive overreach, noting they were simply doing their congressionally mandated job to plan to protect lands.
"Refuges help protect wildlife for future generations of Americans," said Dan Ashe, director of the FWS. "What we're doing is we're trying to lay out a vision for the future."
Tags Stephen Fincher


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SOU Music Recital Hall
The SOU Music Recital Hall is the preeminent concert hall in the greater Southern Oregon region. Located in the Music Building on the SOU Campus off South Mountain Avenue. Parking is available on S Mountain Avenue across from the entrance to the Music building.
450 S Mountain Ave Ashland, OR 97520
SOU Chamber Ensembles present "Collage"
The SOU Chamber Ensembles present "Collage" featuring the Coloratura Reed Quintet, Saxophone Quartet, and [Reedacted] Clarinet Ensemble directed by Rhett...
2/7 7:30pm
Tutunov Piano Series presents: Pasquale Iannone
A pianist of international renown, Pasquale Iannone graduated cum laude in 1984 at the Bari 'N. Piccinni' Conservatory with Gregorio Goffredo, Pasquale...
2/10 7:30pm
Master of Music Recital featuring Iryna...
Iryna Kudielina will perform her first Graduate piano recital on February 11, 2023 at 7:30pm at the SOU Music Recital Hall. Free and open to the public....
SOU Jazz Band Concert
The SOU Jazz Band will present their winter concert on Thursday, February 16th at 7:30pm at the SOU Music Recital Hall. Directed by Jeremy Durst. Free...
Chamber Music Concerts presents: Septura
Septura brings together London's leading players to redefine brass chamber music through the uniquely expressive sound of the brass septet. Currently...
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High School Honor Band Weekend
Spectrum Concert - A free concert showcasing...
SOU Chamber Choir Concert: Between the Light
Quinn Youngs left a positive review 11/2/2019
I really enjoyed this event! The band was amazing and it really brought new life to the original film. Phenomenal work and a wonderful show.
Cristina Sanz left a positive review 10/10/2019
Excellent program.
Caden Gallagher left a positive review 5/2/2019
This show was something like I've never seen before. It not only empowered women in recreation, but it told stories of their struggle to get to where they are now. As a man, I had no idea what these female adventurer's go through just to be in a "guy's world."
SOU Music Recital Hall posted a photo 10/29/2018
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Parking available on S. Mountain avenue across from the entrance to the Music building


According to a statement released by the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE), an employee at the Department of Citrus was found using state-owned computing hardware to mine cryptocurrencies. The perpetrator, Matthew McDemott, served as the information technology manager for the department, which overlooks the functioning of the citrus industry in Florida.
The FDLE arrested McDermott shortly after the discovery and had him transported to Polk County jail. The cryptocurrency mining operation was discovered after an evaluation of the department's utility bill amounts. According to the department's inspector general, the months between October 2017 and January 2018 saw a jump of $825 in electricity costs.
Government owned computational resources have actually been the target of clandestine cryptocurrency mining operations for a very long time now. Given that computers in some state-owned facilities are quite powerful because of the workload they need to handle, individuals are often tempted to use them for self gain. Just a few days ago, for instance, the Louisiana Attorney General sacked several IT employees after they were found guilty of using government computers to mine bitcoin.
In February 2018, a BBC report also revealed that hackers had successfully injected a cryptocurrency mining script into the Information Commissioner's Office website. The hijacked website would use the processing power of a visitor's computer to mine cryptocurrencies without the knowledge of the user.
The United States is not alone in its battle against unauthorized use of its computers for cryptocurrency mining. According to another BBC report, several Russian nuclear scientists were arrested following the discovery of their plot to mine bitcoin at a top-secret nuclear warhead facility in Sarov, Russia.
In most cases, the penalty for using government resources for personal gain is not very severe at all. However, in this instance, Matthew McDermott also used a state purchasing card to obtain additional mining hardware worth $22,000. The money was reportedly used between July and December 2017 to purchase 24 graphic processing units according to the Florida law enforcement agency. Because of the extended nature of his crime, McDermott has been charged with grand theft on top of official misconduct and had his bail set at $5,000.
Rahul Nambiampurath is an India-based Digital Marketer who got attracted to Bitcoin and the blockchain in 2014. Ever since, he's been an active member of the community. Other than that he is a die hard gamer. This gadget freak is well renowned in his circle for binge-watching Game of Thrones.


江苏7位数app下载 www.io0w1.cn Mohamed studied Aeronautics at Brunel University and graduated with a degree in Engineering. In 2013, he came to Morgan Stanley as a summer intern in the Equity Derivative Solutions Group, FX Sales and Equity Exotics Trading and joined full-time in 2014.
How did you learn about Morgan Stanley?
I was introduced to Morgan Stanley through a charity event hosted by the firm where young people were given the opportunity to learn about financial services. The event was similar to a careers day and I was intrigued as I had never been in a finance environment. It turned out to be a great opportunity for my career and I grabbed it with both hands.
In September 2011, I attended a one-week placement with Morgan Stanley. We went to different divisions, shadowed employees and were involved in business challenges. I formed good relationships with people on the trading floor and they encouraged me to apply for the Spring Insight Program. From there I applied to the Summer Analyst Program and was subsequently offered a full time graduate position.
We use financial products known as derivatives to help investors who have a specific type of challenge. Challenges can range from an issue related to a company's balance sheet or the client wanting investment exposure to different regions.
You can think of derivatives as having a toolbox, where you take out and select different tools like futures, options and swaps, for different solutions. Morgan Stanley offers bespoke solutions to help clients trade for hedging and protection purposes as well as express a view across both equity and fixed income investments.
A client will come in who is not sure how to solve a problem and we'll guide them through the process. It's gratifying when there is confirmation from a client that they are interested in a solution, "let's follow up with this." Working on structured deals can create a close and trusting relationship and in some cases we become their solutions partner.
Have you found mentors here at the firm? How have they shaped your experience here?
Following the careers day, I was involved in an early stage mentoring program which was very useful in providing me with extensive advice on my CV, interviewing and presentation skills as well as encouraging me to apply for further internship programmes. New hires are assigned buddies and deans who provide strategic planning as well as career-specific advice. Informal mentors are always there to provide support and often these relationships are key for career development.
What advice would you give students looking to become a financial analyst?
Get a good understanding of how the business works, this will ultimately be the basis of good idea generation and innovative thinking. Build a good network of specialists and mentors, be a safe pair of hands and never stop asking questions!