text:
Q: Dynamically change bootstrap progress bar value when checkboxes checked I'm trying to make a dynamic checklist with bootstrap progress bar. Here's my markup code

<?php echo $title; ?><?php echo $description; ?>

        <?php echo $date; ?>

        <input type="checkbox" name="progress" class="progress" value="<?php echo $progress; ?>">

        <input type="checkbox" name="done" class="done" value="<?php echo $done; ?>">

What I want to do is when I check on the first checkbox the progressbar value is changed to the checkbox value, and when I check the second one, progressbar value must increment by the second checkbox value and so on
Here's my javascript code
$(document).ready(function() {
  $('.progress').change(function(event) {
    var progress_value = $(this).val();
    var newval = progress_value;
    if ($(this).is(':checked')) {
      $('.progress-bar').css("width", function(i) {
        while(newval < 100) {
          return newval+"%";
          newval+=progress_value;
        }
      });
    } else {
      $('.progress-bar').css("width", function(i) {
        do {
          newval -= progress_value;
          return newval+"%";
        } while(newval >= progress_value);
      });
    }
  });
});

A: Bootstrap 4 progress bar

Javascript
change progress bar on next/previous page actions
var count = Number(document.getElementById('count').innerHTML); //set this on page load in a hidden field after an ajax call
var total = document.getElementById('total').innerHTML; //set this on initial page load
var pcg = Math.floor(count/total*100);
document.getElementsByClassName('progress-bar').item(0).setAttribute('aria-valuenow',pcg);
document.getElementsByClassName('progress-bar').item(0).setAttribute('style','width:'+Number(pcg)+'%');

A: Try this maybe :
Bootply : http://www.bootply.com/106527
Js :
$('input').on('click', function(){
  var valeur = 0;
  $('input:checked').each(function(){
       if ( $(this).attr('value') > valeur )
       {
           valeur =  $(this).attr('value');
       }
  });
  $('.progress-bar').css('width', valeur+'%').attr('aria-valuenow', valeur);
});

HTML :

Identify your campaign audience.Who are we talking to here? Understand your buyer persona before launching into a campaign, so you can target them correctly.

          2014-01-29

          <input name="progress" class="progress" type="checkbox" value="10">

          <input name="done" class="done" type="checkbox" value="20">

Set your goals + benchmarksHaving SMART goals can help you be
sure that you'll have tangible results to share with the world (or your
boss) at the end of your campaign.

          2014-01-25

          <input name="progress" class="progress" type="checkbox" value="30">

          <input name="done" class="done" type="checkbox" value="40">

Css
.tasks{
    background-color: #F6F8F8;
    padding: 10px;
    border-radius: 5px;
    margin-top: 10px;
}
.tasks span{
    font-weight: bold;
}
.tasks input{
    display: block;
    margin: 0 auto;
    margin-top: 10px;
}
.tasks a{
    color: #000;
    text-decoration: none;
    border:none;
}
.tasks a:hover{
    border-bottom: dashed 1px #0088cc;
}
.tasks label{
    display: block;
    text-align: center;
}

$(function(){
$('input').on('click', function(){
  var valeur = 0;
  $('input:checked').each(function(){
       if ( $(this).attr('value') > valeur )
       {
           valeur =  $(this).attr('value');
       }
  });
  $('.progress-bar').css('width', valeur+'%').attr('aria-valuenow', valeur);
});

});
.tasks{
 background-color: #F6F8F8;
 padding: 10px;
 border-radius: 5px;
 margin-top: 10px;
}
.tasks span{
 font-weight: bold;
}
.tasks input{
 display: block;
 margin: 0 auto;
 margin-top: 10px;
}
.tasks a{
 color: #000;
 text-decoration: none;
 border:none;
}
.tasks a:hover{
 border-bottom: dashed 1px #0088cc;
}
.tasks label{
 display: block;
 text-align: center;
}

<link href="https://maxcdn.bootstrapcdn.com/bootstrap/3.3.7/css/bootstrap.min.css" rel="stylesheet"/>

Identify your campaign audience.Who are we talking to here? Understand your buyer persona before launching into a campaign, so you can target them correctly.

          2014-01-29

          <input name="progress" class="progress" type="checkbox" value="10">

          <input name="done" class="done" type="checkbox" value="20">

Set your goals + benchmarksHaving SMART goals can help you be
sure that you'll have tangible results to share with the world (or your
boss) at the end of your campaign.

          2014-01-25

          <input name="progress" class="progress" type="checkbox" value="30">

          <input name="done" class="done" type="checkbox" value="40">


text:
And Then It Happened is a Canadian children's book series by Michael Wade and Laura Wade. The first book was released in 2003. The series has 14 books.

Main characters
Gordon: He is the one who usually lands the other boys in trouble and good pranks.
Paulo: He is comfortable with using a variety of tools and lives on a farm with his parents.
Micheal: He is the storyteller of the series.

Supporting characters
Mrs. Hoagsbrith: Teacher of the three boys at Danglemore Public School.
Mr. Evans: Principal of Danglemore Public School.
Mr. Butterworth: A neighbour of the narrator.
Mr. Smith: Gordon's dad.
Uncle Ivan: Gordons uncle
Aunt Jenifer: Gordon's aunt and Uncle Ivan's wife.
Mr. Lima : Paulo's dad.
Mrs. Lima: Paulo's mom.

References

Canadian children's novels
Series of children's books

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Summer, and the time to dust off the barbie, is almost here. But you don't need to buy expensive steaks to impress your family and friends.
Summer is almost here – which means it's time to dust off and fire up your barbie.
But you don't need to buy expensive steaks to impress your family and friends.


Not every Letterhead comes with its own coat of arms and a cool typeface, but then, not every Letterhead is inspired by the lead character in Brett Easton Ellis' American Psycho; a man with very meticulous tastes. Choose this design if you want to make a statement – you believe in the greatest quality and attention to detail at all times.
If you've watched the film American Psycho, you may remember the scene where Patrick sits with his friends in his office, comparing business cards? Remember how jealous he is of his friend's nimbus white cards, set in Romalian type, raised letters and watermarks? Well this Letterhead gives you a flavor of American Psycho style (minus the gory bits!).


* According to opinion polls, Social Democracy suffered a historical setback at the end of 1998 due to a new law which reduced the right to retirement pension at the age of 60. Early retirement now requires a private saving during 25 years, i.e. beginning at the age of 35. Social Democracy dropped from 36% in the March 98 elections to below 20% and has only slowly recovered since then, now standing at about 28%.
* The Liberals (Venstre) has become the biggest political party, not only because of the Social Democratic setback, but due to the continuous leadership crisis of the Conservative Party too.
* The far right Progress Party suffered, in October 1999, a deep internal crisis after the re-admission of its controversial founding leader, Mogens Glistrup, who was excluded in 1991. He entered the party proclaiming the need to free Denmark from all Muslims, suggesting among other things to sell Muslim girls to Latin American countries. The horrible statements was followed by the resignation of the four MP's from the Progress Party.
* The renewal of collective contracts of public employees and others, in spring 1999, happened without conflicts similar to that of the previous year. The teachers accepted the contract proposal by a 53% majority. Only the nurses and midwifes rejected the contract proposals. After nine days of strike, the government intervened and by law forced the nurses to go back to work without achieving further wage increases or improved working conditions.
1. Municipal elections, general elections, referendum on the European Union, nation-wide general strike and a series of exercises in parliamentary balancing… It has been a year full of political confrontations. Politicians, union bureaucrats and labour market experts were proven terribly wrong as the working class entered the political arena refuting all assertions about class struggle being outdated. Not since 1985 did the working class demonstrate its collective strength at this scale. The general strike was undoubtedly the most important single event in the past period. This fresh struggle experience, combined with the reduced disciplining effects of the (falling) unemployment and a continued left-turn among large parts of youth, are all factors favouring the political left in the confrontations to come.
2. In the forthcoming period, we can expect attacks on unemployment benefits, old-age pensions, early retirement pensions and other welfare goods. The collective bargaining between public workers and their employers [in spring 1999] might trigger off major conflicts, not least because of planned attacks on the working conditions of the teachers. The agreement between the national association of municipalities, the KL, and the government will mean austerity policy in the municipalities, which necessarily will provoke protests. So, even if it is expected that [Social Democratic] prime minister Nyrup will hold on to government power for the next four years and that the third phase of the EMU (common currency) can start as planned on January 1, 1999, the picture might change swiftly, especially because Denmark is part of a global capitalist economy, in which developments in far-off countries already have begun to knock on the door of Denmark. The international financial crisis has already meant that expectations to the Danish economy has been re-adjusted several times.
3. While the basis of the latest political development in Denmark was an uninterrupted economic upturn, the fragility of capitalism has been expressed clearly in the Asian economies, in which one country after another has almost totally collapsed. All over the world the liberalist offensive of capital encounters resistance from the working class. The general strike in South Korea and the uprising against Suharto in Indonesia are but a few examples. In the past year, the international working class has won a series of important victories in the struggle against liberalisation and deregulation of union rights. The most remarkable victories were the teamsters' strike against the UPS in the United States as well as the Australian dockers' struggle for their jobs. In both cases the international extension and co-ordination of the struggles were playing a decisive role.
5. Capitalist economy tends to develop in up- and downturns. The upturn »over-heats« economy to a point where the bubble breaks and a crisis advents. A typical first sign of a crisis is when investments decline, because capital cannot gain sufficient profits. Then the workers who produce machines and raw goods become unemployed. Because buying power in society decreases, those enterprises that produce consumption goods must cut down too. The entire economic activity decreases, factories are forced to shut down etc. At the same time, the capitalist crisis creates the basis of a new upturn in economy. This so-called cleaning effect happens because during crisis the value of commodities fall. The value of capital becomes smaller and thereby the rate of profit increases. The value of labour falls because of the pressure of unemployment, and some firms go broke and are sold below their actual value. Thereby the basis of a renewed upturn has been created.
6. These crises return more frequently than they used to – with about 5 years between them, because technological development is swifter. But to understand the development of the crisis in a specific country, a concrete analysis is necessary. The »Whitsun Package« [an economic clamp-down worked out by the government together with the Socialist People's Party and the Red-Green Alliance, translator's note] of June 1998 was intended to solve precisely the problem of the wheels of capitalism turning to fast causing an »over-heating« of the economy. This tendency had to be halted. The package were to damp down the negative effects that can be foreseen when economy »booms« and goes into crisis. Because crisis sharpens the social antagonisms of society and might result in an explosive social and political situation. The crisis shows that the economic system is ripe enough to be substituted by another system that can handle the material and human resources responsibly. But crisis does not automatically lead to collapse. That requires a conscious action by the class which capitalism itself has created, namely the working class.
7. The success of the Nyrup government is to a large extent to be explained by the economic upturn. The opposition has found it difficult to find durable points of critique in a period where »it obviously went the right way«. On that basis, it is rather to be wondered why the success was not even greater. The Nyrup government is today stronger than at any time since its formation in 1992. The government, especially the Social Democracy, has succeeded in coming through a series of important political events with surprisingly good results.
8. In the municipal elections last November, Social Democracy could note with satisfaction – considering the nation-wide polls pointing to a significant decline – the fact that »only« about 1 per cent of the votes were lost. Largely the party was able to hold on to its local positions, and only in very few municipalities the party lost its mayor (the municipalities of Herning, Viborg, Sønderborg, Nakskov), but these were compensated by a few new ones (Frederikshavn, Rønde, Struer).
9. In the parliamentary elections last March, Social Democracy had a slight advance compared to the last elections – a particularly surprising result considering all the polls which had predicted a majority to the bourgeois wing and thereby probably a change of government. Many non-voters were convinced of voting anyway, largely because of fear of giant increases in house rent as well as other attacks from a government under (Liberal leader) Uffe Ellemann. This was the decisive factor behind the formation of a strengthened, although minority government which is now freer to decide between the 'two sides' in parliament, whereas the bourgeois opposition is split and weakened (crisis in the Conservative People's Party, change of leadership in Venstre, the Liberal party).
10. Shortly afterwards, the government handled an intervention in the conflict over wage contract renewal without paying too dearly for it, and finally, after the vote on the Amsterdam Treaty PM Nyrup Rasmussen could note with satisfaction the fact that there was a majority voting for the Treaty with himself at the front of the Yes-campaign under a slogan about »peace, environment and jobs«.
11. But Nyrup's success is fragile. Most importantly, because it is based on the conjunctural upturn of the international capitalist economy, in which Social Democracy has been able to appear as defender of social welfare and employment. Still, there are great problems in areas such as hospitals, care of senior citizens, education and child care.
12. To the Social Democratic government, sticking to power is a goal in itself. Nyrup's main message in the struggle against [rival party leader] Svend Auken at the beginning of the 1990's was exactly that of bringing Social Democracy back into government after ten years in opposition. The Social Democratic leadership will do anything to avoid having to repeat those ten years. Therefore – and as long as the government rests on a minority – it is necessary and acceptable (to the government) to manoeuvre with changing majorities. Clear programmatic ambitions as well as the defence and advocacy of traditional »key issues« of Social Democracy is fading.
13. We have already seen examples of the possibilities of manoeuvring, when the government within a short while made two major political clamp-downs, one with each of the »two sides« in parliament. Firstly, the clamp-down in the wage contracts together with the right wing. Then the »Whitsun Package« together with the left wing. Both clamp-downs were meant to stabilise the economy. The first, moreover, helped the employers secure that wage increases were kept on a low level. Whereas the »Whitsun Package« contained elements of progressive levelling.
14. We are not witnessing an isolated phenomenon, but a Danish variant of the modern »New Labour« project, to which Social Democracies in all of Western Europe are adapting. The kernel of this project is on the one hand adaptation to world market liberalisation tendencies; on the other hand a faith that all people will be able to benefit from this development. Former Social Democratic standpoints are history, as far as day-to-day politics is concerned, e.g. opposition to privatisation and individual wage scales in the public sector, defence of trade union rights and the strategy of reforming society towards democratic socialism. Where they used to oppose, governments led by Social Democracy now carry through a liberal program!
15. Whereas social democratic class collaborationist policies formerly aimed at making compromises with the bourgeois parties, starting from the interests of the working population, it is today a matter of a specific Social Democratic profile in order to ensure national companies a position on the world market. The slackening and breaking of the ties between Social Democracy and the organisations of the working class (the trade union movement) is also to be seen in this light. When Social Democracy does not view itself as a political representative of the trade unions and the working class, these ties are meaningless and constitute a problem to the modern Social Democratic policy.
16. At the same time, Social Democratic policy contribute to the erosion of the trade unions and the collective wage contract system. Even though, as yet, trade union members are not leaving their unions, we have already witnessed the spreading of unorganised labour, the decline of active support for the trade unions and the growth of the yellow, Christian »trade unions«. However, this development is not to be taken for a »bourgoisification« of the working class. Economic and political realities are constantly opening possibilities for rebellion, struggles and radicalisation of the working class.
17. Economic growth has led to more jobs and, consequently, a decline in unemployment. True, the so-called registered unemployment is not a real expression of the situation on the labour market, because the statistics do not include all those persons who temporarily, for public funds, directly or indirectly by way of economic support programs, are put in job training, 'pool jobs' , voluntary, unpaid jobs, leave and so on. If one include these people as unemployed, then unemployment in 1997 rises from 8 per cent to 12! Nevertheless, the tendency is clear: More people are in jobs, less people are involuntarily unemployed and the average wage of workers is increasing.
18. This development, which objectively puts the working class in a stronger position, coloured the negotiations for renewal of the wage contracts up till March 1. Many workers felt a justified need for improvements in the light of the enormous increases in the profits of the companies and stockholders. At the same time, the different running periods of the wage contracts had resulted in the fact that all of the strongest areas in the private labour market (construction, industry, transport) were to negotiate at the same time, and in several sectors the deadline was synchronised at March 1.
19. The top of the trade union movement understood immediately the difficulties in driving these negotiations through in a painless fashion. Not least because of the question of retirement pensions, where the industry was a step behind all the other areas – and the extension of labour market pensions is the main goal of the trade union top! The impossible task was to find a solution that was cheap for the employers and at the same time included as well increased pensions as more leisure time.
20. Simultaneously, the trade union left was building a co-operation structure (OK98), which in the first place was to »hold on to demands« concerning more leisure time and which later became a Vote No-campaign with the precise demand of 6 weeks vacation. OK98 was not any stronger or bigger than left wing initiatives of previous years. It consisted to a large degree of trade union representatives from the construction trade sector and to a lesser degree of shop stewards from bigger industrial plants. However, it must be added that the independent »shift work initiative« comprised precisely some of these shop stewards. Of course, this composition is partly a result of the fact that union power in the industrial plants has been weakened. Some big factories no longer exist (B&W, Tuborg). Others have gone through large-scale cut-backs with the accompanying disciplining, and generally industry is moving towards the west of Denmark, where union traditions are weaker.
21. Thus, the fact that the wage deals and the compromise proposal was rejected was not the result of a strong left wing in the union movement, but more of a »rebellion« among the rank-and-file. This is probably most clearly expressed by the fact that the »No« votes were in majority in KAD [the union federation of unskilled women workers], where the left wing is very weak – while the results in RBF [the union federation of workers in breweries and restaurants] and among the graphic workers were a massive »Yes«. To some degree, this rebellion also explains why the poll was so high (44%). At the same time, local unions and some of the national union federations also tried to raise the poll, and with the new voting regulations, a No was a realistic possibility. In summary, the No was a result of the fact that workers hoped for more spare time in return for [already »paid«] increased work tempo and flexibility, while the big profits gave them expectations of gaining their six weeks vacation demand. The fact that the deals and the compromise proposal contained the »provocative« day off on Christmas eve and that the negotiations had taken place in the light of the industrial employers' arrogant attitude as to who should negotiate when – merely contributed to a strengthening of the No as a protest against the negotiators and the negotiations.
22. When the No then was to be turned into an active strike, the problem was not the common foundation, »There is money for more – 6 weeks vacation«. The problem was to find a leadership of the conflict with an authority towards the strikers. The perspective of the campaign leaders was to include Social Democratic union leaders (who had recommended a Yes) and local sections of the LO [national union confederation] in a co-ordination group. This strengthened the official support for demonstrations and the like, but at the same time it was an effective block against a still more active strike and collective actions against governmental interfering. The problem was that the alternative was weak. The layer of active shop stewards from the plants and union activists as a whole was very small. One must remember that a big part of the strikers was on their first strike ever, and among shop stewards, the lack of experience was striking.
23. When the government intervened, there were only few and dispersed protests. This was not because the intervention was all right. On the contrary, there was almost complete support in the union movement – from top to bottom – for the view that the content of the intervention was a sell-out to the benefit of the employers and the bourgeois parties. Despite that, only a few and dispersed protest-strikes were started against the intervention. The situation did not develop along the lines of the Easter Strikes in 1985. And there are apparent, historical reasons for that.
24. Precisely all those preconditions which unleashed the Easter Strikes in 1985 were not present. The lack of struggle experience, the weak left, the lacking basis of shop stewards in the plants etc. At the same time, several conferences made it clear that only a small minority of employees in the public sector were prepared to join a united strike against the government intervention. Furthermore, the authors of this year's intervention was a Social democratic government, and political reality did not point to a left alternative in parliament.
25. The content of the intervention was, as mentioned, a sell-out to the benefit of the employers. Not only because they were economically indemnified compared to the rejected compromise proposal. But also because the intervention contains elements of flexibilisation/fragmentation in the labour market. Special arrangements for specific groups of workers: extra vacation for families with children. And improvements for the securely employed at the expense of the temporarily employed: regulations by seniority of vacation.
26. The reason why the demand for six weeks vacation became so central was that it contains more leisure time for people in jobs as well as the possibility of creating more jobs. On the other hand, the demand for a shorter work week gained only little support, except among shift workers. The lessons of the latest shortenings of the work week have been contradictory. Many employers have been able to compensate for the shorter working time by means of increased tempo and flexibility while the effect on unemployment has been hard to see. This means that the demand for more vacation will also be central in the negotiations in the years to come. However, it is important that the demand for a 30 hours work week with full compensation of wages and personnel is kept alive as a real alternative meaning real jobs for everybody and less everyday stress.
27. But at the same time the intervention makes room for a continuing struggle for more leisure time. The sixth vacation week has now been approached, and already we have witnessed some local negotiations correcting the shortcomings of the government intervention. In this light, the large-scale strike must be seen as a victory for the working class. The results are some improvements that point forwards and thus an increased confidence in a struggle orientation in the unions. Because of defeats in struggles of recent years (RiBus and the garbage collectors in Aarhus), we must not underestimate the significance of even small victories. If we recall the fact that the point of departure of the strike in 1998 was far from optimal, we might calmly see it as a good beginning of a rebuilding of the combativity of the working class. Despite all the problems, lots of new union activists have gained experience with active struggle, picket-lines etc. And discussions among shop stewards have reached new dimensions and a new political content.
28. Paradoxically – considering the economic boom with more people having increasing incomes – an aroused debate on refugees with strongly xenophobic attitudes arose during the summer and fall of 1997. Even though municipal policy is only very slightly concerned with the refugee policy – and conversely – this question nevertheless dominated the pre-election discussions, in which the Danish People's Party [right-wing party which recently split from the traditional right wing populist party, the Progress Party] under Pia Kjærsgaard reaped the fruits of the smear campaign against foreigners. Thus the Danish People's Party established itself as the leading party on the extreme right wing. The success of the Danish People's Party must be evaluated in light of the decline of the Progress Party, but the growth is absolute. The two parties have gained votes from other right wing parties and Social Democracy.
29. Part of the explanation can be found in a closer scrutinisation of the economic upturn, which is not an upturn for everyone. For while the stockholders have become fatter and most wage-earners have increased their real wages slightly, the social barriers have also increased. A part of society is detached from the upturn. It includes retirement pensioners without private pension savings. And many – especially the unskilled – among the long-time unemployed, who find it very hard to get steady jobs in a fast-going and demanding labour market. The same goes for refugees and immigrants who are very often included in the above mentioned group. And it includes those people who for some reason cannot keep up with the pace and are sacrificed, when the capitalist express train is set in motion. Occupational damages, drinking problems, suicide and compulsory re-accommodations are some of the costs. Many people in these groups need help from the health and social services. They might fall for the social-populist propaganda by the Danish People's Party.
30. In the competition between the Danish People's Party and the Progress Party, Pia Kjærsgaard's orientation – a more »neat« and centre-oriented line – has won. Yet, it is still very hard to foresee if the Danish People's Party (and the Progress Party) can become a part of a bourgeois majority government. Locally, the approach is very uneven. In some cities, alliances were made with the old bourgeois parties (in Copenhagen even with the Social Democracy and the [reformist] Socialist People's Party), whereas in other cities they are completely marginalized (Roskilde, Køge). The results of the parliamentary elections did not show what might be the case on a national level. This question could cause a split in the bourgeois camp – as[BN1] in France. One hint might be the »change« of the Center Democrats [small center party] to the right wing camp, which was accompanied by dissociation from The Danish People's Party.
31. However, the most essential function of the Danish People's Party is to pull all other parties to the right. Most clearly, this was shown by the appointment of Torkild Simonsen [as Minister of Interior], which functioned as a «lifeline« to the government during the fall of 1997. The obvious goal was to make a concession to the smear campaign against foreigners and to stop the flow of voters towards the Danish People's Party. For this purpose Simonsen was an appropriate figure. He represented the Social Democratic »mayor rebellion«, which in the preceding period had levelled a critique at the refugee policy of the government and had put forth a demand for fewer refugees in the big cities. The signal of a tougher line towards refugees had been sent, and in June this led to yet another series of tightenings towards refugees. A special low »integration pay« was introduced, the liberation of movement for refugees was restricted, marriage was prohibited for asylum-seekers etc.
32. The referendum on the Amsterdam Treaty took place in a situation where the EU as a whole has experienced an economic upturn since 1993. Contrary to Denmark, there has not been any significant reduction in unemployment in the EU as a whole. The clue of the European governments in the economic policy has been to prepare for the third stage of the Economic Union. To reach this goal, a lot of imagination has been needed to make the national economic balances coherent, while the working class and the welfare state have been under heavy attack. Today, 11 countries are ready for the Economic Union. A few years ago, it was only Luxembourg.
33. In most of the EU this road has been paved by governments under Social Democratic leadership. A change of government has taken place in France (Jospin), Italy (Prodi) and Britain (Blair), and even in Germany a Social Democratic government is the probable outcome of the September elections. These governments have continued the bourgeois, liberal policy in every respect, but nevertheless, they have been forced to make certain concessions, e.g. promises of shorter work week in France and Italy, when the working class has responded to the attacks. The European working class have increasingly questioned the Maastricht-policy (the French large-scale strike in 1995, mobilisations against public austerity in Italy, the Belgian Renualt-workers at the beginning of 1997 who received support from French and Spanish colleagues). The fulfilment of the promises given to the workers movement and of other promises that might be made in the course of future struggles, will be in contradiction with the common European economic policy.
34. Preceding the referendum on the EU in Denmark the left wing (the Red-Green Alliance) did not succeed in putting its – internationalist- alternative on the agenda and thereby create a connection with this growing European workers' resistance to the EU, with the pan-European mobilisations for the Amsterdam-meeting in the summer of 1997, or with the European left wing conference hosted by the Red-Green Alliance in the spring of 1998. At most, the Red-Green Alliance succeeded in counterweighting the nationalist/democratic concern for the Danish national borders with arguments pointing to political registration, supra-state police authority without democratic control, and the construction of a »Fortress Europe« excluding immigrants and refugees.
35. The referendum on the EU showed that the Danish population is still divided in two camps of almost equal size. Actually, the no-percentage was a bit higher than in 1993 [when a referendum approved the Maastricht Treaty with a few formal amendments, after a referendum in 1992 had resulted in a No to the Maastricht treaty]. This reflects a large gulf between the population and the power elite in Denmark, as regards the EU. This enormous voter-distrust towards the politicians is especially clear within the Social Democracy. Therefore the result of the referendum must be considered a victory for Prime Minister Nyrup in particular, and for the EU-supporters in general. The bourgeois Yes-parties was in a paradoxical situation: they could not allow themselves to disagree on the Social Democratic interpretation of the Treaty, because that might have endangered the Yes-majority. For that reason the bourgeois parties mainly intervened in the debate pointing to the expansion of the EU – a point where the No-propagators were without a clear alternative.
* A part of the bourgeoisie does not want more political union (cf. the »Social Democratic EU«), but are satisfied with free movement for capital.
* A part of the old left wing has abandoned the idea of an alternative or a break with the EU and are now working for a »progressive EU«. This current is clearly represented by the Gade-current within the Socialist People's Party, while this party as a whole has also accepted the Danish membership of the EU as such. This was expressed in the declining No-percentage in Copenhagen.
37. Thus, there is a trend, in which the resistance spreads more to the entire political stage – and in this sense, it has moved to the right, even though the Social Democracy overestimate this trend for tactical reasons. Likewise, there is silence about the reverse trend in other EU countries, where the working population turn more and more against the EU. For the Yes-voters this polarisation of the EU opposition gave even better opportunities for claiming that the No-camp did not have any alternative, or at least could not agree on one.
38. The questions of border control, »More union or less?« and transfer of national sovereignty, conceived very abstractly, became the central topics of the debate. This, by the way, happened as a continuation of the Supreme Court verdict [which stated, though with reservations, that the transfer of Danish sovereignty to the EU does not conflict with the Danish Constitution], which for a while gave a lot of attention to the EU opposition, but at the same time shows that the institutions of the bourgeois state cannot be used as a strategy. The content of the Amsterdam Treaty contributed to directing the debate this way (as compared to e.g. a debate concerning the economic policy, the common currency, employment etc.).
39. Most activists, movements and organisations on the left wing today recognise the Red-Green Alliance as a political rallying point – even if a large number of activists and activities are outside the organisational frames of the Alliance. A part of these are without any organisational links whatsoever. Others are members or sympathisers of competing organisations. However, organisations such as the Internationale Socialister [part of IS-tendency, linked to the British SWP] and DKP-ml [a Stalinist group emanating from Enver Hoxha's critique of the Maoist movement] have been weakened lately by splits and defections, and they have had to revise their attitude to the Red-Green Alliance and make it more positive. However, it is a problem that the Red-Green Alliance functions most of all as a parliamentary centre and only to a very small degree as an organised left force in the unions and other movements. This makes it harder to utilise the good opportunities to initiate broad campaigns and other united activities.
40. Parliamentary, the Red-Green Alliance has maintained its positions. The municipal elections showed advance all over the country (except in Aarhus), but only in a few places the progress was significant enough to provide for more seats. An exception was Copenhagen, where the political polarisation was outstanding and resulted in a mayor [of the department of Education] to the Alliance. The parliamentary elections in March reflected both the strengths and weaknesses of the Alliance. The strength is that the Alliance has consolidated itself as a left force representing the consequent resistance towards the European Union. In several deals with the government the Alliance succeeded in pointing out to the government an alternative to the left, even if the bourgeois policy of the government was not changed in general. On the other hand, the weak organisation combined with the ebb of extra-parliamentary movements means that the Red-Green Alliance in public is identical to its parliamentary representatives and can only with difficulty appear as a representative of a radical break with the capitalist system itself. Without an increase in the level of class struggle and a stronger extra-parliamentary profile, in the long run the Red-Green Alliance will have problems in retaining and developing its central position.
41. In the parliamentary elections the overwhelming part of the union left supported the Red-Green Alliance. The SF [Socialist People's Party] is no significant force. This is a good point of departure for establishing union work. But the Alliance was not able to get represented in the leadership of the strike movement this year. This reflects both organisational and political weaknesses in the work of the Red-Green Alliance in the unions.
42. With a rising number of members – now surpassing 2000 – the Red-Green Alliance is in a positive organisational development. But it is still a long way, before we can talk of a common project of organisation building. The structures outside of parliament are weak. And only very few of the members are actively engaged in contributing to building the Red-Green Alliance as well as movements. Concerning the elaboration of a political program it is not decisive how fast a »program« can be approved, but how far the members are rallied around the program and how much this can create a basis of common political action.
43. A significant part of the small advances of the left originates from the youth. New recruitment to the Red-Green Alliance comes largely from the young generation. And a lot of young people has made positive experiences in real class struggle. This is not only due to the general political development, but also to the fact that, today, young people react, vote and organise more »radically«. At the same time, companies are beginning to complain about the lack of young work force. This makes it possible to propose more demands. As regards the education sector, fewer people to fill the study places will reduce the disciplining effects of restricted admission.
44. In this process, the revolutionary youth organisation REBEL plays a decisive role. During the last year, REBEL has developed into an organisation of about 500 members equipped with a program and with a relatively high level of activity. In other words, an organisation with prospects of a solid role among youth.
45. A decisive contribution to the development of young revolutionaries is experience from class struggle and the building of broad movements and unity initiatives. Since the beginning of the 1990's, this experience has been meagre, which has limited the development of new revolutionaries, while different sorts of secterism has flowered – including in REBEL. Different united initiatives against the European Union, as well as broad antiracist manifestations and the large scale strike this spring has taught lessons of struggle to more young people. This has also marked the positive political development of REBEL, and in the long run, this might cause a much broader radicalisation than the one we have seen so far. This could have great significance, not least for the youth organisations at schools, among apprentices and in universities. These organisations still suffer from a lack of real broad activity which can confront the bourgeois attacks on youth under education.
46. The fall in unemployment, the economic upturn and the lessons of the first great strike since 1985 are all factors putting the working class in an objectively stronger position. Generally, the task is to convert this objective strengthening into an organisational force which is able to pressure the government and the employers. The balance of forces means that the left wing only sets the agenda very rarely. In a number of areas, the promises of the government itself can provide the opportunity to go into the offensive. But generally it is a question of utilising those political openings which arise – that is, to build a standing force and not to be paralysed by routines and old priorities.
47. The activities of the left wing must not be limited to day-to-day demands – a trend which is strengthened by the limits of manoeuvring of the Red-Green Alliance in parliament. Everyday reality presents innumerable examples of market economy catastrophes implying destruction, exploitation, repression, planlessness and waste of social resources. We must constantly try to develop a set of demands and activities leading from everyday questions to the basic question of the social order itself. Bourgeois and Social Democratic ideologues have used the fall of the Wall as a final »proof« of the »bankruptcy of socialism« and the blessings of capitalism. A response is needed.
48. The trade union left must now accumulate the lessons of the strike and, perhaps most importantly, strengthen the conviction that trade union work has to be organised politically in order to have real influence on the development of the class struggle. Where possible, accounts must be settled with those union leaders who recommended a yes to the negotiation results. The basic organising of elementary union activity in the different companies is one of the tasks of the union left – especially since these tasks are being neglected more and more by the Social Democratic union leaderships. Local networks of shop stewards must be created immediately, starting from the groups of workers most active before and during the strike, with the aim of supporting local strikes as well as preparing future renewals of collective contracts – in 1999 the public employees, slaughterhouses and the »green sector« is at stake, and in 2000 the same groups as this year as well as electricians, cashiers and others. A part of this preparation concerns the development of collective demands, under the main slogan of »more leisure time«.
49. The defence of the weakest sectors of society must not be played into the hands of right wing social populism. In the eyes of the »losers« of society, the marginalised and the victims of an intransparent bureaucracy, the left wing must lead the struggle for social rights. Some of the most important tasks consist in fighting the compulsory training programs being forced on people on social benefit at dumping wages, and in defending the right to early retirement pension.
50. It is urgently important that the left wing is able to attract and organise that part of youth which is radicalised to the left. What is needed is both educational programmes and activities giving different demands an organised and collective expression. This is to happen through a continuous strengthening of REBEL, among other things.
51. The issue of the European Union will be central in the forthcoming period too. Possibly, political openings will appear in a conflict with the EU-system or with the government that tries to sell out of the Danish exemptions. Generally, the task is to continue the international and socially based resistance to the EU. Before the EU parliamentary elections in 1999, the Red-Green Alliance must wage an internationalist and socially oriented campaign in connection with the pan-European mobilisations against the EU summit in Cologne.
52. The struggle against nazism, racism and xenophobia is a central task which cannot be isolated from the questions of international solidarity or social struggle. For many active young people the struggle against nazis and racists is the first step towards organising themselves politically and achieving political consciousness. Discrimination against foreigners must be rejected, demanding a human refugee policy, including by showing the consequences of the inhuman policy raging today.
53. The Red-Green Alliance must be strengthened. Internally, an organisational strengthening is needed. This includes involving more members in mass work, thus creating for the Alliance a public face outside the parliamentary framework too. The elaboration of a political program must continue in a way which attracts the largest possible number of people to the discussions, including, and very importantly, new members. A special priority is the development of trade union work of the Red-Green Alliance and the campaign leading up to the European parliamentary elections in June 1999.


A good UK undergraduate honours degree (or international equivalent) and one year's appropriate professional experience, such as a PGCE or teaching experience.
This pathway is particularly suitable for those who already hold master's-level credits from a teaching qualification, such as a PGCE, and who want to build on this foundation for their professional development.
In common with other MSc Education students, you will take the compulsory research methods unit, Introduction to Educational Inquiry, and write a dissertation. You can choose the rest of your units from across the programmes offered by the school. Your final choice of units will follow consultation with tutors in order to ensure that your choice is as coherent and useful as possible, as well as suiting your individual needs.


An outage disrupts email service for Pacific Bell Internet customers for 48 hours before the problem is resolved.
Widespread outages at Pacific Bell Internet disrupted email service over the last 48 hours before the company was able to resolve the problem, frustrating many of its 65,000 customers.
"We sincerely apologize for email problems that have occurred over the past 48 hours," said a recorded message on the company's toll-free technical line today. "We are happy to say, though, that these email problems have been solved with new network architecture. All our email servers are fully functional and stable."
The outage, first reported yesterday by CNET, is another example of network vulnerability. It follows temporary outages at AT&T WorldNet, Sprint, Netcom and America Online, among others.
According to a message on Pac Bell's Web site: "Our mail service may experience periods of instability throughout the day, particularly in the Los Angeles area."
Pac Bell spokesman David Miller yesterday confirmed the outage and at that time the company's support line was telling customers its mail servers were having "periods of instability." Customers who were having trouble retreiving their email were told to try again in an hour.
Miller said Pac Bell was taking the opportunity to upgrade its network to handle the increased business it has been receiving and would help alleviate such problems in the future.
Meanwhile, Pac Bell was running radio ads today touting the reliability of its Internet service.


A work van was broken into in Keady town centre earlier today (Tuesday).
The van was targeted by opportunist thieves in broad daylight, some time between 11am and 12.45pm.
Police in Armagh are appealing for any witnesses to come forward.
The incident occurred whilst the vehicle was parked at the Old Mill on Kinelowen Street.
Tools were taken which include a 18 volt Dewalt cordless drill, 18 Dewalt cordless SDS drill, Dewalt angle grinder and a Dewalt kango which has a few marks on it.
All other tools are four/five months old.
Get breaking news and major headlines from your area direct to your phone with Armagh I on WhatsApp. Find out more here. You can also follow Armagh I onTwitter @armaghi, or on Instagram @armaghi2012.


text:
Samuel Edward Tate
Stourbridge, Worcestershire, England
Cannington, Western Australia
30 years, 1 month
5'8" (1.73m) tall ; 138 lbs
; dark complexion ; gray eyes ; dark hair
Father , Mr Amplias Appelles Tate
10th Light Horse Regiment, 24th Reinforcement allocated to C Squadron
17 Feb 1915 ‒ 21 Mar 1915
HMAT A52 Surada
HMAT A6 Clan MacCorquodale
15 Nov 1915 ‒ 13 Dec 1915
HMAT A30 Borda
29 Apr 1919 ‒ 5 Jun 1919
SS Dorset
Wounded in Action 30 May 1915 Gallipoli
Jarrahdale Honour Roll
ANZAC Memorial Park (Byford)
Entered the Claremont camp for the Light Horse on 21 Oct 1914.
Embarked for Gallipoli on 16 May 1915 aboard SS Lutzow from Alexandria. Wounded in Action on 30 May 1915 at Quinn's Post and embarked on HMHS Gascon for Alexandria. Admitted to the 1st Australian General Hospital at Heliopolis on 7 Jun 1915. When admitted to 1AGH the bullet was still lodged in his neck. on 20 Jul 1915 Sam was transferred to the Convalescent Hospital at Ras-el-Tin, before being discharged to duty on 5 Aug 1915 at Mustapha Barracks.
On 10 Aug 1915 Sam again embarked at Alexandria for Gallipoli, this time on HMT Cawdor Castle, rejoining his unit on 15 Aug 1915. On 7 Sep he sought treatment for diarrhoea from the 13th Casualty Clearing Station before returning to duty on 13 Sep 1915. However, the problem was not solved, as on 9 Oct Sam was seen by the 3rd Light Horse Field Ambulance near Fisherman's Hut at Anzac Cove and treated for severe diarrhoea before being transferred on 12 Oct 1915 to the 13th Casualty Clearing Station at Mudross on Lemnos Island. Evacuated to Egypt again, this time on HMHS Valdivia, and on 18 Oct 1915 Sam was admitted again to the 1st Australian General Hospital in Heliopolis. He was transferred on 14 Nov 1915 to Suez where he boarded HMAT A30 Borda for Australia and 'a rest' on 15 Nov 1915. Documents show that he was suffering from "Bullet wounds, Chronic Diarrhoea, Anaemia & Insomnia."
On 17 Mar 1917 Sam had returned to Egypt from Australia and he joined the Details camp at Moascar. He was again taken on strength by the 3rd Light Horse Brigade on 26 Mar 1917 and on 13 June sent to the Cookery School at Ismailia before being transferred to the 3rd Light Horse Training Regiment.
Finally, Sam rejoined his old unit the 10th Light Horse Regiment on 6 Dec 1917 at Moascar before being taken on strength by the 3rd Light Horse Brigade headquarters. Granted early repatriation he left from Port Said on 29 Apr 1919.
Discharged by 5th Military District on 20 Jul 1919.
In 1922 Samuel married Leah Nora Violet Evans. Leah died 16 Oct 1987, aged 91 in East Victoria Park, Western Australia.
Electoral Roll entries - 1925 - 1936 at Calingiri, farming; 1937 at 22 Langford street Claremont, labourer; 1937 returned to Calingiri farming; 1943 Wheatley street, Gosnells, labourer; 1954 at 1214-16 Albany Highway Cannington, Marine Dealer.
Sam was an original member of the 10th Light Horse, who after a 'spell' in Australia returned as part of the unit's 24th reinforcement draft.
RSL Virtual War Memorial twice
Retrieved from "https://www.birtwistlewiki.com.au/index.php?title=Samuel_Edward_Tate&oldid=20730"
Born England
10th Light Horse Regiment
Serpentine-Jarrahdale

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


From now, companies can completely or partially eliminate their print servers and manage their printer drivers completely in one easy-to-use portal.
ezeep Dash shifts the entire print management to the cloud. A comprehensive pool of up-to-date printer drivers provided by ezeep makes it easy to set up the service, which is highly-intuitive to use. An important feature is that the actual printing process takes place locally and no internet connection is required.
After the ezeep software has been automatically rolled out to the local computers, employees can immediately use the printers assigned to them. If allowed by the administrator, users can even set up additional printers for their individual needs or modify printer properties in a self-service portal.
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Refund Policy. Vuze is free. Vuze Plus is a subscription product. If you're having difficulty using Vuze or Vuze Plus, please visit the support page.... Windows Add/ Remove Programs offers users a way to uninstall the program and every Operating System has Add/ Remove Programs feature. * Click Start menu and run Control Panel. * Locate Vuze and click Change/ Remove to uninstall the program.
Among the most widely used torrent clients are uTorrent and Vuze. Users from all over the world can download any torrent file with ease thanks to such BitTorrent programs. The only problem with torrenting is the nature of how files are downloaded. Since torrenting activities involve Peer-to-Peer file sharing, your IP address is exposed to other users downloading the same files as you are.... Vuze is a BitTorrent client used to transfer files via the BitTorrent protocol. Vuze is written in Java, and uses the Azureus Engine. In addition to downloading data linked to .torrent files, Azureus allows users to view, publish and share original DVD and HD quality video content.
20/01/2011 · Vuze is a Torrent Client. This means that it is a program that allows you to download and share files with other Vuze users. By default, Vuze is not setup to look to good content sites.
To enable this option: Open Vuze > Click on the Tools Menu > Options Select the "Tracker" tab > Server In the left pane, check "Enable password on torrents".


text:
Android Apps for PC Download Creative Destruction for PC and Laptop
Download Creative Destruction for PC and Laptop
Usama M
As of May 2020, the Creative Destruction for PC still works on Windows 10/8/7 and macOS. Follow this guide to download Creative Destruction for PC.
1 Creative Destruction Brief Overview
2 Creative Destruction Gameplay
3 Creative Destruction PC – How is it possible?
4 Download Creative Destruction for PC Windows 10
5 Creative Destruction for PC macOS
Creative Destruction Brief Overview
Creative Destruction is a new hot game nowadays. The game comes from ZuoMasterDeveloper. For the past few weeks, Creative Destruction has been successful in attracting millions of players. The concept of this game is exactly as its name suggests. It's a sandbox survival game. You have to destroy every single thing that you find around.
Creative Destruction Gameplay
The game involved continuous building and demolition of buildings. Everything in this game is destructible. Players have to keep their tools ready all the time in order to hit anything that they find. Since this game is a sandbox survival game, the concept also requires the players to become the last man standing while the world in this game is coming to an end. Initially, the players will make their way to a 4*4 km map which has 13 different locations. Players are given a basic destructor. There are over 100 different players on the field.
Players may build something that they can hide themselves in, however, they have to break all anything constructed by the other 100 players. An option to acquire a gun is also there. Once players have got a gun, the game will switch to FPS mode giving you an opportunity to shoot down the enemies.
Having enemies on the land is not the only challenge you have. A storm is incoming. If you do not finish your task in time, you will be hit by a snowstorm that will wipe off your identity. If you find yourself lacking, you can form alliances with some other players to finish the game before you run out of time.
The battle in wonderland awaits you. Pull out the beast that you have been hiding inside for long. Go ahead to do something that will make the history remember you. Creative Destruction offers high-quality graphics. The game comes for free. Primarily, this game is built for the Android ecosystem. The popularity of Creative Destruction has urged gamers to play this game on computers. If you are one of the users looking for a method to play Creative Destruction on PC, you have landed in the right place.
Creative Destruction PC – How is it possible?
Creative Destruction for PC can be downloaded on a desktop PC and Laptop. You can install and play Creative Destruction for PC on Windows 7, Windows 8, Windows 8.1, Windows 10, macOS, and Mac OS X. Windows users can use BlueStacks 3 or BlueStacks N, Mac users will have to use the old BlueStacks to get this game. Have a look at the tutorial now.
Download Creative Destruction for PC Windows 10
Download, install and setup BlueStacks on your computer.
Now open BlueStacks 3 and then open My Apps tab.
Go to System Apps and open the Google Play Store.
Now in the Play Store, search for "Creative Destruction".
As soon as you find the game, install and launch it from My Apps.
Follow on-screen instructions to play it using your Mouse and Keyboard now.
Creative Destruction for PC macOS
Download and setup BlueStacks on your computer.
Open BlueStacks now and launch Google Play Store in it.
In the Play Store, search for Creative Destruction.
Install the game and follow on-screen instructions to play Creative Destruction using Mouse and Keyboard.
That's all for now. Got any questions? Feel free to ask them in the comments box below. Have a good day!
Usama M, a software engineer by profession, is the founder and editor-in-chief at Techbeasts. At Techbeasts, he uses his expertise to craft solutions to solve everyday consumer tech problems. His main areas of interest are Android, iOS, and Windows. You can find him on YouTube at "Tech with Usama".
Use NotiSave for PC – Windows 10, Mac
WhatsDelete for PC – Window 10, Mac
niko October 20, 2019 at 6:03 pm
amm i dont think so and i think I download the bluestacks then I go to uptodown then I download open bluestacks sign in google then click : click install apk and choose the creative destruction a


Ready for pure sports car driving? With Subaru BRZ, we ripped up the rulebook. A compact sports coupe unleashed on the roads for the ultimate freedom seekers. Soul engineered with stunning style and powerful performance, Subaru BRZ was the first car to be sold online in Australia – we're never afraid of full on fun.
The fun keeps going in 2018 with the new Subaru BRZ tS now available, influenced inside and out by the best of STI motorsport technology.
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text:
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<manifest xmlns:android="http://schemas.android.com/apk/res/android"
    package="ganggongui.dalkomsoft02.com.savefilesamples">

    <uses-permission android:name="android.permission.WRITE_EXTERNAL_STORAGE" />
    <uses-permission android:name="android.permission.READ_EXTERNAL_STORAGE" />

    <application
        android:allowBackup="true"
        android:icon="@drawable/ic_launcher"
        android:label="@string/app_name"
        android:theme="@style/AppTheme">
        <activity
            android:name=".MainActivity"
            android:label="@string/app_name">
            <intent-filter>
                <action android:name="android.intent.action.MAIN" />

                <category android:name="android.intent.category.LAUNCHER" />
            </intent-filter>
        </activity>
    </application>

</manifest>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
class wcdCont
{
  public:
    wcdCont();
    virtual ~wcdCont();

    void DefineMaterials();
    void buildDetector(G4LogicalVolume* log_mother, G4bool* overLaps, G4double radius, G4double hight);

    G4VPhysicalVolume* getPhysVolume();
    G4LogicalVolume* getLogVolume();

  private:

    G4Material* tank_steel;

    G4Tubs* tank_geo;
    G4LogicalVolume* tank_log;
    G4VPhysicalVolume* tank_phys;

    G4double wcdRad;
    G4double wcdHig;
};
#endif


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Venetians blinds and velux window blinds installed in Dundrum, Co Dublin. We can do wooden venetian blinds or aluminium ones. The choice is yours and we will try our best to help you make the right decision. Venetian Blinds will give you a lot of privacy. They are also very stylish, durable and practical. Velux windows have specific codes and our blinds are specified to suit and fit every window. You just pick the fabric and colour.


Dual SIM is the trend these days, thanks to Dual SIM slots, OPPO makes some great Dual SIM mobiles. In fact, OPPO Dual SIM phones under Rs 12000 are amongst the top selling Dual SIM mobiles under Rs 12000 in the country. So, if you're looking for the best OPPO Dual SIM smartphones under Rs 12000, then our list of the OPPO Dual SIM mobile phones under Rs 12000 is something you need to check out. OPPO Dual SIM phones under Rs 12000 offer great call quality and the ability to use multiple SIMs simultaneously, alognside Dual Standby and Dual VoLTE. Take a look at our complete list of OPPO Dual SIM smartphones under Rs 12000.
The Oppo A83 is the right candidate for the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. It has a MediaTek Helio P23 (MT6763T) and 3 GB of RAM. Combined together, you get a potent performance from the Oppo A83. You also get 32 GB for your files and multimedia content. As for the camera you get 13 MP camera setup on the rear and a 8 MP on the front. The battery inside is in capacity and becomes the final piece in making Oppo A83 one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo F5 Youth is easily one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. The performance is handled by a MediaTek Helio P23 (MT6763T) SoC, which makes the phone fairly powerful. The performance is further enhanced by 3 GB of RAM. It features 32 GB of internal storage. There is a 13 MP camera at the back, which is one of the best we have seen in this category of phones OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. And, there is also a 16 MP camera on the front of Oppo F5 Youth making it a difficult one to leave out when considering the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo A5 is the right candidate for the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. It has a Qualcomm Snapdragon 450 and 4 GB of RAM. Combined together, you get a potent performance from the Oppo A5. You also get 64 GB for your files and multimedia content. As for the camera you get 13 MP camera setup on the rear and a 8 MP on the front. The battery inside is in capacity and becomes the final piece in making Oppo A5 one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo A3s is one of the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000 and it looks pretty attractive too. At the core of this phone is the Qualcomm Snapdragon 450, which along with 2 GB, ensures a relatively smooth user experience. The Oppo A3s has a 13 MP rear camera setup and a 8 MP front camera. Both these cameras are competent shooters. The onboard storage of 16 GB should suffice for all your files. The Oppo A3s is a feature packed smartphone which is why it inevitably becomes one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo A71 (2018) is one of the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000 and it looks pretty attractive too. At the core of this phone is the Qualcomm Snapdragon 450, which along with 2 GB, ensures a relatively smooth user experience. The Oppo A71 (2018) has a 13 MP rear camera setup and a 5 MP front camera. Both these cameras are competent shooters. The onboard storage of 16 GB should suffice for all your files. The Oppo A71 (2018) is a feature packed smartphone which is why it inevitably becomes one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The OPPO Neo 7 is one of the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000 and it looks pretty attractive too. At the core of this phone is the Qualcomm Snapdragon 410 MSM8916, which along with 1 GB, ensures a relatively smooth user experience. The OPPO Neo 7 has a 8 MP rear camera setup and a 5 MP front camera. Both these cameras are competent shooters. The onboard storage of 16 GB should suffice for all your files. The OPPO Neo 7 is a feature packed smartphone which is why it inevitably becomes one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo A71 is a phone with solid build and performance chops. And therefore, it becomes an easy pick as one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. The Oppo A71 is powered by a MediaTek MT6750 which ensures that it keeps chugging along with ease. Moreover, the battery life on the Oppo A71 should easily last a day on casual usage. The 13 MP rear camera on the phone is quite good, especially considering the price range it fits in. All of it when coupled with a 5 MP selfie shooter, makes the Oppo A71 one of the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo A57 is easily one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. The performance is handled by a Qualcomm Snapdragon 435 MSM8940 SoC, which makes the phone fairly powerful. The performance is further enhanced by 3 GB of RAM. It features 32 GB of internal storage. There is a 13 MP camera at the back, which is one of the best we have seen in this category of phones OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. And, there is also a 16 MP camera on the front of Oppo A57 making it a difficult one to leave out when considering the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo F1s is easily one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. The performance is handled by a MediaTek MT6750 SoC, which makes the phone fairly powerful. The performance is further enhanced by 3 GB of RAM. It features 32 GB of internal storage. There is a 13 MP camera at the back, which is one of the best we have seen in this category of phones OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. And, there is also a 16 MP camera on the front of Oppo F1s making it a difficult one to leave out when considering the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The OPPO Neo 5 (2015) is easily one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. The performance is handled by a MediaTek MT6582 SoC, which makes the phone fairly powerful. The performance is further enhanced by 1 GB of RAM. It features 8 GB of internal storage. There is a 8 MP camera at the back, which is one of the best we have seen in this category of phones OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. And, there is also a 2 MP camera on the front of OPPO Neo 5 (2015) making it a difficult one to leave out when considering the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
The Oppo A37 is a phone with solid build and performance chops. And therefore, it becomes an easy pick as one of the top OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000. The Oppo A37 is powered by a Qualcomm Snapdragon 410 MSM8916 which ensures that it keeps chugging along with ease. Moreover, the battery life on the Oppo A37 should easily last a day on casual usage. The 8 MP rear camera on the phone is quite good, especially considering the price range it fits in. All of it when coupled with a 5 MP selfie shooter, makes the Oppo A37 one of the best OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000.
Compare 3 of these OPPO Dual Sim Phones Under 12000 at a time - Compare mobile phones based on their Prices, & Specifications including Connectivity, Communication, Software, Battery, User Reviews, Rating and more.


text:
package org.jboss.resteasy.cdi.events.ejb;

import javax.ejb.Local;
import javax.ws.rs.PathParam;

@Local
public interface EventSource
{
   public int createBook(Book book);
   public Book lookupBookById(@PathParam("id") int id);
   public boolean test();
}


text:
Concerts Go Drive-In As 'New Normal' Entertainment Amid Coronavirus Pandemic
Image via Reimar / Shutterstock.com
Tour promoter Live Nation is attempting to cure concert blues by launching its first-ever drive-in concert series in the US in July, presenting a solution to music events that were forcibly halted due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Its Live from the Drive-In event will see a set of nine shows from 10 July 20 to 12 July 2020 in Nashville, Tennessee, Maryland Heights, Missouri, and Noblesville, Indiana.
Fans can catch Grammy-winning musician Brad Paisley, who will headline shows in three different cities, as well as country singers Darius Rucker and Jon Pardi, who will perform in Nashville at the Nissan Stadium. Musician Nelly will celebrate the 20th anniversary of his debut album Country Grammar by performing in Maryland Heights, near St. Louis.
Attendees will have to drive into parking lots of amphitheaters to watch the musicians live on stage. There will be a maximum quota of four people per car, and tickets currently cost US$125, working out to around US$31 per pax if all four people are in attendance. At least two empty parking lots will be allocated between each car to ensure safe distancing.
Concertgoers are encouraged to wear masks upon arrival, and only leave the vehicle to access single restrooms, which will be cleaned throughout the events. Masks, however, will not be required once they arrive at their designated tailgate spots.
Attendees can order a selection of hot food items and non-alcoholic beverages online, and the items will be delivered to the tailgate zones. Live Nation also encourages people to bring their own food and drinks, and attendees can set up chairs around their vehicles to watch the event in comfort.
Tickets to the event will go on sale on Friday via Live Nation's website.
We're excited to announce LIVE FROM THE DRIVE-IN 🚗 🎵 – our first drive-in concert series in the U.S. kicks off July 10, 11, 12! #LiveFromTheDriveIn
Check out https://t.co/xrGi9XdOj7 for more info!
— Live Nation (@LiveNation) June 22, 2020
[via Billboard, cover image via Reimar / Shutterstock.com]
© 2021, Retail Planning Blog


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54 Jan Marie Dr
54 Jan Marie Dr is a single family residence located in Plymouth, MA 02360. Built in 1971, this property features 3 bedrooms, 2 bathrooms, 20,000 sq ft lot, and 2,408 sq ft of living space. This property recently sold for $414,900 on 05/13/2019.
For the surrounding community of Plymouth, MA 02360, the average sale price for similar homes to 54 Jan Marie Dr is $441,362. The nearby schools are very good and include Plymouth Commun Intermediate, Plymouth North High and Federal Furnace School. The overall crime risk for this area is very low. The natural disaster risk for this area includes very low earthquake risk, very low tornado risk, and minimal flood risk.
Property Details: 54 Jan Marie Dr
Parcel Number: M:0105 B:0000 L:0005-95
County: Plymouth
Tract: 530400
Heating Type: ELECTRIC
Asphalt Roof
Basement Sq Ft: 768
10/1/2004 Sold $341,500 $142 Public Records
2018 $5,535 (+1.64%) $159,500 $176,800 $336,300
2013 $3,986 $148,500 $127,700 $276,200
52 Jan Marie Dr, Plymouth, MA 02360
15 Jaye St, Plymouth, MA 02360
The average sales price of homes similar to 54 Jan Marie Dr is $441,362 ($182/sq.ft.)
4 W Pond Rd $390,000 06/26/2019 $164 2,377 sq.ft. 3 Bed, 3 Bath 0.5 mi away
29 Adams St $415,000 06/17/2019 $181 2,289 sq.ft. 3 Bed, 3 Bath 1.6 mi away
11 Priest Rd $260,000 05/31/2019 $104 2,492 sq.ft. 4 Bed, 3 Bath 1 mi away
19 Roosevelt Rd $447,500 05/10/2019 $200 2,232 sq.ft. 3 Bed, 3 Bath 0.8 mi away
20 Miles Ct $540,000 04/29/2019 $226 2,391 sq.ft. 3 Bed, 3 Bath 2.3 mi away
44 Columbia Cir $424,000 02/11/2019 $174 2,436 sq.ft. 4 Bed, 3 Bath 1.3 mi away
2 Deirdra Dr $395,500 02/06/2019 $159 2,480 sq.ft. 3 Bed, 2 Bath 0.5 mi away
24 Standish Ave $271,500 01/15/2019 $110 2,479 sq.ft. 5 Bed, 2 Bath 2.2 mi away
402 Schooner Way $919,000 12/27/2018 $361 2,546 sq.ft. 2 Bed, 4 Bath 2.2 mi away
2 Jamies Path $352,000 12/07/2018 $138 2,555 sq.ft. 3 Bed, 2 Bath 0.9 mi away
47 Bay Shore Dr
622 Federal Furn...
6 Wellingsley Ave
487 Lunns Way
1 Pontus Meadow Rd
Built in 1971, 54 Jan Marie Dr is in the 02360 zip code of Plymouth, Massachusetts. A 3-bedroom, 2.0-bathroom Single Family Residence property, 54 Jan Marie Dr, Plymouth, MA 02360 sits on a 20,000 square foot lot, in the neighborhood of Plymouth County.
One in every 2,968 housing units in Plymouth had a foreclosure filing in 06/2019. 54 Jan Marie Dr, Plymouth, MA 02360 is in a state where one in every 3,664 housing units had a foreclosure filing in 06/2019, compared to a national average of one in every 2,161 housing units. There are 897 properties in some stage of foreclosure or bank-owned in Plymouth County where 54 Jan Marie Dr is located.


Urinary Tract Infections limited to your bladder can be painful and annoying. But serious consequences can occur if the infection spreads to your kidneys. Women are most at risk of developing a UTI. In fact, half of all women will develop a UTI during their lifetimes, and many will experience more than one.The urinary system is composed of the kidneys, ureters, bladder and urethra. All play a role in removing waste from your body.
Urinary tract infections typically occur when bacteria enter the urinary tract through the urethra and begin to multiply in the bladder. The urinary system has infection-fighting properties that inhibit the growth of bacteria and is designed to keep out such microscopic invaders. However, certain factors increase the chances that bacteria will enter the urinary tract, take hold and multiply into a full-blown infection.
When treated promptly and properly, UTIs rarely lead to complications. But left untreated, a urinary tract infection can become something more serious than a set of uncomfortable symptoms. Untreated UTIs can lead to acute or chronic kidney infections (pyelonephritis), which could permanently damage your kidneys.
Some people suffer from chronic UTI which means they keep getting infection once every few months.Homeopathy has effective remedies to totally treat this recurrent urinary infection. At Dr.Manoj's Homeopathy,we have been successfully treating patients suffering with Urinary Tract Infections for the last several years. This is done with the unique combinations of homeopathic remedies which Dr.Manoj has developed with his past 25 years of experience treating patients.
Are you an existing patient with Dr.Manoj's Homeopathy? If yes please give your Reg.No. in the more symptoms column.


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I want to work with Wenger, says Arsenal legend Pires
The former France international regularly trains with his old team and offers words of advice but has ambitions of working alongside his compatriot
Arsenal legend Robert Pires has reiterated his desire to return to the club one day and work alongside Gunners boss Arsene Wenger.
The former France international is currently an ambassador for the club and The Arsenal Foundation but has also set his sights on working with Wenger, who appointed another ex-Arsenal player - Jens Lehmann - to his backroom staff last summer.
Pires trains regularly with the first team at London Colney and remains close with Wenger as well as stars including Mesut Ozil and Alexis Sanchez. However, the 44-year-old admits that he harbours further ambitions of returning to the club as a permanent member of staff.
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"I'm still training with the first team and my ambition is to work in Arsene Wenger's staff one day," Pires told Goal.
"For the moment I don't have any news but it's not urgent. I'm an ambassador for the club, I work for French TV, I travel with the Arsenal legends and my schedule is busy at the moment, but my ambition is to work with Arsene Wenger and Arsenal.
"When you are an ex-footballer you want to stay with the one team and one club, and Arsenal is my club."
Pires is one of several famous footballers who has his son enrolled at Arsenal's academy and 10-year-old Theo has previously captained the Gunners' Under-9 side.
Hector Bellerin, Alex Iwobi, Jack Wilshere and Ainsley Maitland-Niles are all products of the famed Hale End system, and Pires reveals that Wenger's knowledge of the club extends to every aspect, including youth level.
"I think he [Wenger] knows everything that's happening in the Arsenal academy," said Pires.
"For my son, the most important thing is to always enjoy the training session, games and tournaments because he's only 10 years old and very young.
"He needs to learn and the Arsenal academy is a great place to educate yourself as young footballer - but I don't put any pressure on my son."


Currently, I design apparel for Inline Basketball + SC30. I've had the opportunity to design the Spring/Summer 2020 season in full for Inline Basketball and SC30, along with Onfield uniform sublimations. Working cross functionally to develop consumer right and trend forward pieces for Under Armour's Basketball consumer and Steph Curry, I have developed a wide design skill set and built knowledge of the Basketball category.


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Pwllheli
Concern grows for man missing after Pwllheli night out
Steven Simpson, 30, who was holidaying in the area, disappeared in the early hours of Sunday morning
Jez HemmingLocal Democracy Reporter
Steven Simpson (Image: North Wales Police)
Concern is growing for a holidaymaker who went missing after a night out in Pwllheli.
Steven Simpson, 30, is from Middlesbrough and was holidaying with a group of friends.
He was last seen in the centre of the town in the early hours of Sunday morning.
Read more: Missing Caernarfon woman Avril Whitfield's family 'not giving up hope'
North Wales Police say he is white and of average build, was wearing white striped shorts, and has light brown medium-length hair and a light brown/ginger beard.
Anyone with information is asked to call North Wales Police on 101, quoting reference number 15735.
North Wales Police


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Jerome Schneider is an American financial adviser and author who encouraged his clients to hide their money from taxes using offshore banks. From the mid-1970s to the late 1990s, he advertised widely and, in his books and seminars, encouraged clients to buy offshore banks for their own purposes. In 2004 Schneider was convicted of conspiring to help clients evade tax laws, leading the New York Times to name him "the nation's best-known seller of fraudulent offshore banks".

United States federal prosecutors began targeting him in 1997, after he was the subject of a televised investigative report on 20/20. In 2002 Schneider and his lawyer, Los Angeles attorney Eric Witmeyer, were indicted for conspiracy to defraud the United States Internal Revenue Service, wire fraud and mail fraud, and originally faced up to 115 years in prison each; after pleading guilty and agreeing to give information to investigators and tax authorities Schneider was sentenced to six months.

Schneider is the author of several books of financial advice, including Hiding Your Money: Everything You Need to Know About Keeping Your Money and Valuables Safe from Predators and Greedy Creditors and How to Own Your Own Private International Bank: For Profit, Privacy, and Tax Protection.

See also
Marc Harris

References

American financial writers
Offshore finance
Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people


Dryas iulia (often incorrectly spelled julia), commonly called the Julia Butterfly, Julia Heliconian, The Flame, or Flambeau, is a species of brush-footed butterfly. The sole representative of its genus Dryas, it is native from Brazil to southern Texas and Florida, and in summer can sometimes be found as far north as eastern Nebraska. Over 15 subspecies have been described.


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La contea di Cerro Gordo (in inglese Cerro Gordo County) è una contea dello Stato dell'Iowa, negli Stati Uniti. La popolazione al censimento del 2000 era di  abitanti. Il capoluogo di contea è Mason City.

Comunità
La contea di Cerro Gordo conta dieci città, sedici township, sette comunità non incorporate (di cui due census-designated place (CDP)):

Città

Clear Lake
Dougherty
Mason City
Meservey
Plymouth
Rock Falls
Rockwell
Swaledale
Thornton
Ventura

Townships

 Bath
 Clear Lake
 Dougherty
 Falls
 Geneseo
 Grant
 Grimes
 Lake
 Lime Creek
 Lincoln
 Mason
 Mount Vernon
 Owen
 Pleasant Valley
 Portland
 Union

Unincorporated communities
Burchinal, un census-designated place (CDP)
Cameron
Cartersville
Emery
Freeman
Hurley
Portland (CDP)

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni

Cerro Gordo


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Changing the required version of the game and a package of additional modifications
Category: Ultima Online Server - MoonGate: Britannia - News from the UO
Today, Sosaria has received a package of updates implementing support for the latest version of the Ultima Online client. Thus, the UO version required for proper play on our shard has become the latest version of the game marked with the number:
UO Enhanced 3D – 4.0.88.1 (or later higher)
UO Classic 2D – 7.0.88.11 (or later higher).
In the implemented version of the client you will notice some graphic corrections of some creatures and plants, which is the result of the works of the game developers aimed at improving its visualization.
If you have an older version – please immediately update Ultima installed on your computers by using the uopatch.exe file in the game folder.
The number of the currently installed version of the game is displayed on the login panel. If you use an additional overlay for this version of the game – 2D ClassicUO Overlay – remember to modify the game version in the login settings (you must again indicate the game folder in the option to edit ClassicUO login details).
Using an older version of the game will prevent you from connecting to the server (kick the game client).
In addition, the following modifications / additions have been implemented to the server:
an update was implemented to eliminate incorrectly displayed "Insured" tag for equipment elements despite the deactivation of the current Item Insurance System. Also, I signals that we are currently working on several variants of a modified insurance / protection mechanism for equipment elements in the UO world, including solutions that may have a positive impact on the economy of the game world. More information on this soon;
NPC Brewer and Beer Brewer have been added to the game world, offering tools, equipment and some materials necessary in the brewing process;
the NPC Farm Hand has been added to the game world, offering various types of fruits and vegetables for the Advanced Cooking System;
the coding of the logging of the gold scale in circulation has been modified – taking into account all current sources in the shard control statistics;
updated – to the current version of the server kernel – account control modules for shard crews.
We also updated the description of special rules and additions on our server (as of today). You can find this material at this link.
Tags: UOGB


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Unlocking the Mysteries of Fred Missile's "A Little Bit Free"
May 7, 2019 Category: A Halo Called Fred, Fred MissileTag: A Halo Called Fred
Lump'N'Loaf Records is proud to present Fred Missile's "A Little Bit Free: A Fascism Litmus Test," a collaboration between members of A Halo Called Fred, New Jersey's Geeky Tupperware Psycho-pop band, and punk poet laureate John S. Hall of King Missile fame. "A Little Bit Free…" is available for free download (with a Creative Commons license) at fredmissile.bandcamp.com and lumpnloafrecords.bandcamp.com with an accompanying video on YouTube.
We sat down with A Halo Called Fred's Geverend to dig deeper and seek answers to questions about life, liberty and the creation of "A Little Bit Free."
Q: First off, what's the backstory to how Halo and John S. Hall first connected?
A: We first met and started performing together back in the late '90s. John performed at a few shows in New Brunswick, NJ, and we did a number of shows together in the East Village around that era. We reconnected recently for the Freaky Mutant Weirdo Variety Show, our yearly music/performance/circus sideshow event held at Dunellen, NJ's Roxy and Dukes Roadhouse, and started performing together as Fred Missile doing a number of classic King Missile songs as well as some of John S. Hall's newer material.
Q: How did the song come about?
A: It started out as a regular Halo song – Witnessing how the US government's policy are becoming more and more fascist, we felt like it was important to not keep our mouths shut and start to say something about it. In keeping with our own style and sense of humor we felt like the best course of action was to record a song that NO fascist government would allow its citizens to create, and use it at a test to see if things were as bad as they were appearing to get. When we got to the middle section — it felt like a "King Missile-esque" spoken word section was in order, and rather than attempt to write it ourselves, we went right to John, knowing he has very similar political beliefs and knowing how uninhibited he is in expressing those beliefs.
Q: For those who might not know, how would you explain fascism and what real life examples can your provide?
A: Fascism, in essence, is a government led by an all powerful dictator who cannot be questioned. Hitler is the biggest example in recent history of course. But there are elements of fascism in all sorts of world governments today
Q: Explain what a litmus test is?
A: In chemistry, a litmus test is a simple test that determines how acidic or alkaline a substance is. The term has come to mean any simple test that proves something decisively. In our case, this song is a fascism litmus test, because it proves decisively that anyone who attacks this song as "un-american" has fascist tendencies. Now we're not saying you need to LIKE the song — you are as free to hate it as we are to write it. And we will defend your right to hate our music to the ends of the earth! But if you truly support freedom of speech and artistic expression, songs like this must be allowed to exist!
Q: Explain what is and why you are releasing the song with a Creative Commons License.
A: We want this song to be shared freely! Creative commons licenses grant the listener to listen and distribute freely! The particular license we're using is the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License:
This license grants anyone the right to distribute the song or create derivative works for any non-commercial use, as long as full credit is given to the original authors! This includes remixes, videos, you name it! The only thing we don't grant is the ability for others to use the song for commercial use – basically if you want to make money off our song, you have to secure individual licensing for that.
Q: The song is particularly vulgar. Are you concerned about any possible negative reaction from fans who know Halo more for their quirky, funny songs?
A: Well — those who have known us for a long time know we've always been pretty damn vulgar! Sure we clean up our act for family friendly shows, but we've never hidden our raunchier side.
Q: Do you have any plans on performing the song live with John S. Hall
A: No specific plans at the moment. But we will definitely discuss it at our next show together!
Q: Are there any plans for a Fred Missile album?
A: No, it is not something we have discussed.
Q: What are you hoping to accomplish with releasing A Little Bit Free?
A: The most important thing, as with any song or work of art, is to just express what we feel. And in this day and age, with the president threatening investigations into mainstream comedians who mock him, it seems like even expressing what we feel, a fundamental right of all Americans is under threat. It's a fundamental right we as a society need to make sure isn't lost. Now I'm not saying cursing out the president will undo all his other fascist policies, we need to fight fascism at all it's levels. But I hope that this song can at least be a rallying cry for those who feel the same frustrations we do, and highlight the free speech this country was founded on.
For more Fred Missile, please visit:
For more John S. Hall, please visit:
King Missile Website
For more A Halo Called Fred, please visit:
Get Freaky! Halo's Geverend on Freaky Mutant Weirdo Variety Show 2017!


Vienna based Austrian Airlines is looking to hire an additional 19 trainees starting this September the airline has announced. Every year the friendly local carrier trains a large number of apprentices in different areas of the company. The field of aircraft engineering is particularly exciting.
The airline is once again recruiting sixteen candidates this year for apprenticeship training in its own training workshop. In addition, three trainees will be accepted for training as office clerks. The training program is carried out in cooperation with the Vocational Training Institute (BFI) for Lower Austria and can be concluded in combination with a higher education entrance qualification ("Matura"). Currently, 54 apprentices are being trained at Austrian Airlines.
Austrian Airlines set a new passenger record in 2018 of 13.9 million passengers. This performance surpasses the previous all-time high of 2017 by one million passengers, comprising a year-on-year rise of 8.5%. The flight offering measured in available seat kilometres (ASK) was up 6.2%. Revenue passenger kilometres (RPK) climbed 9.7% compared to 2017. Capacity utilization of the flights equalled 79.3% on average, an increase of 2.5 percentage points. The number of flights was up 4.8% in the year 2018 to a total of 150,963.
"On balance, people generally flew more frequently in 2018 and considerably more often with Austrian Airlines. We plan to further expand our flight offering at the Vienna flight hub again in 2019", states Andreas Otto, Member of the Management Board and CCO of Austrian Airlines.
More than 950,000 passengers flew with Austrian Airlines in the month of December 2018, corresponding to a 5.8 percent increase from the prior-year month. The flight offering was up 5.5 percent. Revenue passenger kilometres rose by 8.1 percent. Capacity utilization in the month of December 2018 equalled an average of 75.2 percent, representing an increase of 1.8 percentage points compared to the previous year. The number of flights operated in December 2018 climbed 5.0 percent to 11,113 flights.
The airline also recently announced that it would retire its 18 Bombardier Dash 8-400 turboprop aircraft by 2021 as the firm reevaluates its fleet which will also see the carrier take more Airbus A320 aircraft. The airline is also looking to replacing its ageing Boeing 767 long-haul aircraft in the not too distant future.