text:
Home | News | Myanmar
Kachin War a Battle for Resources
Fighting escalates in northern Burma's resource-rich Kachin state.
A Kachin Independence Army soldier looks through binoculars at Burmese army positions from an outpost near Laiza, May 12, 2012.
In a high-stakes battle reflecting political and economic interests, Burmese government troops have stepped up their offensive this week against ethnic Kachin rebels in an area at the heart of Burma's jade industry.
The fighting in pursuit of territory in the jade-rich Hpakant township underscores a scramble between the Burmese government and the rebel groups as well as neighboring China for the expensive mineral and prime timber in northern Burma's resource-rich Kachin state.
Since Monday, Burmese troops have been pounding rebel positions of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Hpakant, amid clashes that have raged since a 17-year peace agreement between the two sides was shattered in June last year.
A key stumbling block to renegotiating a peace agreement is the illicit trade in timber and other resources between local Kachin leaders and businesses in China's bordering Yunnan province, much to the chagrin of the Burmese central government, some officials have said.
Rights groups say civilians are being caught in the middle as their interests are overtaken by the pursuit of wealth driven by the lucrative trade.
"The economic impact of the war has been tremendous," Human Rights Watch researcher Matthew Smith said. "Both parties to the war stand to gain economically, depending on the outcome."
Aside from lucrative jade and mineral deposits, the contested areas in are home to vast hydropower potential on Kachin rivers, and lucrative trade routes to Yunnan, Smith said.
"Multibillion dollar projects are being put on hold or are at risk of becoming military targets, to say nothing of the lost livelihoods of miners and traders," he said.
The fighting intensified Wednesday when Burmese troops ordered the immediate evacuation of miners and ethnic Kachin from 11 villages in Hpakant, the Kachin News Group reported.
In the past two weeks, over 6,000 miners and residents in the area have been forced to flee conflict in the area, it said.
About 100 jade mining companies operate in Hpakant township in western Kachin state, producing some of the highest quality jade in the world.
This week's clashes prompted a joint statement Wednesday by 11 Kachin organizations calling on the Burmese government to end its offensive against the KIA, the military arm of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) demanding greater autonomy.
The groups said that 90,000 people have been displaced in the fighting since the ceasefire ended last year, resuming a war that has waged since Burma's independence in 1948.
Burma has recently signed peace agreements with 10 other armed ethnic groups in its borderlands, but the three rounds of peace talks held with the KIA since November have yielded little outcome.
Timber, in particular, has played a pivotal role in incentivizing and funding the conflict, according to international watchdog Global Witness.
By taking control of the mostly illegal border trade in timber, ethnic rebel groups in Burma's border areas such as the Kachin organizations have been able to finance their side of the conflict over the past decades, the group says.
The KIO turned to timber after it lost control over the Hpakant jade mines in the peace agreement of 1994, according to the Burma Environmental Working Group.
China and Burma took steps to ban the cross-border trade after Global Witness and other non-governmental groups exposed how illegal logging was funding the conflict six years ago.
But recent reports by NGOs indicate that the illegal logging is continuing, with trucks transporting sought-after Burmese teak into Yunnan.
Between October 2010 and April 2011, more than 40,000 tons of timber, especially hardwood and teak, crossed into China, according to the Kachin News Group.
In August, the news group reported illegal logging occurring near Myitkyina in eastern Kachin state.
The roaring timber trade continues despite Beijing's efforts to halt it, according to Chinese state media.
Along the border, piles of teak and high quality logs attest to the booming timber trade, China's state broadcasting network CCTV said in a report in June.
In Yunnan's Ruili city, just over the border from Kachin, timber mills are flourishing.
"In a single day, dozens of trees come to the mill as logs. They're to become luxurious tables, chairs and furniture, often exported overseas," the report said.
The recent lifting of EU sanctions on Burmese teak and other forest products could further fuel demand within this already lucrative industry, the Burma Environmental Working Group said.
Fourteen months of fighting have led to an exodus of Kachin refugees across the border to Yunnan.
Human Rights Watch said China recently forced at least 1,000 Kachin to return to the combat zone in Burma and plans to deport 4,000 more.
China refuses to recognize the Kachin fleeing the violence as refugees but has denied that it forcibly returned them.
A senior official in the health department of the KIO confirmed to RFA Tuesday that the refugees had been sent back over the border, expelled from around 12 makeshift camps in Yunnan where they had been living since June 2011.
In Wednesday's statement, the 11 Kachin groups called on China to support humanitarian aid to those fleeing the violence instead of deporting them and to ensure their safety.
On Thursday, U.S. State Department spokesman Patrick Ventrell urged China to abide by its international obligations on treatment of refugees.
"The U.S. believes that refugees should only return home by their own choice and in conditions of safety and dignity," he said.
Reported by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Five From China Charged Over Illegal Banana Plantation in Myanmar Protected Forest
Hpakant Mine Disaster Villagers Fear More Landslides as Government Acknowledges Shortcomings
Monks and Activists Hold Buddhist Ceremony to Protect Cambodia's Prey Lang Forest
Six Jade Scavengers Killed in Myanmar Cliff Collapse in Kachin State
Report: Illegal Logging Still Rampant in Cambodia's Prey Lang Forest
Residents Call For End to Mining Activities in Myanmar's Kachin State
Chinese Leader Xi's Visit to Myanmar to Produce New Belt And Road Agreements
Letpadaung Farmers Clamor For Compensation For Land Lost to Chinese Mining Project in Myanmar
mg thu
from mdy
Stop fighting and negotiate as soon as possible for civilian.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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text:
namespace TextTool.Inspect
{
    partial class RegexTesterForm
    {
        /// <summary>
        /// Required designer variable.
        /// </summary>
        private System.ComponentModel.IContainer components = null;

        /// <summary>
        /// Clean up any resources being used.
        /// </summary>
        /// <param name="disposing">true if managed resources should be disposed; otherwise, false.</param>
        protected override void Dispose(bool disposing)
        {
            if (disposing && (components != null))
            {
                components.Dispose();
            }
            base.Dispose(disposing);
        }

        #region Windows Form Designer generated code

        /// <summary>
        /// Required method for Designer support - do not modify
        /// the contents of this method with the code editor.
        /// </summary>
        private void InitializeComponent()
        {
            this.txtCode = new System.Windows.Forms.TextBox();
            this.txtRegexes = new System.Windows.Forms.TextBox();
            this.label1 = new System.Windows.Forms.Label();
            this.label2 = new System.Windows.Forms.Label();
            this.btnMatch = new System.Windows.Forms.Button();
            this.btnReplace = new System.Windows.Forms.Button();
            this.txtResult = new System.Windows.Forms.TextBox();
            this.txtReplacer = new System.Windows.Forms.TextBox();
            this.btnSave = new System.Windows.Forms.Button();
            this.btnPaste = new System.Windows.Forms.Button();
            this.label3 = new System.Windows.Forms.Label();
            this.label4 = new System.Windows.Forms.Label();
            this.SuspendLayout();
            //
            // txtCode
            //
            this.txtCode.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(5, 29);
            this.txtCode.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.txtCode.Multiline = true;
            this.txtCode.Name = "txtCode";
            this.txtCode.ScrollBars = System.Windows.Forms.ScrollBars.Both;
            this.txtCode.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(259, 480);
            this.txtCode.TabIndex = 1;
            this.txtCode.WordWrap = false;
            this.txtCode.KeyDown += new System.Windows.Forms.KeyEventHandler(this.txtCode_KeyDown);
            //
            // txtRegexes
            //
            this.txtRegexes.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(269, 29);
            this.txtRegexes.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.txtRegexes.Multiline = true;
            this.txtRegexes.Name = "txtRegexes";
            this.txtRegexes.ScrollBars = System.Windows.Forms.ScrollBars.Both;
            this.txtRegexes.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(463, 480);
            this.txtRegexes.TabIndex = 2;
            this.txtRegexes.WordWrap = false;
            this.txtRegexes.KeyDown += new System.Windows.Forms.KeyEventHandler(this.txtCode_KeyDown);
            //
            // label1
            //
            this.label1.AutoSize = true;
            this.label1.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(3, 10);
            this.label1.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 0, 4, 0);
            this.label1.Name = "label1";
            this.label1.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(82, 15);
            this.label1.TabIndex = 1;
            this.label1.Text = "代码示例:";
            //
            // label2
            //
            this.label2.AutoSize = true;
            this.label2.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(269, 10);
            this.label2.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 0, 4, 0);
            this.label2.Name = "label2";
            this.label2.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(52, 15);
            this.label2.TabIndex = 2;
            this.label2.Text = "正则:";
            //
            // btnMatch
            //
            this.btnMatch.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(5, 518);
            this.btnMatch.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.btnMatch.Name = "btnMatch";
            this.btnMatch.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(100, 29);
            this.btnMatch.TabIndex = 4;
            this.btnMatch.Text = "测试匹配";
            this.btnMatch.UseVisualStyleBackColor = true;
            this.btnMatch.Click += new System.EventHandler(this.btnMatch_Click);
            //
            // btnReplace
            //
            this.btnReplace.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(113, 518);
            this.btnReplace.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.btnReplace.Name = "btnReplace";
            this.btnReplace.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(100, 29);
            this.btnReplace.TabIndex = 5;
            this.btnReplace.Text = "测试替换";
            this.btnReplace.UseVisualStyleBackColor = true;
            this.btnReplace.Click += new System.EventHandler(this.btnReplace_Click);
            //
            // txtResult
            //
            this.txtResult.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(1060, 29);
            this.txtResult.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.txtResult.Multiline = true;
            this.txtResult.Name = "txtResult";
            this.txtResult.ScrollBars = System.Windows.Forms.ScrollBars.Both;
            this.txtResult.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(313, 480);
            this.txtResult.TabIndex = 0;
            this.txtResult.WordWrap = false;
            this.txtResult.KeyDown += new System.Windows.Forms.KeyEventHandler(this.txtCode_KeyDown);
            //
            // txtReplacer
            //
            this.txtReplacer.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(741, 29);
            this.txtReplacer.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.txtReplacer.Multiline = true;
            this.txtReplacer.Name = "txtReplacer";
            this.txtReplacer.ScrollBars = System.Windows.Forms.ScrollBars.Both;
            this.txtReplacer.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(309, 480);
            this.txtReplacer.TabIndex = 3;
            this.txtReplacer.WordWrap = false;
            this.txtReplacer.KeyDown += new System.Windows.Forms.KeyEventHandler(this.txtCode_KeyDown);
            //
            // btnSave
            //
            this.btnSave.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(221, 518);
            this.btnSave.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.btnSave.Name = "btnSave";
            this.btnSave.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(100, 29);
            this.btnSave.TabIndex = 6;
            this.btnSave.Text = "保存";
            this.btnSave.UseVisualStyleBackColor = true;
            this.btnSave.Click += new System.EventHandler(this.btnSave_Click);
            //
            // btnPaste
            //
            this.btnPaste.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(329, 518);
            this.btnPaste.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.btnPaste.Name = "btnPaste";
            this.btnPaste.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(100, 29);
            this.btnPaste.TabIndex = 7;
            this.btnPaste.Text = "粘贴";
            this.btnPaste.UseVisualStyleBackColor = true;
            this.btnPaste.Click += new System.EventHandler(this.btnPaste_Click);
            //
            // label3
            //
            this.label3.AutoSize = true;
            this.label3.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(738, 10);
            this.label3.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 0, 4, 0);
            this.label3.Name = "label3";
            this.label3.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(67, 15);
            this.label3.TabIndex = 2;
            this.label3.Text = "替换符:";
            //
            // label4
            //
            this.label4.AutoSize = true;
            this.label4.Location = new System.Drawing.Point(1057, 9);
            this.label4.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 0, 4, 0);
            this.label4.Name = "label4";
            this.label4.Size = new System.Drawing.Size(82, 15);
            this.label4.TabIndex = 2;
            this.label4.Text = "替换结果:";
            //
            // RegexTesterForm
            //
            this.AutoScaleDimensions = new System.Drawing.SizeF(8F, 15F);
            this.AutoScaleMode = System.Windows.Forms.AutoScaleMode.Font;
            this.ClientSize = new System.Drawing.Size(1391, 552);
            this.Controls.Add(this.btnPaste);
            this.Controls.Add(this.btnSave);
            this.Controls.Add(this.txtReplacer);
            this.Controls.Add(this.txtResult);
            this.Controls.Add(this.btnReplace);
            this.Controls.Add(this.btnMatch);
            this.Controls.Add(this.label4);
            this.Controls.Add(this.label3);
            this.Controls.Add(this.label2);
            this.Controls.Add(this.label1);
            this.Controls.Add(this.txtRegexes);
            this.Controls.Add(this.txtCode);
            this.FormBorderStyle = System.Windows.Forms.FormBorderStyle.FixedSingle;
            this.Margin = new System.Windows.Forms.Padding(4, 4, 4, 4);
            this.Name = "RegexTesterForm";
            this.StartPosition = System.Windows.Forms.FormStartPosition.CenterScreen;
            this.Text = "RegexTesterForm";
            this.ResumeLayout(false);
            this.PerformLayout();

        }

        #endregion

        private System.Windows.Forms.TextBox txtCode;
        private System.Windows.Forms.TextBox txtRegexes;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Label label1;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Label label2;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Button btnMatch;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Button btnReplace;
        private System.Windows.Forms.TextBox txtResult;
        private System.Windows.Forms.TextBox txtReplacer;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Button btnSave;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Button btnPaste;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Label label3;
        private System.Windows.Forms.Label label4;
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Home / Al-Nahda / Why Democratic Coup Is The Best Option For Eritrea
Why Democratic Coup Is The Best Option For Eritrea
Saleh Younis August 30, 2014	Al-Nahda 350 Comments
Over the past several months, I have been posting disjointed pieces at the Awate Forum and on my Facebook page that are my vision for transition in Eritrea. This edition of Alnahda is an attempt to consolidate my view for bloodless (or minimum bloodshed) transition in Eritrea.
I. An Arguable Premise
Eritrea is car stuck in a ditch, a tire gone flat. The driver was drunk-driving. What is the penalty for the driver, can we get diagnostics of the car, better training manual for new driver, better navigation system for the car, etc, are all important, but not a priority. The priority is to remove the driver, push the car out by applying only enough pressure to get the car out of the ditch, use a temporary (donut) tire, go straight to a tire store to get one designed for more miles.
Similarly, whether Eritrea is where it is because of a "chauvinist culture", our "superior attitude" borne from Italian acculturation, our "ghedli culture," meaning the revolutionary ethos (the "root cause" argument) are all paralyzing. This is because they were not built overnight and it will take years, maybe decades, to alter them.
Who is responsible? One man, alone, can't run a grocery store, much less an entire country. So, Isaias Afwerki and his Enforcers are responsible. If you want to use a short-hand answer and say the responsible party is "PFDJ", go ahead, if that is based on the tactical consideration that everybody hates PFDJ. But you will be stuck when Isaias Afwerki says he is dissolving the party. Also, you are implying that there is an organization with a hierarchy based org chart in Eritrea when there is no such thing. Also, you are a fighter for justice and the minimum requirement of that is that you don't accuse people of crimes without evidence. The Isaias Afwerki Regime is a more accurate description; Isaias Afwerki and his handful of enforcers is an even more precise description.
II. What Should We Do?
Of all the options—waiting for Isaias Afwerki to reform; waiting for him to die; conducting a full-fledged civil war to overthrow him—the most palatable is a democratic coup. What does "democratic coup" even mean: isn't that a contradiction in terms? A democratic coup is an overthrow of an authoritarian to institute a democracy. It is a form of a "controlled burn" in the parlance of the fire department. It means that members of the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) demand the resignation of Isaias Afwerki and, failing his resignation, arrest him pending a duly-constituted court passing judgment on him. The steps:
(1) Members of the Eritrean Defense Forces, in co-ordination with Diaspora-based Eritrean change agents, execute the change.
(2) The role of the Diaspora Eritreans is two fold (a) Guarantors: to give reassurances that we Eritreans have no quarrels with anyone who is not a voluntary enabler of the regime; (b) Rehabilitating: to take a group of people who have been conditioned from years of propaganda that their own people are Enemies of the State and to align their thinking. (In special education, they call this "mainstreaming.")
(3) Part of the mainstreaming includes conditioning any change on the formation of a provisional unity government that is representative of Eritrean diversity. And, no, by that I don't mean just ethnic, religious, regional diversity but political diversity. And, no, I am not talking a month after the democratic coup, but the day after.
(4) As all sorts of sharks smelling blood will be congregating, it is important that everybody agrees that we have ONE and ONLY one Eritrean Defense Forces. All those with military capabilities must suspend their activities immediately—the way the ELF and ELF-RC did immediately after the EPLF entered Eritrea.
(5) The Chief Commanding Officer of the EDF is—provisionally—the chair of the committee that engineered the democratic coup. The chair reports to the committee and the committee is tasked with implementation of the 1997 Constitution provisionally (because we have to have law and order while drafting a new formula for law and order) and party-formation and electoral laws and securing the funding for the immediate (a) demobilization and reintegration of the National Service; (b) the repatriation of refugees as well as (c) drawing a pension plan for the aging civil servants.
(6) The Committee is responsible for the implementation of border demarcation between Eritrea and Ethiopia in accordance with EEBC, which, as the EEBC Judges repeatedly said, doesn't preclude the two countries voluntarily swapping territories. (What the judges objected to was one party conditioning the demarcation on territory swaps.) This is followed by immediate normalization of relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia.
III. What We Should Not Do
The path we are on now says: the escalating abuse of the tyrant will be met with escalating resistance. At the urging (or acquiescence) of the Nehna Nsu gang and arrogantly holding to the view that he can outlast, outfox everybody, Isaias Afwerki becomes more sadistic; and we in the opposition increasing our ranks and getting more radicalized and demanding more preconditions. Our neighbors—two large countries—Sudan and Ethiopia are, right now, not as actively involved as they can be. The government of Sudan has essentially bought for itself security in its eastern border by placating Isaias Afwerki; the government of Ethiopia has essentially bought for itself a quieter northern border by adopting a strategy of disproportionate response to any pinprick from its northern neighbor.
But this may not hold out for long. If there is a change in Sudan's policy—including as a result of change in government—Eastern Sudan may become unstable. If Ethiopia feels that it's optimum time to conduct a "once-and-for-all" military strike then it is war and there is no such thing as a "neat war."
Regardless of the scenario, whether from Ethiopia or Sudan, it means one thing: Eritreans are no longer in charge of Eritrea's fate. It means more displacement, more war and more destruction. It means the beginning of a cycle of violence and revenge. It means an utterly failed state simply because Eritreans have already become experts at one thing: mass exile.
It seems to me, that the strategy we in the opposition have now is a strategy of opposing and strategy of resistance. We are reacting and when one reacts, one does not control the agenda. Those who say that, "we are not going to speak to anybody in the PFDJ system" should remember that in whatever else scenario—whether it is coming from a well-armed, well-organized opposition army, whether it is coming from Ethiopia, whether it is coming from American drones, at the end of the day, if we are not talking to those who are "in the system", those who will bring the change will. And this is in the best case scenario. In the worse case scenario, then there is "total victory"—with the entire EDF/PFDJ/Government system completely collapsing, creating a total vacuum that will be filled by whoever is victorious.
(IV) Conclusions
While some of my views have evolved (with input from compatriots and developments in the world), one part has not: we are a small country and we have been, since 1970, on a continuous path of ostracization and we need reconciliation. This website has carried the mantra of "reconciliation" (even before it developed "inform, inspire, embolden") and it has always been asked "who reconciles with whom" and our answer has always been "everybody reconciles with everybody."
Our strategy should focus on returning Eritrea to a state of normality with as little bloodshed and as little disruption to the life of Eritreans as possible. This, to me, means a "democratic coup." Does that mean that if Isaias Afwerki was to tender his resignation voluntarily I would consider all our problems solved? No, but I would consider 80% solved and we can work, together, on the other 20%.
About Saleh Younis
Previous Exile and Exodus from Eritrea
Next Happy Awate Day: September 1, 2014
Pingback: Eritrea: The Fall of Dictatorship And Consolidation Of Democracy | Awate()
Dear AT( Sal, Saay ad SJG)
Can we have a harvest of the comments of the Eritrean identity discussions, please
saay7
Hala Sem:
Was thinking of that… but wouldn't it be better for you and Mahmoud Saleh to write a 600-word summary on Eritrean identity– touching on (1) pre-Italian colonialism, (2) Italian colonialism, (3) post-colonialsim but pre-Ghedli, (4) Ghedli, and (5) post-Ghedli developments? No, it doesn't have to have an article format, a comment format will do. Then we can publish in front page. Whaddayathink
* We will ask Emma to write a 1200-word essay on why discussions on Eritrean identity are complete waste of time and distract us from urgent matters:)
Hi Sal:
I can see why Emma, but why Mahmuday and me in one project and "men eyu wahsay Mahmuday nhalewa sewra entewesedeni neti kalay girchit meftihi mstesaeno 🙂
Hey Sem:
My fault, I wasn't clear. You write a 600 word essay on how you see an Eritrean identity. Then Mahmouday writes a 600 word essay on how he sees Eritrean identity. Two separate papers. Golgol Awate Halewa Sewra ayefqden iyu, shudHeylek.
Mahmud Saleh
SAAY and SemA;
To make it more scientific (snefilTetawi) How if I visit the "dark side of Rome" and Semere spends 3 months doing maetot, Hasmet, and politikawi tmhrti nAbeiti bflai tarikh ertra Qdmi akheiba tekhli. We can then clean our biases and start from the same angle. Ab Awate Halewa sawra kemzeyela entaay CbTi alena? Hb'eti selfi ke?


text:
Розльо́ти — село в Україні, в Новгород-Сіверському районі Чернігівської області. Населення становить 159 осіб. Орган місцевого самоврядування — Розльотівська сільська рада.

Назва
Село назване на честь річки, що протікала в поселенні.

Історія
12 червня 2020 року, відповідно до розпорядження Кабінету Міністрів України № 730-р «Про визначення адміністративних центрів та затвердження територій територіальних громад Чернігівської області», увійшло до складу Понорницької селищної громади.

17 липня 2020 року, в результаті адміністративно-територіальної реформи та ліквідації Коропського району, увійшло до складу Новгород-Сіверського району Чернігівської області.

Корисні копалини
 Кролевецьке (Розльотське) родовище фосфоритів.

Див. також
 Перелік населених пунктів, що постраждали від Голодомору 1932—1933 (Чернігівська область)

Примітки

Посилання
 Погода в селі Розльоти

Села Чернігівської області

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I like tax cuts. In fact, I don't think the tax cuts of 2017 went far enough. But tax cuts are only a part of the equation. The other part, spending cuts, are even more necessary if we're ever going to reverse the budget deficit and start paying down our national debt. Based upon numbers from the first five months of fiscal year 2019, spending is heading in the wrong direction.
We're spending more than we ever have other than 2009, the year of the Bush bailout and the Obama stimulus package.
This is absolutely unacceptable, especially when we consider the GOP had been in complete control for two years prior. I can preach about how this is untenable, unsustainable, and irresponsible. I can go off on the lack of fiscal conservatism that is present in this administration and how these numbers would be no different if Democrats were in control. I could berate the GOP for not doing what they've always promised as part of their commitment to limited-government, fiscally conservative Republicanism, but that really hasn't been in play for a long time despite their platform.
If the Republican Party refuses to cut spending, then their only purpose is to act as a semi-effective hedge against the Democrats and their leftist policies. That's simply not enough to inspire conservatives to support them any longer.


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Singapore's excellent strategic location and highly open economy make it an attractive destination for companies looking to conduct business in the Asia-Pacific region. Singapore boasts a stable political environment, low taxes and a highly skilled workforce, making it one of the most favourable business locations in the world.
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Donna Brazile's misleading statements on sharing debate questions with the Clinton campaign
Democratic National Committee interim chair Donna Brazile talks with audience members before the debate between GOP vice-presidential nominee Mike Pence and Democratic vice-presidential nominee Tim Kaine (Joe Raedle/Pool via Associated Press)
By Glenn Kessler
Glenn Kessler
The Fact Checker
"I can just once again let you know that as far as I know, that CNN has never provided me with questions, absolutely ever."
"And as I said repeatedly, CNN in the 14 years I was associated with CNN, I have never received anything. If I had a blank piece of paper that would basically be the end of this conversation. I never get documents from CNN."
— Donna Brazile, interim chair of the Democratic National Committee, in an interview with Megyn Kelly, Oct. 19
"As it pertains to the CNN debates, I never had access to questions and would never have shared them with the candidates if I did."
— Brazile, statement released by the DNC, Oct. 11
In an interview after the third presidential debate. Fox News's Megyn Kelly confronted Donna Brazile about an email that was disclosed by WikiLeaks through a hack of the email account of Hillary Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta. The email indicated that while Brazile was working for CNN as a commentator, she had given inside dope on one of the questions that Clinton might face during a CNN town hall. (At the time of the email exchange, Brazile was a vice chair of the Democratic National Committee, in addition to working for CNN.)
As can be seen in the quotes above, Brazile adamantly denied that she had received questions in advance, although she seemed to qualify her statements by saying "from CNN." But then it was revealed on Oct. 31 that she had been forced to resign from CNN after another email emerged through WikiLeaks indicating she had provided the Clinton campaign with yet another question.
In light of the new email, let's review the accuracy of her statements on the matter.
The first email that emerged was sent March 12 from Brazile to Jennifer Palmieri, director of communications for the Clinton campaign. The subject line was: "From time to time I get the questions in advance."
Brazile then provided a description of a possible death penalty question. It turned out that the question she supplied matched closely with a question associated with an exonerated death-row inmate the next night, March 13, during a town hall hosted by CNN's Jake Tapper and Roland Martin, a TV One host.
Donna Brazile email, March 12, 2016 by GlennKesslerWP on Scribd
Reading between the lines, the email indicates that Brazile got the question from Martin. "I'll send a few more. Though some questions Roland submitted," Brazile writes.
Palmieri responded by telling a Clinton aide, copied on the email, to share the campaign's canned answer on the death penalty.
(Martin has said he did not believe he shared his answers with Brazile. Her email to Palmieri was sent a day before Martin sent his proposed questions to CNN.)
When Kelly, in her Oct. 19 interview, started quoting from the March 12 email, Brazile responded: "As a Christian woman, I understand persecution, but I will not sit here and be persecuted because your information is solely false."
Kelly answered, "I'm getting it from Podesta email." Brazile replied that it had been stolen and suggested it might have been doctored.
The Kelly-Brazile confrontation appeared to leave the matter unsettled, but then a second email emerged on Oct. 31.
That email actually had been sent a few days earlier, on March 5, to Podesta and Palmieri, in advance of a primary debate between Clinton and Sen. Bernie Sanders (Vt.) that would be hosted by CNN.
The subject line: "One of the questions directed to HRC tomorrow is from a woman with a rash."
Brazile then explained in the email: "Her family has lead poison and she will ask what, if anything, will Hillary do as president to help the ppl of Flint."
Brazile email, March 5, 2016 by GlennKesslerWP on Scribd
On March 6, at a debate held in Flint, Mich., and hosted by CNN's Don Lemon and Anderson Cooper, two women asked questions about the water crisis. One was Lee-Anne Waters, a whistleblower and mother whose family suffered through rashes because of the contaminated water.
It would seem obvious that a debate being held in Flint would include questions on possible solutions, although Clinton took the opportunity to answer Waters's question by committing to remove lead from water systems across the country within five years. Waters later said Clinton's answer "made me vomit in my mouth" because that was too long to wait in Flint.
The DNC declined to comment on Brazile's statements, except to point the Fact Checker to a statement issued by Brazile on Oct. 11 that mostly attacked the Russian government (suspected of supplying the Podesta hack to WikiLeaks) and Donald Trump. The statement included this claim: "As it pertains to the CNN debates, I never had access to questions and would never have shared them with the candidates if I did."
The Pinocchio Test
It's pretty clear that Brazile shared, on at least two occasions, questions that later came up in a CNN town hall and a CNN-hosted primary debate. In one case, she provided the essential text of a question; in another instance, she informed the campaign that Clinton would be asked about solutions to the Flint water crisis.
Brazile, in her interview with Kelly, gave rather slippery answers — that CNN never gave her questions, that she never got CNN documents. That leaves open the possibility that she got a question from another source. She tries a similar dance in her DNC statement, saying she "never had access to questions."
But also in her DNC statement, Brazile left herself little wiggle room, flatly saying she never shared questions with "the candidates." Maybe she did not communicate directly with Clinton, but she clearly shared questions with Clinton's staff. So that's too slick by half — and her statement is false and misleading.
Brazile earns Four Pinocchios.
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Poland after World War II: history, population and domestic politics
Polish losses in World War II
Post-war government
Polish foreign policy
Post-war economy
The history of Poland, like many states, is full of tragic events. External and internal wars, rebellions, divisions, desperate defense of their sovereignty. The mighty Rzeczpospolita, having appeared in the 16th century, disappears from the political map of the world for 123 years two centuries later. After foreign domination, its independence was restored through common efforts at the end of the First World War, on November 11, 1918.
However, after the Second World War, Poland again falls into the zone of influence of another country, this time the Soviet Union, where communism was the dominant political doctrine. The allied treaty concluded in 1945 marked the beginning of new relations between the two states.
After the perfidious attack of fascist Germany on September 1, 1939, Poland, taken up by the occupation of the Soviet troops from the eastern part, was erased from the political map in 27 days. It is from its defeat that the countdown of the Second World War begins, which entailed huge human casu alties.
Military actions thoroughly battered the earthPolish state and left behind a string of severe destruction and loss. The territories of Western Ukraine and Belarus were finally assigned to the USSR. In general, 20% of industrial facilities, 60% of medical institutions, more than 63% of educational and scientific institutions were destroyed, and Warsaw was razed to the ground. But the most important thing is the irreplaceable human losses.
Hundreds of thousands of residents were tortured by heavy forced labor in Nazi concentration camps. Particular cruelty fell on the Polish Jews, who were first rounded up in the ghetto, and after the Reich made a decision on the Jewish question in 1942, they were sent to the death camps. One of the bloodiest death camps was located near the city of Auschwitz, where more than 4 million people were tortured and killed.
Undoubtedly, a huge number of Poles died as a result of the Nazi regime, however, the Soviet leadership had a good hand in the destruction of the Polish elite and intelligentsia. Soviet repression was skillfully aimed at the economic exploitation of the Polish people.
Territorial losses and new borders of Poland after the Second World War is a fairly large and controversial topic. And although officially the state was among the winners, only its coastal part and the lands of the southern territories remained from the pre-war regions. In compensation for the lost eastern regions, German territories joined Poland, which the propagandists called the "Returned Lands."
According to the results of the signed friendship agreement 21April 1945, the Soviet Union transferred to Poland controlled German territories: part of West Prussia, part of East Pomerania, Silesia, the Free City of Danzig, East Brandenburg and the district of Szczetin. Thus, after the Second World War, the territory of Poland amounted to 312 thousand square meters. kilometers, despite the fact that until 1939 it was 388 thousand square meters. kilometers. The loss of the eastern regions was not fully compensated.
As a result of the German-Soviet agreement of 1939 on the division of Poland's borders, more than 12 million Polish citizens (including about 5 million ethnic Poles) ended up in the territories that passed to the Soviet Union. The new territorial borders of states have caused mass migration of peoples.
After World War II, Poland lost 17% of its population. In subsequent years, its migration policy was actively aimed at the mono-ethnic state and the return of Poles to their homeland. According to the signed agreement with the Soviet government on the mutual exchange of population in 1945, more than 1.8 million people repatriated to Poland. Jews were also among the repatriates, but the anti-Semitic sentiments of the post-war years provoked their mass emigration from the country. In 1956-1958, about 200 thousand more people were able to return from the Soviet Union.
It is also worth adding that about 500 thousand people from the Poles who fought on the side of the Allies, after the end of the war, refused to return to their homeland, where the Communists were in power.
The presence of the Red Army units in Poland successfully played in the transfer of power to the Polish communists. Representatives of the PPR (Polish Workers' Party), PPS (Polish Socialist Party) and PPK (Polish Peasant Party) at the end of the war formed a government of national unity, but the communists disbanded this coalition in 1947 and founded the state of people's democracy, which was later reflected in the adopted constitution dated 1952.
In January 1947, the first post-war elections to the Polish parliament (Sejm) were held, as a result of which, out of 444 seats, the communists got 382, and the peasant party only 28. lines. And already in October 1947, activists of the opposition movements and some leaders of the Polish Peasant Party were forced to hide in the West due to persecution. These events gave rise to the "Stalinization" of Poland. And in December 1948, as a result of the merger of the Polish Workers' Party and the Polish Socialist Party, the Polish United Workers' Party (PUWP) was established, which later retained a monopoly on political power in the country.
Despite the introduction of a rather tough policy after the Second World War, waves of protest against the existing regime have repeatedly risen in Poland. The main reasons for the dissatisfaction of citizens were: low standard of living, infringement of personal freedom and civil rights, andalso the impossibility of political participation.
Becoming one of the states controlled by the USSR, Poland lost the right to make any decisions in its foreign political relations. Its desire to participate in the North Atlantic structures and figure prominently among the states of Western civilization came true only with the collapse of the socialist bloc.
In 1949, Poland joined the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, which greatly contributed to the development of close ties with the states of the "new democracy". And in 1955, the Warsaw Treaty of Friendship was certified by Polish representatives, consisting of 8 participating countries, which, in fact, was a response to the entry of Germany into NATO. The Warsaw Pact was a military-political alliance led by the Soviet Union, confronting the NATO bloc.
One of Poland's most difficult tasks after World War II was to secure its western borders. Germany only in 1970 was able to agree with the inviolability of the western border of the Polish state. In Helsinki in 1975, at the Conference on Security and Cooperation of European States, the following was recognized: all borders erected after the war are inviolable.
The first steps in the development of Poland after World War II begin with a three-year economic recovery plan approved by Warsaw and Moscow in 1947. In the same year wasan agreement was signed with the USSR on the supply of industrial equipment to Poland in the amount of about 500 million US dollars. As a result, by 1949 the output of industrial goods per capita increased by 2.5 times, and in comparison with the pre-war period, the economic return from their sale improved significantly. A reform also took place in agriculture: 814 thousand farms were created, about 6,070 thousand hectares of land became the property of peasants, and existing plots were increased.
In 1950-1955, with the scientific and financial assistance of the USSR, a stage of industrialization started in Poland, in which the main emphasis was on heavy industry and mechanical engineering. As a result, by 1955 the volume of production had multiplied by 2.5 times compared to the data of 1950, and the number of agricultural cooperatives had increased by 14.3 times.
In short, after the Second World War, Poland was already a completely different country compared to the interwar period (1918-1939). The formation of a new balance of power in the international arena and the policy of the leading states determined by this, recognizing the division of Europe into zones of influence, where its Eastern part was left behind the Soviet Union, led to cardinal changes in Poland. The changes that took place affected the establishment of the communist regime in the country, which soon led to changes in the political system, foreign policy orientation, socio-economic orientation and territorial and demographic situation.
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Hello everyone, hope you all are well!
I posted this thread five days back in Roundtable TSMS but didn't get any reply. I think this thread is relevant to Development as well so placing it here also(please suggest).
Actually, I want to create a script for Roundtable (RTB) that contains combination of UNIX commands and progress 4GL code (where 4GL code and commands are interrelated). Initially I have been thinking that how could I attach or associate 4GL code with script (or in a .sh file)?
Please give your suggestion on this.
It is difficult to know the correct approach for you to use without having any information at all about the task(s) the code or shell script is intended to perform. What are you trying to accomplish?
And few more steps, I want to create a script which could do all that stuff automatically.
_progres -b dbname -p my4glscript.p -param "abc,123"
I will give it a try and may get back to you on this.
You should really be looking into the RTB API for things like this. They supply quite a few hooks to automate tasks.
Do this kind of stuff outside of RTB framework at your own peril. You can get the filesystem copy out of sync with the RTB database pretty easily just doing things yourself.
Try and get hold of Gary Clink at Progress Software UK. He might be able to help you out.
I have been searching for relevant documents or API but didn't find anything related. could you please share any link or document that i should refer regarding the same.
Sorry, but i don't know how to connect with Gary Clink and share the issue with him. Please suggest.
As suggested, I tried passing parameter to procedure file (.p file) through Shell Script(.sh file) and received this error.
I have checked the concerned link (suggested by you), but didn't find anything relevant to my issue.
$DLC/bin/_progres -b dbname -p my4glscript.p -param "abc,123"
The DLC variable must, of course, be properly set to point at your Progress install directory.


Many people would like to stop smoking, but they become discouraged before they even give it a chance. Quitting can happen if you're positive about it, so try using the tips below to get started. Read on to find some advice that will boost your quitting power and help you to break the habit.
Many ex-smokers have found that hypnosis works when quitting smoking. Visiting a licensed hypnotist is an effective strategy that has worked for many individuals. Entering a deep trance while hearing positive affirmations may work for you. It can make cigarettes seem less appetizing, leading you to never want to smoke again.
As you begin on your quest to quit smoking, start a list of tips, tricks and techniques that will help you along. Sit down and make a list of things that will work for your personality. Each person is unique as to how they get things done. It is important to find out which strategy is best suited for you. Making a list for yourself of your own methods will help you reach your goal.
There is a certain amount of weight gain that is often the result of stopping smoking, and eating fruits and vegetables instead of sweets is one way to help avoid this. This can help help prevent any weight gain. You must remind yourself that your body will want to eat when you are quitting, you should eat healthy.
If you simply cannot stop smoking straight out, make use of nicotine gums or skin patches. These over-the-counter products will supply nicotine to your body during your quitting efforts. They can ward off the maddening physical withdrawal symptoms.
You might want to look into therapy to help with nicotine replacement. The main stumbling block to quitting cigarettes is your body's addiction to the drug nicotine. This is what causes most of the cravings. Cravings can be extremely tough to resist. Nicotine-replacement therapy can help with these feelings. Smokers who use nicotine gum, patches, or lozenges as an aid in trying to quit double their chances of succeeding. Just remember never to couple these products with smoking.
When you are quitting smoking, you need to avoid the triggers that you always associated with smoking. If you always used to smoke while reading a book, you may have to temporarily put your book down until you have broken your smoking habit. Look for a distraction in these situations.
Before you start, you need to make a commitment to quitting. Unless you adopt a positive, optimistic outlook and a willingness to persevere, you will have a difficult time ditching your habit. Remember the reasons that caused you to stop in order to stay motivated.
TIP! If you suddenly get the urge to smoke, try to delay your smoking. By telling yourself you will check back in ten minutes to see if you still want a cigarette, you will usually avoid the craving.
Talk to your doctor about quitting smoking. Your doctor may be able to suggest quitting resources of which you were previously unaware. If your doctor thinks that it is appropriate, they may prescribe you medication assist with the quit.
One small step toward quitting could be to switch cigarette brands. Give up your preferred brand to one that you find absolutely horrible. Make sure you don't find yourself smoking a larger number or inhaling differently to compensate. This can help you stop smoking.
Talk to those who you are close with about the impact of smoking in your life and your decision to quit. They can then support you in your efforts. A support system can be tremendously valuable. The chance of being successful in your quest to give up smoking will be increased significantly.
Use "NOPE," a.k.a not one puff ever, for your mantra. Do not convince yourself that smoking one cigarette will not hurt your good resolutions; one will soon turn into two, and all your hard work will be for nothing. Think about how damaging having just one cigarette could be before you ever even have the craving.
If you do not succeed in your first quit attempt, do not become disheartened. Even the people who are most prepared to quit have a really difficult time succeeding at first. You can learn from your mistakes and turn them into strengths. Next time you face a similar situation, you may be ready to succeed.
The truth is that a lot of people wish they could stop smoking, but don't know how to do it. In order to be successful in your attempts to quit, you need to have a solid plan, and plenty of motivation. Try the tips you just read to help you form a strategy to successfully free yourself from the need to smoke.


text:
Talmon Joseph Smith/ March 1, 2018
How Democrats Are Helping Trump Dismantle Dodd-Frank
Republicans are on the verge of attaining a long-coveted prize—with the assistance of Senate Democrats who have ties to the financial industry.
Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
As the U.S. approaches the tenth anniversary of the 2008 financial meltdown, it faces a massive test of the post-crisis regulatory apparatus—thanks in no small part to Democrats in Congress.
A deregulatory bill, S.2155, introduced by Republican Senator Mike Crapo of Idaho, chairman of the Senate Banking Committee, proposes a major rollback of the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act. Dubbed The Economic Growth, Regulatory Relief, and Consumer Protection Act, it cruised through the committee in January. Although there are several elements to the bill, the most eye-popping provision is a significant shift in which banks are considered "systemically important" and thus subjected to greater oversight and tighter rules. Currently, banks with $50 billion in assets fall into that category. The proposal would move the threshold to $250 billion—a 500 percent jump that would erase the mandate of enhanced scrutiny for 25 of the 38 largest banks in the country.
The measure's framework is expected to eventually pass the Senate thanks to a dozen finance-friendly and swing-state Democrats who have openly announced their co-sponsorship. With Republicans in control of the House, the bill seems destined to reach President Donald Trump's desk this year.
Despite the vocal opposition of more liberal colleagues such as Senators Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Sherrod Brown of Ohio, the bill's leading Democratic co-sponsors expect it to be debated as soon as next week, according to a senior Senate aide involved in the process. The intra-party debate regarding the regulatory rollback is giving new insight into the battle for the direction and identity of the party ahead of this year's midterms, hardening a divide between those who would move the party left to energize the base as well as populist independents and those attempting to appease more conservative voters and the party's deep-pocketed donors.
Many progressive activists, led by the anti-corruption organization Rootstrikers, have taken to calling the Democratic co-sponsors the #bailoutcaucus. Nine of the twelve Democrats supporting the deregulatory measure count the financial industry as either their biggest or second-biggest donor, according to an analysis of Federal Election Commission data listed by The Center for Responsive Politics.
When questioned about this correlation, and whether it would aggravate concerns that the Democrats in support of this bill are being affected by industry money, a spokesperson for Senator Tim Kaine responded, "Campaign contributions do not influence Senator Kaine's policy positions. He supports this bill because it provides relief for small community banks and credit unions in Virginia, helps prevent further harmful consolidation in the banking industry, and strengthens consumer protections for all Americans."
Hillary Clinton's former running mate was not alone. Mark Warner, Kaine's fellow senator from Virginia, is also co-sponsoring. "Campaign contributions have never influenced Senator Warner's decision making on policy matters and never will," his press office asserted in an email.
Senator Joe Donnelly's office characterized his co-sponsorship as simply resulting from a long-held conviction that smaller financial institutions have been inadvertently burdened by well-intentioned rules and regulations meant to hold Wall Street accountable. Sarah Rothschild, Donnelly's communications director, emphasized the Indiana politician's continued support of other reforms resulting from Dodd-Frank.
Supporters are championing consumer benefits that have been tacked to the legislation, particularly a provision meant to protect veterans' credit from medical debt and another that, inspired by the Equifax debacle, allows people to freeze and unfreeze their credit at will.
Americans for Financial Reform, a group that has been fighting for the strict enforcement of Dodd-Frank since its inception, have characterized those provisions as "tokens" designed to give cover to a bill that is largely made up of financial sector "giveaways."
AFR also accuses the bill of rolling back certain mortgage-lending protections and weakening the Volcker Rule—a centerpiece of Dodd-Frank that prevents banks from using their own money to trade in certain higher-risk, speculative securities. The purpose of the Volcker Rule was to reduce the industry's exposure to the highly leveraged derivative instruments that played a large role in the 2008 market crash. The rule, in essence, blocks additional sources of revenue and imposes some compliance costs, creating tighter margins, so the industry has longed harbored an antipathy towards it, despite continued overall profits.
Volcker himself has given a mixed review of Crapo's bill, expressing conditional support for certain provisions and firmly rejecting others. "I am pleased that the Senate Banking Committee has forged ahead with meaningful bipartisan financial reform to ease the unnecessary strain on small banks," he said in a letter addressed to Senator Brown. However, "an increase to $250 billion would go too far," Volcker added, referring to the bill's most controversial provision.
Pointing out that many banks below this valuation had to be bailed out by the U.S. government, Volcker suggested a $100 billion threshold or lower would be more reasonable. He rejected relaxing the amount of cash on hand—or capital requirements—banks have to keep. And while he said he was in "strong agreement" with exempting banks with less than $10 billion in assets from the Volcker Rule, he advocated for "alternative" rules to ensure "small loopholes" aren't "gamed and exploited with unfortunate consequences."
Despite Volcker's reservations, his letter bolsters the complaint that the 2010 reforms geared towards ending "too big too fail" created a system of "too small to succeed." That grievance has found sympathetic ears at the nexus of academia, Washington, and economic think tanks. Alan Krueger, chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers during the Obama administration, also expressed openness to "a smart way" to "maintain strict requirements on the systemically important financial institutions ... and then ease up on some of the unnecessary burden on the smaller banks" during an interview on Bloomberg TV last year.
Still, plenty of other progressive economists like Paul Krugman, pointing to 75 straight months of job growth under Obama, have argued there is "zero evidence that Dodd-Frank has been holding back the economy."
The elimination of so-called "job killing regulations" was a vocal campaign priority for President Trump. And though Republicans in Congress were able to slash some loopholes into Dodd-Frank by coaxing concessions from the Obama administration (what advocates called "death by a thousand cuts"), the GOP and their interest group allies have been licking their chops for a chance to dismantle the law.
The CHOICE Act, a deregulation package that passed the House last year, was too extreme for many Democrats. This new Senate bill may risk some opposition from the far right for not shedding enough rules, but so far the GOP looks to have effectively triangulated the issue.
Even under the watchful eye of a rising populist wing, Democrats remain close to the financial sector. Commercial banks, in particular, have stepped up campaign contributions to the bill's supporters ahead of the vote. Crapo's bill ostensibly gives centrist-leaning members the chance to both please an important donor base that has been howling "overreach" for a decade and to wave the flag of bipartisanship in an election year with a seemingly tough map for red-state Democrats.
Five of the Democrats co-sponsoring the bill are running for reelection in 2018 in states Trump won, and many of them faced competitive elections last time they ran in 2012.
Indiana: Joe Donnelly (Won with 50 percent of the vote in 2012)
Missouri: Claire McCaskill (55 percent)
Montana: Jon Tester (49 percent)
West Virginia: Joe Manchin (61 percent)
North Dakota: Heidi Heitkamp (50 percent)
The decision of these Democrats to tack towards Trump and the GOP not only operates under the assumption that the financial industry and Republicans are right that overreach is strangling growth; it also presupposes that working with Trump and the GOP to relax rules on bankers is a winning electoral strategy—that the bipartisanship itself is a selling point to swing voters. But there's little evidence to suggest this is true, with studies showing that negative partisanship—i.e. hostility toward the opposing side—has been a stronger force in American politics in recent years. And while polls show that voters are sympathetic toward small banks, they support strong regulations of the banking industry as a whole.
There are three Senate Democrats from Trump states—Ohio's Sherrod Brown, Pennsylvania's Bob Casey, and Wisconsin's Tammy Baldwin—who are running for re-election and who so far do not support the bill. Notably absent from the co-sponsoring crop of Democrats are those senators rumored to be mulling a run for president in 2020, including Senators Kirsten Gillibrand and Kamala Harris.
In an emailed statement, a spokesman for Harris said she "will oppose this legislation because it props up big banks at the expense of California homeowners and guts protections for consumers."
This concern—that a bill sold on the bona fides of its regional and community bank support may actually engender more market concentration—is shared by watchdog groups. "This bill lets larger banks get even bigger by acquiring smaller banks without triggering any increased regulatory scrutiny," Marcus Stanley, policy director at Americans for Financial Reform, told The Financial Times.
According to a Senate staffer close to the negotiations on the Democratic side, there is cautious optimism that there will be an open-amendment process, during which the senators currently opposed to the bill may propose amendments that might then allow them to reconsider their opposition. But advocacy groups like Indivisible and Public Citizen are rallying opposition on social media, furiously tweeting out damning quotes from fact sheets and citing polls showing support for more banking regulation. They are even hinting at primarying Democrat co-sponsors.
"Remember Countrywide?" Warren said in an interview with The New York Times, referring to the mortgage lender infamous for sub-prime lending abuses during the crisis. "It was about $200 billion, which is smaller than some of the banks that will be deregulated by this bill. ... [It] increases the risk of another taxpayer bailout, and I will continue to challenge supporters of this bill—from both parties—to explain why they stand on the side of big banks instead of working families."
The biggest gamble in deregulating financial institutions is that banks could once again load up on highly leveraged, risky assets, precipitating another credit crisis. The political corollary of that gamble is this: In the event of a crisis, Democrats will not be able to point the finger at Republicans and Wall Street greed.
Share prices have now reached heights not seen since the dotcom bubble in 2000 and the crash of 1929. Goldman Sachs analysts are forecasting that the market is currently defined by a "rational exuberance" that could prolong the rally through 2020. But not all market analysts are so chipper. In a recent foreboding report, veteran strategists at Bank of America Merrill Lynch warned that the bullish mood could possibly end as early as 2019 in devastating fashion, citing signs of "bubble-like behavior" like record-high art prices and rapidly increasing global debt. "The big risk," the report argues, is that "the tech stock euphoria ends" and America enters an era of "Occupy Silicon Valley, and war on inequality politics in 2019." Whether a dip as severe as that comes soon or not at all, consensus is that the bull market is in its later stages.
If the bipartisan co-sponsors of S.2155 manage to put their bill on President Trump's desk in its current framework, then they'll certainly claim credit for any upswing in the fortunes of community and regional banks. The true test of success though, will occur in the years to come, when the system's weakened shock absorbers are invariably put to the test.
Talmon Joseph Smith @talmonsmith
Talmon Joseph Smith is an editor and researcher at The New York Times Sunday Review and Opinion sections. His work has appeared in The Atlantic, Vice, GQ and other outlets.
Politics, Dodd-Frank, Finance, Wall Street, Financial Regulation, Financial Crisis, Donald Trump, Tim Kaine, Mark Warner, Joe Donnelly, Joe Manchin, Heidi Heitkamp


Democratic presidential candidate and Vermont senator Bernie Sanders held a rally at the Santander Performing Arts Center in Reading, Pa. on April 21 in preparation for the primary on April 26.
The line for entry spanned several blocks until the doors finally opened at 2 p.m. for seating. Some claimed to have been waiting since 6 a.m. for seating.
Sanders spoke on issues including raising the minimum wage, foreign trade policies, investing in public education, rebuilding infrastructure, ending mass incarceration, creating jobs, gender-based pay equality, environmental preservation and running grassroots campaign.
Sanders emphasized the importance he places on honesty, both in funding and in promises. "This campaign is doing something very radical. We are telling the truth," said Sanders.
The senator also spoke about the Berks County Family Detention Center located in Leesport, Pennsylvania – a topic that was of great interest to the audience.
"Bernie is a genuine man. He wants to make things right and he's honest. He cares about the American people and his policies, like universal health care, are what we need," said Kimberly Waters, 48.
One of the opening speakers was Rainy Leonor an undocumented student who works three jobs, pays taxes, but like many other undocumented students in the United States, does not receive government aid. She explained that because her education was so costly, she had to choose between her home and her schooling.
"I'm glad to know there are still real politicians who care about us, who speak for us, who fight for us," said Larissa Kiln, 21.


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Home › Articles › Local › Visit Filmmakers at Wexner
Visit Filmmakers at Wexner
Tess Abney June 8th, 2018 Local Share:
It's not every day you have an opportunity to go to the movies and visit with the actual filmmaker prior to watching their finished masterpiece. It's not every day, but it is this Saturday at the Wexner Center for the Arts.
Make plans to attend the screening of Sollers Point, while visiting with the filmmaker, Matt Porterfield, this Saturday Jun 9 at the Wexner Center for the Arts (1871 N High St. Columbus). A reception in the lower lobby, with a live appearance from Matt, will happen from 6-7 p.m. The showing of Sollers Point will begin at 7 p.m.
Admission is $6 for members, students and seniors. The general public admission is only $8. You can purchase tickets in advance, online, at https://my.wexarts.org/single/psdetail.aspx?psn=321.
Over the last decade, Matt Porterfield has carved out a place as one of today's most distinctive independent filmmakers. His previous features, often set in the northeastern Baltimore neighborhoods where he grew up, have been called "the real thing" by leading expert John Waters and "the most original, moving, and accomplished American independent films in recent years" by Richard Brody, longtime critic for the New Yorker.
Porterfield returns to the Wex to present his latest feature, which was supported in part by a Wexner Center Artist Residency Award. An authentic character study of a small-time drug dealer emerging from a nine-month house arrest, Sollers Point features a captivating lead performance by McCaul Lombardi (a memorable discovery from American Honey) and a terrific Jim Belushi as his watchful father. The film breathes fresh life into the classic scenario of a recovering criminal trying to find the right path while richly conveying the challenges (and limitations) of being free in working-class Baltimore.
Don't miss this first in the series of networking events for filmmakers and film professionals, hosted by the Wexner Center for the Arts and Film Columbus.
Tagged: ColumbusFilm ColumbusMatt PorterfieldSollers PointWexner Center for the Arts