A hearing evaluation is the first step in determining your hearing capability. If you have a hearing loss, it will detail the extent, type, and specifics of your particular hearing loss. A hearing instrument specialist will perform the hearing evaluation in their office.
The hearing evaluation consists of a variety of tests to determine the unique aspects of your hearing loss, as well as the level at which you can detect and understand speech. The results of this test will provide the hearing instrument specialist with the details they need to accurately recommend the proper treatment.
Why is a hearing evaluation important?
Hearing evaluations identify hearing loss and give your hearing instrument specialist important information to help determine the best course of action for treatment. Whether you struggle with high or low frequencies, this test will provide the sounds you most struggle to hear.
If it is determined that you could benefit from hearing aids, the hearing evaluation helps your hearing instrument specialist know which devices and features will be most appropriate for your needs.
What can you expect during a hearing evaluation?
The evaluation typically lasts up to one hour. You should also allow for time for discussion with the hearing instrument specialist to review test results and ask questions.
It is recommended that you bring a family member with you to the evaluation appointment. Most professionals agree that hearing loss is a family issue. It helps to have another supportive person at the appointment to help you understand the information and recommendations.
If the determination is made that you need hearing aids, allow for sufficient time to discuss your options. Your hearing instrument specialist will discuss the different styles with you, such as in-the-canal, in-the-ear or behind-the-ear options. They will also use this time to talk about the various features hearing aids offer, like Bluetooth, directional microphones and masking features for noisy environments.
The hearing evaluation is a good chance to establish a relationship with your hearing instrument specialist. Above all, don't be afraid to ask questions. You will want to be clear on any information you receive so that you can be an active participant in finding hearing solutions that work best for you and your lifestyle.


Subject: [PATCH] Add override markers.
/** Processes effects which may prevent the Character from moving (bear traps, crushed, etc.).
*  Should only be called through player::normalize(), not on it's own!
nc_color color_with_effects() const; // Color with fire, beartrapped, etc.
// create gibs/meat chunks/blood etc all over the place, does not kill, can be called on a dead monster.
/** Processes effects which may prevent the monster from moving (bear traps, crushed, etc.).
-        int  get_melee() const; // For determining attack skill when awarding dodge practice.
+        int  get_melee() const override; // For determining attack skill when awarding dodge practice.
void reach_destination(); // We made it!
* Adds a reason for why the player would miss a melee attack.
* All items that have the given flag (@ref item::has_flag).
// Make skillLevel act like a raw level by default.


PSA: There is no such thing as a "popular vote" for President. Thus, there is nothing to "win" or "lose."
And this isn't merely a technical point: people cast their vote based on the system we have, so the fact that we have no popular vote has an effect on the vote itself, such that votes in different states aren't equal.
In California, for example, it's not possible for anyone but Clinton to win, so someone might be more likely to vote for a third-party or independent candidate, or not at all, since your vote is inconsequential. But in Florida, where the outcome was far from assured, someone is more likely to vote for one of the majority party candidates.
So the way you vote can change depending on which state you're voting in; therefore, you can't just pull all the individual votes together from all the states (plus DC!) and call it a "popular vote." The number is meaningless.
We don't know who will have the most individual votes in 2016, but we know Bush had fewer than Gore in 2000. But what we don't know is if Bush would have had fewer in 2000 if we had an actual popular vote. All we know is that the tally would have been different, and that it might have been different in sufficient degree that Bush would have had more.
So please, stop talking about the "popular vote" as though it can tell us who would have won if we determined the election by actual popular vote. It cannot tell us that.
This page contains a single entry by pudge published on November 9, 2016 4:23 AM.
Does this mean Alec Baldwin will become a permanent SNL cast member? is the next entry in this site.


text:
On both banks of the jordan a political biography of wasfi al tall (volume 2)
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ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS:
ON BOTH BANKS OF THE JORDAN
A Political Biography of Wasfi al-Tall
ASHER SUSSER
First published in 1994 by Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.
This edition first published in 2017
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1994 Asher Susser
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
(Set) (ebk)
(Volume 2) (hbk)
(Volume 2) (ebk)
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but
points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome
correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.
ON BOTH BANKS
OF THE JORDAN
A Political Biography of
Wasfi al-Tall
FRANK CASS
First published in 1994 in Great Britain by
FRANK CASS & CO. LTD.
Newbury House, 900 Eastern Avenue,
Newbury Park, Ilford, Essex IG2 7HH
and in the United States of America by
FRANKCASS
c/o International Specialized Book Services, Inc.
5804 N.E. Hassalo Street
Portland, Oregon 97213-3644
Copyright© 1994 Asher Susser
Susser, Asher
On Both Banks of the Jordan: Political
Biography of Wasfi a!-Tall
I. Title
Susser, Asher.
[Ben Yarden le-Falestin. English]
On both banks of the Jordan : a political biography of Wasfi a!
-Tall I Asher Susser.
1. Tall, Wasfi, 1919-1971.2. Prime ministers-Jordan-Biography.
3. Jordan-Politics and government. 4. Palestinian Arabs-Politics
and government. 5. Muna~~amat al-Tal)rir al-Filasttnlyah.
I. Title.
DS154.52. T34S8713 1994
956.9504'3'092-dcZO
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any
form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
or otherwise, without the prior permission of Frank Cass and
Company Limited.
Typeset by Vitaset, Paddock Wood, Kent
Printed in Great Britain by Bookcraft (Bath) Ltd
Introduction: The Jordanian Regime and
the Palestinians
1. Wasfi al-Tall- The Early Years
2. The Beginning of a Political Career (1945-49)
The 'Arab Offices'
The Army of Salvation (Jaysh al-Inqadh)
Lessons of the 1948 war
3. Jordanian Government Service (1949-61)
Senior civil servant
The spokesman for the regime
The propaganda war against Eygpt
Relations with Iraq
Jordan's ambassador in Baghdad
Anti-Nasserist plots in Lebanon
4. Prime Minister (1962-63)
The appointment
Purging the bureaucracy
The Amnesty Law
Elections under controlled liberalization
Jordan's initiative on Palestine
Confrontation with ~ Abd al-Nasir
Support for the royalist cause in Yemen
A new government: increasing domestic opposition
The Ba ~thi coups in Iraq and SyriaHusayn back on the defensive
5. Confrontation with the PLO (1965-67)
Back to the Prime Minister's office
The merits of political indoctrination
Shura but no more
The General Amnesty
The price of the 'summit spirit'
The challenge of the PLO
Tall and Shuqayri- negotiations between rivals
Peparations to thwart the PLO
Fruitless attempts at compromise
The March 1966 agreement
The suppression of the oppositon and
popular PLO support
Mounting tension with the PLO
Crisis and rupture
Tall's assault on 'Shuqayri's PLO'
The disintegration of the 'summit spirit'
The impact of the Samu' operation
Opposition within the establishment
Jordan's counter-offensive
6. Behind the Scenes (1967-70)
Tall and the Six Day War
The arch-enemy of the Fida'iyyun
'Black September'
7. The Final Eviction of the Fida'iyyun (1970-71)
Tall, the Fida'iyyun and the question of
'law and order'
Relentless pressure
The final expulsion
Political rehabilitation of the Kingdom
Tall and the future of the West Bank
Between Tall and Husayn
The assassination in Cairo
Conclusion: Wasfi al-Tall and the East Bank Political Elite 172
Between pages 90 and 91
1 Wasfi al-Tall at the High School in Salt.
2 Wasfi al-Tall with his wife Sa'diyya.
3 Wasfi al-Tall as Director of Jordanian
Radio.
4 Tall sets fire to domestic intelligence
dossiers.
5 Wasfial-TallandKingHusayn.
6 Wasfi al-Tall's final return to Cairo.
All photographs are taken from Wasfi al- Tall: An Illustrated Record
by Isam Arida (1972) and reproduced by courtesy of the Jordan
Press Foundation.
More than any other single issue, Jordan's complex and often
contentious relations with Palestine and the Palestinians have
shaped the historical development of the Hashimite Kingdom.
Perhaps more than any other individual, with the exception of
King 'Abdallah, the founder of the Kingdom, and his grandson,
King Husayn, it was the East Bank politician and statesman, Wasfi
al-Tall, who personified Jordan's determination to preserve its
political and territorial integrity.
No Jordanian, outside the Hashimite royal family, has ever
embodied the Jordanian state and its struggle for survival with
greater resolve and power than Wasfi al-Tall. All the fundamental
characteristics of the Kingdom became integral components of
Tall's political consciousness. During his rather brief political
career, cut short by the bullets of assassins, he matured into one
of the most representative examples of those East Bankers who
compose the Jordanian political elite, the backbone and mainstay
of the Hashimite regime.
Wasfi al-Tall was one of King Husayn's closest confidants and one
of Jordan's senior statesmen from the early 1960s until the early
1970s. During this period he served three terms as prime minister,
all at decisive junctures in the unfolding competition and confrontation between Jordan and the Palestinian national movement. It
was in the last of these terms of office, in 1970-71, that he orchestrated the expulsion of the PLO from Jordan. Ironically, Tall's
political career, which began in the 1940s, when he devoted himself
to the Arab political and military struggle in Palestine, was abruptly
terminated when he was gunned down by Palestinians, who condemned him as the architect of their defeat in Jordan.
Writing the political biography of a Jordanian politician while
unable to visit Jordan to interview those who worked closely with
him has its obvious drawbacks. I have tried to compensate with
interviews with the late Anwar Nusayba and two former US
ambassadors to Jordan, Findley Burns and William Macomber, to
all of whom I remain particularly grateful for their co-operation.
My main sources, however, came from the wealth of available
written material: Tall's own writings, speeches, interviews and
A POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY OF WASFI AL-TALL
press conferences; Jordanian and other Arab press articles and
broadcasts covering Tall's entire career; and secondary sources on
Jordan published in Jordan and elsewhere.
Much of this study was originally published in Hebrew (a first
edition in 1983 and a second in 1986). This English version has
been revised in places, following the publication of some new
source material. It differs from the Hebrew edition in two main
respects. The first chapter, 'The Early Years', has been partly
rewritten in view of the publication in Jordan of a collection of
biographies by Sulayman Musa which included new material on
Tall's childhood and youth that had hitherto been unavailable to
me. I have also written a new concluding chapter on the Jordanian
political elite which did not appear in the Hebrew book.
To quote my fri~nd and colleague, Dr Martin Kramer, 'when
done with sensitivity, the telling and reading of lives increase our
empathy for people of other times, other places, other cultures'
(Martin Kramer (ed.), Middle Eastern Lives: The Practice of
Biography and Self-Narrative (Syracuse University Press, 1991),
p. 19). I do sincerely hope that this book meets these criteria.
There are many to whom I owe a debt of gratitude and without
whose help this book would never have been completed. I am
especially grateful to the late Professor Uriel Dann and to Mr Daniel
Dishon who read the manuscript of the English version and made
most valuable suggestions. I am similarly most grateful to my parents,
Gideon and Minnie, for their painstaking assistance in preparing
the initial draft of the English translation. For 20 years my academic
home has been the Moshe Dayan Center and Shiloah Institute at
Tel Aviv University. It is to that institution and its fellows, and
particularly to its former head, Professor !tamar Rabinovich, that I
owe an extraordinary debt of gratitude for friendship, inspiration,
co-operation and material support. Edna Liftman and Amira
Margalith, who turn the wheels of publication and office administration, were as indispensable as always. Lydia Gareh, who typed
the manuscript with painstaking precision, has become an institution
in her own right in the eyes of all who have ever had the pleasure of
working with her. Last, but not least, I want to thank by wife
Miriam and my two sons, Boaz and Eyal, who have lent a special
sense of purpose to the demands of academia.
Tel Aviv, May 1993
Introduction: The Jordanian Regime
and the Palestinians
For centuries inhabitants of the East and West Banks of the River
Jordan have been linked by bonds of kinship and economic interaction and, at times, by administrative and political ties as well.
The British Mandate for Palestine initially included both banks,
and the British authorities noted, with considerable historical
justification, that for economic reasons as well as in some geographical aspects the two areas were essentially one unit. 1
In 1921 the Emirate of Trans-Jordan was established to serve
both British imperial interests and Hashimite dynastic ambitions.
Henceforth, Trans-Jordan developed as a separate political unit.
Nevertheless, Trans-Jordan remained part of the British Mandate
for Palestine, until it achieved independence, as the Hashimite
Kingdom of Jordan, in 1946. Jordan's political fate continued to
be intimately connected to that of Palestine. King 'Abdallah, the
grandfather of King Husayn and the founder of Hashimite TransJordan, never concealed his political aspirations in respect of
Palestine. He regarded the establishment of an independent Arab
state in Palestine as a potential threat to his throne and therefore
sought to ensure Hashimite supremacy in the settlement of the
Palestinian question. Jordan's occupation of the West Bank in
1948 and the formal annexation of the territory in 1950 forestalled
the immediate threat to the Kingdom, but did not suffice to
overcome the deep-seated hostility which many Palestinians felt
for the Hashimite regime. From the outset, the relationship between
the regime and the large Palestinian population that was absorbed
into the Kingdom was characterized by considerable tension and
repeated political confrontations. At times, the regime's very
existence was endangered. Yet, despite the challenge, the Jordanian
political entity remained stable, consistently defined by the following characteristics:
• A Kingdom, hereditary in the Hashimite family, successor to
the British-mandated Emirate of Trans-Jordan, and heir, as far
as possible, to its political, social and psychological values. The
King is the linchpin of the political system and the real head of
the decision-making process.
The monarchy is backed by a political elite which is predominantly Trans-Jordanian. This elite is supportive of the
status quo and is. apprehensive of any change that may deny it
access to, and control of, the key positions of state, government
and army. Power resides disproportionately with East Bankers.
Palestinian influence has never been commensurate with their
demographic weight.
The regime relies heavily on the army and other security forces.
These are employed against the opponents of the regime, upon
the King's instructions, whenever he perceives it to be in serious
danger. It should be noted, however, that King Husayn does not
relish the use of force against his subjects, and tends to do so
only in extreme situations.
The regime is fearful of any radical ideology- Nasserist, Ba'thi
or Communist on the one hand, or revolutionary Islamic on the
other. It treats all who show any sympathy for these ideological
trends with suspicion, and it does not hesitate to confront them,
at times even resorting to force.
Jordan has always been connected with the West, first to Britain
and later to the United States, from which it has received much
of the political, economic and military assistance that has been
essential for the Kingdom's survival. 2
In its attitude to the regime, the political public was traditionally
divided into two fairly clearly defined groups: the supporters of the
existing political structure, namely, the ruling political elite, composed in the main of Trans-Jordanians, supported by a Palestinian
minority; and its opponents, among whom Palestinians have always
figured prominently, backed by a minority of Trans-J ordanians.
Palestinians probably constitute just over half of the population
of the East Bank of Jordan and some two-thirds of the population
in both Banks combined. 3 A large proportion of this Palestinian
political public rejected the traditional 'image of Jordan' as defined
above and strove for radical change. They objected to the centrality of the monarchy and opposed the supremacy of the TransJordanian elite. They also rejected the regime's traditional alliance
with the Western powers, on whose shoulders the Palestinians
tended to place much of the responsibility for their national
calamity in 1948. Most of the Palestinian political elite identified
with, and drew revolutionary inspiration from, precisely those
ideological trends that were anathema to the regime.
The role of the Palestinians in the upper echelons of the
government and the military has always been marginal. Even so, a
not insignificant number of Palestinians threw in their political and
personal lot with the regime, and displayed unswerving loyalty to
the throne, even in times of crisis between the regime and the
Palestinian population.
Some of the Palestinians who supported the regime originated
from the N ashashibi camp in Palestinian politics, which formed
during the years of the British Mandate. They maintained strong
ties with the Amir (later King), 'Abdallah. The N ashashibis and
'Abdallah chose to join forces against their mutual enemy, Hajj
Amin al-Husayni, then leader of the Palestinian national
movement. Others had economic interests which they wished to
safeguard by links with the establishment. Yet another group was
composed of those whose support for the monarchy stemmed from
their loyalty to government per se, and from a realistic appraisal of
the balance of forces in Jordan. They did not believe that there Was
a reasonable chance of change and therefore preferred not to pay
the price of sterile opposition. One cannot ignore those who chose
to co-operate with the regime for reasons such as the aspiration for
status, prestige and authority, or other personal rewards. On the
other hand, there were also Palestinians who genuinely identified
with the regime's pragmatic and relatively moderate policies on the
struggle with Israel, in inter-Arab affairs and the economy.
From among East Bankers who have traditionally filled key
positions, southerners of tribal Bedouin origin have often been preferred to urban northerners. Since the earliest days of'Abdallah's
rule, northerners, from the towns of Irbid and Salt, have been at
the core of the Trans-Jordanian opposition.
The Bedouin have played a central role in the Jordanian establishment. From the outset, most of their chieftains were closely
associated with 'Abdallah, who cultivated a special relationship
with the Bedouin, and since their recruitment to the Arab Legion
in the 1930s the Bedouin have been the backbone of the crack
fighting units of the army, the mainstay of the regime. The number
of nomadic or semi-nomadic Bedouin has been steadily declining
for many years. In 1960, they accounted for less than ten per cent of
the East Bank population, 4 and by 1980 their number had dwindled
further, to some five to seven per cent of an East Bank population
of well over two million. 5 Today, that figure is even smaller, in a
population that exceeds three million.
The proportion of nomadic, semi-nomadic and recently sedentarized Bedouin in the army, particularly in key units, far exceeds
their relative weight in the overall population. Their devotion to
the Hashimite monarchy rests to a large degree on the unique
status of the King. He has become the focus of a supra-tribal
loyalty, which, to a certain extent, has replaced the traditional
more circumscribed tribal solidarity. This special relationship has
engendered a remarkable and almost complete identification of
the army with the regime.
The Jordanian army, contrary to a number of other Arab
armies, developed as a relatively apolitical and professional military
machine that has suffered only marginally from subversion. There
have been isolated attempted coups but these never seriously
eroded its loyalty. It has been employed on various occasions by
the King against his domestic enemies. The army's reputation for
unswerving loyalty to the regime has also probably deterred many
would-be plotters. The causes for the army's exemplary loyalty are
not related solely to the fact that it is based on the Bedouin nucleus,
but also to the systematic cultivation of its esprit de corps; longterm service under relatively good material conditions; good leadership from the throne downwards; and the fear of the officer class
for its position under a regime rejecting the 'image of Jordan'. 6
In recent decades social change and modernization had had a
far-reaching impact on the Bedouin. The process of sedentarization and the influence of education and communications have
reduced the level of tribal awareness and identity. Moreover, since
the institution of conscription in 1976, the relative weight of the
Bedouin in the army has declined. 7 These factors might eventually
have a negative effect on army loyalty. At present, however, there
-are no indications that the army has undergone significant change
in this respect.
Many of the conscripts, as opposed to career recruits, are placed
in service jobs and most do not remain in the army after their two
years of duty are up. 8 The Bedouin, on the other hand, are still
largely inclined to seek career fulfilment in the military ,9 and, as a
result, the fighting units and the officer corps are still
disproportionately Bedouin. Available evidence even suggests
that the weakening of tribal solidarity and the diminishing
authority of tribal shaykhs has actually tended to reinforce the
King's role of 'shaykh of shaykhs'. Modernization and change have
thus promoted a more direct identification of the individual with
the Jordanian nation-state, which is replacing the traditional
identification through the collective tribal association with the
regime. 10 The bond between the Bedouin troops and the King,
therefore, is still very strong. 11
The political leadership, with the King at the centre of the
decision-making process, is composed of a very small number of
senior officials and members of the royal family. It includes only
some members of the cabinet, usually the Prime Minister, the
Minister of the Interior (responsible for domestic security), and
the Minister of Information. As opposed to the situation obtaining
in many Western countries, the role of the Foreign Minister is, for
the most part, restricted to the execution of policy laid down by the
King and to the supervision of the diplomatic corps. The authority
of the Minister of Defence is similarly confined and his role is
limited, in the main, to administrative matters; the formulation of
policy is the exclusive domain of the King and his inner group.
Since the annexation of the West Bank, there have always been
Palestinians in Jordanian cabinets. Until Jordan's disengagement
from the West Bank in 1988, usually about half of the ministers in
any given cabinet were of Palestinian extraction. At times, some
were entrusted with the portfolios of Defence and Foreign Affairs.
However, it is only in rare instances that they have held those
portfolios which entail membership of the restricted decisionmaking group at the very top.
Generally, the most senior officers in the defence establishment
are associated with this inner group, including the most senior
army officers and the directors of the domestic security forces General Intelligence (the internal security service) and General
Security (the police). None of these positions has ever been held by
a Palestinian.
Outside the functional categories, there is a circle of 'King's
friends' who may or may not hold official appointments, but who
have the King's ear and who are regularly entrusted with missions
of political importance. 12 This circle would normally include
various members of the royal family, such as the King's younger
brother, Crown Prince Hasan, and, in Husayn's earlier years, the
Queen Mother and some of Husayn's uncles; the Chief of the
Royal Court; one or two very close personal advisers; and a select
few of former senior officials.
Husayn selects the members of his inner council and those who
fill important positions according to their personalities and
political proclivities in order to facilitate the satisfactory execution
of policy, as formulated by him, at any particular juncture. Policy is
determined in the palace and not by the cabinet, which is chiefly
concerned with its execution and its explanation at home and
abroad. But it is the cabinet which is far more exposed to public
scrutiny than the palace. Consequently it is the cabinet which
invariably attracts criticism for a policy in fact laid down by the
King. Changes in government in response to such criticism serve as
a mechanism designed to protect the King. They occur frequently,
particularly in times of stress, but do not necessarily herald any
change in policy. However, they do tend to create the impression
of impending change, thus acting as a most important 'shock
absorber' in times of crisis.
Any opposition whose objective is to obtain a meaningful share
in political power, let alone assume power, in order to change the
traditional image of the Kingdom is perceived by the regime as a
form of subversion and thus not tolerated. This does not mean that
the opposition is completely deprived of any freedom of action.
The measure of freedom it is allowed is a function of the King's
self-confidence and the risk he is prepared to take at any given
time. In recent years Jordan has undergone a process of
liberalization. However, the regime has never had the intention of
permitting the opposition to have real influence on the decisionmaking process.
The Jordanian parliament (Majlis al-Umma) is bi-cameral.
Until Jordan's disengagement from the West Bank, the Senate
(Majlis al-A 'yan) had 30 members appointed by the King from
among the notables, former prime ministers, ministers and ambassadors; and an elected Chamber of Deputies (Majlis al-Nuwwab)
which had 60 members, equally divided between East Bank and
West Bank constituencies. Following the disengagement, membership of the Senate was increased by ten and the Chamber of
Deputies by 20 members, representing constituencies solely from
the East Bank. The constitution requires that they be elected for a
period of four years, in regional, secret and direct general elections.
The appointed Senate tends to ensure that a certain skein of
conservatism is woven into the fabric of the legislature. 13 Moreover, until quite recently, the regime resorted to a number of other
measures to guarantee that parliament was not transformed into a
vehicle of the opposition. The existence of political parties in
Jordan was forbidden, and elections were therefore held on a
personal basis. In spite of the fact that the constitution requires
that elections should be free, they were generally 'directed' by the
government, with the object of minimizing the representation of
the opposition. Candidates considered undesirable by the government were sometimes prevented from running in the elections by
various forms of pressure brought to bear upon them by the
domestic security apparatus. In order to ensure the success of its
favoured candidates, the regime also often adopted a variety of
fraudulent procedures in the voting and in the counting of votes.
The antagonism prevalent between a large segment of the
Palestinian political public and the Hashimite regime made it a
constant facet of Jordanian policy to limit Palestinian attempts to
attain key positions; moreover, the government deprived them
of the ability to organize any political power-base which would be
independent of the central government. One of the essential
elements of this policy was the attempt by the Hashimite regime to
assimilate the Palestinians into the Jordanian state by systematically de-emphasizing their Palestinian identity, so as to transform
them into loyal Jordanian subjects. This, however, was diametrically opposed to autonomous Palestinian efforts to maintain their
national identity and to the general Arab consensus on this issue.
The predominant trend in the Arab world was to preserve the
Palestinian identity and to allow for its organizational expression
through the notion of a 'Palestinian entity' (kiyan Filastini). It was
the coalescence of this Palestinian effort and the Arab consensus
that spurred the formation of the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO) in 1964.
Before the establishment of the PLO, the Palestinian opposition
in Jordan expressed itself through the medium of various radical
political parties until these were banned in 1957. Indeed, the
Palestinians were the backbone of a variety of opposition parties
all subscribing to a revolutionary social and political platform.
On the left, these were the Ba'th, the Communists, the Arab
Nationalist Movement (Harakat al-Qawmiyyin al- 'Arab), and the
less radical National Socialist Party led by Sulayman al-Nabulsi; on
the right (a term chosen for convenience rather than accuracy)
there were the religious-fundamentalists organized in the Muslim
Brotherhood and the Islamic Liberation Party. All these groups
rejected the traditional image of Jordan in one way or another. In
October 1956, as a result of elections that were freer than usual,
opposition candidates won a majority in the Chamber of Deputies.
Nabulsi formed a government which soon threatened to overturn
the traditional political order. Husayn, aware of the danger, bided
his time for a while, but then, in April 1957, cracked down and
smashed the opposition. He dismissed the Nabulsi government,
imposed martial law and banned all political parties. 14
The formation of the PLO threatened yet again to provide the
Palestinians with a framework for political organization against the
government. Like the parties of the 1950s, it presented the regime
with a political challenge, only now the threat was even greater.
The PLO purported to provide a political framework potentially
appealing to the majority of the population in a manner liable to
threaten the very existence of the Jordanian state far more directly
and more seriously than any of the banned parties had done.
In the annals of the Jordanian-Palestinian confrontation, one
could hardly point to a more outstanding Jordanian personality
than Wasfi al-Tall. Tall's entire political career was interwoven
from beginning to end with the Palestinian saga and the impact it
had on Jordan.
Wasfi al-Tall- The Early Years
Wasfi al-Tall was born in 1919 and grew up in Irbid in northern
Jordan. The family has its origins in the Bani Zaydan tribe which
migrated from the Najd region in Arabia to Syria in the middle of
the eighteenth century. Some members of the tribe settled in the
Irbid area while others chose the area of Zabdani in south-western
Syria. 1 The Tails became one of the most distinguished families in
Trans-Jordan and some of them rose to positions of prominence
even during Ottoman times, well before the founding of the
Emirate of Trans-Jordan in the early 1920s. 2 The first to achieve
real fame, or rather in this case notoriety, was Wasfi al-Tall's
cousin 'Abdallah al-Tall. He was a battalion commander in the
Jordanian army and military governor ofthe Old City of Jerusalem
in 1948. 'Abdallah al-Tall was sentenced to death in absentia for his
part in the assassination of King 'Abdallah in 1951. During Wasfi
al-Tall's second term as prime minister, at the beginning of 1965,
'Abdallah was pardoned and allowed to return to Jordan from his
extended exile in Cairo.
Wasfi al-Tall was the son of Mustafa Wahbi al-Tall, a wellknown Jordanian poet who had not always been favourably
disposed towards the Hashimite regime. Wasfi's mother was a
Kurdish woman whom his father had married during a sojourn in
'Arabkir (Arapkir, in present-day Turkish Kurdistan). Mustafa
W ahbi was caught up there on his way to university in Istanbul
during the First World War. Wasfi al-Tall was born in' Arabkir and
it was there. that he spent his early childhood, until his family
resettled in Irbid in 1924. 3 Wasfi was tall and had a dark complexion
inherited from his Tall forefathers and from his Kurdish mother.
He always looked younger than his years. Even when he reached
the age of 50, his thick jet-black hair gave him the appearance of a
younger man. His sharp and stern facial features corresponded
with his character which was essentially serious, strict and tough.
But people who knew him well maintained that these features
belied some of his more humane and gentle traits. He had a fine
sense of humour, a deep affection for his friends and a romantic
streak, attested to by his love of nature, his profound appreciation
for the desert poetry of the Bedouin and for the traditions of village
life, which he cherished. As a mature politician, Tall was the
image of self-confidence and he was prone to demonstrations of
arrogance and disdain towards his opponents. But even when in
high office he did not find it unbecoming to work very long hours
and to take simple meals of bread and laban, falafil or humus,
sitting on the floor like the Bedouin and the villagers. 4
As a young boy Wasfi al-Tall was obstreperous, aggressive and
mischievous and it was already apparent in his early youth that he
had a mind of his own. He received his elementary education in
Irbid and in 1936 he enrolled at the high school in Salt, which was
the only government high school in Trans-Jordan in those days. 5
These were the beginnings not only of his formal education but of
his political schooling as well. He and his classmates came under
the influence of their history teacher, Sa'id al-Durra, who inspired
in them a powerful sense of identification with the Arab nationalist
cause. Tall and some of his peers became so emotionally involved
with the Arab cause in Palestine that they decided to form a secret
society called 'The Black Hand'. 6 These were the years of the Arab
Rebellion in Palestine and one of the most prominent groups
responsible for the promotion of the armed rebellion was 'The
Black Hand', led by the legendary Shaykh 'Izz al-Din al-Qassam.
Qassam was killed in a clash with the British in 1935, 7 and one may
assume that Wasfi and his friends had Qassam in mind when
choosing the name of their society. Theirs was but a youthful and
quite innocuous adventure. But they did succeed in getting
themselves into serious trouble. One night in order to register their
protest against their own government's moderation and restraint
on the Palestine question, they packed an old bombshell with
explosives and tossed it at the home of the local Mutasarrif( district
governor). They were immediately arrested, but Wasfi's father
intervened on their behalf and bailed them out. 8
Tall graduated from high school in 1938 and went to Lebanon
to pursue his university education at the American University in
Beirut (AUB). The AUB was then the most distinguished insti10
tution of its kind in the Arab world. It was the intellectual hub for
the educated young of the most respectable families from a number
of Arab countries and, as such, became the training ground for
numerous Arab leaders of the future. The three years he spent at
the AUB were an educational and political inspiration to Wasfi alTall, as he entered his twenties.
He came into contact with students from all over the Arab world
in a highly politicized college atmosphere. The ideas of Arab
nationalism were expounded to them by some of the leading Arab
intellectuals. The most prominent of these at the AUB was
Qustantin Zurayq, a distinguished medieval historian and, as
Albert Hourani has put it, a 'consulting don to a whole generation
of nationalists' .9 It was around the likes of Zurayq that the nucleus
of what was later to become the Arab Nationalist Movement was
formed in the late 1930s and early 1940s, when Zurayq published
some of his most important works on Arab national consciousness.
When British forces intervened in Iraq, in early 1941, to put
down the pro-Axis Rashid 'Ali movement, many students at the
A UB, including Wasfi al-Tall, staged demonstrations in support of
Rashid 'Ali. Tall and others, fired with enthusiasm for the Arab
nationalist cause, volunteered to fight for Rashid 'Ali and left
Beirut for Baghdad. However, they turned back before reaching
their destination when they heard the news of Rashid 'Ali's
defeat. 10
Wasfi al-Tall studied physics, chemistry and philosophy, but it
was for the last of these that he developed a real passion. The Arab
nationalists with whom Tall was associated at the time had initially
been influenced by European fascist thought. Tall became an
admirer of German philosophy, particularly Nietzsche's theories
on power .11 He was convinced that societies and nations had no life
without the acquisition of power and that work and power were the
very essence of existence. The idea of power, he contended (in an
essay he wrote in his final year at the AUB), was associated with
Islam fro111 its very beginning. The object of Islamic teachings, he
wrote, was to make the individual strong in his beliefs and in his
spirit, and powerful in his relations with others, and thus to ready
him for struggle. 12 Tall's acquaintance with Nietzsche's philosophy
was to have a lasting impact.
His student days at the AUB turned Tall into an avid reader.
Most of his reading was on politics, philosophy and history,
particularly military history. His library included Plato's Republic,
the philosophy of Nietzsche, books on the history of the Roman
Empire and numerous works on war, especially the Second World
War and the memoirs of the great leaders who fought it. But there
were other interests too, like the novels of Lawrence Durrell and
books about animals, for which he had an especially soft spot. 13
Wasfi graduated from the AUBin 1941 and returned to TransJordan. He taught very briefly at a school in the southern town of
Karak before being transferred to his alma mater in Salt. He taught
chemistry, but he was far too much of a political being to confine
his classes to the subject at hand. Instead, they often drifted into
political sessions on the threat of Zionism to the Arabs and the
need for Arab unity. 14
In the summer of 1942 Wasfi's father was appointed to the
position of Mutasarrif of Salt. However, he soon fell out with the
Prime Minister, Tawfiq Abu al-Huda: after having deliberately
and provocatively challenged Abu al-Huda's authority, Mustafa
Wahbi al-Tall found himself in prison. Wasfi was outraged. He
sought an interview with the Prime Minister, but Abu al-Huda
refused to see him. In the corridor outside the Prime Minister's
office, Wasfi launched into a tirade of curses and abuse, which
could not but have been overheard by the Prime Minister. Having
lost his temper, Wasfi now lost his job as well. Abu al-Huda had
Wasfi join his father in prison where they spent the next three
months together .15
Having served a prison sentence, a return to teaching was out of
the question. The moment had come for a new departure. He tried
to join the Arab Legion, but was turned down by Glubb Pasha- it
was said on account of the fact that he was a university graduate. 16
In late 1942, the tides of war in the Middle East began to change in
favour of the Allies. The anti-British and pro-German mood that
had prevailed in much of the Arab world in the early years of the
Second World War (and which had not passed over Wasfi al-Tall
himself during his studies in Beirut) was beginning to subside. At
the end of 1942, Wasfi al-Tall decided to enlist in the British Army.
One cannot dismiss the notion that he enlisted for reasons similar
to those which, at least to some extent, had motivated the Jews
of Palestine to join the British Army - that is, to obtain military
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Maintenance: as well as installing your wireless alarms we also offer maintenance for our customers. You can choose between any of our maintenance contracts which are highly affordable and include to hidden fees or extra costs.
The Agility 3 alarm system goes above and beyond what's expected of a standard wireless system. This is one of the most popular home alarms in Camberley, and we've installed it multiple times. It includes some of the most high-tech motion detectors around, along with security cameras to ensure nothing goes undetected in your property. Not only do these cameras allow you to view footage of what's happening inside your property, but they also allow you to record the footage or capture pictures. Furthermore, you can send these video/image files directly to your smartphone.
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If you are interested in either of these systems or would like more information on any of the wireless alarms we sell and install, please don't hesitate to contact a member of our team today. They can talk you through any technical details regarding the alarms, and help you decide which system is best for your home/office.
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Audible-only alarms are very popular for people looking for well rounded wireless alarms in Camberley. This is a very traditional alarm system, a siren will be activated if any intrusion is detected on your premises. By triggering a loud alarm siren, it will be clear to everyone in the area that your premises has been broken into.
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As a consequence, you can be notified of an intrusion even when you're away from your property. We've installed many home alarms in Camberley, and these auto-dial alarms have become very popular as of late.
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Camberley is located in Surrey, close to the Hampshire and Berkshire borders. The town has two thriving retail and entertainment centres, The Mall and The Atrium. The Camberley Theatre is a vibrant arts centre offering a varied programme of theatre, dance, film and comedy. The Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst is not far from Camberley. The town also has a lively sporting scene, with many activities taking place at The Arena leisure centre.
A popular landmark in Camberley is a white elephant made out of concrete, made to resemble pieces of pipe. Originally built as advertising for a pipe company, upkeep of the elephant is now written into the tenancy contract for the premises it calls home.


text:
Manchester Conservative Manifesto Proposal
At the Party Conference, we have unveiled our proposals for Manchester Conservative Manifesto. The full text is available here.
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For The Many, Not The Few?
In June 2010 Sir Richard Leese stated that Manchester was the third most deprived urban area in the UK. This is despite the fact that Labour have controlled...
Labour Has Let Manchester Down For Far Too Long. It's Now Time For Change...
Labour-led city council can't even get basic tasks done such as fixing the potholes in our streets and getting the rubbish bins collected on time. That is why...
Every vote for Labour in Manchester is a vote for Corbyn
The Brexit negotiations will start right after the election - don't risk Jeremy Corbyn in charge of Brexit. Every vote for Labour in Manchester is a vote for...
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Kids and Mercury Don't Mix. You Now Have 2 Days Left to Tell the Trump Administration.
This post was originally published on February 6, 2019.
EPA Acting Administrator Andrew Wheeler is true to his word. With a masterful sense of timing and irony, the EPA has announced that on Thursday, February 7, it will publish its proposal to revise (read: roll back) the agency's own supplemental finding that it is "appropriate and necessary" to regulate mercury and hazardous air pollutants (HAPS) from coal and oil-fired power plants.
Thursday's publication of the proposal in the Federal Register opens a 60-day public comment period on what is just the administration's latest effort to roll back public health protections. Indeed, the president proudly touted his efforts to cut regulations in his State of the Union speech earlier this week. Lost on the administration, but not lost on the public, is the fact that most regulations are actually safeguards that protect our health and safety, along with the cleanliness and safety of the air we breathe, the water we drink, the food we eat, the medications we take, the products we buy, and more.
The very night before the EPA's announcement, the president was spouting compassion and concern for our health, and for children's health in particular, which makes the timing of this move particularly ironic. Less than 24 hours after the president's address, the EPA made good on its intention to no longer consider regulating mercury and hazardous air pollutants from coal and oil-powered power plants as "appropriate and necessary." If the administration is seriously concerned about children's health, why in heaven's name take aim at limits on mercury emissions, a potent neurotoxin?
Acting Administrator Wheeler has been nominated to replace Scott Pruitt as the agency's full-time administrator. His nomination has already passed out of committee by a narrow margin and will go to the full Senate for a vote sometime soon.
With this latest proposal, Wheeler, a former lobbyist for coal companies, has made it clear that he's happy to sideline science and evidence when it doesn't comport with a political preference. Let your senators know that this is not OK—and that you want, expect, and deserve an EPA leader who works for us and who respects and is guided by science when making agency decisions.
And with the public comment period opening on Thursday for this particular proposal, you now have 60 days to let the EPA know we are not fooled by its wonky little revision. It's a crafty, nasty, and dangerous proposal that could roll back current safeguards and undermine future public health and environmental protections.
In the weeks to come, scientists and everyone concerned about public health will have a chance to comment on this important proposal. We'll keep you updated on how you can most effectively weigh in and will continue to provide information and resources to help inform comments.
This will be a critical moment to raise your voice. The clock is now ticking.


text:
Zygmunt Karol Radziwiłł () (1591-1642) was a Polish-Lithuanian noble, komorzy stolowicki from 1614, poznanski from 1625, krajczy of the queen from 1617, krajczy or Lithuania from 1633, podczaszy of Lithuania from 1638, voivode of Nowogródek from 1642, member of Knights Hospitaller (kawaler maltański), patron of Knight Hospitallers centers in Poznań and Stwołowce (in Lithuania).

In 1621 took part in the Battle of Chocim, commander of mercenaries Lisowczycy in 1622 during the period of their service in the Holy Roman Empire.

After the death of his older brother, Albrycht Władysław Radziwiłł, he inherited ordynacja of Nieśwież in 1636, but gave it up to his brother Aleksander Ludwik Radziwiłł.

Born on 4 December 1591 in Nieśwież, died on 5 November 1642 in Assisi. Son of Mikołaj Krzysztof "Sierotka" Radziwiłł and Halszka Eufemia Wiśniowiecka.

External links
 picture

Secular senators of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
Zygmunt Karol
People from Nesvizh
1591 births
1642 deaths

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
ЭМЕТ (; начальные буквы слов "Искусство, Наука и Культура" ()) — израильская премия, ежегодно (с 2002 года) присуждаемая за выдающиеся академические и профессиональные достижения в области искусства, науки и культуры, которые имеют далеко идущее влияние и вносят значительный вклад в жизнь общества. Премией ЭМЕТ управляет «Комитет по присуждению премии», состоящий из представителей, назначаемых премьер-министром  и Фондом AMN. В настоящее время председателем комитета по присуждению наград является судья Верховного суда в отставке .

Присуждение
Премии на общую сумму один миллион долларов спонсируются Фондом AMN по развитию науки, искусства и культуры в Израиле под эгидой и в сотрудничестве с премьер-министром Израиля. Она присуждается гражданам Израиля, а при определенных обстоятельствах и негражданам, проживающим в Израиле и считающим Израиль своим постоянным домом.

Премии присуждаются в следующих пяти категориях:
 точные науки
 науки о жизни
 социальные науки
 гуманитарные науки
 культура и искусство

Лауреаты премии

Примечания

Премии Израиля


A foundation perfect for all skin types!
Most foundations don't claim what they do. And these days, every product claims a ton of things, leaving us expecting more and more from a simple product. One such product with a great many claims is the Bobbi Brown Skin Foundation SPF 15. I had to give it a try, just to find out if it actually does what it says.I instantly fell in love with this formulation. I am not saying that it does everything it says, but, it is simply amazing. For my oily skin, this water-based, lightweight, non-greasy formula is like a holy potion. I love wearing it all day. No one can see and tell that you have something on. On days I need heavy makeup, it blends seamlessly with my concealer and looks like second skin. It lasts about 7 to 8 hours which is pretty good for me. Although the coverage is very sheer, it makes your skin appear healthy and glowing, and that is what I love about it. It does not hide my dark circles, but as I said, just makes your skin look healthy. I prefer this foundation for everyday use. But, because it's so expensive, I use it sparingly. I would be happy to find something that works like this but is not so expensive.The packaging is convenient, and just one to two pumps are enough for your entire face and neck. I share this pack with my sister (same skin tone) who has an entirely different skin type. And it works well for both oily acne-prone and dry skin!If you do not have significant imperfections, you should definitely give this foundation a try.
Since its launch, the entire range of Lakme Absolute has been my favorite. The products, their quality, packaging, everything has always been so on point. And when the Lakme Absolute White Intense Concealer Stick SPF 20 was launched, I did not think twice before buying it. But it was such a disappointment. First of all, there are only three shades available. How did Lakme think of covering only three skin tones? Anyway, I was still hopeful about the product, so I bought the one which was the closest shade to my skin tone - Honey. I have deep dark under eye circles. This concealer, which was the closest match to my skin tone (not the exact), left a whitish cast on my dark circles, accentuating them, and did nothing to hide them. The concealer offers almost no coverage for dark circles. It can be used on lighter dark spots, but nothing else. I was impressed with the stick applicator, but the formula is too dry. Even for my oily skin type, I cannot use the concealer without a layer of moisturizer underneath. Blending is also tricky as it sets right after application. The play time is limited, and you have to hurry up. Overall, a very bad product from Lakme. The limited shade range makes it worse. For those of you with no dark circles and only a few dark spots to cover, this product might be useful. Also, for those with dry skin, do not think about trying this product out.
I use coconut oil to tackle my hair problems. But it was never enough. So I started using Forest Essentials Hair Vitalizer Bhringraj to fill in the gap.Forest Essentials Bhringraj Hair Vitalizer comes in a plastic classic Forest Essentials bottle. The bottle has a spray which is different from any hair oils I have used this far. The spray dispenses the product in the correct quantity and makes the application so easy and convenient.This vitalizer has a strong herbal fragrance. Initially, I did not like the scent, but now, I am used to it. However, for a sensitive nose, it might be a problem. But then again, the smell does not stay on for long so it won't be much of a problem.I started using Forest Essentials Hair Vitalizer Bhringraj after every hair wash, which is three times a week. I simply part my hair and spray the oil on my scalp and the lengths of my hair and massage for 10 minutes. After the massage, I let it be. It is very lightweight, so it does not weigh my hair down or make it greasy.I could see some difference in my hair length within just one month. I was quite surprised myself. I was expecting it to take care of my hair fall and roughness (which it did) but wasn't expecting hair growth at all. I am in awe of Forest Essentials for formulating this hair vitalizer.I am almost running out of my first bottle, so I will be purchasing it soon again. Finally, a product that truly does what it claims. I will recommend it to others for sure.
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I first laid my eyes on Marc Jacobs Daisy Eau De Toilette Spray on an Instagram post from my favorite blogger. She posted this beautiful aesthetical picture of this daisy perfume. I didn't know anything about its fragrance, but I really wanted to get one for myself. And I did. The price was jaw-dropping.I still went ahead with it because the scent was irresistible. The floral notes of it reminded me of spring and cupcakes. Now some sweet smelling fragrances get overbearing as they settle, which is very unpleasant and sometimes, I get a headache. It isn't the case with this Marc Jacobs Daisy EDT.The packaging is beautiful. I really like the daisies on the cap – it makes my vanity look girly. I went ahead with the rollerball tube as well because the big bottle can't be carried around in my handbag. The rollerball comes in handy when I want to freshen up.By that, I mean, though the smell is lovely, it does not last the whole day on me, so I need a touch up with the rollerball. I don't mind doing that because I really like the smell of this perfume, but it would have been perfect if it lasted for a more extended period.
I started taking my skin seriously only after experiencing a breakout crisis two years back. Since then, I wash my face daily two times, remove my makeup thoroughly with cleanser, use sunscreen every day, scrub once a week and use face mask twice a week. Quite a regimen, right? L'Oreal Paris White Perfect Night Cream is the new addition to my skin care routine.I used a different night cream earlier, but I was not entirely satisfied with it, so I thought to try this one. L'Oreal Paris White Perfect Night Cream comes in a glass jar, which I am not so fond of. But then, I have not seen any night cream that comes in a different packaging. So I make sure my hands are clean before taking a scoop of it.I have been using this night cream religiously for over three weeks now. I have oily skin which is very prone to acne. If you have a similar skin type, L'Oreal Paris White Perfect Night Cream is a safe night cream to use.As I have acne prone skin, I felt like I was taking a huge risk with this night cream. But thankfully, it did not cause breakouts. It makes my skin soft and my cheeks plumper.Regarding its whitening claim, I have not seen any difference (disappointing).Will I repurchase L'Oreal Paris White Perfect Night Cream? Probably not. I do like how it hydrates and makes my skin soft. But, there are better products available.
As a woman in my mid-40s with oily skin, I try to maintain healthy skin. Over the years, I have tried several different products, especially night creams, but I usually end up disappointed by how heavy those products felt on my skin immediately after applying and also later on.I still kept searching for one that suits me because, with my age and the wisdom it comes with, I stand firm in stating that everyone should use a night cream to care for your skin. It is way more effective than any other skin care regime. So it is a must! When I first got Lakme Absolute Perfect Radiance Skin Lightening Night Creme, I did not have many expectations from it considering its cheap price. But after using it for a while, I love it! I use it along with the day creme. And I have to say I will keep using this cream until I find a better replacement.The best thing about Lakme Absolute Perfect Radiance Skin Lightening Night Creme is that it doesn't feel heavy on the skin and my skin absorbs it really well. My face doesn't feel unbearably oily when I wake up in the morning. Pairing it with the day creme is a bonus they work really well together and I can really see the changes on my skin. It's always nice to wake up with smooth and clear skin. I would gladly recommend this product to whoever has a similar skin type to mine.Don't forget what I mentioned about the importance of a night cream. Trying using one yourself. Choose it according to your skin type and see the differences for yourself.
Before I start with the review, let me first explain how my skin is. First of all, it is unpredictable. Some days it looks radiant, and the other days it is filled with pimples. With that thought, I purchased Neutrogena Deep Clean Facial Cleanser because it has salicylic acid. This acid is known to be a good acne controlling substance.This face cleanser also claims to maintain the skin's natural moisture. All of this was looking in favor of me. So I was pretty hyped about it. I love pump dispenser packaging; it just makes life so much easier. Thankfully, it comes in a smaller packaged as well, so when I travel, I grab that size only. I don't know how travel-friendly the bigger bottle is. I don't want to risk it. But the smaller one is perfect for that purpose.I started using it last year, and after every use, my skin feels soft and supple. It does not dry out my skin. However, it does make my skin feel a little tight. But it does not irritate my skin or cause any breakouts. That is the very reason I still use it.Also, people who prefer foaming cleansers should skip it because it does not form much lather. So it's like using a slippery liquid. But don't be sad about it. It's just the way it is. Other than that, it removes all the impurities very thoroughly.This facial cleanser is a safe bet that I can assure you of. Peace out!
I have been using Lotus Herbals Safe Sun 3-in-1 Matte-Look Daily SunBlock PA+++ for over a month now, and let me tell you guys of how lovely it is.First, it comes in a hard but easily pressable orange plastic tube with an open-flip cap. The whole packaging is light and can be carried around anywhere effortlessly. The open-flip cap is tightly secured so there is no need to worry about spillage. The texture looks like a foundation, which is where many of us get an idea of it being a foundation or a BB cream.But no, it is a tinted moisturizer that gives sheer coverage and nothing more. The composition of the cream is smooth with a runny consistency. On application, it glides effortlessly and gets absorbed rapidly without being greasy.I use it every day without fail, and the results are amazing! It makes my skin delicately smooth with a matte finish. One trick I use to prolong its duration is to set it with loose powder. This small trick guarantees longer stay.I like this sunscreen very much because it doesn't make my face whitish. It looks good on my dusky skin and accentuates my complexion attractively. I will be purchasing it again and again.
I got this Maybelline New York Dream Cushion Fresh Face Liquid Foundation solely for one purpose. And that is for touch-ups. My skin falls in the dry category and to touch-up with a compact is a horror. So I thought, this foundation will be a good replacement.Was I right in doing so? Definitely! In fact, I abandoned my regular foundation because of this. Maybelline New York Dream Cushion Fresh Face Liquid Foundation is so easy to use. I don't use the cushion that comes with the foundation, because I prefer a buff brush. The cushion also does a good job in blending, but a puff brush is my personal preference.This foundation is a creamy foundation that gives a sheer coverage with a dewy finish. This one makes me look more natural. It gives an illusion of a glassy flawless skin.Another thing I like about it is, it comes with SPF, so without any worry, I head out. The open pores I have around my nose are also blurred, and it stays like that for a decent five to six hours. For a price it comes at, I think it works way beyond than it. But the quantity is a little too less.Those with heavy marks and blemishes will not like it as much as I do, because it will not give enough coverage.Advice: It is better not to try to build for more coverage because you will end up looking cakey. If you are looking for a high coverage foundation, skip the Maybelline New York Dream Cushion Fresh Face Liquid Foundation. Otherwise, this is a keeper! It is ideal for young women who want medium coverage.
Is aloe vera gel good for hair?
Patanjali Aloe Vera Gel is infused with vitamin E which is very beneficial for hair. It reduces hair fall, smoothens hair, adds shine and controls dandruff. So, it is definitely good for hair and it also encourages hair growth.
Does it help in hair regrowth?
Yes. The oil's main goal is to reduce hair fall and increase hair growth.
Leave a Review - Does it help in hair regrowth?
Ask a Question - Does it help in hair regrowth?


Conservationist® light-duty powered burner water heaters are ideal for mid-sized commercial applications, with inputs up to 370,000 BTUs. They provide outstanding 80% thermal efficiency, thanks to a sealed combustion chamber that reduces heat loss. Other innovations include fully automatic controls and an inspection port for flame monitoring during operation.


When you think of Liverpool you think…The Beatles, shell suits, The Cavern, the docks, football, good (or not so good!) ol' Brookside and if you've been around this blog long enough, you'll be thinking about a Liverpool gin or three too.
But what about the food. Liverpool is absolutely full to the brim with amazing restaurants and bars serving up some of the tastiest treats you could imagine. From traditional dishes to pub grub, fusion, mile high burgers and every topping imaginable on a pizza, there is sure to be something to tickle the tastebuds. However, if you're looking for a real taste of Liverpool there is only one dish, in my eyes that truly tastes of Liverpool, and that is scouse.
Ask anyone from Liverpool what they're favourite dish was as a kid, or how they feed themselves warm when the colder months set in. I bet you a whole plate of cookies (because I have more cookies than pennies!) that the majority of them will tell you scouse.
For those of you who don't know about our great traditional scouse, it's generally made up of beef or lamb, stewed in gravy with potatoes, onions and any root vegetable you can get your hands on. It's been around since the 18th Century and was (so the theory goes) brought to the ports of Liverpool by sailors who used to gobble it up on board with salted beef, onions and pepper. Thankfully the original recipe has improved somewhat and the dish is not only flavoursome and hearty but pretty darn good for you too, depending what you lob in their of course.
Fun Fact: it was originally known as lobscouse, because you quite literally lobbed (chucked) in whatever you had left in your cupboards into the pot and boiled it up!
You'll find a few variations on scouse as you look around the web but this is how I like to make it!
Peel and chop the carrots, parsnip, swede and potatoes. Make sure you cut them up into thick chunks. Peel the onion, chop in half, then quarters. Put all the veg in a pan with 500ml water and bring to the boil. Brown off the beef in a frying pan with a little beef seasoning and extra virgin olive oil. Once the veg is boiling, add the beef and let it bubble for about 5 minutes, adding the cornflower, gravy granuals and beef stock. Bring it down to a simmer for 2 hours, stirring occasionally.
Serve piping hot with fresh warm bread smothered in butter.
The next time you visit Liverpool, make sure you get to taste a fair few of our local delights and pick up some local fresh produce to recreate your own taste of Liverpool at home.
*This post was written in collaboration with Travelodge. All thoughts, opinions and ramblings are 100% my own. For more information, see my disclaimer policy here.
We should do a scouse come dine with me!
Ahhh that would be amazing! We could have a scouse-off haha!
I think you will love it and your a much better cook than me so I bet it will taste even better!
I'm not familiar with Liverpool Scouse, honestly, but I can't believe I'm not; it sounds absolutely delicious, Saloca!
Whaaat! You need to get on this and get your scouse on! Such a warm and hearty meal!


text:
Power: VP Osinbajo to lead reform group, Emefiele, El-Rufai are members
Energy16 mins ago
Price Watch: Consumers paid more for diesel and less for petrol in December
Cryptocurrency49 mins ago
Breaking: Ethereum within striking distance of $1,400
Commodities2 hours ago
FG outlines steps to be taken by businesses to export to AfCFTA countries
President Muhammadu Buhari created a Power group to coordinate the ad-hoc committee reviewing the ownership of the electricity distribution companies (DisCos) in November among others roles.
Fakoyejo Olalekan
Without any doubt, regular power supply is key to economic development and Nigeria is in dire need of that. Considering the inauguration of a power sector reform coordination group, there are chances that the power sector would be revived.
Though this is not the first time such group would be set up in the country but the calibre of people that are members could give hope to hopeless Nigerians.
Details of members: The group, which was created by President Muhammadu Buhari, would be led by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo. Members are Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Godwin Emefiele, Governor of Kaduna state, Nasir El-Rufai, Chief of staff to the president, Abba Kyari, Minister of Power, Sale Mamman, Minister of Finance, Zainab Ahmed, and Ahmad Zakari, who is the Special Adviser to the President on infrastructure,
Details: The group is expected to coordinate the ad-hoc committee reviewing the ownership of the electricity distribution companies (DisCos) in November. The committee, which is headed by Governor El-Rufai, will have its ongoing efforts incorporated by the power reform Group in order to ensure all power sector initiatives are on the same page.
Part of the responsibilities of the Osinbajo-led group is to oversee the design and implementation of a well-coordinated roadmap for the sector.
READ ALSO: GenCos want Discos' job as it seeks to sell electricity directly to customers
In a statement issued by El-Rufai, the Governor stated, "This new presidential working group will coordinate ad-hoc committee and other efforts on a national scale, and report progress fortnightly to Mr. President.
"The presidential working group, which will meet weekly, commenced work at the Presidential Villa on Tuesday, at a meeting at which the Vice President presided. The key objective of the working group is to harmonise various efforts by the Federal Government and the 36 States, through the National Economic Council (NEC), on power sector reform and to oversee the design and implementation of a well-coordinated roadmap for the sector."
Why it matters: It added that the national working group will support critical financing initiatives with the World Bank Group, DFID and other key development partners.
The group will also ensure that ongoing Federal and State initiatives are in sync with the Presidential Power Initiative being implemented with the German government and Siemens, and infrastructure investments of the TCN and the Ministry of Power.
Related Topics:Insufficient power supplyNigeria's poor power supplyNigerian Business NewsNigerian power sectorPower supply in NigeriaVice President Yemi Osinbajo
Olalekan is a certified media practitioner from the Nigerian Institute of Journalism (NIJ). In the era of media convergence, Olalekan is a valuable asset, with ability to curate and broadcast news. His zeal to write was developed out of passion to shape people's thought and opinion; serving as a guideline for their daily lives. Contact for tips: [email protected]
The December 2020 NBS report shows that consumers paid more for diesel and less for petrol than they did in November 2020.
Johnson Uche
The Price Watch report released by Nigeria Bureau of Statistics (NBS) for the month of December 2020 revealed that consumers paid more for Diesel (Automotive Gas Oil) and less for Petrol (Premium Motor Spirit), compared to that of November 2020.
The average price paid by consumers for diesel increased by 0.28%, from N223.74 in November 2020 to N224.37 in December 2020, while the average price paid by consumers for petrol decreased by 0.94% from N167.27 in November 2020 to N165.70 in December 2020.
Key highlights of the report
Consumers in Taraba (N266.00), Adamawa (N262.50) and Zamfara (N257.50) paid the highest average price for Diesel.
While consumers in Kwara (N195.00), Gombe (N197.50) and Osun (N201.09) paid the lowest average price for Diesel.
Overall, consumers in North West (N240.57), North East (N238.88) and North Central (N226.37) paid the highest average price for Diesel, while consumers in South West (N209.27), South East (N209.35) and South South (N216.25) paid the lowest average price.
Consumers in Abia (N176.19), Kwara (N172.43) and Kebbi (N169.92) paid the highest average price for petrol.
While consumers in Kaduna (N155.00), Katsina (N160.25) and Bauchi (N162.57) paid the lowest average price for petrol.
Overall, consumers in South East (N168.04), North Central (N166.94) and South South (N166.53) paid the highest average price for petrol, while consumers in North West (N163.79), North East (N164.47) and South West (N164.92) paid the lowest average price.
Since a lot of manufacturing companies rely heavily on diesel to power their machinery and equipment, the increase would have added to their cost of operations, culminating in consumers paying more for goods and services.
Also, one would have expected that the reduced price of fuel in December 2020 would lead to lower transport fares for commuters during the festive season, but that was not the case.
COVID-19: FG to disburse N10 billion for local vaccine production
The Minister of Health has disclosed that Nigeria is exploring options for the licensed production of COVID-19 vaccine.
William Ukpe
The Federal Government, through the Ministry of Finance, has announced the sum of N10billion for the production of vaccines in Nigeria, to fight the coronavirus.
This was disclosed by the Minister of Health, Dr Osagie Ehanire, at the daily Covid-19 briefing by the Presidential Task Force on Monday in Abuja.
"The Ministry of Finance has released N10billion to support domestic vaccine production. While we are working to develop our own vaccines, Nigeria is exploring options for licensed production, in collaboration with recognised institutions. We are also exploring the option of local production of the vaccines in the country."
He also warned Nigerians to ignore news about vaccines being for sale in Nigeria, as the procedures to acquire vaccines have to pass through due process.
"I advise all citizens to disregard these claims, as they are criminal. There are procedures for vaccine acquisition and use, which include appropriate regulations and certification by National Agency for Food and Drug and Administration and Control (NAFDAC).
"I advise against fake vaccines, as there is no one approved for use in the country. The National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA) is the only authorised vaccine administrator in Nigeria."
He also stated that as Nigeria is experiencing the second wave, the FG needs to change its response procedures through infection mitigations and vaccines.
"There is no doubting the fact that we are deeply into the second wave of the pandemic which requires that PTF and FMoH review our strategies to respond to the challenge. The Federal Ministry of Health has outlined three approaches to confront the pandemic – Infection mitigation, Therapeutics and Vaccines."
Nairametrics reported in November 2020, that the Health Minister announced Nigeria's plans to set up a vaccine production company in Nigeria to boost local COVID-19 vaccine production.
On the 18th of January 2021, 1,617 new confirmed cases and 14 deaths were recorded in Nigeria
Samuel Oyekanmi
The spread of novel Corona Virus Disease (COVID-19) in Nigeria continues to record significant increases as the latest statistics provided by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control reveal Nigeria now has 112,004 confirmed cases.
On the 18th of January 2021, 1,617 new confirmed cases and 14 deaths were recorded in Nigeria.
To date, 112,004 cases have been confirmed, 89,939 cases have been discharged and 1,449 deaths have been recorded in 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. A total of 1.17 million tests have been carried out as of January 17th, 2021 compared to 1.15 million tests a day earlier.
COVID-19 Case Updates- 18th January 2021,
Total Number of Cases – 112,004
Total Number Discharged – 89,939
Total Deaths – 1,449
Total Tests Carried out – 1,172,234
According to the NCDC, the 1,617 new cases were reported from 18 states- Lagos (776), Kaduna (147) Kwara (131), FCT (102), Plateau (78), Edo (59), Ogun (53), Osun (45), Rivers (37), Taraba (36), Nasarawa (34), Adamawa (33), Kano (26), Delta (20), Ebonyi (16), Bayelsa (11), Gombe(11) and Borno (2).
Meanwhile, the latest numbers bring Lagos state total confirmed cases to 41,400, followed by Abuja (14,700), Plateau (6,831), Kaduna (6,325), Oyo (4,695), Rivers (4,429), Edo (3,320), Ogun (2,912), Kano (2,617), Delta (2,122), Ondo (2,070), Katsina (1,723), Kwara (1,697), Enugu (1,583), Gombe (1,500), Nasarawa (1,335), Ebonyi (1,275), Osun (1,260), Abia (1,134), and Bauchi (1,107).
Borno State has recorded 867 cases, Imo (857), Sokoto (677), Akwa Ibom (667), Benue (657), Bayelsa (619), Adamawa (573), Niger (547), Anambra (515), Ekiti (473), Jigawa (425), Taraba (294), Kebbi (251), Yobe (211), Cross River (169), Zamfara (162), while Kogi state has recorded 5 cases only.
READ ALSO: COVID-19: Western diplomats warn of disease explosion, poor handling by government
Lock Down and Curfew
In a move to combat the spread of the pandemic disease, President Muhammadu Buhari directed the cessation of all movements in Lagos and the FCT for an initial period of 14 days, which took effect from 11 pm on Monday, 30th March 2020.
The movement restriction, which was extended by another two weeks period, has been partially put on hold with some businesses commencing operations from May 4. On April 27th, 2020, Nigeria's President, Muhammadu Buhari declared an overnight curfew from 8 pm to 6 am across the country, as part of new measures to contain the spread of the COVID-19. This comes along with the phased and gradual easing of lockdown measures in FCT, Lagos, and Ogun States, which took effect from Saturday, 2nd May 2020, at 9 am.
On Monday, 29th June 2020 the federal government extended the second phase of the eased lockdown by 4 weeks and approved interstate movement outside curfew hours with effect from July 1, 2020. Also, on Monday 27th July 2020, the federal government extended the second phase of eased lockdown by an additional one week.
On Thursday, 6th August 2020 the federal government through the secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) and Chairman of the Presidential Task Force (PTF) on COVID-19 announced the extension of the second phase of eased lockdown by another four (4) weeks.
Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State announced the closed down of the Eti-Osa Isolation Centre, with effect from Friday, 31st July 2020. He also mentioned that the Agidingbi Isolation Centre would also be closed and the patients relocated to a large capacity centre.
Due to the increased number of covid-19 cases in Nigeria, the Nigerian government ordered the reopening of Isolation and treatment centres in the country on Thursday, 10th December 2020.
READ ALSO: Bill Gates says Trump's WHO funding suspension is dangerous


text:
======================
Working With Templates
======================

When deploying a new application or scheduled task, shpkpr renders the application or task definition (typically a JSON document) using Jinja2_. This allows the user to interpolate values into the template prior to deployment if required. This is particularly useful for keeping configuration or secret data out of your codebase and injecting it just in time prior to the deployment.

Passing values to a template
----------------------------

For the following sections we'll use the ``shpkpr apps deploy`` command as an example (the documentation that follows applies equally to other commands that render templates too), assuming the following environment variables have been set (so we don't have to repeat them in the examples below)::

    $ export SHPKPR_MARATHON_URL=http://my.marathon.install.mydomain.com

And that we're using the :ref:`default-template-standard`. The only required values for this template are ``MARATHON_APP_ID`` (the id of the application to be deployed) and ``DOCKER_REPOTAG`` (the image and tag for the docker container to be deployed).

shpkpr offers two methods of passing values to a template at deploy time, both are described below:

On the command line
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The most straightforward way to provide values for a template in shpkpr is on the command line. Each one of the commands which renders a template (currently ``shpkpr apps deploy`` and ``shpkpr cron set``) accepts an arbitrary list of ``key=value`` pairs which are passed directly to the template being rendered::

    $ shpkpr apps deploy MARATHON_APP_ID=my-app DOCKER_REPOTAG=my.docker.registry/my-image:latest

.. note::

   When passing template values on the command line, they must always be passed after any options (those parameters starting with ``-`` or ``--``).

In the environment
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

It may be more convenient to use environment variables to pass values to a template, so shpkpr supports this method too. When reading values from the environment, shpkpr respects the value of the ``-e/--env-prefix`` option (defaults to ``SHPKPR_``). This means that if you wanted to set the values for the required variables in the standard template you would set them like so::

    $ export SHPKPR_MARATHON_APP_ID=my-app
    $ export SHPKPR_DOCKER_REPOTAG=my.docker.registry/my-image:latest

You can then deploy with a simple::

    $ shpkpr apps deploy

If you prefer not to prefix your environment variables and just slurp up all of them, you can do::

    $ export MARATHON_APP_ID=my-app
    $ export DOCKER_REPOTAG=my.docker.registry/my-image:latest
    $ shpkpr apps deploy -e ""

Handling Missing Values
-----------------------

When rendering a template, if a value does not have a default and is not provided by the user, then shpkpr will exit with a non-zero exit code and display a helpful error message.

.. command-output:: shpkpr apps deploy --marathon-url http://marathon MARATHON_APP_ID=my-app
   :returncode: 2

Writing Templates
-----------------

The Jinja2_ documentation is the best place to go to find general advice on syntax, features and how the language works, so we'll only cover shpkpr specific bits in this section.

Formatting
~~~~~~~~~~

Currently, shpkpr only supports JSON templates. That is, *after rendering* the template must be valid JSON or shpkpr will exit with a non-zero exit code.

Given the following template:

.. literalinclude:: ../resources/usage/templates/broken.json.tmpl
   :language: yaml+jinja

shpkpr will raise an error here due to the lack of quote-marks around ``{{CMD}}`` which would result in invalid JSON (as shpkpr escapes quote-marks in interpolated values).

Currently shpkpr doesn't produce particularly helpful error messages here, but that will be fixed in a future release.

.. command-output:: shpkpr apps deploy --marathon-url http://marathon MARATHON_APP_ID=my-app -t resources/usage/templates/broken.json.tmpl CMD="echo Hello!"
   :returncode: 2

Using Filters
~~~~~~~~~~~~~

From the `Jinja docs`_:

    Variables can be modified by **filters**.  Filters are separated from the variable by a pipe symbol (``|``) and may have optional arguments in parentheses.  Multiple filters can be chained.  The output of one filter is applied to the next.

    For example, ``{{ name|striptags|title }}`` will remove all HTML Tags from variable ```name`` and title-case the output (``title(striptags(name))``).

    Filters that accept arguments have parentheses around the arguments, just like a function call.  For example: ``{{ listx|join(', ') }}`` will join a list with commas (``str.join(', ', listx)``).

In addition to the `built-in filters`_ shipped by Jinja, shpkpr provides a number of additional filters to assist with writing your templates, from validation/typing to text transformation.

.. autofunction:: shpkpr.template_filters.filter_items
.. autofunction:: shpkpr.template_filters.require_int
.. autofunction:: shpkpr.template_filters.require_float
.. autofunction:: shpkpr.template_filters.slugify

.. _all_env:

Dictionary access to all variables
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Sometimes it's useful to be able to access all template variables in a single dictionary object. This allows for iteration over the variables, or indirect access (using the value of another variable as the key).

shpkpr provides the special ``_all_env`` variable for this purpose. It can be used as follows:

.. code-block:: jinja

    {# Iterate over all template variables beginning with "LABEL_" #}
    {% for k, v in _all_env|filter_items("LABEL_") %}
        "{{k}}": "{{v}}",
    {% endfor %}

    {# Regular dictionary-style access is available if necessary #}
    {{ _all_env[SOME_VARIABLE] }}

.. _Jinja2: http://jinja.pocoo.org/docs/
.. _`Jinja docs`: http://jinja.pocoo.org/docs/2.9/templates/#filters
.. _`built-in filters`: http://jinja.pocoo.org/docs/2.9/templates/#list-of-builtin-filters

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub