text:
former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
This Party needs to protect itself against the activities of small groups of inflexible political persuasion, extreme so-called left and in a few cases extreme so-called moderates, having in common only their arrogant dogmatism.
James Harold Wilson, Baron Wilson of Rievaulx, KG, OBE, FRS, PC (11 March 1916 – 24 May 1995) was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1964 to 1970, and again from 1974 to 1976. He had an impressive educational background, becoming an Oxford don at 21 and working as a war time civil servant; he was made a government minister immediately after he was elected to Parliament. As Leader of the Labour Party he moved the party towards a technocratic approach and appeared more in tune with the 'swinging sixties'; however his government was beset by economic difficulties and he was unexpectedly defeated in 1970. His return to office with a tiny majority in the mid-1970s saw a referendum which endorsed British membership of the European Communities. He resigned suddenly in 1976, and in his retirement suffered from Alzheimers' disease.
1.1 Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer
1.2 Shadow Foreign Secretary
1.3 Leader of the Opposition
1.4 Prime Minister
1.7 Post-Prime Ministerial
2 Attributed
3 Quotes about Wilson
Shadow Chancellor of the ExchequerEdit
The nation yesterday was awaiting a clear, statesmanlike call from the Chancellor of the efforts and, if necessary, the sacrifices that are needed to lift the country out of the perpetual series of crises and near crises that have dogged us ever since the war. That was what we were led to believe would happen. What did we get? We had a shambling, fumbling, largely irrelevant and, at one point, degrading speech. The Chancellor told us that the Budget was prepared under the piercing eye of Mr. Gladstone. There was one passage that was quite obviously written under a portrait of Horatio Bottomley.
Speech in the House of Commons (18 April 1956)
Traders and financiers all over the world had been listening to the Chancellor. For months he had said that if he could not stop the wage claims, the country was "facing disaster". Those were his own words. Rightly or wrongly these people believed him. For them, 5th September—the day that the Trades Union Congress unanimously rejected the policy of wage restraint—marked the end of an era. And all these financiers, all the little gnomes in Zurich and the other financial centres about whom we keep on hearing, started to make their dispositions in regard to sterling.
Speech in the House of Commons (12 November 1956); often quoted as "gnomes of Zürich".
A second devaluation would be regarded all over the world as an acknowledgement of defeat, a recognition that we were not on a springboard, but a slide. I myself have always deprecated—perhaps rightly, perhaps wrongly—in crisis after crisis, appeals to the Dunkirk spirit as an answer to our problem, because what is required in our economic situation is not a brief period of inspired improvisation, work and sacrifice, such as we had under the leadership of the right hon. Member for Woodford (Sir W. Churchill), but a very long, hard, prolonged period of reorganisation and rededication. It is the long haul, not the inspired spurt, that we need.
Speech in the House of Commons (26 July 1961)
I have stated these Commonwealth problems in terms of hard economic facts, but I should be the last to disagree with those hon. Members on both sides of the House who put the problem in yesterday's debate in terms more of sentiment, kinship and bonds of a less materialistic character than those that I have been describing. … I submit to the House that we cannot consistently with the honour of this country take any action now that would betray friends such as those. … if there has to be a choice [between the Commonwealth and Europe] we are not entitled to sell our friends and kinsmen down the river for a problematical and marginal advantage in selling washing machines in Dusseldorf.
Speech in the House of Commons (3 August 1961) on Britain's application to join the European Economic Community
Shadow Foreign SecretaryEdit
We all know perfectly well why the Government are standing by their policy of the independent deterrent. The reason is simply prestige, keeping up with our nuclear neighbours. Frankly, we cannot do it. The Americans spend on research alone £2,500 million a year, which is half as much again as our total defence budget, and it is rising rapidly. We can only be a nuclear Power if we can afford the means to produce twenty or more alternative weapons as an assurance against the many which are certain to fail. Out of our resources, we were able to afford only one intercontinental ballistic missile, and that was Blue Streak. The failure of Blue Streak was the moment of truth for this country so far as the independent deterrent was concerned. To cling to the policy after that was...like the action of a rather pathetic sort of man who cannot afford a television and who cannot bring himself to admit the fact, so he puts up the aerial instead.
Speech in the House of Commons (6 March 1962)
Leader of the OppositionEdit
The period of 15 years from the last time we were in Scarborough, in 1960, to the middle of the 1970s, will embrace a period of technical change, particularly in industrial methods, greater than the whole of the industrial revolution of the last 250 years.
In all our plans for the future, we are re-defining and we are re-stating our Socialism in terms of the scientific revolution. But that revolution cannot become a reality unless we are prepared to make far-reaching changes in economic and social attitudes which permeate our whole system of society. The Britain that is going to be forged in the white heat of this revolution will be no place for restrictive practices or for outdated methods on either side of industry.
Speech at Labour Party conference (1 October 1963), quoted in Labour Party Annual Conference Report, 1963, pp. 139-140. Usually quoted as "the white heat of the technological revolution".
They [the Conservatives] cannot think beyond outmoded techniques of monetary regulation, followed by panic stop-go-stop measures, when bold planning for industrial expansion is called for. They cannot raise their eyes beyond a system of society where making money by whatever means is lauded as the highest service, while earning money by contributing to production and exports, or teaching or nursing is a mug's game. An Opportunity State for all our people? The Conservatives glory in one where the rewards go to land racketeers and property spivs, while the man who ventures his skill in scientific or technological advance, or in the chancy risks of export markets, is left out in the cold.
Speech to the Trades Union Congress in Blackpool (7 September 1964), quoted in The Times (8 September 1964), p. 14
You need men with fire in their bellies and humanity in their hearts. The choice we offer, starting today, is between standing still, of clinging to the tired philosophy of a day that is gone, or moving forward in partnership and unity to a just society, to a dynamic, expanding, confident and above all purposive new Britain. ... The spirit of 1945 is in the air again.
Speech to a Labour rally in Wembley Pool (12 September 1964), quoted in The Times (14 September 1964), p. 6
Let us not be afraid to express the passionate concern everyone of us feels about present housing conditions. ... This is a problem which brooks no escape, no evasion. It is no use talking about a free market: the provision of decent housing for all is a clear and inescapable obligation of government.
Prime MinisterEdit
The government have only a small majority in the House of Commons. I want to make it quite clear that this will not affect our ability to govern. Having been charged with the duties of Government we intend to carry out those duties.
Television broadcast (October 1964), after winning the general election, quoted in David Butler, Coalitions in British Politics (Macmillan, London, 1978), p. 99.
The Smethwick Conservatives can have the satisfaction of having topped the poll, and of having sent here as their Member one who, until a further General Election restores him to oblivion, will serve his term here as a Parliamentary leper
Speech in the House of Commons (3 November 1964). The 1964 general election had seen the defeat of Wilson's Shadow Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon Walker by Conservative Peter Griffiths after an allegedly racist campaign. Griffiths was indeed defeated at the next election but returned to Parliament in 1979 and served until 1997.
The answer is to increase industrial efficiency, to build up our exports, and to substitute home production for imports wherever this can be achieved competitively and economically, to broaden the base of our economy with capital investment, through the training of skilled manpower and the encouragement to accept change, to enable us to expand without running into strains and stresses such as have revealed themselves in past periods of expansion.
Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (12 December 1964), quoted in The Times (14 December 1964), p. 14
The measures we have taken, the further measures we shall be taking in the coming weeks, will create the conditions in which these problems are going to be solved. I believe that our people will respond to this challenge because our history shows that they misjudge us who underrate our ability as a nation to move, and to move decisively when the need arises. They misjudged our temper after Dunkirk, but we so mobilized our latent and untapped strength that apparent defeat was turned into a great victory. I believe that the spirit of Dunkirk will once again carry us through to success.
This country cannot afford now—if it ever could afford—unofficial strikes, wasteful stoppages, long, weary arguments about industrial demarcation, any more than we can afford out-of-date industrial methods, industrial promotion based on influence and connexion rather than technical ability, or management attitudes which give a higher priority to tax avoidance or the earning of quick, uncovenanted capital profits than to modernization and innovation in industrial production methods, or aggressiveness in exports.
[The 1964 General Election] was a decision that not only our industrial system but every aspect of our national life that has been corrupted by the doctrine of a self-perpetuating establishment should give way to an open society where knowing your job would mean more than knowing the right people. It was a decision that national purpose should override sectional interest, that earning money took precedence over making money. It was a decision for change: not change for its own sake, but change, radical and dynamic, for economic and social purpose. It was a decision, in short, that Britain should have a government and that the government should govern.
Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1965), quoted in The Times (29 September 1965), p. 5.
We have not been pushed around either abroad or at home and we are not going to be. This is government of the people; it is government for all the people, and the accent is on government.
[Labour will deal with racketeering in the price of land.] I call that a socialist theme. Yes, and I should have thought a Liberal theme. That great modernizing party on this theme at least at Scarborough last week carried through an exercise in recidivism which places its present leadership some years behind the Liberals some 60 years ago. In 1909 and 1910 they filled the land with song—'God gave the land to the people'. Now in 1965 we have the first fruits of Liberal revisionism. While they would not intend to throw doubt on the Almighty's intention in this respect, their researches suggest he did not intend this declaration to be taken too literally.
We are more interested in the monthly trade returns than in Debrett, more preoccupied with what is said by the industrial correspondents and economic editors than what is said by William Hickey; more concerned with modernizing the machinery of government and the action that will need to follow the report of the Estimates Committee on the Civil Service than in altering the layout of Burke's Landed Gentry.
I know I speak for everyone in these islands, all parties, all our people, when I say to Mr. Smith tonight: "Prime Minister, think again".
Broadcast (12 October 1965), quoted in The Times (13 October 1965), p. 8, calling on the Government of Rhodesia not to declare independence.
In my talks with the African Nationalist leaders...I regarded it as my duty to remove from their minds any idea or any hope they might have had that Rhodesia's constitutional problems were going to be solved by an assertion of military power on our part, whether for the purposes of suspending or amending the 1961 Constitution, of imposing majority rule tomorrow or any other time—or for that matter of dealing with the situation that would follow an illegal assertion of independence. To quote the words I used to them: If there are those who are thinking in terms of a thunderbolt hurtling from the sky and destroying their enemies, a thunderbolt in the shape of the Royal Air Force, let me say that thunderbolt will not be coming, and to continue in this delusion wastes valuable time, and misdirects valuable energies.
Speech in the House of Commons (1 November 1965). Rhodesia declared independence 10 days later.
It is difficult for us to appreciate the pressures which are being put on men I know to be realistic and reasonable, not only in their executive capacity but in the highly organised strike committees in the individual ports, by this tightly knit group of politically motivated men who, as the last General Election showed, utterly failed to secure acceptance of their views by the British electorate, but who are now determined to exercise backstage pressures, forcing great hardship on the members of the union and their families, and endangering the security of the industry and the economic welfare of the nation.
Speech in the House of Commons (20 June 1966), referring to the organisers of a Seamen's strike. Wilson meant to imply they were Communists. Among the union officials offended by this quote was John Prescott.
We have taken steps which have not been taken by any other democratic government in the world. We are taking steps with regard to prices and wages which no other government, even in wartime, has taken.
Speech in the White House (29 July 1966), quoted in The Times (30 July 1966), p. 1.
[Ramsay MacDonald was] a man of great stature, capable of inspiring massive affection and massive attack—a man who created and led a great party and who has become a legend in that party equally for the manner of his leaving it as for the years he gave its creation. ... They drew their inspiration from Merrie England and dry statistics, they sang their widely differing battle songs, and Ramsay MacDonald had to fashion from the strains of Edward Carpenter's 'England Arise', from the 'Internationale', from 'Jerusalem', from the 'Red Flag', from 'These Things Shall Be', a new harmony. In 1906 in MacDonald's fortieth year, he saw the victory—the dawn of the new era.
Speech at a luncheon in the House of Commons to commemorate the centenary of Ramsay MacDonald's birth (12 October 1966), quoted in The Times (13 October 1966), p. 12.
We commemorate a man, a leader, who in the years of creation and achievement towered above his contemporaries in figure and manner, in voice and power, who worked and fought, and who suffered—as they all suffered who dared to preach socialism in an unreceptive and hostile age. He was a man who had vision, and dared all in those years to make that vision a reality; a man who inspired affection in his associates as in his own domestic circle, and who, daring all, created a lasting and durable political instrument which today 60 years after its first political success, provides the Government of this country and in so providing owes more than many are prepared to admit to the young Ramsay MacDonald.
He who rejects change is the architect of decay. The only human institution which rejects progress is the cemetery.
Speech to the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, Strasbourg, France (23 January 1967), quoted in The New York Times (24 January 1967), p. 12.
From now on, the pound abroad is worth 14 per cent or so less in terms of other currencies. That doesn't mean, of course, that the Pound here in Britain, in your pocket or purse or in your bank, has been devalued.
Broadcast (19 November 1967), following the devaluation of the Pound Sterling. Usually remembered as "the Pound in your pocket".
I am not prepared to stand aside and see this country engulfed by the racial conflict which calculating orators or ignorant prejudice can create. Nor in the great world confrontation on race and colour, where this country must declare where it stands, am I prepared to be a neutral, whether that confrontation is in Birmingham or Bulawayo. In these issues there can be no neutrals and no escape from decision. For in the world of today, while political isolationism invites danger and economic isolationism invites bankruptcy, moral isolationism invites contempt.
Speech to a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall (5 May 1968), quoted in The Times (6 May 1968), p. 1
We are the party of human rights—the only party of human rights that will be speaking from this platform this month. (Loud applause.) The struggle against racialism is a worldwide fight. It is the dignity of man for which we are fighting. If what we assert is true for Birmingham, it is true for Bulawayo. If ever there were a condemnation of the values of the party which forms the Opposition it is the fact that the virus of Powellism has taken so firm a hold at every level.
Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (1 October 1968), quoted in The Times (2 October 1968), p. 4
Hughie, get your tanks off my lawn.
Statement to trade union leader Hugh Scanlon (c. 1969), as quoted in "Lord Scanlon" in The Telegraph (28 January 2004)
May I say, for the benefit of those who have been carried away by the gossip of the last few days, that I know what's going on. [pause] I'm going on, and the Labour government's going on.
Speech at a May Day rally in London (4 May 1969), quoted in The Times (5 May 1969), p. 1. There had been a series of reports that Wilson's leadership might be challenged.
The last two years show that what Enoch [Powell] says today Edward [Heath] will be proclaiming as Tory policy anything from three to six months later...Selsdon Man is not just a lurch to the right, it is an atavistic desire to reverse the course of twenty-five years of social revolution. What they are planning is a wanton, calculated and deliberate return to greater inequality...The message to the British people would be simple and brutal. It would say, "You're out on your own".
Speech in Nottingham (6 February 1970), quoted in The Times (7 February 1970), p. 1 and Philip Whitehead, The Writing on the Wall: Britain in the Seventies (London: Michael Joseph, 1985), p. 40
[Tory domestic policies were directed to four aims:] To force up food prices; to force up prices of other essentials; to cut down the welfare services to means-tested levels; to force up rents in a free-for-all in housing. ... In borough after borough, city after city, we have learnt what Tory housing policy means. In many areas—not in all—cuts in the housing programme for basic needs; in all areas, higher rents.
Speech to a Labour rally in Birmingham (6 March 1970), quoted in The Times (7 March 1970), p. 3
David Dimbleby: You couldn't - you couldn't set our minds at rest on the vexed question of what the Sunday Times did actually pay you for the book?
Harold Wilson: No, I don't think it's a matter of interest to the BBC or to anybody else.
Dimbleby: But why ..
Wilson: If you're interested in these things, you'd better find out how people buy yachts. Do you ask that question? Did you ask him how he was able to pay for a yacht?
Dimbleby: I haven't interviewed ...
Wilson: Have you asked him that question?
Dimbleby: I haven't interviewed him.
Wilson: Well, has the BBC ever asked that question?
Dimbleby: I don't know ...
Wilson: Well, what's it got to do with you, then?
Dimbleby: I imagine they have ..
Wilson: Why you ask these question, I mean why, if people can afford to buy £25,000 yachts, do the BBC not regard that as a matter for public interest? Why do you insult me with these questions here?
Dimbleby: It's only that it's been a matter of ..
Wilson: All I'm saying, all I'm saying ..
Dimbleby: … public speculation, and I was giving you an opportunity if you wanted to, to say something about it.
Wilson: It was not a matter of speculation, it was just repeating press gossip. You will not put this question to Mr. Heath. When you have got an answer to him, come and put the question to me. And this last question and answer are not to be recorded. Is this question being recorded?
Dimbleby: Well it is, because we're running film.
Wilson: Well, will you cut it out or not? All right, we stop now. No, I'm sorry, I'm really not having this. I'm really not having this. The press may take this view, that they wouldn't put this question to Heath but they put it to me; if the BBC put this question to me, without putting it to Heath, the interview is off, and the whole programme is off. I think it's a ridiculous question to put. Yes, and I mean it cut off, I don't want to read in the Times Diary or miscellany that I asked for it to be cut out. [pause]
Dimbleby: All right, are we still running? Can I ask you this, then, which I mean, I .. let me put this question, I mean if you find this question offensive then ..
Wilson: Coming to ask if your curiosity can be satisfied, I think it's disgraceful. Never had such a question in an interview in my life before.
Dimbleby: I .. [gasps]
Joe Haines (Wilson's Press Secretary): Well, let's stop now, and we can talk about it, shall we?
Dimbleby: No, let's .. well, I mean, we'll keep going, I think, don't you?
Wilson: No, I think we'll have a new piece of film in and start all over again. But if this film is used, or this is leaked, then there's going to be a hell of a row. And this must be ..
Dimbleby: Well, I certainly wouldn't leak it ..
Wilson: You may not leak it but these things do leak. I've never been to Lime Grove without it leaking.
Exchange with BBC interviewer David Dimbleby recorded for a documentary called "Yesterday's Men" broadcast on 16 June 1971. The BBC did agree not to show this portion of the interview, but Wilson's fears of a leak were justified as a transcript was published on page 1 of The Times on June 18, 1971. A fuller transcript appeared in Private Eye during 1972.
I believe that the situation has now gone so far that it is impossible to conceive of an effective long-term solution in which the agenda at least does not include consideration of, and which is not in some way directed to finding a means of achieving, the aspirations envisaged half a century ago, of progress towards a united Ireland...A substantial term of years will be required before any concept of unification could become a reality, but the dream must be there. If men of moderation have nothing to hope for, men of violence will have something to shoot for.
Speech in the House of Commons (25 November 1971)
Yet people who benefit from this now viciously defy Westminster, purporting to act as though they were an elected government, spending their lives sponging on Westminster and British democracy and then systematically assault democratic methods. Who do these people think they are?
Broadcast (25 May 1974), referring to the Ulster Workers Council strike, quoted in The Times (27 May 1974), p. 2
The people must have confidence in their publicly-owned industries. Private industry must have the necessary confidence to maintain and increase investment to do their duty by the people. And confidence demands that a clear frontier must be defined between what is public and what is private industry.
Speech to the Socialist International Conference (30 June 1974), quoted in The Times (1 July 1974), p. 1
I get a little nauseated, perhaps, when I hear the phrase "freedom of the Press" used as freely as it is, knowing that a large part of our proprietorial Press is not free at all
Speech in the House of Commons (5 December 1974)
I have never been emotionally a Europe man. I have been and remain fundamentally a Commonwealth man. I therefore cannot ignore the fact that the vast majority of Commonwealth countries now want Britain to stay in.
Speech to the Labour Party conference on Britain's membership of the EEC (26 April 1975), quoted in The Times (28 April 1975), p. 4
I intend to play it low-key throughout. The decision is purely a marginal one. I have always said so. I have never been a fanatic for Europe. I believe the judgment is a finely balanced one.
Remarks to Barbara Castle (26 April 1975), quoted in Barbara Castle, The Castle Diaries, 1974–76 (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1980), p. 379
The lead Britain can give and is already giving rests on the fact that we are a world-minded people. Britain will give a lead in political attitudes and political developments in Europe. We cannot do that by taking our bat home and sinking into an off-shore island mentality.
Speech during the European Communities membership referendum, quoted in The Times (4 June 1975), p. 5
This Party needs to protect itself against the activities of small groups of inflexible political persuasion, extreme so-called left and in a few cases extreme so-called moderates, having in common only their arrogant dogmatism. These groups, equally the multichromatic coalitionist fringe or groups specifically formed to fight other marauding groups, these groups are not what this Party is about. Infestation of this kind thrives only, and can thrive only, in minuscule local parties.
Speech to Labour Party conference (30 September 1975), quoted in Labour Party Annual Conference Report 1975, pp. 186-187.
Post-Prime MinisterialEdit
I have always said about Tony [Benn] that he immatures with age.
Interview with The Times (7 April 1981), p. 12.
It stems from the loss of the election and the growth of the 'cowboys'. The Labour Party has got out of the way of losing elections. We are now the natural party of government...These cowboys are absolute Trots. The number of Communists in the party is very small but the Trots are much more sinister. They are negative and have no policy. There is a fairly high number of—not intellectuals but let's say intelligentsia element there, stemming not least from the growth of sociology as a discipline in the universities.
Roy Jenkins? ...tended to knock off at 7 o'clock...a socialite rather than a Socialist...The SDP. It's not a party, it's a clique or a click, as they say up 'ere. As for Dr Owen and Mr Rodgers, I never thought of them as Cabinet calibre...perfectly good junior ministers. Jim [Callaghan] took a different view. I had retired by then—voluntarily—which is a very unusual thing in politics.
Press conference during the Warrington by-election (15 July 1981), quoted in The Times (16 July 1981), p. 28
...he was extremely pleased with the things President Reagan had done. One feels in Europe there is somebody in charge.
Speech to correspondents in New York (21 September 1981), quoted in The Times (22 September 1981), p. 6
President Reagan is likely to be more successful in dealing with the Soviet Union than any recent American leader. ... he had been impressed with Mr Reagan's instincts and style.
Speech at Indiana University (4 October 1982), quoted in The Times (5 October 1982), p. 4
Begin, Shamir and Sharon were the evil three. Sharon is the most evil man I've run across in Israeli politics. [I regarded myself when Prime Minister as] the best friend Israel had in the Western world.
Speech at Indiana University (4 October 1982) after the Beirut massacre, quoted in The Times (5 October 1982), p. 4
AttributedEdit
A week is a long time in politics.
Possibly misattributed; according to Nigel Rees in Brewster's Quotations (1994), asked shortly after his retirement in 1977 about the quote, he could not pinpoint the first occasion on which he uttered the words.
Quotes about WilsonEdit
'I thought', said Nye, 'that you were a Yorkshireman but your Dad has been telling me all about Manchester. Where were you born, boy?' With a Yorkshireman's natural pride, I said, thinking of Sheffield's steel, 'Yorkshiremen are not born; they are forged.' 'Forged were you?' said Nye in that musical Welsh lilt of his, 'I always thought there was something counterfeit about you!'
Harold Wilson, "Memoirs 1916-1964: The making of a Prime Minister" (Weidenfeld and Nicolson and Michael Joseph, London 1986, p. 10)
Harold Wilson, in a sense, was to politics what the Beatles were to popular culture. He simply dominated the nation's political landscape, and he personified the new era, not stuffy or hidebound but classless, forward-looking, modern. Even his enemies and detractors, and there were a few, could not deny his brilliance, his brain and the intelligence born of natural wit, not social background. ... He had, in the end, a very simple belief in the virtues of social justice and equality and, by and large, throughout his time in politics, he applied them. He once said: "The Labour party is a moral crusade, or it is nothing." That should be his real epitaph and long may it remain so.
Tony Blair upon Wilson's death (24 May 1995)
His purpose in politics was to remove the disfiguring evils of poverty and to create a caring society, with equal opportunity, open to advancement and in tune with the changing needs of his time. He was proud to have been responsible for the birth of the Open University. He was by nature a conciliator, and the least assertive of men, but he fought with the doggedness and determination of a true Northerner when he had to. Those qualities, and his high intelligence, kindliness and approachability, helped to spread his influence over a much wider area than his own party. It was a natural expression of that to be a passionate opponent of apartheid and of racial discrimination. He was the most successful leader that Labour has ever had, winning four elections out of five although on each occasion he came to office at a time of great economic difficulty. Above all, he was a devoted servant of his cause and his country.
James Callaghan upon Wilson's death (24 May 1995)
No prime minister ever interfered so much in the work of his colleagues as Wilson did in his first six years. ... Unfortunately, since he had neither political principle nor much government experience to guide him, he did not give Cabinet the degree of leadership which even a less ambitious prime minister should provide. He had no sense of direction, and rarely looked more than a few months ahead. His short-term opportunism, allied with a capacity for self-delusion which made Walter Mitty appear unimaginative, often plunged the government into chaos. Worse still, when things went wrong he imagined everyone was conspiring against him. He believed in demons, and saw most of his colleagues in this role at one time or another.
Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (Penguin, 1990), p. 331
...what really endeared the people of this country to him was that they knew from his background, his upbringing and his own life, in which there was hardship, that he was a compassionate man who understood their needs and who was doing his best, often in difficult circumstances...to meet those needs and to ensure that people had a better life. That was his philosophy and his purpose in coming into the House, in being in opposition and in being a Minister. ... This country owes a great deal to him.
Edward Heath upon Wilson's death (24 May 1995)
Harold was, above all else, a great political survivor, a fine politician if, perhaps, never truly a statesman.
Edward Heath, The Course of My Life (Hodder and Stoughton, 1998), p. 557
I shall remember him above all for his courtesy and his kindness. He hated being disagreeable. He liked to be nice to people, which is not always the case with those who had his thrust to power. He also had very good nerve in a crisis. And as he experienced quite a number of crises, that was a big asset. In some ways he was easier to work with when things were going wrong. He was cool and unrecriminatory. ... He served his country well.
Roy Jenkins upon Wilson's death (24 May 1995)
I do not believe that it is too generous to describe Harold Wilson as one of the most brilliant men of his generation. ... For my generation at least, as observers through television and from a distance, his ever-present pipe became a symbol of tranquillity in times of some turmoil. ... He was a man of many achievements and, perhaps above all, a very human man who served his country well and honourably and who has earned, by that, a secure place in its history.
John Major upon Wilson's death (24 May 1995)
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When I think back to my childhood, I can think of a lot of Christmas books and Halloween books that I read with my mom. Today, I have many that I now read with my own kids. But when it comes to Thanksgiving books, they are hard to come by for some reason. We have found some gems though, and hope you will love them too. They focus on the values of this season and the history of the holiday. We want our kids to know that this holiday is about more than football, shopping, and turkey (although that part is pretty awesome!).
Sharing the Bread: An Old Fasioned Thanksgiving Story. In this beautifully illustrated book, the entire family lends a hand to make the thanksgiving dinner happen. The story is told in short, rhyming stanzas, and the cadence just adds to the delight. We love that the family works together, enjoying one another's company all the while.
Cranberry Thanksgiving. You will not be able to resist Mr. Whiskers, a loveable, salty character who Grandmother isn't too sure of. Misperceptions get turned on their heads in this book, teaching children to not judge a person by their appearance and to always look out for the lonely on holidays. Bonus: grandma might just share her top secret cranberry bread recipe with you at the end of the book!
Andy and the Lion. Published in the 1930s, this is a retelling of the classic tale of Androcles and the Lion. Although it isn't a traditional Thanksgiving tale, the lessons are exactly the kind we want to be focusing on during the holiday season – that kindness can be shared with ALL.
Thankful. Another book told in rhyme, this one full of blessings to be counted. From community helpers, to little daily joys, this would be a perfect conversation starter to get your children thinking about what little things they are thankful to have every day.
Thank You, Sarah: The Woman Who Saved Thanksgiving. I may have geeked out a little bit that this one was written by Laurie Halse Anderson. She writes some great historical fiction middle-grade books along with young adult fiction. I didn't know until I found this book that she delved into childrens books as well! This book gives the story of how Thanksgiving became a national holiday and why Sarah felt it was so important to keep advocating for that. She was an amazing example of perseverance and that one person can make a big difference.
Balloons Over Broadway. My grandparents always had the Macy's Thanksgiving Parade on TV every Thanksgiving morning. We lived in the same small town so I was usually able to make my way over there to watch some of the parade while we used their oven for the big dinner. A true tale of perseverance and following your dreams, this adorable book gives a history of the puppeteer who brought the famous balloons to the parade. You won't want to miss this one!
A Turkey for Thanksgiving. Mr. Moose goes out in search of a turkey for his wife. When he finds the turkey, along with other friends along the way, he insists that the turkey come home with him. The hesitant turkey is in for a big surprise. He gets to sit AT the table instead of ON the table and it is a happy Thanksgiving for all!
Leave a comment and tell us your favorites!


I am still waiting to hear back from Ammon and Abbey as to whether they can do it. If they cannot, I will see if any of the Sophomores from last year's team can help out, but I prefer to have this year's team dance it. Below is the video that shows the altered formations--study it VERY closely, as some areas are quite different. For the circle, the girls will all slide inward, and they will all do the sausage roll going outward.
We will have a rehearsal for just these four couples on August 18th at 1:00--one hour after our 1st rehearsal for the 15-16 team ends. This is still tentative until I have gotten into contact with Abbey and Ammon, but plan on it unless I tell you otherwise.
Also, please let me know if you have any costume problems--hopefully you all still have your costumes from last year!
Ammon is at scout camp, I will be sure to inform him about it on Saturday.


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Take a trip to space and back with this new SpaceX rocket video
By Joshua Hawkins
Published Jan 6th, 2023 7:37PM EST
Image: ZUMAPRESS.com/MEGA
Space might be the final frontier, but we're slowly closing the gap in how we explore it. One of the latest ways that is happening is by making it possible for everyday people to take a front-row seat on one of the most historic SpaceX flights of the year. So, if you're a big space buff, make sure to grab your popcorn and settle in for this new iconic SpaceX rocket video.
The rocket launch video, which SpaceX shared on Twitter on January 5, 2023, follows the Transporter-6 mission from Cape Canaveral Space Force Station in Florida. This was the 15th successful mission for this particular Falcon 9 rocket, and the 200th orbital flight that SpaceX has completed since its founding way back in 2002. As such, the launch was pretty momentous as it carried over 100 satellites into orbit.
Onboard view from Falcon 9's flight to space and back during smallsat rideshare mission pic.twitter.com/V5PyKxTlWD
— SpaceX (@SpaceX) January 5, 2023
What's really iconic about this launch, though, is that SpaceX also recorded the entire trek, sharing it in a bite-size video just days afterward. In the new SpaceX rocket video, we're able to watch as the rocket takes off, lifting away from the ground. The entire launch, which took several minutes, has been condensed into just 90 seconds, making it an easy and enjoyable watch.
It's honestly crazy to think about how far SpaceX has come with its rocket reuse program, which previously used to see these boosters attempting to land on remote-controlled ships out at sea. Now, though, because of the success of the program, we're able to watch as the SpaceX booster heads into orbit, separates from its payload, and then falls back to Earth in this new rocket launch video.
It's also a great way to see how SpaceX engineers have created their reusable rocket, giving us a clear view of the various boosters that help move the rocket into place as it comes down to the surface of our planet. Perhaps one day, we'll even get a view like this of the rocket that SpaceX plans to use on the first commercial mission to Mars.
Joshua Hawkins, Writer
Josh Hawkins has been writing for over a decade, covering science, gaming, and tech culture. He also is a top-rated product reviewer with experience in extensively researched product comparisons, headphones, and gaming devices. Whenever he isn't busy writing about tech or gadgets, he can usually be found enjoying a new world in a video game, or tinkering with something on his computer.
Joshua Hawkins's latest stories
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Home Mobile Phones / Tablets Nokia
Nokia 2 India price revealed
in Nokia
HMD Global, who own the license to Nokia brand, announced the Nokia 2 last month. The Nokia 2 is an entry-level Android smartphone and is the sixth Android smartphone that has been launched by HMD. The Nokia 2 is going to be available globally with an average global price of €99. While HMD didn't reveal any details regarding the Nokia 2's price and availability in India at the time of launch, it has now revealed that the Nokia 2 will be sold for ₹6999 in the country.
Like we already said, the Nokia 2 is an entry-level smartphone, and, it's powered by Qualcomm's Snapdragon 212 quad-core processor that's clocked at 1.3 GHz and is laced with 1 GB of RAM. The Nokia 2 sports a 5-inch HD LCD display which comes with the protection of Gorilla Glass 3.
It has a polycarbonate back along with a frame that's crafted out of a single block of aluminium. For photography, the Nokia 2 has an 8 MP camera at the back and a 5 MP snapper on the front. In terms of storage, you get 8 GB of on-board space, however, you also have an option to expand the storage via microSD card.
The Nokia 2 boots up to stock version of Android 7.1.1 Nougat, and, the company has said that the phone will get the Oreo update as well. Having said that, the biggest highlight of the Nokia 2 is its 4100 mAh battery which the company claims can offer two days of battery life.
"Nokia 2 is a smartphone that is built keeping the Indian consumer in mind. It is a smartphone people can rely on without subconsciously rationing their battery usage. Every component of the Nokia 2 – from the display to battery, chipset to system design – has been engineered to draw as little power as possible from the huge battery. This gives fans a long-lasting phone they can rely on. In addition, a great display and pure, secure Android means you don't have to do less with your Nokia 2 to preserve longevity, it has been built to give you the freedom to do more." said Ajey Mehta, Vice President and Country Head – India, HMD Global.
Nokia 2 Specifications
CPU: 1.3 GHz Snapdragon 212 quad-core processor
Operating System: Android 7.1.1 Nougat (upgradeable to Android Oreo)
Display: 5-inch HD (1280 x 720 pixels) LTPS LCD display with Gorilla Glass 3
Rear Camera: 8 MP with LED flash
Internal Storage: 8 GB
External Storage: Expandable up to 128 via microSD card
SIM: 2 Nano-SIM + 1 MicroSD card slot (Dual SIM) / Nano-SIM + 1 MicroSD card slot (Single SIM)
Connectivity: 4G VoLTE, GPS, Bluetooth 4.1, Wi-Fi 802.11 b/g/n, FM, 3.5 mm headphone jack, micro USB
Other: IP52 certification
Colors: Pewter Black, Pewter White, Copper Black
Nokia 2 Price in India and Availability
Availability: To be available in India from November 24
Tags: Nokia 2
Coolpad Note 5 Lite 32 GB storage variant launched in India
UC Browser is back on Google Play Store


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Sclerocrangon variabilis är en kräftdjursart. Sclerocrangon variabilis ingår i släktet Sclerocrangon och familjen Crangonidae. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


June 9th, 2018 at 10:30 am at St Mark's Lodge. For members and invited guests.
Board Meeting starts at 9 AM. There will be no AGM.
Enjoy a hands on workshop on Writing a Short Story. After discussing what is – or isn't – a short story, learning how ghost stories are inherently hopeful, and potential markets for women's stories, there will be a chance to work on your own ideas. The goal is to end the day with an outline, if not a completed first draft.
please bring them – and scissors – along!


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Q: Gevent/Eventlet monkey patching for DB drivers After doing Gevent/Eventlet monkey patching - can I assume that whenever DB driver (eg redis-py, pymongo) uses IO through standard library (eg socket) it will be asynchronous?
So using eventlets monkey patching is enough to make eg: redis-py non blocking in eventlet application?
From what I know it should be enough if I take care about connection usage (eg to use different connection for each greenlet). But I want to be sure.
If you known what else is required, or how to use DB drivers correctly with Gevent/Eventlet please type it also.

A: abarnert's answer is correct and very comprehensive. I just want to add that there is no "aggressive" patching in eventlet, probably gevent feature. Also if library uses select that is not a problem, because eventlet can monkey patch that too.
Indeed, in most cases eventlet.monkey_patch() is all you need. Of course, it must be done before creating any sockets.
If you still have any issues, feel free to open issue or write to eventlet mailing list or G+ community. All relevant links can be found at http://eventlet.net/

A: You can assume it will be magically patched if all of the following are true.

*

*You're sure of the I/O is built on top of standard Python sockets or other things that eventlet/gevent monkeypatches. No files, no native (C) socket objects, etc.

*You pass aggressive=True to patch_all (or patch_select), or you're sure the library doesn't use select or anything similar.

*The driver doesn't use any (implicit) internal threads. (If the driver does use threads internally, patch_thread may work, but it may not.)

If you're not sure, it's pretty easy to test—probably easier than reading through the code and trying to work it out. Have one greenlet that just does something like this:
while True:
    print("running")
    gevent.sleep(0.1)

Then have another that runs a slow query against the database. If it's monkeypatched, the looping greenlet will keep printing "running" 10 times/second; if not, the looping greenlet will not get to run while the program is blocked on the query.
So, what do you do if your driver blocks?
The easiest solution is to use a truly concurrent threadpool for DB queries. The idea is that you fire off each query (or batch) as a threadpool job and greenlet-block your gevent on the completion of that job. (For really simple cases, where you don't need many concurrent queries, you can just spawn a threading.Thread for each one instead, but usually you can't get away with that.)
If the driver does significant CPU work (e.g., you're using something that runs an in-process cache, or even an entire in-process DBMS like sqlite), you want this threadpool to actually be implemented on top of processes, because otherwise the GIL may prevent your greenlets from running. Otherwise (especially if you care about Windows), you probably want to use OS threads. (However, this means you can't patch_threads(); if you need to do that, use processes.)
If you're using eventlet, and you want to use threads, there's a built-in simple solution called tpool that may be sufficient. If you're using gevent, or you need to use processes, this won't work. Unfortunately, blocking a greenlet (without blocking the whole event loop) on a real threading object is a bit different between eventlet and gevent, and not documented very well, but the tpool source should give you the idea. Beyond that part, the rest is just using concurrent.futures (see futures on pypi if you need this in 2.x or 3.1) to execute the tasks on a ThreadPoolExecutor or ProcessPoolExecutor. (Or, if you prefer, you can go right to threading or multiprocessing instead of using futures.)

Can you explain why I should use OS threads on Windows?

The quick summary is: If you stick to threads, you can pretty much just write cross-platform code, but if you go to processes, you're effectively writing code for two different platforms.
First, read the Programming guidelines for the multiprocessing module (both the "All platforms" section and the "Windows" section). Fortunately, a DB wrapper shouldn't run into most of this. You only need to deal with processes via the ProcessPoolExecutor. And, whether you wrap things up at the cursor-op level or the query level, all your arguments and return values are going to be simple types that can be pickled. Still, it's something you have to be careful about, which otherwise wouldn't be an issue.
Meanwhile, Windows has very low overhead for its intra-process synchronization objects, but very high overhead for its inter-process ones. (It also has very fast thread creation and very slow process creation, but that's not important if you're using a pool.) So, how do you deal with that? I had a lot of fun creating OS threads to wait on the cross-process sync objects and signal the greenlets, but your definition of fun may vary.
Finally, tpool can be adapted trivially to a ppool for Unix, but it takes more work on Windows (and you'll have to understand Windows to do that work).

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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How to Speak Up (Without Losing Your Voice)
How to prevent losing your voice, just when you're beginning to find it.
Last week, millions of people all over the globe came out to speak up and be heard. Marches around the world gave voice to many people who had never marched before. Some were marching for themselves, but even more marched for their neighbors, wives, mothers, daughters, granddaughters, and grandmothers. We saw 80-year-old women, groups of tweens and three generations of families. In these tumultuous and terrifying times, millions of people are using their voice. If there's a silver lining, that's it. But are you losing your voice (literally or figuratively), just when you're beginning to find it?
As week one of the new administration came to a close, thousands of you voluntarily went out to JFK on a Saturday night. What is this new reality? Mirah Curzer's article, "How to #StayOutraged Without Losing Your Mind" struck a chord with many new activists. Self-care has become a necessity and information overload is leading to conscious media breaks to store up and refuel. Many others are struggling to find balance in these changing times and burning out on the regular. Others are literally hoarse with voices that are unable to recover between protests.
As we continue to #resist, here are tools and techniques to sustain and strengthen our voices:
Start meditating: If you don't already have a mindfulness practice, start one now. You can download an app like Headspace or keep commitment minimal with Meditation Lite (where you simply count breaths in and out). Meditating is about training the mind and fixing and releasing attention—not about getting rid of fears/thoughts/feelings. Practicing presence can help stave off downward media/despair spirals.
Know what you want to say: While you're endlessly calling your Reps, think about what you want to say. Rather than sticking to a script, have more ownership by articulating the essence of what you want to ask. Be specific and practice saying it a few times while improvising and changing up the words. Include stories, which change the brain by activating the Trust molecule. Most importantly, make a connection with the person on the other end of the line. Not going great? Luckily you'll be calling daily so try again tomorrow.
Amplify your voice: Ever wonder how babies can scream for hours and not lose their voices? Tension builds up over decades and inhibits and strains our vocal cords. If you're newly protesting and you're exhausted, you're doubly at risk for losing your voice. And bottom line: If you don't have a voice you can't be heard.
Losing your voice is real, but it can be avoided with preparation. Practice three-dimensional breathing and speaking from your diaphragm. Bring an amplification device, like a bullhorn or cardboard tube. Drink water and stay hydrated to prevent vocal fry and exhaustion. Practice Amplification: Speak out for others and let them speak out for you.
Take breaks: Declutter your phone, and put it away for a while. Take mindfulness breaks. Practice Square Breathing. Seize opportunities to get out of your head and into your body. Cherish friends. Hug your family. Smile at a stranger and invest in your community. These are strange times, but speaking up and empowering others to do the same is the best way to get through it.
Public SpeakingLeah Bonvissuto January 25, 2017 politics, activism, speak up, voice, meditation, self-careComment
Want to have presence? (Hint: It's about being present)
Public SpeakingLeah Bonvissuto February 14, 2017 presence, meditation, mindfulness, have presence, multitasking, practice
Conquer Your Public Speaking Fear in the New Year
Public SpeakingLeah Bonvissuto January 2, 2017 New Year, speakers, practice, presence


Though electric vehicles have received significantly more press in recent years, plug-in hybrids still lead their full electric competitors when affordability is taken into account, according to a new report from John Goreham at Torque News. As Goreham points out, Tesla's full electric vehicles have the highest share of the market, but the vehicles are beyond the reach of the average consumer. The Toyota Prius Prime, a plug-in hybrid, was the highest selling affordable partially electric vehicle in 2018 in the U.S. market. Honda's Clarity PHEV was the next top seller amongst affordable partial electric vehicles. Read more.


A lack of computer security professionals in Australia made recruiting difficult. But new changes to immigration rules may really pinch the country's nascent cybersecurity industry.
In the wake of fraud reports, Blowout Cards has issued a security alert to customers, warning that an attacker hacked its website and installed a PHP file designed to skim payment card details at the time of purchase.
Healthcare organizations must take a long view in their security risk management programs rather than focus on the "cyberthreat du jour," says security expert Bob Chaput, who explains why.
Federal regulators have smacked a mobile heart-monitoring technology firm with a $2.5 million HIPAA settlement related to findings from an investigation into a 2012 breach involving a stolen unencrypted laptop. What factors led to the substantial penalty?
More than15 years ago, the nation of Estonia rolled out a digital identity program for all citizens, allowing access to government services, banking, shopping - even voting. What lessons can global businesses learn from Estonia's example? Joseph Carson of Thycotic offers insight.
When an employee exits, it's essential to ensure their access rights don't go with them. Too often, however, organizations fail to track who's joining, leaving or changing roles, leaving them at increased risk of malicious activity.
President Donald Trump last week failed to meet a self-imposed, 90-day deadline to issue a report on "hacking defenses." But let's not nit-pick. After all, cybersecurity is complex - something the president is likely discovering along with healthcare and tax reform.
Free advice for breached businesses: Once you admit that you've suffered a data breach or that you're investigating a security incident, disseminate that message far and wide so no one can accuse you of trying to cover it up. That's the lesson from an incident at BlowOut Cards, a sports card trading site.
Warning: Drop everything and patch all the Windows things now. That's the alert being sounded by security researchers in the wake of attackers adopting Equation Group attack tools designed to exploit an SMB flaw and install DoublePulsar backdoor.
Australian companies are improving their cybersecurity, but fear the impact that incidents could have on their operations. The finding comes from the first-ever cybersecurity survey of Australia's largest companies.
The latest chapter in the nonstop WikiLeaks saga: As U.S. government officials continue to ramp up their anti-WikiLeaks rhetoric, President Donald Trump has reportedly directed federal prosecutors to examine ways in which members of WikiLeaks could be prosecuted.
Cybersecurity startup Tanium failed to anonymize network data for a California hospital that appeared in live product demonstrations and online videos. It's the second crisis in a week for Tanium, whose CEO has been accused of unsavory behavior and the questionable sacking of senior executives.
So-called "trust attacks" aren't waged for financial gain. They're waged to compromise data, data integrity and to expose sensitive information. Why Darktrace CEO Nicole Eagan says trust attacks will be among our greatest IoT worries in 2017.
Gov. Susana Martinez has signed legislation making New Mexico the 48th state to enact a data breach notification law. Alabama and South Dakota remain the only states without a data breach notification statute.


Staffan Truvé is Chief Technology Officer and co-founder of Recorded Future (www.recordedfuture.com ). Staffan has spent the last 20 years working in the borderland between research and industry, creating new companies based on cutting-edge research results. He helped launch more than 15 companies, including Spotfire, Appgate, Axiomatics, Peerialism, Makewave, Enmesh, and Recorded Future.


Are Your Children Proud of You?
You go to work with the intentions of being a team player, dedicated worker and an ambitious person; so that your boss or supervisor may acknowledge you and possibly reward you with a raise.
So now, imagine if you led by example and showed your child that you're not just working to pay the bills, but that you are trying to be the best person you can be so that your life can be a living example of hard work, dedication and commitment.
For the sake of this blog, let's do an exercise with your child as a teaching tool. Ask your child who do they idealize and why? If your child does not idealize you, ask them why? You should always be a role model for your child. No matter what influences there are in the world; entertainment, sports, other parents, etc., you should live your life in front of your child in such a way that you will always be number 1 in their eyes.
Smoking, drinking and profanity around your child will lead them to following in your footsteps and trying to emulate you, but in a negative light. So I ask you, "Are your children proud of you? Does it matter if your children are proud of you?" I remember growing up and my parents used to monitor what I watched on TV and what I listened to on the radio. Although I did not like it, I appreciated it later, because TV and radio has more influences on your children than what we realize. In this generation, the influence is more negative than positive. If we as parents include our children or involve our children into everything positive that we do, this will aid in making them proud of us.
Start identifying family members that your child should be proud of and explain to your child why they should be proud. When you are proud of someone, that usually means that person has worked hard to accomplish something or they have just decided to change as a person. If your child can identify others in their family that are making a difference, even if it is in a small way, that begins to shape their minds that it is more than just what their peers are presenting to them in school.
The definition of proud is: feeling deep pleasure or satisfaction as a result of one's own achievements, qualities or possessions or those of someone with whom one is closely associated. It also states being very happy and pleased because of something you have done, something you own, and someone you know or are related to.
So as a parent share your accomplishments with your children regularly, so they can become proud of you and learn even more from you. Don't lie, but share with them how you overcame different struggles and you are where you are today, because of the decisions you made in your life to do better. These are the cycles of parenting we need to start establishing. Trust me; this practice will go a long way.
What Advice Would You Give Your Parents If they Had the Opportunity to Raise You Again?


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Международно-правовая институционализация сотрудничества России с иностранными государствами в XIX - начале XX вв.
Пермь: Филиал НОУ ВПО «Московский институт государственного управления и права» в Пермском крае, 2016.
Третьякова Е. С.
Research target: LawPolitical Science (including International Relations)History and Archeology
Priority areas: law
Keywords: история международного прававнешняя политикамеждународные конгрессы и конференции международные межправительственные организациимеждународные неправительственные организации
Третий Международный Молодежный Форум юристов (межвузовская научно-практическая конференция студентов и профессорско-преподавательского состава) 06 декабря 2011 года «Роль юристов в развитии социального государства»: сборник докладов
М.: Российский экономический университет имени Г.В. Плеханова, 2011.
Миронюк М. Г., Мартынов Б. Ф. В кн.: Политические системы современных государств. Т. 3: Америка, Австралия и Океания. М.: Аспект Пресс, 2012. С. 258-269.
Миронюк М. Г., Сыроежкин К. Л. В кн.: Политические системы современных государств. Т. 2: Азия. М.: Аспект Пресс, 2012. С. 509-525.
Миронюк М. Г., Торчилин С. А. В кн.: Политические системы современных государств. Т. 3: Америка, Австралия и Океания. М.: Аспект Пресс, 2012. С. 454-459.
Международно-правовое сотрудничество России в борьбе с работорговлей (исторический аспект)
Третьякова Е. С. Черные дыры в Российском законодательстве. 2013. № 6. С. 32-35.
The article touches upon a historical aspect of the struggle against a slave – trade in the Russian state in XVII – XIX centuries. The major attention is paid to the collaboration with the European countries concerning a struggle against a Negroes – trade. The main intergovernmental meetings on the solution of this problem are pointed in the article, they are: the Viennese congress, conferences in London, Ahen, Berlin, Brussel. The article throws the light upon intergovernmental measures on a Negroes – trade suppression and the fact that this process is announced criminal in accordance with the internal legislation
Разные реальности
Окунев И. Ю. Россия в глобальной политике. 2014. Т. 12. № 2. С. 46-53.
Внутренняя и внешняя политика КНР: продвижение реформ и глобального влияния. 26‑й международный симпозиум Ассоциации китайских политологических исследований в Сан-Хосе.
Королев А. Н. Проблемы Дальнего Востока. 2014. № 2. С. 170-186.
Общественная дипломатия и межкультурные коммуникативные стратегии (на примере российско-китайского взаимодействия)
Нестерова О. А., Шершнев И. Л. М.: Издательство Московского гуманитарного университета, 2012.
Политика в эпоху глобализации
М.: МАКС Пресс, 2009.
Современные проблемы международных отношений и мировой политики. Материалы VII межвузовской научной конференции студентов, аспирантов и молодых ученых.
М.: Издательство РУДН, 2011.
Школа глоссаторов в доктрине международного частного права
Гетьман-Павлова И. В. Вопросы правоведения. 2013. № 5. С. 485-514.
Влияние внешних условий на оценку эффективности государственного сектора в регионах России
Юрескул Е. А., Ахременко А. С. Вестник Московского университета. Серия 12: Политические науки. 2013. № 3. С. 42-60.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society's resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency's work.
Abelian automorphism groups of cubic fourfolds
Mayanskiy E. arxiv.org. math. Cornell University, 2013. No. 5150.
We list all finite abelian groups which act effectively on smooth cubic fourfolds.
Paleoconservatism of the Southern Agrarians
Belkovich R. Law. LAW. Высшая школа экономики, 2013
The emergence of the Tea Party movement in recent years has shown that under the surface of mainstream political life in the USA there exists a different layer of ideas, which cannot be satisfactorily described in terms of the Republican/Democrat dichotomy. These ideas have their origins in the foundation of the American Republic, which owes a lot to ancient and mediaeval political theory. In the twentieth century there was a revival of these ideas in the form of the so-called "paleoconservative" movements which rediscovered their ancient and mediaeval heritage. This paper focuses on one of them, the Southern Agrarian movement, as exemplary of this radical intellectual project.
Russian Competition law in light of the principles of ex post and ex ante
Totyev K. Y. Law. LAW. Высшая школа экономики, 2014
This article is devoted to the legitimation and application of the standards of ex post and ex ante by courts and the executive authorities in the sphere of competition regulation. The postulates of ex post and ex ante are considered as legal principles. The principle of ex post is intended solely for judicial and administrative application; it has a deontological framework; it assumes that the legality of the activity of economic entities is assessed only on the basis of positive legal criteria in terms of the subjective rights violated; it is limited to a particular case. The traditional approach to the principle of ex post limits the scope of its application on the subjects and excessively expands its objects. The postulate of ex ante has a utilitarian basis which assumes the assessment of the application of relevant rules in the future. One of the main aims of the article is to refute the common view of lawyers and economists that a legislator applies principle of ex ante not being bound by principle of ex post, while it is the other way around for the courts and the executive authorities. The principle of ex ante may be applied not only in the process of the creation of new rules but also at the application stage for existing rules on economic competition. This is justified because the arguments of the courts and the executive authorities about a refusal to take into account the consequences of a decision in a particular case are not convincing.
The Legitimacy of the Bolshevik Order, 1917-1918: Language Usage in Revolutionary Russian Law
Borisova T. Y. Law. LAW. Высшая школа экономики, 2012. No. 05.
The article describes and analyzes the legislative politics of revolutionary regimes in Russia in 1917-1918. The author aims to demonstrate the political meaning of the form of early Soviet legislation and its legitimizing effect. The revolutionary legislators often used specific language in the new laws as a vehicle of legitimacy, i.e. to make the people comply. The two main types of legal language used by the Bolsheviks can be interpreted from the perspective of different types of legitimacy. The revolutionary strategy used propagandistic legislation, written in the language of lay people, which urged them to act according to the new law. It can be seen as a request for acts of the people to legitimize the soviets. On the contrary, the traditional strategy employed old bureaucratic means of writing and distributing legislation to the local soviets. The language used by this strategy was closed to the understanding of a lay audience and implied traditions of obeying the law written in familiar legal language, which in turn implied rational/legal legitimacy. The second strategy had already become dominant after the first months of the Bolshevik revolution. This observation demonstrates that from the very beginning of their rule, Soviet leaders approached legislative policy from a technocratic point of view, which determined the further development of Soviet legal theory and practice.
Актуальные проблемы гуманитарных и социальных исследований. Материалы X Региональной научной конференции молодых ученых Сибири в области гуманитарных и социальных наук
Edited by: А. М. Аблажей, Н. В. Головко Новосибирск: Новосибирский государственный университет, 2012.
Право на контрдемонстрации: угроза или индикатор уровня демократии?
Храмова Т. М. Конституционное и муниципальное право. 2012. № 7. С. 10-16.
The article is devoted to a particular form of freedom of assembly — the right to counter-demonstrate. The author underlines the value of this right as an element of democratic society, but also acknowledges the risk of violent actions among participants of opposing demonstrations. Due to this risk, the government may adopt adequate measures restricting the right to counter-demonstrate, certain types of which are analyzed in this paper.
Legislation as a Source of Law in Late Imperial Russia
This article analyzes the usage of legislation as a legal source in the Russian Empire through the phenomenon of the publication of law. The author argues that the absence of separation of executive, legislative and court powers had definite negative effects for lawmaking and enforcement. The legislative politics of Russian emperors could be analyzed using Jürgen Habermas' concept of ―representative publicness‖ (representative öffentlichkeit): to a large extent, the tsars considered law as both an assertion of authority and a means of governing. Their actions towards strengthening legality in the state (i.e. the compulsory publication of legislation) were in essence symbolic or theatrical. In fact, since the separation of laws from executive acts did not exist in imperial Russia, the legislation was published (or stayed unpublished) exclusively for state administrators. The conflict in conceptions of legality between state and civil actors in the second half of the nineteenth century was not of a merely political nature. The article demonstrates that there was a public demand for publication of legislation; insufficient accessibility of legal information negatively influenced social and economic development in imperial Russia.
Правовое регулирование градостроительной деятельности и землепользования в Российской Федерации и в городе Москве. Учебное пособие
Гринев В. П. М.: ГАСИС, 2008.
Россия и Договор Энергетической хартии
Белый А. В. ЭКО. 2010. № 6. С. 97-114.
Development of standards of international controllability is reviewed in the article. Institutional approach is applied to development of international legal regime of Energy Charter. Definition of controllability is connected to development of international standards of dispute settlement, which are described in the article in detail. In connection with controllability, Russian interest, defense of investment in European Union and ecological investment encouragement, is reviewed in the article.
мировое управление и управляемость, Мировая экономика, международное экономическое право, энергетическая хартия, International control and controllability, International economics, international economic law, Energy Charter
Культурные аспекты и правоприменительная практика в области прав человека в Кавказском регионе
Рябинин А. Л. Права человека в современном мире. WP18. НИУ ВШЭ, 2012. № 02.
Наука международного частного права: французская школа бартолистов XV-XVI вв.
Гетьман-Павлова И. В. Государство и право. 2010. № 6. С. 84-92.
международное частное право; недвижимость; ; школа бартолистов; бартолисты; теория статутов; статуарная теория/


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In 1687, the wine estate of Pierre de Beaucastel was ennobled by King Louis XIV who obviously knew good wine. Produced by the Famille Perrin, Coudoulet de Beaucastel 2016 is a juicy, medium-plus-bodied Côtes Du Rhône red wine blend of 40% Grenache, 30% Mourvèdre, 20% Syrah and 10% Cinsault. Each varietal is hand-harvested and vinified separately, This is an easy-to-enjoy and plushy red wine with ripe cherry, raspberry, red plum and blackberries on the palate.
Food pairings: braised meats, herbed steaks, venison.