text:
The Problem(s) with Democrats /
The Problem(s) with Democrats
Editor's Note: This is the first in a series of interviews that AlterNet plans to publish as part of its "Take America Back" coverage, which tries to make sense of the 2004 elections and put forward the best ideas on how to move ahead.
"The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America" offers an unflinching assessment of the sorry state of the Left, the undisputed power of the conservatives, and the future of America – a future, the authors predict, that will be dyed an even deeper red. Reading the book is a bit like going to the dentist after a very long time: the prognosis is always gloomy and it's usually your own damn fault.
Yet "The Right Nation" is a must-read for anyone on the left willing to undertake the soul-searching required to figure out where we are and what went wrong. Its authors, The Economist's U.S. Editor John Micklethwait and its Washington correspondent Adrian Wooldridge, offer a clear-eyed perspective, undiluted by sentimentality or partisanship.
They chart the transformation of America, from the dawn of the New Deal era under FDR, through the triumph of liberalism in the 1960s, to the rise of a powerful conservative movement over the past three decades. The rise of the "Right Nation," the authors argue, is explained not just by the effectiveness of the conservative strategy, but also the failures of the Left, which include top-down liberal policies of the 1970s that went too far, too fast.
Today, the problem, says Wooldridge, is not hubris but intellectual timidity. He points out that the Democratic Party has responded to conservative gains either by turning into LINOs (Liberals In Name Only) or, failing that, by simply opposing the conservative agenda without offering one of its own. His message to liberals: get a grip and, more importantly, a couple of bold, new ideas.
While we may not all agree with Wooldridge's sense of what these ideas might be – given his affection for centrist politics a la Clinton – he does force us to ask ourselves some tough questions. What are the limits of liberalism in a society shaped by individualism and free enterprise? Will traditional liberal policies – more spending, greater benefits – work in an era of global capital? What can we learn from our own history of successes and failures?
Wooldridge spoke to AlterNet from his office in Washington D.C.
In the book, you predicted that a George Bush victory would mark the beginning of decades of Republican hegemony. But even you didn't expect him to do much better than scrape by. So does your prediction hold truer than ever?
I think the fact that he's won, and the circumstances under which he won – a bad war, a stuttering economic recovery, a net loss of jobs – does reinforce the idea that we're in for a period of conservative hegemony. But you shouldn't confuse Republican hegemony necessarily with conservative hegemony. The center of gravity is conservative which makes it much more likely that the more right-wing of the two parties will win. But you could have a Democratic White House and still have a dominance of conservative ideas.
The ruling ideas of our time are conservative, just as in the '60s, when politics was marching in the liberal direction. So even if you had a Republican president, as you did with Richard Nixon, he was pursuing essentially big government, liberal policies.
You're saying it becomes irrelevant which party ...
Not irrelevant ... What you had in the 1960s was a real belief that government was a benevolent force which could help solve people's problem. That belief has gone on much of the left, as well as on the right. So the context, the zeitgeist, if you want to put it so pretentiously, is conservative, just as the zeitgeist in the 1960's was liberal.
The "right nation" is in the driving seat and part of the reason is – as you point to in the book – the failure of the left. You argue that the lurch to the left of the Democratic party during the Johnson administration sparked a revolt among average Americans who are inherently more conservative. Is the message of the book that a lot of ideas of the left are simply too liberal for America?
I don't believe all the policies that one identifies with the 1960s were failures. What I mean by "overreach" is, firstly, pushing against certain basic American instincts, such as belief in hard work, belief in individual responsibilities, suspicion of the government.
I think the civil rights movement was a huge success and it's permanently changed the nature of America. The backlash against the civil rights movement did not stick because it was in keeping with a fundamental American value, which is that you should judge people on their individual abilities rather on their race or creed.
But there's not much emphasis in this country on making sure that people don't fall too far below the average. Once government becomes interventionist in the European sense – tries to be more redistributive and egalitarian – then it's likely to fail because it's pushing against a very fundamental American instinct.
Another way that the left overreached – in a way that has been permanently damaging to its cause – was in its lack of sensitivity to worries about law and order. In the late 1960s early 1970s, the crime rate and the murder rate is soaring, but the courts seem to be on the side of the criminals, in protecting their rights, rather than on the side of ordinary citizens.
It's particularly damaging at a time when the courts are trying to impose liberal enlightened values on a country that doesn't like them. I also mean "overreach" in that if you can't do things democratically through the legislature, then the courts can be summoned in and used to push through these policies. I think that has powered a lot of conservative backlash – the opposition to court mandated notions such as busing, Roe v. Wade etc.
So what you're saying is that they didn't do the hard work of actually persuading people at the grassroots level?
Yes, especially on the abortion issue. Look at Roe vs. Wade, look at the culture war that has surrounded abortion in this country and compare it with other European countries. All of these countries went through a period in the late 1960s-early 1970's, when abortion is legalized in various ways. In every other country, including very Catholic countries, this is something that's been achieved through the legislature, or in referendum. So when abortion is legalized, you can say, 'Look, this is the will of the people.'
In this country, it went from a position that was declared illegal to a position that was declared to be a right on the basis of the decision of judges. You can almost understand why if you move from one position to another position on the basis of a court decision, you're likely to have a culture war. You don't have the legitimacy that comes from democratic decisionmaking.
The conventional wisdom about the outcome of the elections is that the elitist uppity liberals got what they had coming for sneering at good old middle America. So you agree with that argument, in a historical sense?
Well, I think that there is a sense in which the Democratic Party has become disconnected from large numbers of people, especially in the heartland of this country.
You have in the person of John Kerry, a man whose first wife is I think worth $300 million, and his second wife is worth $600 million. And now look at Al Gore. Al Gore was the son of a senator, who, again, had a very privileged upbringing – he went to St. Albans, he went to Harvard. I can tell you that if the Labour Party had put up for its top job someone who'd been to Westminister or Eton, questions would be asked.
It seems to indicate a political elite that is out of touch with a lot of ordinary people. Now do they look down on [middle America]? People are constantly calling me, saying that the problem with this country is that there are too many stupid people in it. Whether that's true or not, it's not a very sensible attitude to have if you want to win power in a democracy.
So yes, it's true – but it's only half of the story. A bigger problem for the Democrats is not so much that they're out of touch with ordinary people, it's that they're becoming an odd alliance of two very distinct groups. There's the professional elites: the university professors, New York Manhattan dwellers, Hollywood creative types. There are a very large number of upper-professional, very, very highly educated people. And that's the group among which Democratic support has been growing most rapidly.
Then, secondly, there's the rump of blue-collar America, the ordinary working-class people in a lot of the Great Lakes states who are Democrats. There is a working class, old blue-collar element in the Democratic Party.
Now how do these two groups of people cohere? The Hollywood people and the Manhattan people belong to the global economy and they want free trade. On the other hand, a lot of the Rust Belt people are culturally conservative and economically fairly protectionist. So this is a party that has two wings that don't have very much in common.
Does this disconnect exist because the Democratic Party has long been running on watered down versions of conservative ideas? You point out in the book that all the big ideas in recent decades have come from the right. The argument put forward by many on the left is that we need to go back to the drawing board and come up with genuinely populist ideas.
Democrats do need to invest as heavily as they can in ideas. What really distinguished the conservative movement was this willingness to invest in all these think tanks, foundations, magazines, all of which develops an agenda, a worldview, set of policies.
Democrats are sitting quite happily in universities thinking up great theories, but they don't seem to be in think tanks, intimately involved in thinking about policy. For example, they should be thinking about what we should be doing about social security, instead of just saying, like Kerry did, that we're going to save it as it is. This is a system that's going bankrupt, and everyone knows it.
There's a massive problem in this country with meritocracy. This is a country built on the idea of upward mobility, and yet upward mobility in this country is in trouble. There's greater inequality. Most Americans are not unhappy with inequality, as long as there is a chance for people to get from the bottom of society to the top of society. That is getting much, much more difficult now.
And it doesn't mean going back to economic populism, which is a disaster. The idea that Republicans have won through cultural populism and so we need to fight back through economic populism is a recipe for catastrophe.
It's partly because, I think, those policies are foolish policies – sort of 1930s' Depression policies. It's also partly because the Democratic Party is a coalition between two groups, one of highly paid professionals intimately involved in the global economy, and one of blue-collar workers. As soon as you move toward economic populism, you're going to alienate the professional side – you alienate a lot of the money and a lot of the potential ideas. So you need to have a set of policies that will keep both these groups on board.
I also think this notion that there's some sort of clear and obvious antithesis between economic populism and cultural populism is nonsense. The easiest way for people to fall into poverty is to split up. Keeping families intact is a matter of economic survival for someone in the working class. So economic populism is not a way to go.
There is a perfect example of what the Democratic Party can do to become a party of government, and that is to look at what Tony Blair did. When Tony Blair took over the Labour Party, it was completely without ideas, without organization, without hope of ever winning an election – people use to joke that every Labour Party political conference was like one giant infomercial for the Tory Party. Now, Tony Blair is the most successful politician in Western Europe. He has completely marginalized the Tory party. The way he's done that is by being a successful version of Clinton – having very centrist policies.
I think that the Democratic Party needs to take leaf out of Tony Blair's book. And I don't think that is just a matter of being Republican Lite. It's a matter of producing new ideas – just as Clinton tried to do in 1992. He talked about how we're not going to be like the old Democratic Party, we're not going to be like the Republican Party, we're going to find distinctive solutions to these problems.
If the system of social security doesn't work, does that mean we're going to do exactly the same thing as George Bush? No, we have our own ideas. If the education system doesn't work, does that mean we're going to privatize the education system? No, we'll do something else.
The Democratic Party has to present itself a) as a centrist party that is in tune with the values and beliefs of ordinary people – people in Peoria – and b) as the problem-solving party. We're on the side of ordinary people and we're going to try and solve the problems that they face.
That sounds good, but the fear is that we'll end up ceding basic ideas about egalitarianism, about social justice, in the process. We can rethink the role of government, but liberals are liberals because they do have a certain set of values.
No, no, it's not necessarily about becoming like Republicans. In terms of managing the economy, being more like Republicans at the moment would be a matter of building up a gigantic deficit. I think you have to be bold. You have to be willing to work out what your desires are and design policies that reach them.
One of the things that's gone wrong with liberalism is that instead of being very clear about what your ideals are and working from your ideals to a set of policies, you start off with a sense of what the interest groups are in your party and then tailor your policies to fit those interest groups. I personally think that social justice matters and meritocracy, social mobility, matter hugely. Any party that's seriously concerned about improving the life opportunities of ordinary people and is unwilling to stand up for testing and accountability, for standards and choice in education, is shooting itself in the foot.
If your will is social justice and if you accept, I think most people do, that the most important thing people can have to compete in this economy is a good education, how can you justify giving those teachers unions a veto power over your education reforms, You can't. You have to be clear about what your ideals are and be willing to confront interest groups in order to pursue those ideals.
We have a dramatic increase of social inequality in this country, at a time when the education system is, for the poorest people, getting worse, at a time when the ladder of opportunity is getting worse. In every previous period in American history – when you have this dramatic rise in inequality – you've had progressive movements that come along to try and change that through a huge expansion of the universities or the creation of public schools. That's the sort of thing that the Democrats ought to be seizing on and addressing.
Let's talk about George Bush's second term. Bush is already claiming a mandate and the evangelical base is becoming incredibly vocal. Do you see a similar danger for the Republican Party in terms of overreaching? As you point out in your book, they too have a coalition of two separate wings: anti-government conservatives and religious conservatives. Now that the religious conservatives see themselves as the architects of the Bush victory, what perils lie ahead?
The biggest danger for this party is to overreach on the whole issue of morals and values. The party Reagan formed has always kept a very nice balance between the libertarian wing and the social conservative wing. There was a sense then that Reagan's real half was in the tax-cutting, anti-government side of things, but he made a lot of gestures to social conservatives so that they wouldn't complain.
Since then the center of gravity in the party has swung dramatically toward the social conservatives, partly because parts of the country have been experiencing a religious revival, and partly because social conservatives have moved from outside the Republican Party to inside the Republican Party. The number of evangelical Christians within the party hierarchy has increased. And partly because the center of gravity of the country has moved further away from the West to the South – there's a huge southern lock on the Republican Party.
As for the role of the evangelicals [in the elections], the numbers overstate it. It's more about organization and intensity, where the churches certainly played an important role.
So if you combine that with that fact that we have one or two or more Supreme Court appointments and the fact that this is Supreme Court issue is non-negotiable for them, that's difficult.
And it's a difficulty for them if you look at the fact that they won by three and a half million votes. That's quite a big victory, but voters can swing. The Republicans won 55 percent of married women. A lot of those people are not all card-carrying evangelical Christians. A lot of those people would shift if they thought that the Republican Party has become too much of a socially conservative party.
There are all these interest groups in the Republican Party – the business people, the intellectuals, social conservatives, the libertarians, anti-gun people. You have to give them enough to keep them fed, but not so much that they terrify the rest of the country. It could easily go wrong. You can get an overreach – exactly the way that LBJ overreached – that could lay the foundation of a Democratic revival.
What about terrorism? Do Democrats have a fundamental problem in that they are perceived as weak on law and order at home, and therefore cannot be trusted to protect the nation abroad?
Republicans always go into debates about the use of force, about the use of the military, with an advantage. Because ever since the Vietnam War, and ever since McGovern, people have been very, very suspicious of the Democrats when it comes to protecting the nation.
Many people also buy the argument that we cannot fight terrorism just by sitting here waiting for the next group of lunatics to hijack airplanes. While there are misgivings about Iraq, it's in the character of Americans to want to fight back when they're attacked. The idea of taking the war to those people and putting them on the defensive persuaded enough people for it to be a factor in the election.
So in a post 9/11 era, it looks pretty gloomy for the Democrats and liberals. If the issue is always going to be about military strength, even if there is another terrorist attack, it would just reinforce the Republican advantage.
Well, that's partly why I believe that we are in a conservative hegemony in which the balance of advantage lies with the Republicans when it comes to winning elections.
Then again, I would point to Tony Blair. Tony Blair had this brilliant idea that he came up with when he was Home Secretary: tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime. We'll deal with criminals but we'll also deal with the underlying causes of these crimes. We're not the Tories, just putting criminals to prison. But we're not just social workers, saying it's all society's fault. We're tough on both, we're problem solvers when it comes to both.
What the Democrats need to do is to produce some sort of similar combination: tough on terrorism, tough on the causes of terrorism. It means that they're doing more than just dropping bombs on these people, but they're also not just making excuses for them.
One last question and it's about language. There's a lot of soul-searching about our inability to communicate our core values. So it's not just about having good ideas, but being able to speak about them in a persuasive way. What do you say to that?
What the party needs to do is make sure that they don't sneer whenever they talk about evangelical Christians. I think that's a huge mistake in a very religious country.
They need to learn to put themselves on the side of ordinary Americans, who are aspirational people. What ordinary people want is a good family, a good job, and a chance for a better life. Once the Democratic Party starts talking to those people in the language of aspirations then it's surely got a very powerful selling point. That was the selling point of FDR, of JFK, of Johnson, of Clinton – that they were the side of ordinary families who play by the rules and want to get ahead. And given the huge stagnation of income, that ought be something that Democrats can capitalize on.
Don't forget: Bush won by three points, and he was extremely lucky to have done so.


On Tuesday 9th April, Dr Adi Paterson, the CEO of Australia's Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation (ANSTO), spoke to the Institute about the important work conducted at ANSTO in nuclear research and developing effective nuclear-related government policy. Dr Paterson has been CEO of ANSTO for over ten years, after having worked to reconstruct South Africa's systems of scientific innovation post-apartheid. In his detailed and fascinating talk Dr Paterson, as a firm believer in public outreach to increase support for nuclear research programs, sought to enlighten the audience about the projects conducted at ANSTO and their positive effects on not only Australian society, but also the world.
Dr Paterson sees his role as demystifying the work conducted at ANSTO. Combating the longstanding aversion to anything 'nuclear' has been the target of his tenure as CEO. He has focused on the possibilities and achievements of nuclear medicine, framing nuclear research in a positive light. New nuclear medical technologies are constantly being developed to treat a variety of health conditions. Approximately two-thirds of Australians will benefit from nuclear medicine in their lifetimes, and most will have reason to thank ANSTO for their treatment. Australia is a world leader in nuclear medicine and synchrotron-related research (the Australian synchrotron produces intense beams of light travelling at just under the speed of light to explore the composition of human tissue, plants, metals and other materials). He also noted that Australia is catching up with the rest of the world in such areas as particle therapy (precisely targeting tumours).
Dr Paterson emphasised the need to maintain support for ANSTO to continue to make advances in fields of research that benefit Australian society, the Asia-Pacific region and the wider world. These advances are due in large part to ANSTO's world class nuclear research facilities in both Sydney and Melbourne. Two examples of Australia's international outreach were given by Dr Paterson: first, Australia's acceptance into the Generation IV International Forum, despite not being a nuclear power, as a result of the research capabilities and knowledge ANSTO holds; and second, the bilateral research between Australia and Sri Lanka in identifying and treating a chronic and prevalent kidney disease affecting Sri Lankans and other Asian populations. Both of these examples are evidence of Australian 'soft-power' and peaceful uses of nuclear research.
In response to questions, Dr Paterson argued for the safety of nuclear research operations, both for their human operators and for the environment. He defended Australia's waste disposal programs. He also argued in favour of nuclear energy sources as viable and reliable alternatives to fossil fuels. Dr Paterson's enthusiasm for the benefits of future nuclear technologies shone through his presentation, with an optimism that perhaps only a scientist could possess.


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New Linux Kernel Strengthens SMP Support
The latest release of the Linux operating system kernel offers a number of improvements that should speed up operations in SMP (symmetric multiprocessing) systems.
Last updated: 5 Dec 2019 • 2 min read
Among the improvements are an adjustment to the way the kernel supports the ext4 and XFS file systems, making them more suitable for SMP duties. The software also includes a number of routing and device-handling optimizations that SMP system managers should welcome.
Kernel keeper Linus Torvalds announced the release of this latest version, 2.6.37, on the Linux Kernel mailing list on Tuesday. The release comes a little more than two months after version 2.6.36, which was issued in late October. Approximately 1,140,000 lines of code were added into this version, according to Linux Weekly News.
In regard to the ext4 file system, the file system will no longer use a buffer layer to communicate. "The buffer layer has a lot of performance and SMP scalability issues that will get solved with this port," the kernel's changelog noted. In one set of benchmarks, using a 48-core system connected to a 24-unit SAS storage array, the new ext4 implementation was able to speed 192 simultaneous FFSB (Flexible File System Benchmark) threads by 300 percent while reducing the load on the CPUs by a factor of three or four.
Through a number of enhancements, the kernel's support for the XFS file system has been streamlined as well. The changelog notes that in a test of an 8-way SMP machine, using the fs_mark benchmark with 50 million files, performance was improved by 15 percent. It now deletes files in half the time that it previously required.
The new kernel also removes at least one outdated SMP technology, the Big Kernel Lock (BKL). Introduced in version 2.0 of the kernel, the lock was put in place to enhance SMP scalability. As a way to control concurrent operations, the lock prevented more than one thread from running in the kernel space at one time. For large systems, however, BKL can slow performance. Developers have subsequently pioneered more fine-grained locking techniques that eliminate the need to run BKL.
All these improvements should help speed Linux performance on SMP systems. SMP systems tie together multiple processors under a single shared memory and are run by a single operating system. Although traditionally used for running large-scale ERP (enterprise resource planning) and other enterprise software packages, the SMP architecture is also evident in today's dual-core and quad-core processor-based servers and desktops.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Le Tiger est un torpilleur de la classe Type 1924 de la Reichsmarine puis de la Kriegsmarine.

Histoire
Ce navire et ses sister-ships Jaguar, Leopard et Luchs sont lancés le  après un discours de baptême de l'amiral Iwan Oldekop. Le baptême est donné par l'ancien commandant de la canonnière SMS Tiger, Karl von Bodecker.

Après sa mise en service le , le Tiger subit des essais jusqu'en juin. Entre avril et , il fait un voyage en mer Méditerranée, faisant escale à Vigo, Almería, Catane, Split, Lisbonne et dans d'autres ports. À l'automne 1932, il va en mer Baltique, s'arrête à Helsinki et à Riga. En 1934, il fait plusieurs entraînements dans les eaux norvégiennes. En , le bateau vient brièvement au large de l'Espagne pour participer au blocus. Il revient en novembre et . En , le Tiger est le navire de tête pour le voyage vers Kiel de l'aviso Grille, après avoir été présent au lancement du Wilhelm Gustloff. En juin et , il repart dans les eaux espagnoles. De retour en Allemagne, le navire est mis hors service le .

Le Tiger est remis en service le  en remplacement du Seeadler et sert à la formation des équipages des destroyers. En , il va en Espagne en compagnie de l'Iltis et du Wolf. Il revient en Allemagne au mois de juillet. En , le Tiger prend part à la surveillance du trafic maritime dans la mer Baltique.

Le Tiger entre en collision le  à 3h15 du matin avec le destroyer Max Schultz et coule en quelques minutes. Deux membres d'équipage perdent la vie.

Commandement

Voir aussi
 Liste des navires de la Kriegsmarine

Notes et références

Bateau lancé en 1928
Torpilleur
Navire de la Reichsmarine
Navire de la Kriegsmarine
Navire démoli en 1939

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Class RepositoryQueryServlet.QueryParameters

java.lang.Object
  atg.repository.servlet.RepositoryServlet.RepositoryParameters
      atg.repository.servlet.RepositoryQueryServlet.QueryParameters

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RepositoryQueryServlet

public class RepositoryQueryServlet.QueryParameters
extends RepositoryServlet.RepositoryParameters

Class used to store repository query params

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RepositoryQueryServlet.QueryParameters()

          Constructs an instanceof QueryParameters

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 int
getEndingIndex()

          Returns property EndingIndex

 Query
getQuery()

          Returns property Query

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getSortDirectives()

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setStartingIndex(int i)

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Methods inherited from class atg.repository.servlet.RepositoryServlet.RepositoryParameters

getRepository, getViewName, setRepository, setViewName

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RepositoryQueryServlet.QueryParameters

public RepositoryQueryServlet.QueryParameters()

Constructs an instanceof QueryParameters

Method Detail

getQuery

public Query getQuery()

Returns property Query

setQuery

public void setQuery(Query q)

Sets property Query

getSortDirectives

public SortDirectives getSortDirectives()

Returns property SortDirectives

setSortDirectives

public void setSortDirectives(SortDirectives d)

Sets property SortDirectives

getStartingIndex

public int getStartingIndex()

Returns property StartingIndex

setStartingIndex

public void setStartingIndex(int i)

Sets property StartingIndex

getEndingIndex

public int getEndingIndex()

Returns property EndingIndex

setEndingIndex

public void setEndingIndex(int i)

Sets property EndingIndex

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This article is about the youth movement. For the defunct Rhodesian military units, see Selous Scouts or Grey Scouts.
Scouting in Zimbabwe shares history with Malaŵi and Zambia, with which it was linked for decades. The Boy Scouts Association of Zimbabwe is a member of the World Organization of the Scout Movement.
A detailed history of this very early period was written in Burnham: King of Scouts, a biographical novel by Peter van Wyk. Frederick Russell Burnham (1861-1947), an American from California, taught Scouting to Robert Baden-Powell, inspiring Baden-Powell to eventually found the Boy Scouts. Burnham went to Africa in 1893 to scout for Cecil Rhodes on the Cape-to-Cairo Railway. He was a scout in the Matabele War and gained fame when he survived the British equivalent of Custer's Last Stand. During a rebellion in 1896, Burnham took Colonel Baden-Powell into the African hills and taught him scoutcraft. Baden-Powell's very life was changed, and forever after that he promoted Scouting at every opportunity.
The great popularity of the Boy Scout movement in Rhodesia was due to its outdoor program such as hiking, camping, cooking and pioneering, which was unusual in the protectorate. Additionally, the training and progressive badge system was targeted towards helping others, leading to responsible citizenship.
Because of the prevailing circumstances earlier in the 20th century, a separate movement was established for black Africans called "Pathfinders". By the 1950s the time was considered to merge both movements into one Scout Association, as was done with the South African Scout Association.
Rhodesia hosted the Central African Jamboree in 1959 at Ruwa.
During this period, the highest earned Scout rank bore a sable antelope, the heraldic supporter of the Rhodesian coat-of-arms. This motif still seems to be in use today.
Interestingly, in the 10 months the nation's name changed to Zimbabwe Rhodesia, from June 1, 1979 to April 18, 1980, a photo was taken of a group of Scouts from around the world. This photo, which features a Scout wearing a uniform emblazoned with a large Zimbabwe Rhodesia badge over the right pocket, was used for the cover of 250 Million Scouts by World Chief Scout Executive Dr. László Nagy in 1985.
In 1983, Mr. Charles A. Martin was awarded the Bronze Wolf, the only distinction of the World Organization of the Scout Movement, awarded by the World Scout Committee for exceptional services to world Scouting.


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This magnetic notepad is 4 x 9 inches in size. There are 80 pages with 16 lines on each page. It has a perforated edge under the beautiful decorative top which is a bright floral pattern and the message "Let Your Passion Burn Brighter Than Your Fears" printed in gold foil. It reminds us that fears should not take a prominent place in our lives.
Mary Square's mantra, "more than a gift" reflects the core foundation of a company that is focused on making a lasting impact on both it's customers and people world wide. Mary Square's emergence as a lifestyle brand with a reputation for high-quality, on trend, functional product continues to raise the standard in the wholesale gift industry. The company continues to make inspirational gifts, as well as apparel and personalized gifts.


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Looking for a slightly textured yet simple stone effect tile? K-Stone could be the range for you. Pair with a mosaic border or with a contrasting floor tile to create a more stand out look.


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This year the Classique Foundation of Gozo is embarking on a new project, with the first edition of a mini-festival – MUSIC+ with a programme of events to be held between late September and November.
The mini-festival programme will include recitals from local and international artists, master classes in different instruments, workshops for Primary school students and talks, with a conference will bring the festival to a close.
A recital by Edlira Shkurti (violin) and Erga Halilaj (piano) from Albania, will get MUSIC+ underway, on Friday, the 28th of September.
Shkurti is a member of the RTSH Orchestra of Tirana, Albania whereas Halilaj, apart from being a member of the RTSH Orchestra, is also a visiting professor at the University of Arts of Tirana.
To follow will be three further recitals: on Saturday, the 29th of September, featuring up-and-coming Gozitan pianist Francis James Camilleri; and another on Sunday, the 30th, which will feature Laura Magistrelli (clarinet) and Marina Degl'Innocenti (piano) from Italy – Magistrelli is professor of clarinet at the Conservatorio Giuseppe Verdi of Milan.
The last of the three recitals will be held on Sunday, the 28th of October, featuring trumpeter Brendan Ball, trumpet player with the Malta Philharmonic Orchestra, and pianist Elaine Mercieca.
Ball and Mercieca will perform the world premiere of Alan Cassar's Deconstructed Images, as well as excerpts from some of the well-known classics.
All these recitals will start at 7.30pm and take place at the Exhibition Hall, Ministry for Gozo, St Francis Square. The organisers said that they will also all feature music by Maltese composers.
Laura Magistrelli, Edlira Shkurti and Erga Halilaj, will give master classes in clarinet, violin, and piano respectively. These will be held at the Gozo Visual and Performing Arts School, Xewkija, on Saturday, the 29th of September, starting at 9.00am.
As part of the mini-festival, selected Primary School children will also have the opportunity to attend two workshops – OPERA 4 KIDS.These workshops will be conducted by Ms. Sarah Spiteri, on Thursday, the 4th of October.
Then on Friday, the 5th of October, at the Exhibition Hall, Ministry for Gozo, starting at 7.30pm, Dr Abraham Borg will deliver a talk, Opera in Malta: a brief overview.
MUSIC+ mini-festival will be brought to a close with a conference: The Future of Opera in the Maltese Islands with the participation of representatives from all opera house in the islands.
It will be moderated by Dr Paul Xuereb and addressed by Ms. Cecilia Xuereb and internationally renowned soprano Miriam Gauci.
The conference will be held on Friday, the 9th of November, at the Circolo Gozitano premises, Victoria, starting at 7.30pm. This conference will be held in Maltese and attendance is by registration.
The Classique Foundation is a non-profit cultural organisation in Gozo, with the main objective of promoting culture by organising musical concerts from time to time.
For more details and information please contact: musicplusgozo@gmail.com – 7970 3288 / 9948 7341.


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I'm a client for life, and the best part is that I don't have to lift a finger and the service is first class!
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text:
Discorder Magazine
In Good Humour
Sophie Buddle
Evan Brow
Manny Sangha
Marita Michaelis
"Silly. Comedian. I sleep a lot during the day. That's most of my life. Hungry. That sums it up pretty well."
That's how Vancouver stand-up Sophie Buddle would describe herself. But there's so much more. Regularly described as a rising star in the Vancouver stand-up world, the 22-year old Buddle moved to Vancouver from Ottawa when she was 18. She moved to attend fashion school, but dropped out almost immediately. Comedy was her future, not fashion.
Sophie Buddle || Illustration by Marita Michaelis for Discorder Magazine
She grew up loving Ellen Degeneres, memorizing her bits, making her mother pee her pants laughing, and started performing when she was just 15. Now in Vancouver, Buddle is a regular headliner. She has opened for Moshe Kasher and Nick Thune, and was recently the runner-up in the SiriusXM Top Comic competition. At the heart of her success is an obsession with comedy. It's everything she wants to do. It helps that she loves Vancouver and raves about good local comics like Graham Clark, Erica Sigurdson, and even Chris James who Buddle says "is my ex-boyfriend, but who I still think is funny."
"I love Vancouver comedy, and it's my favourite place to do comedy," says Buddle. "It's crazy that every show here isn't packed. If the comedians on our shows were American comics, I think they'd all have Netflix specials and do theatres. But they just do regular shows that you pay $5 for. I feel really lucky to be around these people."
On comics versus improvisers:
"I think stand-ups are more hoarders than people who do improv. As a stand-up, if you think of anything that is funny, you're like, 'Okay, I got to write that down and have it forever.' And in improv, these people have so much funny and they're just frivolous with it. They don't even care."
Buddle is a pure joke-teller, tending to tell short and sweet punchlines to stories. All her material is pretty fresh as well, with her oldest joke being only three years old.
"Some jokes take longer to get sick of than others," says Buddle. "But that's why it takes me so long to build up material too, because I hate jokes so quickly. If it's doing well, I'll try to build on it to keep it fresh for myself. So I'll give it tags or another direction, but I get so annoyed with my jokes because I do stuff pretty word-for-word every time as well. That's the thing with stories. You can tell them a little differently every time. But jokes are just so repetitive."
One joke Buddle is "determined to make work" involves her time spent at "horse camps" over summer breaks as a child. While she wasn't into horses, the other girls definitely were.
"I had to act like when kids are closeted and gay and they're pretending to be attracted to the opposite sex still," says Buddle. "I feel like I had to do that with horses. So I talk to them and I'm like, 'Yeah, I like my horse too. I like that they're tall. I like their bangs. I like that they're made of glue. Do you like glue? Is that what it is?'"
Sophie Buddle || Photography by Manny Sangha for Discorder Magazine
When Buddle isn't performing at Just For Laughs in Montreal and Toronto or at L.A. shows like Meltdown and Hot Tub with Kurt Braunohler and Kristen Schaal, she can probably be found most nights telling jokes here in Vancouver. And when she's not doing a local show like the Comedy Mix, Jokes Please!, or the Laugh Gallery, she co-hosts her own monthly show Barely Legal: An Underground Comedy Show.
"My roommate Gavin Matts and I run it," says Buddle. "He does all the work and my name is on it. I do literally nothing. Sometimes I host half the show, but not even the first half. And I make him introduce me, because I don't like going up cold. So I really do very little, but it's very cool. It all happened because of my friend Jaik Olson [Puppyteeth]. He's a really great artist. One day I go to his studio to pick something up and I say, 'Whoa, this is an amazing art space. Would you ever want to do a comedy show here?'"
The show has become an underground hit and it's no coincidence how its unique line-ups have developed.
"Gavin and I dislike a lot of people, so the only people we have on are people who pass the 'I like them' test, which limits us to very few people. So we always have really strong line-ups, because one of us usually hates somebody."
Barely Legal: An Underground Comedy Show is on the first Friday of each month at Sweet Pup Studios. Buddle will be performing at the Comedy Mix from November 3-5. She can be found at @sophiebuddle on Twitter.
Barely Legal: An Underground Comedy Show,
CiTR,
Comedy,
Discorder,
Discorder Magazine,
Evan Brow,
Jaik Olson,
Manny Sangha,
Marita Michaelis,
puppyteeth,
Sophie Buddle,
Randee Neumeyer
Amy Shostak
Vancouver International Improv Festival


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text:
HoustonAstrosHOU
4-3, 1-0 Away
Los AngelesAngelsLAA
2-6, 1-3 Home
GamecastGamecast
RecapRecap
Box ScoreBox Score
Play-by-PlayPlay-by-Play
Tucker drives in 4 runs to lead Astros over Angels 9-6
ANAHEIM, Calif. -- Houston manager Dusty Baker will take any wins he can get, even if they provide some anxiety.
The Astros had a season-high 13 hits in their 9-6 victory over the Los Angeles Angels on Friday night, but it was far from a picturesque opening to their 10-game road trip. Six Houston pitchers issued 12 walks, but the defense turned three double plays and were able to respond to Angels' rallies with response runs.
"Right now we are scuffling for victories. That was a tough one all the way down to the end. I'm just glad we were able to come out on top," said Baker of the 4-hour, 21-minute game, which is the longest nine-inning contest in Astros and Angels Stadium history.
Kyle Tucker had three hits and a career-high four RBI for the Astros, who snapped a two-game losing streak after starting the season 3-1. Tucker, the fifth overall pick in the 2015 draft, is getting a chance to be a regular in the lineup with Yordan Alvarez out due to an undisclosed injury. Tucker put Houston on the board with a two-run double in the second. With the Astros leading 6-4 in the seventh, he put the game away with a two-run single to right.
"I found a couple holes tonight, which was good," he said.
Lance McCullers Jr., who missed last season after having Tommy John surgery on his right elbow, made his first road start in nearly two years. The right-hander struggled a bit with command in his four innings and wasn't able to retire the side once. He allowed four runs and six hits with four walks and four strikeouts.
Brandon Bielak (2-0) came in after McCullers and pitched two scoreless innings.
Brian Goodwin had two hits, including a home run, and drove in three runs for the Angels, who have dropped three straight and five of their last six. Goodwin's RBI triple to right in the eighth brought the Angels within 8-6. They had runners on the corner with one out before Shohei Ohtani ground into an inning-ending double play.
Los Angeles also had runners on first and second with one out in the ninth, but Andre Scrubb retired the next two batters to pick up his first major-league save.
The Angels left 12 on base and were 3 for 18 with runners in scoring position.
"We hit some balls really well tonight with again nothing to really show for it at the end of the game. But the approach at the plate was outstanding," manager Joe Maddon said. "I thought we had great at-bats all night, we just didn't score enough runs obviously and that's the issue. We've got to do a better job of that."
Matt Andriese.(0-1) faced the minimum in the first but couldn't get out of the second. Six of the first seven Astros reached base in the inning, with Tucker's double being the key hit.
The right-hander walked three in the frame, including one with the bases-loaded to George Springer which extended the lead to 3-0. He was one of nine pitchers that Joe Maddon used.
Due to the coronavirus pandemic preventing fans from being in stadiums, the Astros' first trip to Southern California this season is much quieter.
Dodgers fans were expected to make the trip en masse down to Anaheim to boo the Astros after it was revealed during the offseason that Houston illegally stole signs during its 2017 championship that culminated in a win over the Dodgers in Game 7 of the World Series.
A couple fans were in the parking lot before the game with signs mocking the Astros, but couldn't get anywhere close to the stadium or their busses.
TOP OF THE ORDER
Springer came into the game with only one hit in his first 21 at-bats, but raised his batting average to .120 with two hits and two RBI's. He led off the game with a single to snap an 0 for 14 skid.
Jose Altuve is hitless in his last 13 at bats after going 0 for 3. The second baseman -- who did drive in two runs -- was hit by a pitch for the first time this season during the sixth inning but it didn't look intentional.
GOODWIN'S DRIVE
Goodwin got the Angels within 5-4 in the fourth when he lined a McCullers' sinker over the wall in the center. It was Goodwin's second home run in three nights. Springer mistimed his jump and lost his glove before it was retrieved by someone from Houston's bullpen.
TRAINER'S ROOM
Astros: Reliever Ryan Pressly (elbow soreness) could make his season debut as early as Saturday. ... P Bryan Abreu left the game in the seventh inning due to a cut on his finger.
Angels: Julio Teheran produced mixed results during his bullpen session on Thursday. Maddon said the plan is for the right-hander to throw another session, but he didn't know when that would take place.
Griffin Canning (0-1, 5.79 ERA) makes his first home start, after going 4-2 at the Big A last season. Houston's Zack Greinke (0-0, 8.10 ERA) has a 6-5 career record against the Angels.
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Regular Season Series
LAA win series 6-4
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2020 American League West Standings
STRK
Oakland 36 24 .600 0 W1
Houston 29 31 .483 7 L3
Seattle 27 33 .450 9 L1
Los Angeles 26 34 .433 10 L3
Texas 22 38 .367 14 W3
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