text:
Court of Appeal for the Ninth Circuit1987
Federal Election Com'n v. Furgatch
Federal Election Com'nv.Furgatch
United States Court of Appeals, Ninth CircuitJan 9, 1987
807 F.2d 857 (9th Cir. 1987)
Federal Elec. Com. v. Christian Action Net
Id. Seven years later, and less than a month following the Court's decision in MCFL, the Ninth Circuit in FEC…
Republican Party v. PDC
Most circuits adhere to the narrow view of express advocacy identified in Buckley. The Commission urges,…
holding that in the realm of express advocacy, although context is a limited concern especially when assessing the impact of the speech itself, it nonetheless "is relevant to a determination of express advocacy. A consideration of the context in which speech is uttered may . . . supply necessary premises that are unexpressed but widely understood by readers or viewers."
Summary of this case from Wisconsin Right to Life v. Federal Ele. Com'n
holding that phrase "Don't let him do it" in newspaper advertisement referring to President Carter, released less than one week before the 1980 general election, was express advocacy
Summary of this case from Federal Election Com'n v. Christian Coal.
22 Summaries
Argued and Submitted June 4, 1986.
Decided January 9, 1987.
Richard Bader, Asst. Gen. Counsel, Charles N. Steele, Gen. Counsel, Carol A. Latham, Atty., Federal Election Com'n, Washington, D.C., for plaintiff-appellant.
H. Richard Mayberry, Jr., Jonathan I. Epstein, Stephen M. Griffin, Washington, D.C., for defendant-appellee.
Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of California.
Before GOODWIN and FARRIS, Circuit Judges and SOLOMON, District Judge.
The Honorable Gus Solomon, Senior United States District Judge for the District of Oregon, sitting by designation.
FARRIS, Circuit Judge:
Under the Federal Election Campaign Act, a political advertisement which "expressly advocates" either the election or defeat of a candidate must be reported to the Federal Election Commission. We must decide whether in this case reporting was required and if so whether the Act meets constitutional demands.
No right of expression is more important to our participatory democracy than political speech. One of the most delicate tasks of First Amendment jurisprudence is to determine the scope of political speech and its permissible regulation. This appeal requires us to resolve the conflict between a citizen's right to speak without burden and society's interest in ensuring a fair and representative forum of debate by identifying the financial sources of particular kinds of speech.
On October 28, 1980, one week prior to the 1980 presidential election, the New York Times published a full page advertisement captioned "Don't let him do it," placed and paid for by Harvey Furgatch. The advertisement read:
DON'T LET HIM DO IT.
The President of the United States continues degrading the electoral process and lessening the prestige of the office.
It was evident months ago when his running mate outrageously suggested Ted Kennedy was unpatriotic. The President remained silent.
And we let him.
It continued when the President himself accused Ronald Reagan of being unpatriotic.
And we let him do it again.
In recent weeks, Carter has tried to buy entire cities, the steel industry, the auto industry, and others with public funds.
We are letting him do it.
He continues to cultivate the fears, not the hopes, of the voting public by suggesting the choice is between "peace and war," "black or white," "north or south," and "Jew vs. Christian." His meanness of spirit is divisive and reckless McCarthyism at its worst. And from a man who once asked, "Why Not the Best?"
It is an attempt to hide his own record, or lack of it. If he succeeds the country will be burdened with four more years of incoherencies, ineptness and illusion, as he leaves a legacy of low-level campaigning.
On November 1, 1980, three days before the election, Furgatch placed the same advertisement in The Boston Globe. Unlike the first advertisement, which stated that it was paid for by Furgatch and was "[n]ot authorized by any candidate," the second advertisement omitted the disclaimer. The two advertisements cost Furgatch approximately $25,000.
On March 25, 1983, the Federal Election Commission brought suit against Furgatch under the Federal Election Campaign Act, 2 U.S.C. § 437g(a)(6)(A). The FEC sought a civil penalty and an injunction against further violation of the Act. It alleged that Furgatch violated 2 U.S.C. § 434(c) by failing to report his expenditures and 2 U.S.C. § 441d by failing to include a disclaimer in The Boston Globe advertisement. Furgatch moved for dismissal under Fed.R.Civ.P. 12(b)(6) for failure to state a claim. The district court orally granted the motion to dismiss and on December 10, 1984 entered its final order. It concluded that the advertisement was not an "independent expenditure" within the meaning of the statute because it did not "expressly advocate" the defeat of Jimmy Carter. The court did not rule on the constitutional issues raised by Furgatch.
Section 437g(a)(6)(A) provides:
(6)(A) If the Commission is unable to correct or prevent any violation of this Act or of chapter 95 or chapter 96 of Title 26, by the methods specified in paragraph (4)(A), the Commission may, upon an affirmative vote of 4 of its members, institute a civil action for relief, including a permanent or temporary injunction, restraining order, or any other appropriate order (including an order for a civil penalty which does not exceed the greater of $5,000 or an amount equal to any contribution or expenditure involved in such violation) in the district court of the United States for the district in which the person against whom such action is brought is found, resides, or transacts business.
Section 434(c)(1) requires that any person making an "independent expenditure" greater than $250 file a statement with the FEC. The contents of the statement are specified in 434(c)(2), which provides:
Statements . . . shall include:
(A) the information required by subsection (b)(6)(B)(iii) of this section, indicating whether the independent expenditure is in support of, or in opposition to, the candidate involved;
(B) under penalty of perjury, a certification whether or not such independent expenditure is made in cooperation, consultation, or concert, with, or at the request or suggestion of, any candidate or any authorized committee or agent of such candidate; and
(C) the identification of each person who made a contribution in excess of $200 to the person filing such statement which was made for the purpose of furthering an independent expenditure.
The term "independent expenditure" is defined as follows in § 431(17):
(17) The term "independent expenditure" means an expenditure by a person expressly advocating the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate which is made without cooperation or consultation with any candidate, or any authorized committee or agent of such candidate, and which is not made in concert with, or at the request or suggestion of, any candidate, or any authorized committee or agent of such candidate.
Section 441d provides:
(a) Whenever any person makes an expenditure for the purpose of financing communications expressly advocating the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate, or solicits any contribution through any broadcasting station, newspaper, magazine, outdoor advertising facility, direct mailing, or any other type of general public political advertising, such communication —
The FEC timely appealed. This court has jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1291 and 2 U.S.C. § 437g(a)(9). We review de novo a dismissal under rule 12(b)(6). Gibson v. United States, 781 F.2d 1334, 1337 (9th Cir. 1986).
Individuals who make independent expenditures totalling more than $250 must file a statement with the FEC. 2 U.S.C. § 434(c). The Federal Election Campaign Act defines an "independent expenditure" as "an expenditure by a person expressly advocating the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate. . . ." 2 U.S.C. § 431(17). The Supreme Court has previously passed upon the constitutionality of the Act's disclosure requirements in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 96 S.Ct. 612, 46 L.Ed.2d 659 (1976).
The disclosure provisions for independent expenditures were originally written more broadly, to cover any expenditures made "for the purpose of . . . influencing" the nomination or election of candidates for federal office. Reviewing section 434(e) (the forerunner to the provisions before us) in Buckley, the Supreme Court held that any restriction on political speech — even restrictions that are far from absolute — can have a chilling effect on speech. "In its effort to be all-inclusive, . . . the provision raises serious problems of vagueness, particularly treacherous where, as here, the violation of its terms carries criminal penalties and fear of incurring those sanctions may deter those who seek to exercise protected First Amendment rights." 424 U.S. at 76-77, 96 S.Ct. at 662.
The Court reasoned that Congress may place restrictions on the freedom of expression for legitimate reasons, but that those restrictions must be minimal, and closely tailored to avoid overreaching or vagueness. Id. at 78-82, 96 S.Ct. at 663-64. Consequently, the Court was obliged to construe the words of section 434(e) no more broadly than was absolutely necessary to serve the purposes of the Act, to avoid stifling speech that does not fit neatly in the category of election advertising. Id. at 78, 96 S.Ct. at 663. The Court was particularly insistent that a clear distinction be made between "issue discussion," which strongly implicates the First Amendment, and the candidate-oriented speech that is the focus of the Campaign Act. Id. at 79, 96 S.Ct. at 663.
The Court concluded that the only expenditures covered by the disclosure provisions were funds used for communications that "expressly advocate the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate." Id. It gave examples, in a footnote, of words of express advocacy, including "vote for," "elect," "support," "case your ballot for," "Smith for Congress," "vote against," "defeat," and "reject." See id. at 80, n. 108, 96 S.Ct. at 664 n. 108 (incorporating by reference id. at 44, n. 52, 96 S.Ct. at 647 n. 52). Congress' later revision of the Act, now before us, directly adopted the "express advocacy" standard of Buckley into sections 431(17) and 441d. See H.R.Rep No. 1057, 94th Cong., 2d Sess. 38 (1976) U.S.Code Cong. Admin.News 1976, p. 929, reprinted in Legislative History of the Federal Election Campaign Act Amendments of 1976, 1032 (GPO 1977). That standard is designed to limit the coverage of the disclosure provision "precisely to that spending that is unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular federal candidate." Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80, 96 S.Ct. at 663.
We must apply sections 434(c) and 441c consistently with the constitutional requirements set out in Buckley.
The FEC argues that Furgatch's advertisement expressly advocates the defeat of Jimmy Carter and therefore is an independent expenditure which must be reported to the FEC. The examples of express advocacy contained in the Buckley opinion (i.e., "vote for," "support," etc.), the FEC argues, merely provide guidelines for determining what constitutes "express advocacy." Whether those words are contained in the advertisement is not determinative. The test is whether or not the advertisement contains a message advocating the defeat of a political candidate. Furgatch's advertisement, the FEC contends, contains an unequivocal message that Carter must not "succeed" in "burden[ing]" the country with "four more years" of his allegedly harmful leadership.
The FEC further argues that the advertisement is, in the words of the Supreme Court, "unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular federal candidate." Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80, 96 S.Ct. at 663. Nothing more, it contends, is required to place this advertisement under coverage of the Act. The FEC grounds this argument on the Court's effort in Buckley to distinguish between speech that pertains only to candidates and their campaigns and speech revolving around political issues in general. The FEC argues that because the advertisement discusses Carter, the candidate, rather than the political issues, Furgatch must report the expenditure.
Furgatch responds that the mere raising of any question on this issue demonstrates that it is not express advocacy. We would not be debating the meaning of the advertisement, he contends, if it were express. He argues that the words "don't let him do it" do not expressly call for Carter's defeat at the polls but an end to his "attempt to hide his own record, or lack of it." The advertisement, according to Furgatch, is merely a warning that Carter will be reelected if the public allows him to continue to use "low-level campaign tactics."
As the district court noted, whether the advertisement expressly advocates the defeat of Jimmy Carter is a very close call. We have not had occasion to consider the scope of the Act before now. Few other courts of appeals have dealt with the issue.
In Federal Election Commission v. Massachusetts Citizens for Life, Inc., 769 F.2d 13 (1st Cir. 1985), the First Circuit considered an advertisement in which an anti-abortion group published a "Special Election Edition" of its newsletter which contained photographs of candidates identified as "pro-life." The publication included at least two exhortations to "vote pro-life" and the statement: "Your vote in the primary will make the critical difference in electing pro-file candidates." The court ruled that the "Special Election Edition . . . explicitly advocated the election of particular candidates in the primary elections and presented photographs of those candidates only," and thus fell within the FEC's regulatory sphere.
In Federal Election Commission v. Central Long Island Tax Reform Immediately Committee, 616 F.2d 45 (2d Cir. 1980), the Second Circuit addressed the applicability of the statute to a leaflet which expounded the economic views of a tax reform group and criticized the voting record of a local member of Congress, whose picture was included. The leaflet, however, did not refer to any federal election or to the member's political affiliation or opponent. The court held that because the leaflet did not expressly advocate the defeat or election of the congressman, the Act did not apply to the pamphlet. The leaflet "contains nothing which could rationally be termed express advocacy . . . there is no reference anywhere in the Bulletin to the congressman's party, to whether he is running for re-election, to the existence of an election or the act of voting in any election; nor is there anything approaching an unambiguous statement in favor of or against the election of Congressman Ambra." Id. at 53.
Because of the unique nature of the disputed speech, each case so depends upon its own facts as to be almost sui generis, offering limited guidance for subsequent decisions. The decisions of the First and Second Circuits are not especially helpful beyond the general interpretive principles we can find between the lines of those rulings. Neither these decisions nor counsel for the parties here have supplied us with an analysis of the standard to be used or even a thoughtful list of the factors which we might consider in evaluating an "express advocacy" dispute. Without such a framework, the federal courts risk an inconsistent analysis of each case involving the meaning of "express advocacy."
As this litigation demonstrates, the "express advocacy" language of Buckley and section 431(17) does not draw a bright and unambiguous line. We are called upon to interpret and refine that standard here. Mindful of the Supreme Court's directive that, where First amendment concerns are present, we must construe the words of the regulatory statute precisely and narrowly, only as far as is necessary to further the purposes of the Act, we first examine those purposes in some detail for guidance.
In Buckley, the Court described the function of section 434(e) as follows:
Section 434(e) is part of Congress' effort to achieve `total disclosure' by reaching `every kind of political activity' in order to insure that the voters are fully informed and to achieve through publicity the maximum deterrence to corruption and undue influence possible. The provision is responsive to the legitimate fear that efforts would be made, as they had been in the past, to avoid the disclosure requirements by routing financial support of candidates through avenues not explicitly covered by the general provisions of the Act.
424 U.S. at 76, 96 S.Ct. at 662.
Thus there are two important goals behind these disclosure provisions. The first, that of keeping the electorate fully informed of the sources of campaign-directed speech and the possible connections between the speaker and individual candidates, derives directly from the primary concern of the First Amendment. The vision of a free and open marketplace of ideas is based on the assumption that the people should be exposed to speech on all sides, so that they may freely evaluate and choose from among competing points of view. One goal of the First Amendment, then, is to ensure that the individual citizen has available all the information necessary to allow him to properly evaluate speech.
Information about the composition of a candidate's constituency, the sources of a candidate's support, and the impact that such financial support may have on the candidate's stand on the issues or future performance may be crucial to the individual's choice from among the several competitors for his vote. The allowance of free expression loses considerable value if expression is only partial. Therefore, disclosure requirements, which may at times inhibit the free speech that is so dearly protected by the First Amendment, are indispensible to the proper and effective exercise of First Amendment rights.
The other major purpose of the disclosure provision is to deter or expose corruption, and therefore to minimize the influence that unaccountable interest groups and individuals can have on elected federal officials. The disclosure requirement is particularly directed at attempts by candidates to circumvent the statutory limits on their own expenditures through close and secretive relationships with apparently "independent" campaign spenders. The Supreme Court noted that efforts had been made in the past to avoid disclosure requirements by the routing of campaign contributions through unregulated independent advertising. Since Buckley was decided, such practices have apparently become more widespread in federal elections, and the need for controls more urgent. See, e.g., "The $676,000 Cleanup", The New Republic, Vol. 195, No. 22 (December 1, 1986) at 7.
We conclude that the Act's disclosure provisions serve an important Congressional policy and a very strong First Amendment interest. Properly applied, they will have only a "reasonable and minimally restrictive" effect on the exercise of First Amendment rights. Buckley, 424 U.S. at 82, 96 S.Ct. at 664. Although we may not place burdens on the freedom of speech beyond what is strictly necessary to further the purposes of the Act, we must be just as careful to ensure that those purposes are fully carried out, that they are not cleverly circumvented, or thwarted by a rigid construction of the terms of the Act. We must read section 434(c) so as to prevent speech that is clearly intended to affect the outcome of a federal election from escaping, either fortuitously or by design, the coverage of the Act. This concern leads us to fashion a more comprehensive approach to the delimitation of "express advocacy," and to reject some of the overly constrictive rules of interpretation that the parties urge for our adoption.
We begin with the proposition that "express advocacy" is not strictly limited to communications using certain key phrases. The short list of words included in the Supreme Court's opinion in Buckley does not exhaust the capacity of the English language to expressly advocate the election or defeat of a candidate. A test requiring the magic words "elect," "support," etc., or their nearly perfect synonyms for a finding of express advocacy would preserve the First Amendment right of unfettered expression only at the expense of eviscerating the Federal Election Campaign Act. "Independent" campaign spenders working on behalf of candidates could remain just beyond the reach of the Act by avoiding certain key words while conveying a message that is unmistakably directed to the election or defeat of a named candidate.
A proper understanding of the speaker's message can best be obtained by considering speech as a whole. Comprehension often requires inferences from the relation of one part of speech to another. The entirety may give a clear impression that is never succinctly stated in a single phrase or sentence. Similarly, a stray comment viewed in isolation may suggest an idea that is only peripheral to the primary purpose of speech as a whole. Furgatch would have us reject intra-textual interpretation and construe each part of speech independently, requiring express advocacy from specific phrases rather than from speech in its entirety.
We reject the suggestion that we isolate each sentence and act as if it bears no relation to its neighbors. This is not to say that we will not examine each sentence in an effort to understand the whole. We only recognize that the whole consists of its parts in relation to each other.
The subjective intent of the speaker cannot alone be determinative. Words derive their meaning from what the speaker intends and what the reader understands. A speaker may expressly advocate regardless of his intention, and our attempts to fathom his mental state would district us unnecessarily from the speech itself. Interpreting political speech in this context is not the same as interpreting a contract, where subjective intent underlies the formation and construction of the contract and would be the explicit focus of interpretation were it not for the greater reliability of the objective terms. The intent behind political speech is less important than its effect for the purposes of this inquiry. But see Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516, 535, 65 S.Ct. 315, 325, 89 L.Ed. 430 (1945), quoted in Buckley, 424 U.S. at 43, 96 S.Ct. at 646.
More problematic than use of "magic words" or inquiry into subjective intent are questions of context. The FEC argues, for example, that this advertisement cannot be construed outside its temporal context, the 1980 presidential election. Furgatch, on the other hand, maintains that the court must find express advocacy in the speech itself, without reference to external circumstances.
The problem of the context of speech goes to the heart of some of the most difficult First Amendment questions. The doctrines of subversive speech, "fighting words," libel, and speech in the workplace and in public for a illustrate that when and where speech takes place can determine its legal significance. In these instances, context is one of the crucial factors making these kinds of speech regulable. First Amendment doctrine has long recognized that words take part of their meaning and effect from the environment in which they are spoken. When the constitutional and statutory standard is "express advocacy," however, the weight that we give to the context of speech declines considerably. Our concern here is with the clarity of the communication rather than its harmful effects. Context remains a consideration, but an ancillary one, peripheral to the words themselves.
We conclude that context is relevant to a determination of express advocacy. A consideration of the context in which speech is uttered may clarify ideas that are not perfectly articulated, or supply necessary premises that are unexpressed but widely understood by readers or viewers. We should not ignore external factors that contribute to a complete understanding of speech, especially when they are factors that the audience must consider in evaluating the words before it. However, context cannot supply a meaning that is incompatible with, or simply unrelated to, the clear import of the words.
With these principles in mind, we propose a standard for "express advocacy" that will preserve the efficacy of the Act without treading upon the freedom of political expression. We conclude that speech need not include any of the words listed in Buckley to be express advocacy under the Act, but it must, when read as a whole, and with limited reference to external events, be susceptible of no other reasonable interpretation but as an exhortation to vote for or against a specific candidate. This standard can be broken into three main components. First, even if it is not presented in the clearest, most explicit language, speech is "express" for present purposes if its message is unmistakable and unambiguous, suggestive of only one plausible meaning. Second, speech may only be termed "advocacy" if it presents a clear plea for action, and thus speech that is merely informative is not covered by the Act. Finally, it must be clear what action is advocated. Speech cannot be "express advocacy of the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate" when reasonable minds could differ as to whether it encourages a vote for or against a candidate or encourages the reader to take some other kind of action.
We emphasize that if any reasonable alternative reading of speech can be suggested, it cannot be express advocacy subject to the Act's disclosure requirements. This is necessary and sufficient to prevent a chill on forms of speech other than the campaign advertising regulated by the Act. At the same time, however, the court is not forced under this standard to ignore the plain meaning of campaign-related speech in a search for certain fixed indicators of "express advocacy."
Applying this standard to Furgatch's advertisement, we reject the district court's ruling that it does not expressly advocate the defeat of Jimmy Carter. We have no doubt that the ad asks the public to vote against Carter. It cannot be read in the way that Furgatch suggests.
The bold print of the advertisement pleads: "Don't let him do it." The district court determined that the focus of the inquiry, and the message of the ad, is the meaning of the word "it." Under the district court's analysis, only if "it" is a clear reference to Carter's re-election, supported by the text of the ad, could one find express advocacy. The district court accepted the arguments of Furgatch that "it" may plausibly be read to refer to Carter's degradation of his office, and his manipulation of the campaign process. The ad deplores Carter's "attempt to hide his own record," his "legacy of low-level campaigning," his divisiveness and "meanness of spirit," and his "incoherencies, ineptness, and illusion." As the district court viewed it, although the advertisement criticizes Carter's campaign tactics, it never refers to the election or to voting against Carter. The words "don't let him do it" urge readers to stop Carter from doing those things now and in the future.
We disagree with the district court that the word "it" is the proper focus of the inquiry. There is no question what "it" is — "it" is all the things that the ad accuses Jimmy Carter of doing, the litany of abuses and indiscretions that constitutes the body of the statement. The pivotal question is not what the reader should prevent Jimmy Carter from doing, but what the reader should do to prevent it. The words we focus on are "don't let him." They are simple and direct. "Don't let him" is a command. The words "expressly advocate" action of some kind. If the action that Furgatch is urging the public to take is a rejection of Carter at the polls, this advertisement is covered by the Campaign Act.
In Furgatch's advertisement we are presented with an express call to action, but no express indication of what action is appropriate. We hold, however, that this failure to state with specificity the action required does not remove political speech from the coverage of the Campaign Act when it is clearly the kind of advocacy of the defeat of an identified candidate that Congress intended to regulate.
Reasonable minds could not dispute that Furgatch's advertisement urged readers to vote against Jimmy Carter. This was the only action open to those who would not "let him do it." The reader could not sue President Carter for his indelicate remarks, or arrest him for his transgressions. If Furgatch had been seeking impeachment, or some form of judicial or administrative action against Carter, his plea would have been to a different audience, in a different forum. If Jimmy Carter was degrading his office, as Furgatch claimed, the audience to whom the ad was directed must vote him out of that office. If Jimmy Carter was attempting to buy the election, or to win it by "hid[ing] his own record, or lack of it," as Furgatch suggested, the only way to not let him do it was to give the election to someone else. Although the ad may be evasively written, its meaning is clear.
Our conclusion is reinforced by consideration of the timing of the ad. The ad is bold in calling for action, but fails to state expressly the precise action called for, leaving an obvious blank that the reader is compelled to fill in. It refers repeatedly to the election campaign and Carter's campaign tactics. Timing the appearance of the advertisement less than a week before the election left no doubt of the action proposed.
Finally, this advertisement was not issue-oriented speech of the sort that the Supreme Court was careful to distinguish in Buckley, and the Second Circuit found to be excluded from the coverage of the Act in Central Long Island Tax Reform. The ad directly attacks a candidate, not because of any stand on the issues of the election, but for his personal qualities and alleged improprieties in the handling of his campaign. It is the type of advertising that the Act was intended to cover.
There is vagueness in Furgatch's message, but no ambiguity. Furgatch was obligated to file the statement and make the disclosures required for any "independent expenditure" under the Federal Election Campaign Act. He is liable for the omission.
We do not address Furgatch's constitutional claims except to note that the constitutionality of the provisions at issue was reviewed in Buckley, and the standard set forth by the Supreme Court in that case was incorporated in the Act in its present form. Treatment of those constitutional issues is implicit in our disposition of the statutory question.
(3) if not authorized by a candidate, an authorized political committee of a candidate, or its agents, shall clearly state the name of the person who paid for the communication and state that the communication is not authorized by any candidate or candidate's committee.


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Q: use tinyMCE with angular 6 without apikey (free) I tried to install tinyMCE with angular 6. I am following the docs on https://www.tiny.cloud/docs/integrations/angular2/.
Everything OK but I must to have an apiKey to use the tinyMCE cloud.
I got the error : "This domain is not registered with TinyMCE Cloud. Start a free trial to discover our premium cloud services and pro support."
I want to use the self hosted version without apiKey.
So as explained on the doc https://www.tiny.cloud/docs/integrations/angular2/#loadingtinymcebyyourself we can hosting the tinymce.min.js to disable apiKey.
How to add tinymce.min.js properly with angular 6 ?

A: The selected answer can be much more simplified following it here. Instead of adding the CSS files with their directories hard-coded, simply use this in angular.json instead:
 "assets": [
   { "glob": "**/*", "input": "node_modules/tinymce", "output": "/tinymce/" }
 ]

A: 1) install tinymce for angular 2+ :
install tinymce angular npm module
npm install @tinymce/tinymce-angular

import EditorModule on app.module.ts
import { EditorModule } from '@tinymce/tinymce-angular';

add EditorModule to imports on app.module.ts
imports: [
...,
EditorModule
]

2) host the tinymce JS
install the tinymce npm module :
npm install tinymce --save

import styles on angular.json
"styles": [
  ...,
  "node_modules/tinymce/skins/lightgray/skin.min.css",
  "node_modules/tinymce/skins/lightgray/content.min.css",
  "node_modules/tinymce/skins/lightgray/content.inline.min.css"
]

import scripts on angular.json
"script": [
  ...,
  "node_modules/tinymce/tinymce.min.js",
  "node_modules/tinymce/themes/modern/theme.js"
]

3) use tinyMCE on HTML file
add this code to use :
<editor [(ngModel)]="dataModel"></editor>

A: That component simply needs TinyMCE available before you try to load TinyMCE via the component.  If TinyMCE is not there the component tries to load TinyMCE from the TinyMCE Cloud platform.  The fact that its trying to get it from the Cloud tells me TinyMCE was not already there.
You have options for loading TinyMCE.
TinyMCE  tag in head of your document (Easy)
If you have TinyMCE on your web server you can just use a script tag to load TinyMCE via your index.html page.  All aspects of your app would then have access to TinyMCE as its loaded when the app first loads
Load TinyMCE via Module Loaders only when needed (Moderate Difficulty)
You can use a module loader to load TinyMCE in the component(s) that need TinyMCE.  In theory you then only load TinyMCE when someone could need it but this approach is certainly more work to setup.
Documentation:  https://www.tiny.cloud/docs/advanced/usage-with-module-loaders/
Which of these should I use?
Neither of these is the "right" or "wrong" approach - they are both viable and depending on your needs either can work just fine.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Says Abolishing ICE 'Isn't So Crazy After All' Following Alleged Washington incident
By Scott McDonald On 1/27/19 at 9:44 PM EST
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said Sunday night in a social media post that the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency should be "scrapped" altogether.
Ocasio-Cortez, who represents the 14th Congressional District of New York in the Bronx, responded to a Twitter user who said his bus in Washington state was boarded by ICE agents who questioned passengers about their status, even claiming their papers were "fake."
"ICE agents got on my Greyhound bus that was headed from Spokane to Portland," Mohanad Elshieky wrote. "They walked around before they asked me and a few others to step outside and took my documents and interrogated me for around 20 mins then claimed my papers were fake and that I'm "illegal."
This morning, ICE agents got on my Greyhound bus that was headed from Spokane to Portland. They walked around before they asked me and few others to step outside and took my documents and interrogated me for around 20 mins then claimed my papers were fake and that I'm "illegal".
— Mohanad Elshieky (@MohanadElshieky) January 27, 2019
Mohanad is a Libyan-born comedian now based out of Portland, Oregon. In a series of tweets following his original post, Mohanad said he is stateside through asylum and on a work permit. He claims once ICE agents called to verify his identity, he could overhear someone on the other end of the phone say he was clear.
The comedian said ICE agents turned off their phones and then turned to him telling him there was no record of his asylum.
Before long, Ocasio-Cortez retweeted his message and said folks should start looking at abolishing the customs and immigration agency.
"One of these days, I hope people realize that the idea that ICE should be scrapped isn't so crazy after all," Ocasio-Cortez wrote. "ICE jails children in for-profit detention centers funded by private equity grps. Kids are dying w/ 0 accountability. If that's not totally broken, I don't know what is."
One of these days, I hope people realize that the idea that ICE should be scrapped isn't so crazy after all.
ICE jails children in for-profit detention centers funded by private equity grps. Kids are dying w/ 0 accountability. If that's not totally broken, I don't know what is. https://t.co/AlMgLiHVnu
— Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (@AOC) January 28, 2019
ICE was created in 2003 during the government's restructure after the September 11, 2001 attacks. ICE has nearly a $4 billion budget and oversees arrests and deportation of illegal immigrants already in the country.
Customs and Border Protection, which operates on the southern border with Mexico and the northern border with Canada, is the agency responsible for separating families at the border.
Whereas former-President Barack Obama lightened the agency's stance and wanted to just remove illegal immigrants who committed serious crimes in the United States, President Donald Trump took a harder stance by wanting to remove all persons who entered the country illegally.
Trump's proposed border wall was a major talking point during his 2016 campaign, and the major bone of contention during the most recent partial government shutdown that lasted 35 days — the longest in U.S. history — and ended Friday with three weeks before another looming shutdown if a deal for border wall funding isn't accomplished.
Ocasio-Cortez, a self-described Democratic socialist, has been outspoken against Trump, Republicans and even some Democrats since she won her district's primary last summer and subsequent election to the House of Representatives last November.
Graham: Ocasio-Cortez Wants U.S. to become Venezuela
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Just Like Trump, Fox Host Says
Hugh Hewitt sorry for Joe Biden 'Transgendered' Joke

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Jaffna GA's service extended
[TamilNet, Tuesday, 02 October 2007, 11:00 GMT]
Public Service Administration (PSA) of Sri Lanka Government extended Jaffna Government Agent (GA), Mr. K. Ganesh's service with effect from October 1 until further notice. Mr. Ganesh, already on extension after retirement, was generally expected to be replaced with a Sri Lanka Army (SLA) Officer, sources in Jaffna said.
Ministry of Public Administration will soon meet to decide on the person to succeed Mr. K. Ganesh, who will continue to function as Government Agent for Jaffna district, Jaffna Secretariat sources said.


text:
Q: node-inspector does not debug - it stops execution immediately I am running node.js v0.10.0.  I also just installed node-inspector.  I use the --debug-brk and test my javascript (nothing fancy - just 1 file):
console.log('here');
console.log('here');
console.log('here');

I connect to http://127.0.0.1:8080?port=5858, and see my script as above, and execution is stopped on the first line.  However, when I click continue (the |> icon), execution just stops.  It does not log 'here' in console, or command window.  'step' does the same thing.
Any thoughts as to why I cannot debug?

A: As @robertklep stated, there is an issue documented on https://github.com/dannycoates/node-inspector/issues/152 with the solution.  The last check-in was 10 months ago, so it does not seem that a fix is coming soon.  Fork the repo, then:
npm install -g .

Then run as normal: node-inspector

A: Some problems also can arrives if you using adblock or so


text:
The city's school bus strike hits disabled students the hardest
By Rachel Monahan, Corinne Lestch and Rich Schapiro
Carmen Padilla of Williamsburgh, is unable to transport her disabled son, Brandon Concepcion, who suffers from Cerebral Palsy to school as a result of the strike. (Mark Bonifacio/New York Daily News)
The second day of the school bus strike exposed a cruel reality: The city's most helpless children are its greatest victims.
Thousands of disabled children receive wide-ranging therapies at school — and many are fully dependent on school buses.
"I can't take him on the subway because there are no elevators, and I can't take a cab because his wheelchair doesn't fold up," groused Carmen Padilla, whose 18-year-old son Brandon Concepcion is a paraplegic suffering from cerebral palsy.
Brandon spent the second day of the school bus strike the same way he did the first: Propped up on a dark brown recliner.
The bus strike has made it close to impossible for disabled children to reach their respective schools. (Sam Costanza/New York Daily News)
His mother shifted his legs every couple of hours to stimulate blood flow. That's a far cry from the exercise he gets at the United Cerebral Palsy's Millicent V. Hearst Children's Center, where he undergoes physical and occupational therapy.
Without the stretching and swimming he's used to, Brandon's legs have been seizing up. He cries out every time his mother touches his lower extremities.
"He's in pain," said Padilla, who cares for Brandon alone in her Williamsburg, Brooklyn, apartment. "That's why it's so important for him to be in school and have these services."
He's not alone. More than a third of students at special education schools missed class on Thursday. Half failed to make it on Wednesday.
As the strike threatened to stretch on for weeks or even months, the situation could soon become even more complicated for parents like Padilla.
The city is considering a plan to roll out buses with replacement drivers at the wheel — but no escorts with special training to watch over disabled children.
Padilla and other parents of special-needs kids slammed the idea.
"I think it's absolutely ridiculous if they think parents are gonna allow their children to be unmonitored, especially with special needs," said Tonia Woods, whose autistic son, Evan Creque, 10, attends Public School 101 in the Bronx. "Some are nonverbal, some have multiple disabilities."
Maggie Moroff, of Advocates for Children, said that putting disabled kids on buses with no matrons would create a "very dangerous situation."
The strike's second day ended with no resolution in sight.
Amalgamated Transit Union Local 1181 called the city's first school bus strike in 34 years after Mayor Bloomberg unveiled a plan to bid for private bus contracts in an effort to rein in runaway costs. The union wants the new contracts to protect the jobs and salaries of veteran drivers and escorts.
The city has managed to get rides for tens of thousands of students with the help of drivers from a Long Island union who aren't honoring the strike.
But the striking union appeared to ramp up its efforts, blocking buses at several depots. At least one man was cited by police for disorderly conduct.
Still, the city claimed that just 2,320 bus routes were completed Thursday, compared to 3,000 routes completed on Wednesday.
The bus companies have filed complaints with the National Labor Relations Board, arguing that it's unfair for them to face fines for missing routes because the dispute is between the unions and the city.
A ruling, which could end the strike, is expected Friday.
With Clare Trapasso
Latest New York
Cold hearted dad abandons tot on Bronx platform, good samaritan saves the day


Casino poker tables for your home, poker league or poker room can be found here! Whether you need 1 poker table or 100 we can provide stock or custom made poker tables. A poker table top is is the perfect solution for your home game. Look through the many poker tables for sale we offer and one can be shipped to you in a matter of days. Card tables and folding poker tables can be configured for any size table.


McGeorge School of Law is proud to offer a Master of Public Administration (MPA) and Master of Public Policy (MPP) at their beautiful campus in the heart of Sacramento. An institution with almost a century of experience, McGeorge is the first in the nation to offer public policy degrees within a law school. All students receive a foundation of legal analysis, a crucial skill in navigating the statutes and regulations which influence today's public sector. California is a unique environment with a unique set of policy challenges. Our proximity to the state capital helps ensure that our students stay informed of the issues and activities which shape our state's policy decisions.
Our curriculum is designed to accommodate full-time students as well as working professionals. Whether you're looking to advance your career or set off in a new direction, the MPA and MPP programs are designed to help you take the next step.
One characteristic shared by all our students and faculty is a passion for creating positive, sustainable change. This common thread cultivates a sense of community and collaboration. Our students benefit from the wide range of experiences and interests our program represents. Group projects, student organizations, and professional associations, such as the American Society for Public Administration, all contribute to helping our students become part of an integrated network of policy professionals.


Franklin Harper and Harriet Chesnut were married in a religious ceremony on May 10th, 1827 in Columbia, SC.1 They had three sons and nine daughters, named John Taylor, Franklin Harper, Jr., Albert Rhett, Sally Cantey, Harriet Chestnut, Mary Singleton, Ellen Sophia, Caroline Cornelia, Harriet Chestnut, Grace Brown, Mary Susan and Rosa Ann.
Text: Harriet Chesnut Taylor m 10 May 1827 Franklin Harper Elmore.
Saxon Elmore) b. Oct 15, 1799 m-May 10, 1827, d-May 29, 1850 SC chn-12.
daughter of Gov. Taylor. note: should be "Col. F. H. Elmore"


The AML Portal is a partnership that spans federal, state and local efforts to reduce the environmental and health risks of abandoned land mines through increased awareness, education and action.
Guide to Gem Mining in the Franklin, North Carolina Area! Gem mining has been a favorite activity for visitors to the Franklin area for years. As you read on you'll discover our heritage as "Gem Capital of the World" as well as how to mine, what to look for as you mine and complete descriptions of active mines in the greater Franklin area!
South Carolina Gold Mines. INFORMATION ON S.C. MINES. People ... Georgia, through the states of South Carolina, North Carolina, ia, and into Maryland.
During its peak years gold mining was second only to farming in the number of North Carolinians it employed. The estimated value of gold recovered reached over one million dollars a year. North Carolina led the nation in gold production until 1848, when it was eclipsed by the great rush to California.
The Division of Energy, Mineral and Land Resources seeks to promote the wise use and protection of North Carolina's land and geologic resources. The division regulates and provides technical assistance related to mining, dams, sediment and erosion control and stormwater management.
Abbeville county lies in the gold-bearing belt extending from Dahlonega, Georgia, through the states of South Carolina, North Carolina, ia, and into Maryland. One of the richest of the "diggings" was the Dorn Gold Mine in the 1800's in Abbeville County.
GoldAndSilverMines.com lists choice proven mining and mineral properties for sale worldwide. We specialize in gold mines, silver mines, copper mines, and a wide variety of industrial minerals including coal, oil and gas.
May 26, 2018· There are sapphires from Montana, gold dirt from Alaska, I believe bags of 'gravel' (containing 'stuff') from California, and even gravel bags from some of the mines in North Carolia. Just a thought. Just a thought.
North Carolina was the leading gold-producing state until 1848 when the California Gold Rush began. Production in North Carolina gradually decreased until the early 1900s, when almost all of the mines had closed. Today lots of people still look for gold and find some in North Carolina. They mostly work with metal detectors and gold pans.
Thermal City Gold Mine offers recreational Gem Mining NC and Gold Panning NC equipment for sale. We are an authorized dealer for .
Randall Glen Resort ships Gem Dirt for Sale from our gem mines in the mountains of North Carolina our Gem Mine near Asheville NC ... Gold Mining; Rates; We Ship Gem Dirt!


This article was co-authored by Paul Ursell, MD. Dr. Ursell is an Ophthalmologist in the United Kingdom. He has performed over 7,000 cataract operations over the course of his career. Dr. Ursell became a Fellow of the Royal College of Ophthalmologists in 1995.
A stye is a painful swollen bump on the edge of your eyelid, sometimes caused by an infected eyelash follicle or oil gland. They usually go away on their own after about a week, but you can take measures to ease the pain and reduce the swelling in the meantime.
Clean the stye. Styes are generally caused by chance but can occasionally be caused by exposure of the eye to foreign substances (such as dust or makeup). The stye itself is a small bacterial infection. If you develop a stye, the first thing you should do is clean the area.
Wash your hands thoroughly, then use a cotton ball or clean hands to gently cleanse the stye with warm water. You can also use a special eyelid scrub or diluted tear-free "baby" shampoo.
Make certain that both your hands and the cotton balls you use to wash the stye are clean. Otherwise, you may transmit more debris or germs to the area.
Styes are most commonly caused by staphylococcal bacteria that gets in a hair follicle or a gland in the corner of the eye, often through touching the eye with dirty hands. Other bacteria, however, can also cause styes.
Apply a warm compress. The painful swelling caused by a stye is best treated with warm compresses. Make a warm compress with a clean towel or other fabric dipped in warm water. Place the compress over your eye and let it rest there for five to ten minutes.
After the compress cools, re-soak it with warm water and repeat for another five to ten minutes.
Apply warm compresses three or four times a day. Be consistent about this treatment until the stye is gone.
Warm (but not hot) and damp tea bags can also be used effectively as compresses. (Some people recommend chamomile tea bags, which may have soothing properties).
The warmth of the compress may cause the stye to shrink or release pus. If this occurs, gently rinse away the drainage. Do not press or squeeze the stye; just apply firm but gentle pressure.
Once the pus emerges from the stye, the symptoms should abate fairly quickly.
Do not squeeze or try to pop the stye yourself. It can be tempting to try to force any pus or debris out of the stye, but resist! Squeezing or attempting to pop a stye can make the situation much worse, spreading or deepening the infection, and may even cause scarring.
Use antibacterial cream. Buy an over-the-counter antibacterial cream made for treating styes, available at any drug store. If you are unsure about which cream to choose, discuss the available options with the pharmacist. Apply a small dab on the stye, taking care not to get it inside your eye.
These creams may help your stye heal faster.
The local anesthetic many of these creams contain can also provide temporary relief from the discomfort caused by a stye. However, should it get in your eye, the anesthetic can also cause significant damage. Apply with extreme caution.
If you do get any cream in your eye, flush it out gently with warm water. Then, contact your doctor.
Do not use more often than indicated on the packaging.
Use a coriander seed wash. Soak coriander seeds in water for an hour, strain the seeds, and use the water as a wash for your eye. The seeds are said to have properties that reduce the swelling of a stye.
Use aloe. Aloe helps reduce swelling and redness. Cut an aloe leaf lengthwise and apply the pulpy inside to the affected area. If you can't find whole aloe leaves, you can use an eye pad soaked in aloe vera juice. Some people like to use a mix of aloe vera juice and chamomile tea.
Use a guava leaf compress. This is a common home remedy to reduce pain and swelling caused by styes. Wet guava leaves in warm water and apply them to your eye for 10 minutes.
Use potatoes. Grind a potato into paste and spread it on a clean, soft cloth. Then, apply it to the stye to decrease swelling.
Use an over-the-counter painkiller. If your stye is extremely painful, use a nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drug (NSAID) to make you more comfortable during the first few days. Choose an NSAID containing aspirin or ibuprofen for immediate relief.
Take only the recommended dosage listed on the packaging.
Do not give aspirin to children under 18 years of age. Doing so could give them a fatal condition called Reye's syndrome.
The doctor may prescribe antibiotic medicines, especially if you have bacterial conjunctivitis, commonly referred to as pinkeye. This condition is usually resolved quickly after antibiotics are administered.
The doctor may insert a needle or fine-tipped blade into the stye to lance it. This involves puncturing the stye so that the pus drains out of a small hole and the stye goes away.
If you have a skin condition such as rosacea or seborrhea, you might be susceptible to blepharitis, the inflammation of the rims of the eyelids. In this case your doctor will advise you to begin a new hygiene regimen for that area of your eye.
If you don't already have an eye doctor, you can consult your primary care doctor and ask for a referral, check your local phone book under ophthalmologists, or search on the internet for "ophthalmologist" plus your city or area.
You should feel free to contact a doctor at any point during this process. You do not need to wait a week before getting in touch with a professional.
Wash your eyelids. If you frequently get styes, your eyes may be particularly sensitive to bacterial infection. Use a clean towel and some gentle shampoo, such as baby shampoo, or special eyelid scrub to gently clean your eyelids. Rinse well with warm water.
If styes a frequent problem for you, your eyelids should be cleaned daily.
Wash your hands before touching your face. One of the most common ways to get styes is by transferring bacteria from your hands to your eyes. Avoid rubbing or touching your eyes.
Wash your towels regularly, and never share a washcloth or towel with someone who has a stye.
Practice good contact lens hygiene. Wearing contacts requires touching your eyes often, so make sure your hands are clean each time you put them in and take them out. The contacts themselves can also transmit bacteria, so be sure to use a cleansing solution to wash them daily.
Do not wear contacts when you are suffering from a stye. Placing a contact lens on the eye that has a stye on it increases your risk of transmitting the infection from the stye to the underlying cornea.
Don't wear your contacts longer than you're supposed to. If you have dailies (i.e. disposable contacts that are intended only for a single use), throw them away every day. If you have monthlies (reusable lenses that intended to be replaced once a month), be sure to change to fresh ones after four weeks have passed.
Don't wear your contacts overnight. Even contacts that are made for safe overnight wear might cause you problems if you are prone to getting styes.
Always follow your eye doctor's recommendation about appropriate contact lens use. Do not wear contact lenses in situations that are specifically approved, such as while swimming (unless you wear them under tight-fitting swim goggles).
Apply eye makeup properly. Eye liner and eye shadow applied under the rim of your eyelid can cause styes, especially if you tend to wear a lot of makeup and reapply it throughout the day. Apply makeup above your lash line, and limit the amount that you apply.
Don't go to sleep wearing makeup. Use eye makeup remover to clean it off, then splash warm water on your face to rinse off the remover before going to bed.
Change your eye makeup and applicators frequently. Brushes, wands and pencils used to apply eye makeup get dirty over time, and you may be transmitting bacteria every time you use them.
Similar to contact lenses, makeup pencils, brushes, and the like make frequent contact with your eyes. If they harbor harmful bacteria, it is very easy for these harmful agents to cause styes.
Do not share eye makeup with other people.
What does a stye feel like?
It feels like a small bruise or pimple on your eye. Depending on where it is, every time you blink it might hurt. If you're the kind of person who likes picking at things, you might feel tempted to do so -- and don't do that! The eye area is very delicate.
What should I do if my eye crusted shut from a stye?
Dampen a soft, clean cloth with warm water, and place it on your eyelid. Don't try to open your eyelid if it's crusted shut.
What do you put in the tea bag?
Just soak any type of tea bag in warm water and put it on the eye.
If I squeezed a stye, will it take longer to heal?
Yes, it will because you have just transmitted more bacteria to the stye and it could grow bigger or spread to a new area. As noted in the steps, don't squeeze it, and instead, use the methods outlined in the article.
How do I get rid of my stye fast?
Use a mild soap, such as Johnson's Baby Shampoo and warm water. Apply with a Q-tip and gently clean the area outward from the eyelids and lashes. Do this 2-3 times a day, along with the other treatments to keep it healing naturally. Finally, if the stye keeps recurring or gets reinfected easily, see your doctor.
Can I get one from using someone else's makeup?
Possibly. A stye is caused by a bacterial infection; it is basically a zit on your eye. Whatever you do, don't pop it.
Do styes go away quickly?
Styes typically last for 1 week or more. It really depends on how bad it is and how you treat it.
How should I treat the pain from a stye?
Taking an anti-inflammatory medication, such as Ibuprofen or Naproxen, will help reduce the pain as well as reduce the redness and swelling.
Will it hurt if the doctor pops it with a needle? And if it did come to popping it, would the doctor numb me in any way?
You'll feel a small pinch but it's bearable. It's not usual for the doctors to numb you. That just tells you how small the pain is.
How can I heal a stye on the back of my eye?
Go see your eye doctor, as they have tools to remove the ones on the inside of the eyelid, as well as give you antibacterial eye drops.
If you wear corrective lenses, wear glasses rather than contacts when you have a stye.
For temporary relief, put a chilled slice of cucumber on your eye, leaving it for 10-15 minutes.
If you don't want to buy new make up brushes just use anti-bacterial soap and olive oil to clean your brushes.
A good but odd way to get relief is put a hot, damp tea bag on the eye.
You may want to avoid swimming with a stye. If you do go swimming, try only tp go in a pool that's properly chlorinated, and wear goggles at all times. Don't touch your eye and don't let others touch your stuff.
Soak your stye for about 5 mins every day with Luke warm water.
Never give aspirin to anyone under 18, as this can cause a fatal disease called Reye's syndrome. Acetaminophen may be a better option, but the doctor is best to ask.
It is best to consult a doctor before attempting to treat a stye on your own.
Don't try to pop or lance a stye on your own. You could make the infection worse by spreading the bacteria and may also cause scarring.
Do not wear makeup around the eye when you have a stye, as this may worsen the problem.
If you have a stye, clean the area twice a day with a cotton ball or swab dipped in warm water. To help reduce swelling, dip a clean cloth into warm water and lay the cloth over your eyes for 5-10 minutes. Repeat this 3-4 times a day until the stye heals. You may also be able to speed up the healing process by carefully applying an antibacterial cream or aloe to the stye, taking care not to get it into your eyes.
"Warm moist water several times a day and a tea bag. No eye makeup and be sure to have clean hands. Good advice."
"It was interesting to learn the actual medical term and bacteria information along with the helpful tips."
"Your article was very informative about styes. I have one on my lower left lid. Thanks for your help."
"Have a stye now. Going to wash with baby wash and use a q-tip, then try the teabag idea. Thank you."
"General information on treating a stye was required and this page told me all I needed to know."
"Wow, this is the only remedy that really works well, and I have tested a lot of things. "
"How I can help it get better faster and how I should not pop it was useful information."
"All of the information helped, as I had no idea about a stye or how to treat one."
"All of the article helped, I knew nothing about a stye, this was my first one."
"I love wikihow it teaches how to do everything. This article really helped."
"Yes this was helpful. Now I have learned something I never knew. Never pop!"
"Thanks. This has been the best list of tips and advice I've found online."
"I gained tips for home remedies for treating a stye. Thank you so much!"
"Step-by-step instructions and great tips! Overall very informative."
"Learning about the baby shampoo and washing off the makeup helped."
"The aloe vera pulp really helped in treating my irritating stye."


text:
Martín Garzez fou el 53è Gran Mestre de l'Orde de Sant Joan entre 1595 i 1601, va succeir al mestre Hugues Loubenx de Verdalle. Era originari de la Llengua d'Aragó. A Malta encara es conserva la seva armadura.

Referències

Bibliografia
 Bertrand Galimard Flavigny (2006) Histoire de l'ordre de Malte, Perrin, Paris

Enllaços externs

 Monedes del gran mestre Martin Garzez

Garzez
Morts a Malta

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
//
//  TrAnimatable.h
//  TrAnimate
//
//  Copyright (c) 2013-2014, Kristian Trenskow
//  All rights reserved.
//
//  Redistribution and use in source and binary forms, with or without
//  modification, are permitted provided that the following conditions are met:
//
//  1. Redistributions of source code must retain the above copyright notice,
//  this list of conditions and the following disclaimer.
//
//  2. Redistributions in binary form must reproduce the above copyright notice,
//  this list of conditions and the following disclaimer in the documentation
//  and/or other materials provided with the distribution.
//
//  THIS SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED BY THE COPYRIGHT HOLDERS AND CONTRIBUTORS "AS IS"
//  AND ANY EXPRESS OR IMPLIED WARRANTIES, INCLUDING, BUT NOT LIMITED TO, THE
//  IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY AND FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE
//  ARE DISCLAIMED. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE COPYRIGHT HOLDER OR CONTRIBUTORS BE
//  LIABLE FOR ANY DIRECT, INDIRECT, INCIDENTAL, SPECIAL, EXEMPLARY, OR
//  CONSEQUENTIAL DAMAGES (INCLUDING, BUT NOT LIMITED TO, PROCUREMENT OF
//  SUBSTITUTE GOODS OR SERVICES; LOSS OF USE, DATA, OR PROFITS; OR BUSINESS
//  INTERRUPTION) HOWEVER CAUSED AND ON ANY THEORY OF LIABILITY, WHETHER IN
//  CONTRACT, STRICT LIABILITY, OR TORT (INCLUDING NEGLIGENCE OR OTHERWISE)
//  ARISING IN ANY WAY OUT OF THE USE OF THIS SOFTWARE, EVEN IF ADVISED OF THE
//  POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.
//

@import QuartzCore;

/*!
 The `TrAnimatable` protocol is implemented by classes that are animatable by Core Animation. Currently TrAnimate implements this in `UIView` and `CALayer`.
 */
@protocol TrAnimatable <NSObject>

@required
/*!
 Returns the animation layer. This layer is the actual layer being animated on an animatable object.

 @discussion This is used by TrAnimate to determine the layer on which to apply animations on an animatable object.
 */
@property (nonatomic,readonly) CALayer *animationLayer;
/*!
 Returns the layer that holds the current visible state of `animationLayer`.

 @discussion This is used by TrAnimate to get the current visible state of a layer.
 */
@property (nonatomic,readonly) CALayer *presentedLayer;

@end

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Nollywood actress, entrepreneur and philanthropist, Halima Abubakar has explained why she finds time to relate with her fans, especially by replying to their posts.
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Halima, while responding to the accolades she got for always relating with her fans said, "We are one, mum told me never to be proud. She's very humble."


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text:
Posts Tagged 'Stephen Perkins'
Concert Review: Street Drum Corps at Vinyl in the Hard Rock 1/26/13
Posted: January 28, 2013 in Concert Reviews, New Music, Production Show
Tags: Adrian Young, Concert Review, Drums, Hard Rock, Jane's Addiction, Lost Vegas, Motley Crue, No Doubt, Stephen Perkins, Street Drum Corps, Tommy Lee, Vinyl
Drums, war paint, strippers, power tools, Tommy Lee and a theremin. Just another typical night in Vegas. All were found inside Vinyl at The Hard Rock Hotel and Casino last night during Street Drum Corps presentation of their production show "Lost Vegas". Arriving at the filled to capacity yet comfortably spacious venue I was shocked at the transformation from a bare bones small music spot to a full stage production with an expanded stage, 7 large screens, smoke, lasers and of course…a stripper pole (Where else would the strippers dance during the show?) I later learned from the band that all of the stage production along with various odd characters assisting with the performance were borrowed from their friends in Motley Crue. The three core members Frank Zummo, Bobby Alt and Adam Alt arrived on stage a little after 11pm covered in "Street Drum Corps" hoodies and masks playing a straight percussion instrumental piece on normal drums. The masks were then removed to reveal their tribal face paint and the real fun began as they embarked on a one hour set of songs with new age punk vocals alternating with heavy instrumental pieces and even a drum circle in the middle of the audience. The instruments ranged from drum sets to trash cans to a power saw grinding on a washing machine shooting sparks 20 ft. into the air to what I think was an early 19th century electronic device called a theremin which produces an eerie, acid trip sound without any physical contact by sensing the hand movements of the thereminist (what did you think a theremin player would be called?) There was even the obligatory rock n roll concert drum solo by Zummo that, true to the eclectic nature of the show, was twisted with a backing dub step beat that morphed into the Chemical Brothers' "Block Rockin' Beats" (I see what they did there.) The cell phones and cameras came out in full force with the appearances of special guests Tommy Lee of Motley Crue, Adrian Young of No Doubt, and Stephen Perkins of Jane's Addiction who all seemed to enjoy the craziness that was unfolding around them. I left fulfilled knowing that I had seen a concert that was unlike any of the hundreds I have ever been to. Let's hope the Hard Rock or any of the other music executives in the crowd felt the same way and figure out a way to book Street Drum Corps to a full time Vegas residency. If the "World Famous Popovich Comedy Pet Theater" can survive in Vegas then "Lost Vegas" can definitely succeed.
Tommy Lee and a circular saw as an instrument
In crowd drum circle
Not my video but I somehow forgot to take video of a full song performance. Thankfully Greywolf598 on YouTube had it covered
Street Drum Corps presents Lost Vegas at Vinyl in The Hard Rock
Posted: January 26, 2013 in Concert Announcements
Tags: 30 Seconds to Mars, Adrian Young, Concert Reviews, Drums, Hard Rock, Jane's Addiction, Motley Crue, No Doubt, Punk, Stephen Perkins, Street Drum Corps, Tommy Lee, Vinyl
Street Drum Corps is a drums and percussion based performance group that has been described as a Punk Rock Stomp. Their music is a combination of new punk with street drumming played on various instruments and recycled objects along with some EDM beats (Listen on Spotify) They are great guys who I had the pleasure of partying with a couple years ago when they were in town opening for 30 Seconds to Mars. Congratulations to them on finally presenting their new production show "Lost Vegas" tonight 1/26/13 at Vinyl inside the Hard Rock Hotel and Casino in Vegas. They are bringing along special guests Tommy Lee of Motley Crue, Adrian Young of No Doubt, and Stephen Perkins of Jane's Addiction. Stay tuned for a review