This is one of the most lucid essays written on the subject of non-territorial governance. It deserves to be carefully read and widely discussed. According to the author, non-territorial governance, promoting the emergence of a variety of freely chosen governments on the same territory "provides a framework for experimentation and learning about policy alternatives and their consequences." And this would be a very interesting and satisfactory outcome for all.
Imagine buying cars the way we buy governments. Ten thousand people would get together and agree to vote, each for the car he preferred. Whichever car won, each of the ten thousand would have to buy it. It would not pay any of us to make any serious effort to find out which car was best; whatever I decide, my car is being picked for me by other members of the group. Under such institutions, the quality of cars would quickly decline.
The political choice problem: A better way?
Much has been said about the vices and virtues of democracy. Democracy, said Benjamin Franklin, is two wolves and a sheep voting on what to have for dinner.
Lord Acton warned that democracy is susceptible to a 'tyranny of the majority'.
Winston Churchill told us that democracy is actually the worst form of government… except for every other form that has been tried. Then, not without irony, he also said that the best argument against democracy is a five-minute conversation with the average voter.
H.L. Mencken described democracy as the theory that people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.
These quotes speak to the majoritarian dimension of democracy and the reality that even in the best-of- functioning systems 49% of the people can remain unhappy. To be sure, in most modern democracies even a less-than-majority popular vote can carry an election, due to the peculiarities of electoral systems. Democracy, in other words, is a system to ensure that some people get what they want; it is not a system to allow everyone to do so.
From a purely economic perspective, the purpose of government is to administer collective goods that would otherwise fail to be provided and to help overcome coordination problems on population-wide, mutually-preferred economic outcomes. Governance amounts to a sort of collective goods provision problem; majoritarian democracy is a social technology we use to all choose the same set of collective goods and institutions that harms the least number of people.
But is this the best we can do? Isn't this definition of successful governance a little shallow? We are still struck with the reality that swaths of the population remain unhappy with a set of collective goods and government that they did not choose and are effectively forced to consume, with little to no recourse for satisfaction. A truly efficient system of governance, on the other hand, is one in which citizens are able to relate their preferences over policies in a more detailed and filigreed way. The challenge then is to find a system we can use to all choose different sets of public goods and institutions that please the most number of people, in contradistinction to governance as we know it.
The traditional approach to this challenge is to territorially decentralise and provide differentiated bundles of collective goods and services at the regional or local government levels. This has proved more or less successful throughout history and across the world, but the territorial sorting mechanism on which it is based is subject to inherent efficiency limitations. In short, if people sort themselves over territorial jurisdictions according to their political preferences, they must sacrifice economic and social spatial preferences, thereby limiting efficiencies in these other realms. The same applies in reverse, and in most cases we simply decide where to live based on economic and social considerations, at the expense of efficiency in political choice.
Moreover, the benefits of decentralisation have nothing to do with the inherent territoriality of regional or local governments, but rather they follow from mechanisms underlying decentralised, parallel governance, and equally apply to a non-territorial system of governance. The solution to the limits of territorial decentralisation, then, is rather obvious: non-territorial decentralisation.
The governance problem is about political choice; and there are two related features of political choice that contribute to this challenge. The first might be termed the majoritarian problem; that is to say, "no matter what you would choose, you get what everybody else chooses." This is cause for much disagreement between people, as politicians and advocates (as well as the general population, though often unwittingly) maneuver to impose their conceptions of "what government ought to do" on society at large. Political choice has degenerated into an electioneering numbers game, and more often we are simply lumped with a choice between bundles of government policies that the median voter might have chosen.
This point is not lost on the wider public, and as a result the majoritarian institutional feature is not particularly amenable to informed political choice on the part of the citizen, and nor does it elucidate much information about citizens' political preferences on the part of government.
The second feature of political choice as we know it might be termed the bundling problem; that is to say, "when you choose, you have to choose everything all at once." This, too, is cause for much disagreement – but within people – who, even supposing they aren't prey to the majoritarian problem, are unable to reconcile the internal incompatibilities of preformed government bundles offered by rival political parties. To put this another way, bundled governance generates innate political preference incongruities (i.e., trade-offs) and impedes preference satisfaction over the full suite of government policy areas.
Again, the wider community understands this frustration – particularly younger generations, who find neither the Liberal nor Labor policy-bundle offerings altogether appealing – a likely explanation for the concurrent, though seemingly contradictory, political disaffection at the party-platform level and often viral enthusiasm for advocacy campaigns at the single-issue level. And again, the bundling institutional feature stifles political choice and suppresses information about citizens' political preferences.
We can overcome the majoritarian problem and the bundling problem, as well as the inherent spatial trade-offs in territorial decentralisation, by carrying the decentralisation ethos to its logical ends: unbundle as many functions of government as possible (whether territorial or not), decentralise non-territorially where feasible, and promote parallel governance. The reality is we don't need to all agree on the same set of collective goods and institutions. By 'unbundling governance' we can each individually choose the public goods and services that we want and rebundle them as we like.
What might such an approach look like? Proposals of this kind are essentially variations on the 'voting with feet' political sorting mechanism and theories of competitive governance. In the first instance these are familiar ideas such as competitive federalism, fiscal decentralisation, devolution, autonomous regions, and other territorial expressions of the 'voting with feet' principle like special economic zones, Paul Romer's charter cities, and seasteading. But equally so, the standard applies to methods of non-territorial decentralisation such as market decentralisation (i.e., privatisation), voucher systems and tax choice (i.e., 'voting with taxes'), non-territorial consociation (typically for geographically dispersed minorities), economic clubs and coalitions, polycentric governance, parallel governance (i.e., multiple-state solutions), the political philosophy of panarchism, or even Robert Nozick's 'utopia of utopias'. I propose that all of these theories and mechanisms, whether territorial or non-territorial, can be subsumed under the auspices of the concept, 'unbundled governance'.
Traditional solutions to these problems are variations on the theme of competitive governance; that is, political decentralisation and competitive federalism. The idea is that a simple territorial division into regional or even local jurisdictions (i.e., bundles of government) allows people to sort themselves into the government that best represents their political preferences; this is the 'voting with feet' mechanism.
By doing so the majoritarian problem is somewhat lessened: citizens have stronger voice in a federal majoritarian system than in a unitary majoritarian system (the smaller is the political unit, the greater is individual political influence, and the more valuable is the citizen's vote); and even if they still fall prey to the tyranny of the majority, they have recourse to exit. This also reduces the bundling problem: decentralisation is a form of unbundling, as a portion of government policy areas are removed from the central government and reassigned to subsidiary political units (i.e., rebundled, but in smaller bundles); so in principle citizens are afforded greater choice, and, from the perspective of the citizen, there may be less political preference incongruity within the smaller bundles on offer at each level.
Notice, however, that these are only partial solutions to the majoritarian and bundling problems; they are weakened but not eliminated. The potential for tyranny of the majority still exists for the citizen of a relatively decentralised jurisdiction; and the citizen is still made to choose between preformed government bundles, albeit smaller ones. Taking the competitive governance argument to its logical ends, the majoritarian and bundling problems will only be eliminated in a system of governance with either a sufficiently large number of jurisdictions with sufficiently diverse policy-bundle offerings, or in a fully-unbundled system in which the citizen is free to 'curate their own state'.
We will come back to this point, but for now note that better political choice and more competition can be achieved two ways: (1) raising the benefits of switching governments by devolving control over more policy areas to lower-level political units, thereby generating conditions for greater variety in the government bundles on offer; or (2) lowering the costs of switching by making jurisdictions smaller and easier to move between.
By doing the above, the benefits of changing government are more likely to outweigh the costs of actually having to move between jurisdictions, and people will be able to enjoy the benefits of variety in government without having to sacrifice other economic or social preferences. People may be unwilling to move from Melbourne to Brisbane in search of their preferred political bundle, but many are willing to move across neighbourhoods like from Melbourne to Toorak; they can still live near to their friends and community, they can still visit their favourite restaurants and travel easily to and from work, and so on.
Just as the consumer may be visualized as walking to a private market place to buy his goods, the prices of which are set, we place him in the position of walking to a community where the prices (taxes) of community services are set. Both trips take the consumer to market. There is no way in which the consumer can avoid revealing his preferences in a spatial economy. Spatial mobility provides the local public-goods counterpart to the private market's shopping trip.
Moreover, by 'voting with feet' not only will citizens sort themselves optimally into the jurisdictions offering their preferred bundles of taxes and public services, but they also incentivise the political units to compete for their membership, assuring that the public goods demanded will be provided at the lowest cost. This capacity to limit the government oversupply and over-taxation that is characteristic of monolithic, central government – to 'tame Leviathan' – is one of the foremost virtues of the decentralised institutional form. Further, the lobbying advantages that concentrated special interests hold over the diffuse general public are eroded as political unit size decreases. The impacts of government mistakes are also softened; bad policies can be escaped with smaller consequences, while good policies can be imitated.
Here too, competition serves as a discovery process; since the risks associated with innovation are less for sub-national governments, they will, other things being equal, have a greater propensity to innovate. The political system as a whole is characterised by parallel experimentation (i.e., multiple policies are tested simultaneously by competing sub-national governments) rather than serial experimentation (i.e., multiple policies can only be tested singly by a central government). Decentralisation therefore provides a framework for experimentation and learning about policy alternatives and their consequences; and the system as a whole incorporates – and discovers – far greater amounts of information than a more centralised, monolithic public service complex. All-in-all, market-like competitive constraints provide structural limitations on government power while promoting the avails of competition and innovation in governance.
But the decisive point alluded to in the passage above is not that of benefits, but costs: the adjustment process has inherent efficiency limits due to mobility costs. When we talk about 'voting with feet' we invariably refer to a spatial phenomenon; notions of competitive federalism, political decentralisation, and even vogue 'big ideas' like special economic zones, charter cities, and seasteading, are all territorial expressions of the sorting principle. The major limitation of the 'voting with feet' proposition, at least in its idealised form, is that it relies on perfect mobility between jurisdictions (i.e., costless moving), yet sorting over territorial jurisdictions is inherently costly and never perfect.
Do you know anyone who has changed cities to better fulfill their political preferences? What if you are unwilling to move even from Melbourne to Toorak? The effectiveness of competition among political jurisdictions is inversely proportional to the costs of changing jurisdiction; simply converging on ever-smaller territorial units might reduce switching costs, but this can never be complete. This is because people also make locational decisions based on private-sector and social activities – career, friends and family, restaurants, recreation, the great outdoors, and so on. There might not be much overlap between the people you want to live with and the people who would choose the same form of government as you; in effect, we put up with government we don't like in order to live near the people and places we do.
A complex of many small local governments – even if for the sake of argument we concede costless moving – promotes mobility away from economically and socially optimal locations. Sorting thus generates incentives for people to move away from where they would have located if public goods and services were provided nonterritorially. Territorial political sorting therefore causes deadweight loss and reduces what is termed 'agglomerative' efficiency. On the other hand, economic and social agglomerative efficiency dictates that citizens sort for reasons other than their political preferences, which causes a reduction in the efficiency of political sorting. Again, this efficiency limit exists relative to an alternative system of non-territorial political jurisdictions.
To the extent that public, private, and social preferences over geographical space are non-identical, there exist structural efficiency limits of territorial political sorting. And the more that political preferences diverge from other spatial preferences, the more preferable non-territorial governance becomes to political territoriality.
So unless preferences for neighbours and policies coincide, citizens face a trade-off in a world of territorial governance. Of course, trade-offs are an inescapable reality in economic life; but since we are interested in solving the political choice problem, we should ask: is there another way? Fortunately, there is another solution: nonterritorial decentralisation. Just as a nation can be divided into many small geographically distinct territories for purposes of local and regional government and national representation, so too can it be divided into analogous non-territorial political units.
The idea of non-territorial governance might sound strange at first, but if we think of governance as just another industry, it makes sense. For instance, we choose our mobile phone provider, our health insurance provider, our superannuation provider, and so on, all irrespective of location. If switching costs are all that stand in the way of an efficient, political preference satisfying allocation of collective goods and services – costs that directly follow from an explicitly territorial mode of political organisation – then it seems forthright to suggest a decoupling of political jurisdiction and geographical location so that people could switch political jurisdictions without switching location.
In a world of non-territorial governance people would be able to change their political affiliations, in effect memberships or subscriptions to club-like governance providers, as easily as one changes health insurance providers; without ever having to change location. Non-spatial governments would be defined by their memberships of citizen-consumers (more or less of whom may happen to reside in a given territory), and not necessarily the territory itself. In such a system, governance doesn't follow the territory, but rather the person.
Suppose that at the beginning of the year, you sign up for your preferred national government. You enroll yourself for one year. Next year you may make a different choice. To keep matters simple, suppose that you have three choices: Republican (Red), Democrat (Blue), and Libertarian (Coral). But in the back of your minds, understand that there can be more choices. There can be Green, Red Lite, Blue Lite, Yellow, and so on. If you choose Red, you agree to abide by Red's national government. If you choose Blue or Coral, you agree to abide by their national governments, respectively. You may choose Red and your neighbor may choose Coral. Each of you decides to abide by your own selected national governments. The Reds, Blues, and Corals live all over the place in crazy-quilt patterns.
Decentralisation is principally a non-spatial phenomenon, albeit one that has been applied up until now primarily in a spatial context. The key insight is that welfare is maximised when collective goods are provided by government units encompassing subsets of the population for which political preferences are homogeneous. This means decentralisation of some sort; for some time ever smaller territorial units have been the means to achieving this, but we should pursue non-territorial decentralisation too.
In such a world of non-territorial federalism, all the competitive and innovative benefits of quasi-market competition are heightened: collective goods and services would be provided more efficiently and the amount of state interference that people would tolerate without switching would be lower (Leviathan would be not only tamed, but domesticated); states would compete on innovation and service as well as price (or more accurately, rather than being shielded from competition by regional monopoly and mobility thresholds), and would need to tailor their suite of services to meet citizens' political preferences; special interest lobbying would be greatly restricted if not altogether futile given the ease of exit from captured jurisdictions; most importantly though, non-territorial governance promotes a superior distribution of people over geographic space, and citizens are free to locate according to their own interests – political preferences need no longer conflict with economic and social preferences.
Next we should consider the bundling problem. Non-territoriality doesn't deal with this, it is a way of overcoming the limitations of territorial sorting while generating more diversity in government policy bundles. But what if, even in a non-territorially decentralised system, the bundle of collective goods and services that best satisfies your political preferences is not offered? Political preferences over distinct functions of governance are often mutually exclusive, at odds with each other, or simply not offered coextensively by governments or rival political parties. That is, the nature of the modern nation-state as a general-purpose form of political organisation generates innate political preference trade-offs within the individual, not only between individuals, and impedes preference satisfaction over the full suite of governance functions. Put another way: many people begrudge how pay TV companies bundle their packages of services – why don't we have that same resentment over government bundling?
Consider the possibility of unbundled governance, where collective goods and services are provided separately by independent single-purpose governments or public enterprises that are functionally-specialised. This is 'government a la carte': there will be greater diversity of governmental forms and a wider range of choice for groups and individuals. More to the point, citizens will be able to personally curate the suite of collective goods and services that is amenable to their unique political preferences; they are free to opt-in to the ones that suit their values, in effect 'rebundling' the functions that have been deemed 'unbundleable'.
Even if there are relatively few unbundleable governance functions, and even if there are relatively few public enterprises from which to choose, the welfare gains from improved political preference satisfaction under such a system could be substantial. Indeed, only when citizens' choices converge on what would be the fully-bundled, majoritarian-democratic result will welfare gains be trivial (i.e., when there is near-unanimity; an outcome of vanishingly small probability). When citizens are able to assemble their own political bundles based on their unique preferences, the stifling effect of 'one-size-fits-all' political monopolism and the internal contradictions in preformed political bundles are diminished; frustration is replaced by customisation.
Just as a monolithic, general-purpose corporation is not the solution to all private enterprise problems, a monolithic, general-purpose government is not the solution to all public enterprise problems. Rather, competing public enterprises should be free to provide these same services, so that citizens can choose among a range of options and select the providers most responsive to their public preferences. Think of this as 'government by subscription' or the freedom to 'curate your own state'. This is not to say that existing governments should be abolished, nor that all services that governments have traditionally provided should be opened up to other providers; simply that the monopolistic and general-purpose features of government should be questioned if we desire a system that satisfies citizens' political preferences. Citizens who wish to remain subject to a relatively hierarchical, consolidated public enterprise would be free to do so; but equally so, citizens wishing to opt in to other arrangements would be free to do so as well.
The key point in relation to the bundling problem and decentralisation is that the subsets of the population for which political preferences are homogeneous differ on a function by function basis. So not only is it unlikely that the people you prefer to live nearby will have similar political preferences over the whole suite of public goods and services, but for each distinct function of governance there will be a different community of interest that shares that particular political preference with you.
Furthermore, the diversity of scale economies, spillovers and externalities for different collective goods and services means that each citizen should be a member of numerous multi-scaled, overlapping jurisdictions. For some collective goods, the optimal jurisdiction size is the entire country, for others it is narrower. But if the optimal jurisdiction size depends on the specific collective good, then everyone should belong to a multiple overlapping jurisdictions: one for each function of government.
Collective goods and services that happen to have coterminous jurisdictional boundaries or membership bases could be bundled, but if this insight were to be applied strictly, it seems more likely that some amount of unbundling would in fact be called for. Bruno Frey  suggests that each individual would belong to a different group each for cultural affairs, transportation, schooling, social security, health care, telecommunications, and so on; labelling the result 'functional federalism'.
Moreover, recall that the principle virtue of decentralising authority to lower-level jurisdictions is adaptiveness to citizen preferences (due to 'localness' or 'closeness') and greater efficiency in provision (from knowledge of costs and benefits of production). There is reason to believe that a decentralised regime of jurisdictions defined predominantly by function rather than geography will be at least as responsive to citizen preferences (as jurisdictions become smaller), and indeed, more attuned to the specifics of production (as jurisdictions become functionally specialised) – thus ensuring even greater efficiency and welfare.
Of course, greater satisfaction of political preferences does not come for free, and there are potentially increased coordination costs, spillovers, information costs, and decision burden associated with a fully-unbundled system of governance. The point for now, however, is to highlight this very trade-off – that alternative political systems can indeed result in greater citizen satisfaction, albeit at some cost – while calling into question the presumption of monopolistic, bundled governance.
Unbundle, only to rebundle again?
We should unbundle the functions of government and provide them distinctly according to their diversity. Each type of government activity has slightly different externalities or economies of scale from the others and therefore requires a different size (i.e., in terms of a territorial jurisdiction or non-territorial membership base). This is expressed in Mancur Olson's notion of 'fiscal equivalence': for every collective good, there is a unique 'boundary' for which a separate government is needed, so that 'there can be a match between those who receive the benefits of a collective good and those who pay for it'. Thus we should observe a complex of overlapping jurisdictions with unique boundaries relating to the provision of specific collective goods. As Olson suggested, 'There is a case for every type of institution from the international organization to the smallest local government'; a case for 'both centralized and decentralized units of government in the same context'.
We can have centralisation and decentralisation, we can have bundling and unbundling, we can have territorial provision and non-territorial provision – but we need a framework in which the assignment of powers can be discovered, and continually rediscovered, not assumed a priori. This is a framework for an unbundled state, but it might more accurately be called an 'unbundlable' state. Where possible, we should allow political entrepreneurs to unbundle the functions of government by creating parallel entities for the provision of a particular collective good. This would require free (i.e., unrestricted not costless) entry of new public enterprises and emergence of new jurisdictions.
Territorial and non-territorial decentralisation are the mechanisms by which this might happen. The political entrepreneur may wish to create a territorial public enterprise if economic logic dictates that production, provision or consumption of the collective good or service need be local. Conversely, there may be scope for the creation of non-territorial government units. Both acts require in the first instance the unbundling of governance and the creation of a new, parallel public enterprise; whether territorial or non-territorial.
While unbundling is key to this, the point is not to rule out all bundling of functions of government – as mentioned, unbundled jurisdictions that happen to have coterminous boundaries or membership bases could be re-bundled. Rather the point is to create an 'unbundlable' system of governance and allow this decentralised system to discover ways to re-bundle functions; discovering scales and scopes of public service production and provision (i.e., unbundling government in terms of discovery frontiers).
Public enterprises may decide to jointly provide a suite of goods or services should they discover coterminous economies of scale or scope; or even without such economies, purely as a marketing exercise (although presumably this would be based on some underlying economy). Similarly, where separate public enterprises are able to derive an advantage through the formation of a new joint enterprise for an encompassing larger community there would be recourse to form yet another larger self-governing public enterprise. This might involve smaller public enterprises, working within the same domain but serving different communities, coordinating to serve a larger joint membership; or it might involve functionally-distinct entities cooperating to provide a suite of services to a common membership. The public service industry would be characterised by single-function public enterprises and multi-organisational arrangements in response to diverse economies of scale and the demands of varying communities of interest. Concurrent, non-centralised authority will exist simultaneously in a larger industrial complex of overlapping jurisdictions of public enterprises.
One important form of cooperation between public enterprises we would expect to emerge is purchasing agreements. These are already used by lower-level jurisdictions in territorially decentralised systems of governance; for example, often larger local governments produce their own police services while smaller governments purchase their services by hiring from the larger government or national government. This is a way of dealing with diverse economies of scale in such a way as to capture diminishing supply costs (i.e., when the efficient scale of production is relatively large) while maintaining interjurisdictional competition (i.e., having more than a single public enterprise perform the function). In a similar fashion, national governments sometimes perform administrative functions as a means of alleviating insufficient economies of scale of smaller sub-national governments (i.e., tax collection).
We need not assume that a particular government unit must provide its own facilities or produce a particular collective good or service. This dissociates the efficient scale of production from the efficient scale of provision or consumption. That is, if a public enterprise can purchase from a specialised producer, then the economies of scale cease to have relevance to the decision of to the size of the governmental unit, and we can have multiple overlapping, competing (non-spatial) enterprises servicing a given territorial space. And public enterprises would still be free to create higher-level consortiums that adopt a common policy or provision of some particular good, given that the constituent enterprises represent the preferences of their members in doing so.
The very act of decentralisation may cause interjurisdictional spillovers of both benefits and costs: if you have a very large number of public enterprises and overlapping jurisdictions presumably there will be externalities generated by individual units on each other. Therefore, the public enterprise chosen to deal with any given activity should be large enough to 'internalise' any externalities that the activity generates (or some arbitrary proportion of the externalities, since 'border spillovers' are pervasive). Again, according to this criteria each function of government or collective good calls for a different size public enterprise due to the diversity of externalities. And again, this would seem to be reason for ever larger jurisdictions, as a means of internalising an ever larger proportion of externalities.
If we want to maintain the benefits of interjurisdictional competition and parallel governance then the decentralised public enterprises will need to coordinate to internalise spillovers, but coordination is costly. Externalities can be internalised through voluntary policy coordination among interacting public enterprises; or a new level of organisation can be created to deal with externalities (i.e., a public service enterprise with the specific task of internalising the externalities generated by the individual enterprises on each other, through tax and subsidy transfers).
These new government units would perform a role similar to that of a central government (i.e., stabilisation and distributive objectives), although there would likely be a multitude of such new enterprises, specialised according to the coordinative function they perform. However, if the externalities of a particular collective good or service are sufficiently widespread (and coordination costs are intolerably high), a higher-level enterprise may have to assume complete responsibility for its provision. Thus, there seems to exist an inherent trade-off between the advantages of decentralised parallel governance (coupled with coordinated internalisation of externalities) and the disadvantages of centralised governance (with less need for costly coordination activities).
Central to this proposal is that a truly efficient system of governance is one in which citizens are able to relate their preferences over policies in a more detailed and filigreed way. We should, however, expect there to be some rationality constraints to this, well inside the extreme of having each and every aspect of government unbundled and provided by autonomous public enterprises. We have already seen how scale economies and the need to internalise externalities can sometimes temper the arguments for unbundling; but the most straightforward rationale for bundling (or, granted: re-bundling) is that the innumerable combinations of government bundles imposes onerous information costs on the citizen-consumer (not to mention on public enterprises that are expected to provide as wide a range of choice of combinations as possible). The educational level and informational costs required to take advantage of the opportunities inherent in such a system would largely be burdensome, and the likelihood of a citizen actually sorting over the space of possible bundles to find their optimum – should a perfectly complete governance marketplace be imagined – is vanishingly small.
Having said this, we should recognise that information problems of this ilk are pervasive in all other marketplaces too, not only in the completely unbundled governance system envisaged here. The larger private economy does not comprise every possible combination of every good; firms offer products that are conjectured (or have been discovered) to be popular bundles of attributes, niche providers offer unique bundles, and specialist firms focus on single-attribute offerings. The genius of the competitive, decentralised market order is that it provokes persistent conjecture and refutation of market hypotheses; through parallel experimentation, consumer sovereignty (i.e., mobility), and the ability to freely bundle product attributes as necessary (i.e., contestability, entry and exit).
We should expect a similar process to unfold in an 'unbundlable' system of governance – perhaps counterintuitively, we should expect bundling as the analogous response to information problems and the cognitive burden placed on citizens. A range of popular governance bundles might be offered (by individual public enterprises and consortiums) with popular single-element items available in the market for governance as well. There would likely be the option of self-managing all your collective goods and services too – consider them subscriptions – but only a small number of people would likely undertake this (i.e., few people vote below the line on election ballots, and this would be an even more arduous task).
The other way consumers deal with decision burden in situations that are cognitively complex is to seek heuristics or appoint an agent with relevant expertise. In the current democratic system citizens vote for political parties on the dual basis of the bundle of policies they proffer and to appoint politicians as agents. In fact, there is an argument to be made that due to the 'rational ignorance' of voters, the appointment of politicians as agents is the primary function of an election.
When, however, the functions of government are unbundled and citizens are able to individually curate a portion of their bundle of collective goods and institutions, elections may cease to be the dominant method by which the political-institutional environment adapts and changes. There is thus a motive for citizens to appoint an agent by contract, whether formal or tacit, and a new class of public enterprise dedicated to advising citizen-consumers might emerge. To be sure, political consultants, advocacy groups and think tanks already exist but they would potentially play a much more instrumental role in an unbundled political system, as complexity-reducing agents. The role of the political party would change markedly as well; at once re-bundlers or consortiums of public enterprises and also highly visible, public enterprise advocates.
So this is the idea: a quasi-market public service industry of self-governing public enterprises, potentially multi-organisational and multifunctional, but with overlap and fragmentation, centralisation and decentralisation, subject to diverse economies of scale and dissociation of production, provision and consumption. Gordon Tullock described such a system as 'a vast collection of governmental units, each of these governmental units being to some respect of a different geographical coverage than the others and each one dealing with a separate activity' .
In Vincent Ostrom's terminology this is a 'highly federalised' system ; though not necessarily territorially so, as non-territorial collective good provision is preferable where possible.
This brings to light the question of just which functions of governance are unbundleable, and which are necessarily linked to territory. And what's more, what governance functions can or should be performed by different levels of government? For non-territoriality, there are some functions of government that are more or less linked to territory that will be relative difficult to separate from a territorially based system of provision. If we seek to construct a system of non-territorial governance we should begin specifically with the goods that are most suitable. Territorial goods might include transportation and roads; national defense; police, fire, and emergency services; public utilities; parks and aesthetics; civic planning and or zoning; environment and waste disposal; immigration services; and more.
It may turn out that some or all of these goods and services would be better provided by the private sector; but at least these can be considered territorial, even though not all of these would be considered public goods in the economic sense. Other functions of government, such as heath care, education, arts funding, social welfare, and so on, might be desirable collective goods and services but they are not inherently territorial. For instance, we can enjoy the benefits of health insurance risk pooling, online education, and unemployment insurance where ever we live.
The early work on what functions should be assigned to the different levels of government began with 'first generation' theorists Richard Musgrave and Wallace Oates, eliciting three main insights. First, the highest level of government should be tasked with 'stabilisation' (e.g. macroeconomic and monetary policy), since sub-national economies are relatively more open and capital, labour and financial flight has the potential to undermine stabilisation objectives. Second, 'distributive' objectives should be implemented directly by the level of government formulating them, commonly the national level, for similar reasons – factor mobility constrains sub-national governments by diluting the effect of redistributive policies. Third, 'allocative' functions (e.g. public goods, market failures) should be performed by the level of government corresponding to the economic properties of the issue at hand (e.g. given the optimal jurisdiction size according to scale economies, spillovers, externalities). For example, environmental public good policy is typically administered by the national government, whereas local public goods fall to local government (e.g. maintenance of streets and public spaces).
For the most part, it will be up to political entrepreneurs to experiment with provision of certain hitherto-conceived government goods and services. The central government might also assist in the processes of discovering which function are unbundleable; opening up niches for entrepreneurs to experiment in, monitoring results, and deciding if and when to scale up or terminate unbundled provision of the governance function. Of course, ultimately there will also be a political dimension to this, and it will be dependent on prevailing governments' (ideological) views on what functions of government are deemed acceptable for unbundling and what must remain centralised or within the bounds of the state.
At this point, it should be stressed that unbundling is not simply a ploy to rid ourselves altogether of the state, but rather an attempt to rid ourselves of a particular state: monopolistic, general-purpose, and territorially sovereign. Moreover, unbundling is more than just a process of 'de-centering' the state; it involves a wide-ranging shift from government to governance, following from a recognition that a given collective good may be supplied, or a publicly necessary service performed, by a variety of bodies. These public enterprises may indeed resemble government departments; or fiscal clubs, communes, or companies; and ownership may reside in the state, a commons, or indeed private enterprise. But importantly, ownership and operating models that reflect community standards will proliferate in a social order where individuals choose for themselves the kinds of associations, communities and institutions they wish to be connected to.
In some respects, the unbundling of the territorial state is already underway: technological developments, especially in areas such as electronics and telecommunication, are shifting the balance away from purely territorial governance to more decentralised, non-territorial political forms. Such trends undermine the general-purpose, territorial nation-state by opening up new governance structures and possibilities. Technological and economic advances have reduced the optimum scale of production in a wide range of industries, which is undermining, albeit gradually, the logic of large-scale, centralised organisation. For instance, this has fed the rise of commons-based peer production in private enterprise and we might expect an attendant rise of commons-based peer production in public enterprise.
The growing obsolescence of large, highly capitalised, hierarchical organisation can be attributed to two factors: (1) reduced capital costs of information and material production, and (2) reduced transaction costs of coordinating action between individuals and organisations. The upshot is that parallel developments are driving this trend in many traditionally-conceived functions of government, which is underwriting the rationale for small-scale, decentralised, and functionallyspecialised modes of governance.
Moreover, even when a particular collective good requires substantial capital outlays, networked technologies have radically lowered the costs of aggregating individual capital contributions. This could be termed the 'Kickstarter effect', after the popular online crowdfunding platform for artists, designers, filmmakers, musicians and the like. Encouragingly, a community of nonprofit (or charity) crowdfunding platforms for the provision of civic collective goods is also blossoming (e.g. Brickstarter, Citizinvester, etc.). This is an ingenious social technology, but it is only coming to prominence today because of the tandem development of enabling physical and economic technologies. As a result, even when capital costs required for production are non-trivial, the transaction costs of aggregating the required capital from a number of small contributors, or of connecting a user community with owners of sufficient capital, are much lower today than they have been.
Network technology has had a revolutionary effect on the transaction costs of traditional economic activity and organisation, facilitating the emergence of more effective decentralised collective action practices. It provides a platform for new, non-territorial mechanisms of collective action for potentially widely dispersed communities. The capability of 'virtual communities' to provide multiple, non-territorial niches for individuals to share values and interests, divide labour and capital contributions, socialise risk, and incur mutual obligations is ever-increasing. The cumulative effect is that a rapidly increasing share of the functions previously carried out by the state can now be effectively carried out by commons-based peer production, social-entrepreneurial crowdfunding, or special-purpose public enterprises.
We should be optimistic about these changes, not cynical. More to the point, at this stage of social and political development, unbundling is admittedly a radical proposal, and could only proceed in an incremental, piecemeal, and experimental way.
While there are difficulties with the strongest version of this proposition, I have argued that the benefits of unbundled governance are substantial; particularly as it is a system we can use to choose different sets of public goods and institutions that please the most number of people, rather than the same set of public goods and institutions that supposedly harm the least number of people. The foremost reason for unbundling is that it potentially allows citizen-consumers to choose each element of government separately, rather than having to choose from a number of predefined, complete bundles without any substitution, and for a full term as a bloc. This overcomes the diminishing political preference satisfaction that is a consequence of ever-greater bundling of policy bundles in general-purpose governments (with commensurate implications for welfare).
Another important benefit is the ability to subvert the trade-off between 'agglomerative' efficiencies and 'political choice' efficiencies that prevails when citizens sort themselves over a geographic space populated by territorial jurisdictions. Non-spatial, unbundled governance can also spur beneficial interjurisdictional competition when there is little citizen mobility; and the parallel governance aspect stimulates parallel experimentation and learning about citizen preferences and policy alternatives, eliciting a quasi-Hayekian discovery process in institutional space. And of course it also limits government oversupply and over-taxation, 'taming Leviathan'.
Unbundled governance recognises the heterogeneity of political preferences over collective goods and institutions and the diversity of the population. Rather than a meddlesome constraint to political consensus, as in democratic majoritarianism, unbundled governance is a pluralistic approach that embraces such diversity, with the view that the satisfaction of heterogeneous preferences as a necessary to any considered system of governance. Such an approach heeds Acton's warning of democracy as a 'tyranny of the majority'; provides a mechanism for responding to Churchill's claim that no other better form of governance than democratic majoritarianism has yet been tried; and takes seriously Mencken's idea that people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.
Moreover, such an approach need not even assume people know the outcomes they desire, or that the proper assemblage of political authority and mode of governance is even a priori knowable. Rather, it provides a framework for experimentation and learning about policy alternatives and their consequences; and while decentralisation is key to this we need not presuppose decentralised governance and institutional forms will always be the outcome. This is a framework in which the assignment of powers can be discovered, and continually rediscovered, not assumed a priori. This is a framework for the unbundled state.
 Buchanan, J. and Goetz, C. (1972) 'Efficiency Limits of Fiscal Mobility: An Assessment of the Tiebout Model', Journal of Public Economics, 1, 25-43.
 Frey, B. and Eichenberger, R. (1999) The New Democratic Federalism for Europe. Functional, Overlapping and Competing Jurisdictions, Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, Cheltenham.
 Tullock, G. (1969) 'Federalism: Problems of Scale', Public Choice, 6, 19-29.
 Ostrom, V. (1973) 'Can Federalism Make A Difference', Publius, 3, 197-237.


text:
Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements
P. Panayotatos*, E. S. Yang, Wei Hwang
International College of Semiconductor Technology
The grain boundary recombination velocity of polycrystalline Si is separated from bulk effects and its value is determined with practically no assumption of numerical values for any parameter other than the minority carrier diffusion coefficient. The method used utilizes photoconductance measurements taken by the scanning laser spot technique. It is found that, for the illumination levels used, there is a transition from low level to high-level injection of minority carriers, and this transition is used to estimate the quasi-Fermi level separation. The recombination velocity S, ranging in value from 5000 to 17000 cm/sec, is thus presented both as a function of the illumination level as well as of the quasi-Fermi level separation ΔEf. It is found that S increases monotonically with illumination and does not saturate, even at the high light concentrations used.
Solid State Electronics
Dive into the research topics of 'Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements'. Together they form a unique fingerprint.
Fermi level Engineering & Materials Science 100%
Polysilicon Engineering & Materials Science 99%
Grain Boundary Chemical Compounds 89%
Grain boundaries Engineering & Materials Science 87%
Polycrystalline Solid Chemical Compounds 77%
Illumination Chemical Compounds 77%
Velocity Chemical Compounds 72%
Panayotatos, P., Yang, E. S., & Hwang, W. (1982). Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements. Solid State Electronics, 25(5), 417-422. https://doi.org/10.1016/0038-1101(82)90127-7
Panayotatos, P. ; Yang, E. S. ; Hwang, Wei. / Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements. In: Solid State Electronics. 1982 ; Vol. 25, No. 5. pp. 417-422.
@article{e8026aa467184fe4ac3ac5ba8911fc8c,
title = "Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements",
abstract = "The grain boundary recombination velocity of polycrystalline Si is separated from bulk effects and its value is determined with practically no assumption of numerical values for any parameter other than the minority carrier diffusion coefficient. The method used utilizes photoconductance measurements taken by the scanning laser spot technique. It is found that, for the illumination levels used, there is a transition from low level to high-level injection of minority carriers, and this transition is used to estimate the quasi-Fermi level separation. The recombination velocity S, ranging in value from 5000 to 17000 cm/sec, is thus presented both as a function of the illumination level as well as of the quasi-Fermi level separation ΔEf. It is found that S increases monotonically with illumination and does not saturate, even at the high light concentrations used.",
author = "P. Panayotatos and Yang, {E. S.} and Wei Hwang",
journal = "Solid-State Electronics",
Panayotatos, P, Yang, ES & Hwang, W 1982, 'Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements', Solid State Electronics, vol. 25, no. 5, pp. 417-422. https://doi.org/10.1016/0038-1101(82)90127-7
Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements. / Panayotatos, P.; Yang, E. S.; Hwang, Wei.
In: Solid State Electronics, Vol. 25, No. 5, 01.01.1982, p. 417-422.
T1 - Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements
AU - Panayotatos, P.
AU - Yang, E. S.
AU - Hwang, Wei
N2 - The grain boundary recombination velocity of polycrystalline Si is separated from bulk effects and its value is determined with practically no assumption of numerical values for any parameter other than the minority carrier diffusion coefficient. The method used utilizes photoconductance measurements taken by the scanning laser spot technique. It is found that, for the illumination levels used, there is a transition from low level to high-level injection of minority carriers, and this transition is used to estimate the quasi-Fermi level separation. The recombination velocity S, ranging in value from 5000 to 17000 cm/sec, is thus presented both as a function of the illumination level as well as of the quasi-Fermi level separation ΔEf. It is found that S increases monotonically with illumination and does not saturate, even at the high light concentrations used.
AB - The grain boundary recombination velocity of polycrystalline Si is separated from bulk effects and its value is determined with practically no assumption of numerical values for any parameter other than the minority carrier diffusion coefficient. The method used utilizes photoconductance measurements taken by the scanning laser spot technique. It is found that, for the illumination levels used, there is a transition from low level to high-level injection of minority carriers, and this transition is used to estimate the quasi-Fermi level separation. The recombination velocity S, ranging in value from 5000 to 17000 cm/sec, is thus presented both as a function of the illumination level as well as of the quasi-Fermi level separation ΔEf. It is found that S increases monotonically with illumination and does not saturate, even at the high light concentrations used.
JO - Solid-State Electronics
JF - Solid-State Electronics
Panayotatos P, Yang ES, Hwang W. Determination of the grain boundary recombination velocity in polycrystalline silicon as a function of illumination from photoconductance measurements. Solid State Electronics. 1982 Jan 1;25(5):417-422. doi: 10.1016/0038-1101(82)90127-7

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Today, Ubisoft announced the Assassin's Creed® Odyssey post-launch plan introducing a brand new episodic format. Season Pass and free narrative content will release on a regular basis, giving players a constant flow of new stories to experience. Additionally, all Assassin's Creed Odyssey players will have access to recurring free in-game events, introducing challenging enemies and daily quests. Season Pass owners will also receive two bonus games: Assassin's Creed® III Remastered and Assassin's Creed® III Liberation Remastered.
The Assassin's Creed Odyssey live roadmap plan is the biggest and most ambitious in the franchise, deepening storytelling through its episodic structure. Season Pass owners will access two major storylines with three episodes each while all players will receive free story missions called The Lost Tales of Greece. Players can dive into new episodes as they premiere, or experience the epic adventures in their entirety once all episodes are available. Keeping in tone with Assassin's Creed Odyssey, accessing this new content will be all about player choice.
The Remastered editions will feature 4K and & HDR on PS4™ Pro, Xbox One X and PC, higher resolution textures, new graphics engine, and several more other graphical enhancements. Gameplay mechanics and ergonomics have also been improved.
Assassin's Creed III Remastered will be sold as a stand-alone title for players who don't own the Assassin's Creed Odyssey Season Pass.
Assassin's Creed® III Liberation Remastered: Originally released as a PlayStation®Vita exclusive, Assassin's Creed III Liberation has been remastered for PlayStation®4 systems, Xbox One and PC in full HD. Follow Aveline's story as she battles Spanish forces in the American south to win freedom for her land and people. Embark on an epic journey that will take her from the crowded streets of New Orleans to voodoo-haunted swamps and ancient Mayan ruins.
The Season Pass is included in the Assassin's Creed Odyssey Gold, Ultimate, Spartan and Pantheon Editions and is also available for purchase separately for $39.99.
Discovery Tour: The educational tool will let players explore the game world in a conflict-free environment and learn about Ancient Greece's monuments, culture and history.
There will be more to come as the Assassin's Creed Odyssey development team is committed to support the game and continued improvement of the core experience with additional content, yet to be revealed.


text:
Q: Passing variable into nearsphere (Error Obj Obj) #appcelerator Using
Cloud.Events.query({
            where: {
        lnglat: {
            '$nearSphere': [userlngglobal,userlatglobal],
            '$maxDistance': 0.00326
      }

I have tried to pass variables in but keep getting Error Obj Obj
I have tried using '$nearSphere': [JSON.stringify(userlngglobal),54] same error
The variable is gotten from here
Ti.Geolocation.forwardGeocoder(textfield.getValue(), function(e) {
    Ti.API.info(e);
    userlngglobal = e.longitude;
    userlatglobal = e.latitude;
    win.close();
     console.log('longitude' +userlngglobal);
         alert('latitude: '+userlatglobal);
    alert('youve updated it');
});

A: Answer gotten from the Appcelerator team
"$nearSphere":[Number(e.coords.longitude), Number(e.coords.latitude)]

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
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Market Information 08/16/2019
India Sea Cargo Manifest and Transshipment (SCMT) Regulations
The Central Board of Indirect Taxes and Customs in India has advised that the implementation of the India SCMT regulations will be effective from August 1, 2019. It is now compulsory for all shipping lines, importers and exporters to adhere to the defined timelines for manifest filing of all the cargo on a vessel to and from an Indian port.
The rule is applicable for all cargo transshipping, discharging and moving via any Indian port.
Departure Manifest: Export manifest is now required to be submitted to Indian customs prior to the departure of the vessel from any Port of Loading in India.
Arrival Manifest: Import Manifest is now required to be submitted to India customs prior to the departure of the vessel from the last foreign port of call.
Bookmark article
Contact Ali Mahboob
mahboob.ali@dachser.com
Emissions calculations with DACHSER Air & Sea Logistics
For several years now, DACHSER Air & Sea Logistics has been compiling so-called carbon footprints (calculation of the CO₂ balance sheet) of freight transports and summarizing the individual transport-related calculations in emissions reports. The preparation of these reports is a value-added service offered to DACHSER Air & Sea Logistics customers worldwide and is tailored to the individual needs of the customer. In general, primary energy consumption, greenhouse gas emissions and various air pollutants can be calculated at consignment level. This can also be broken down to individual transport sections. In this way, transport-related carbon footprints can be calculated for complete transport chains, including the pre-carriage, main carriage and onward carriage.
DACHSER uses an emissions calculator for the calculations, which meets all the requirements of the European standard for calculating greenhouse gas emissions from passenger and goods transport (EN 16258). Another advantage of the emissions calculator is that the calculation processes are automated via an XML interface to our Othello transport management system. This allows the emission reports to be generated completely automatically.
In general, the emission calculation in the first step serves to determine the primary energy consumption, greenhouse gas emissions and air pollutants emitted by transports. However, this information is essential for deriving necessary measures to reduce emissions. Therefore, in addition to the pure calculations, it is also important to be able to provide our customers with further bases for decisions on emission reduction. For this reason, customers receive simulated calculations of alternative means of transport and bundling strategies on request.
In addition to a comparison of the classic means of transport by air and sea, the alternative of rail transport (see DACHSER Rail Services) is also highlighted for customers.
If you have any questions about our emissions calculator, please contact your DACHSER contact person.
Press Release 09/15/2020
DACHSER launches weekly charters from Hong Kong to Frankfurt
Technology is the only thing that can hold logistics networks together
Digitalisation and smart transportation solutions might be the answer to several issues this pandemic has unveiled.
From Vietnam to Poland by rail via China's New Silk Road
For a manufacturer of hospital beds, DACHSER recently handled a rail transit shipment for the first time. This transportation solution offers customers an optimal balance of transit time and cost.
Do you have a request or a question? Please find the contact information for our branches worldwide below.
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In order to provide an optimal user experience, DACHSER uses cookies on this site. You automatically agree to our cookies. If you continue to use this site. Data protection


CSU is committed to the health and well-being of its communities and to providing hands-on learning experiences for our students. CSU runs a number of clinics that Alumni can attend and save.
Receive a 10% discount on dental services at one of CSU's Dental Clinics located on each of CSU's main campuses.
Receive a 10% discount for all veterinary services provided for your animals at one of CSU's facilities on the Wagga Wagga Campus.
Receive heavily discounted rates for standard practice consultancies in podiatry and other allied health disciplines . Different discounts apply for different treatments and services, so please enquire about your alumni discount when you make your appointment.
Alumni Life Members will be provided preferential bookings where possible.


Planning your wedding can be a whirlwind of emotions, when you are looking for a venue make sure that they are willing to work with you. You don't want a place that is going to force you into something that you don't like and might regret. When it's all said and done though, don't sweat the small stuff, let the professionals worry about that. If you feel comfortable with the coordinator/planner trust in them and they will make sure things go off without a hitch.


2015 California Income Tax Tables 2015 California Tax Rate Tables 2015 California State Tax Withholding Table .
Good Ohio Withholding Tables #4 Table .
The image of Ohio Withholding Tables was published at January 4, 2019 at 4:30 am. This post is posted at the Table category. Ohio Withholding Tables is tagged with Ohio Withholding Tables, Ohio, Withholding, Tables..
One of many things that define the Ohio Withholding Tables's beauty may be the topic of the space. Among the subjects that people must try may be the bohemian style. The choices of the planet group in this type nevertheless haven't passed, even though Bohemian empire has long been extinct. Particularly when you incorporate a minimalist style that is simple and it together, but nevertheless crosseyed.
This really is it, idea room decor style Bohemian that is minimalist. Simple steps to execute nan boho chic is to show your products. Charms, earrings, bracelets and connections are often stored in a container, put it on a hanger. It may be up for grabs or about the wall hook. Ethnic motifs or picture flowered in radiant hues is likely to make attractive and your space suddenly boho.
Bohemian into a model that will be mostly employed by women. This model is used via tassels as braid, embroidery, sewing, and an elegant structure, such. Theme supporting bohemian design kantha illustration, materials atlanta. Employ merely two hues vibrant batik or batik periphery when it is tough to find.
Not all-things Ohio Withholding Tables within the category. Bohemian design bedroom is not the same as type that is decorating cheerful teenis space. Bohemian favor feminism and Western racial figure that is solid. Don't forget to put two potted flowers that are indoor or one in the bedroom. Blossom may die. But, it'd be greater if live plants are used by you as being a language- in-law plants, holding or hanging.
Elegant motifs and textures could be employed through curtain pillow, the bedcover, place, or carpet. Bohemian originated in mainland Europe, specially the Czech. Consequently, when selecting sort and a mode for the furniture within the room, make sure it don't freeze with national motifs Indonesia, particularly Java. Javanese racial dark, whilst the brightly colored smooth boho.
Do not neglect to incorporate a-little effect of art as an example, in the room through the head statue - model renaissance presented, or pictures. Not so difficult, is not it? You merely need ordering the Ohio Withholding Tables and to include small trinkets. Be the bedrooms bohemian fashion that is minimalist. You can find different suggestions for designing a room?


text:
import argparse
import os

from west import log
from west.commands import WestCommand

# Relative to the folder where this script lives
COMPLETION_REL_PATH = 'completion/west-completion'

COMP_DESCRIPTION = '''\
Output shell completion scripts for west.

This command outputs completion scripts for different shells by printing them
to stdout. Using the completion scripts:

  bash:
    # one-time
    source <(west completion bash)
    # permanent
    west completion bash > ~/west-completion.bash
    # edit your .bashrc or .bash_profile and add:
    source $HOME/west-completion.bash

  zsh:
    # one-time
    source <(west completion zsh)
    # permanent (might require sudo)
    west completion zsh > "${fpath[1]}/_west"

positional arguments:
  source_dir            application source directory
  cmake_opt             extra options to pass to cmake; implies -c
                        (these must come after "--" as shown above)
'''

class Completion(WestCommand):

    def __init__(self):
        super().__init__(
            'completion',
            # Keep this in sync with the string in west-commands.yml.
            'output shell completion scripts',
            COMP_DESCRIPTION,
            accepts_unknown_args=False)

    def do_add_parser(self, parser_adder):
        parser = parser_adder.add_parser(
            self.name,
            help=self.help,
            formatter_class=argparse.RawDescriptionHelpFormatter,
            description=self.description)

        # Remember to update west-completion.bash if you add or remove
        # flags
        parser.add_argument('shell', nargs=1, choices=['bash', 'zsh'],
                            help='''Shell that which the completion
                            script is intended for.''')
        return parser

    def do_run(self, args, unknown_args):
        cf = os.path.join(os.path.dirname(os.path.realpath(__file__)),
                          *COMPLETION_REL_PATH.split('/'))

        cf += '.' + args.shell[0]

        try:
            with open(cf, 'r') as f:
                print(f.read())
        except FileNotFoundError as e:
            log.die('Unable to find completion file: {}'.format(e))

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Driver injured as her SUV hits school bus (with video)
All students, bus driver uninjured
The band director at Pedro Menendez High School, Darla Boyd, was injured when her Ford Expedition collided with a school bus Monday morning near the school.
None of the 39 Menendez students aboard the bus nor the driver, Sharon Paris, was injured.
Boyd, 43, of St. Augustine, was driving the SUV that crashed into the bus at the State Road 206 exit ramp from Interstate 95, according to a report by the Florida Highway Patrol.
The report said the bus was on the ramp in front of Boyd's vehicle and slowed down as traffic ahead of it was slowing. The report also said Boyd was distracted by something that fell from the passenger seat and wasn't able stop in time, striking the right rear corner of the bus.
Boyd had to be cut from the SUV by St. Johns County Fire Rescue and was taken to Flagler Hospital with serious injuries. She was discharged from the hospital Monday afternoon, but no further information on her injuries was available. She was charged with careless driving.
Christina Langston, director of community relations for the St. Johns County School District, said all the students on the bus made it to school. She said another bus was sent to retrieve them and that law enforcement aided in the transfer.


Haughton, LA – Frank Leslie Perkins, II, age 67, passed away peacefully, at home the afternoon of Tuesday, April 4, 2019, surrounded by his loving family.
A Memorial Service in Mr. Perkins honor will be held at 11:00 AM, Monday, April 8, 2019, at his beloved Belle Park Baptist Church, 13061 Hwy 157, Haughton. Frank, II was born unto Frank and Mary Elizabeth Perkins on Thursday, July 5, 1951, in Louisville, Kentucky.
Young Frank proudly served his country by joining the Navy in October of 1969 and committed to four full years of active duty through October of 1973. Later Mr. Perkins carved out a career and provided for his family as a skilled Welder and Certified Mechanic in the Oil & Gas Industry.
Mr. Perkins loved his classic rock from the late 60's and 70's. Back in the day, he was quite the Pool Shark and entered Dart Leagues. Those who knew him best are also aware of his lighter-side and softer-side. He sure got a kick out of T.V. Cartoons, such as Sponge Bob Square Pants. Also, Frank was a gifted artist, as he leaves us Landscapes he captured with his pencil, often inspired by his love of the outdoors, while camping and fishing.
Frank is preceded in death by his parents: Frank Leslie Perkins, Sr. and Mary Elizabeth Blackall Perkins; his wife: Dara Perkins; and a sister: Troy Ellen Perkins.
Mr. Perkins is survived by: his daughter, Marguerite Elizabeth Perkins; his son, Roger Cameron; his sisters: Mary Kathleen Perkins, Gloria Mae Key (and husband: Robert), Patricia Ann Perkins, Sheila Dianne Cox (and husband: Donald); and Teresa Sue Pierce; his uncles: Willard Thomas Blackall (and wife, Shirley), Willard Troy Blackall, II (and wife Carolyn); 5 nieces; 7 nephews; and several great-nieces and great-nephews, and his faithful companion of 10 years, Camie.


The Wine Investment Association is a self-regulatory body that is set to transform the growing wine investment industry which has received an endorsement of its mission to eliminate wine fraud from the National Fraud Intelligence Bureau ('NFIB').
The NFIB is operated by the City of London Police to combat fraud of all kinds in the UK.The Bureau acknowledges that self-regulated trade bodies such as the WIA provide a major plank in investor protection by offering investors the means of easily identifying companies that subscribe to best practice and a body to notify potential malpractice to help protect investors in fine wine.
The WIA was formed to support the sector's growth through self-regulation, establishing best practice and setting up processes to help identify fraudulent activity.
Following an extensive consultation period, the WIA has set out the standards and procedures to which its members must comply. Member companies will be required to operate robust systems and controls to prevent fraud and adopt ethical practices across all areas of their business. All WIA member firms will be audited by an independent professional advisor.
The fine wine investment market is currently valued at US$4 billion globally and historically the sector has enjoyed strong long-term growth performance. Every year millions of pounds are invested by individuals and organisations in this unregulated market. Unfortunately, there have been incidents of wine investment fraud, malpractice and misrepresentation, as a result of which companies and private investors have lost money. The WIA aims to guide the industry to minimise the potential for this kind of investor harm.
The WIA's approach of tackling this criminality via a robust self-regulatory framework for industry members with key input from an external auditor is supported by the NFIB.
Once a WIA Member, a company will be entitled to use the WIA logo, providing a stamp of approval to promote the fact they are a safe and trustworthy provider of fine wine investment services.


I am running into an issue with 4.5 and Sitecore 6.5. We are currently using Sitecore.NET 6.5.0 (rev. 120706) on .NET Framework 3.5 along with relevant Telerik controls and AJAXToolkit.
We are trying to migrate the .NET Framework to 4.5.2 now (and plan Sitecore migration little later). Along with 4.5.2 Framework, we also tried to use latest versions of AjaxToolKit and Telerik.
While testing, we observed an issue that is affecting two behaviors. 1. The PageMethods to Web/Script Methods on server-side are failing. On research, we found out that the GetTestMethod call on page www.MYWEBSITE.com/Feature/Page1.aspx is going to /Feature/Page1.aspx/GetTestMethod instead of /layouts/WebSite1/General/BasePage.aspx/GetTestMethod.
The Telerik controls (like RadTreeView) on WEBSITE/Feature/Page1.aspx are throwing scripting errors saying 'Telerik is not defined'. Page1.aspx is a page inside Features Item under the home page in Sitecore. But if we use a classic asp.net page (TestTelerik.aspx) under the web site's main folder (not in sitecore), the telerik control works normally.
So, it looks like ItemResolver, IgnoreURlPrefixes, or something else in the configs is causing this issue.
Do I need to change something in the configs for Sitecore to handle this correctly.
PS: On migrating 3.5 to 4.5.2...the Visual Studio 2013 removed the 3.5 specific references to System.Web.Extensions and other stuff. I added some references to System.Web.Extensions manually (as observed above).
Before you get to far into trying to make Sitecore 6.5 work with .NET 4.5 please check the Sitecore Compatibility chart located here -> https://kb.sitecore.net/articles/087164.
Not the answer you're looking for? Browse other questions tagged telerik iis-7.5 sitecore .net-4.5 ajaxcontroltoolkit or ask your own question.
System.Web.UI.ScriptManager' is defined in an assembly that is not referenced. But it is in the assembly?
Running sgen.exe on a .NET 4.5 assembly?


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Cirkusakademien, egentligen Akademien för Cirkuskonstens bevarande i Sverige, är en organisation som har till uppgift att sprida kunskap kring cirkus. Detta sker främst genom utgivningen av tidningen Cirkulära Notiser samt en serie häften under namnet Cirkulära Småskrifter.

Cirkusakademin grundades på Djurgårdscirkus 16 mars 1973.

Akademien delar ut ett hederspris kallat Årets Charlie, namnet syftande på Charlie Rivel.

Cirkusakademin har ett bibliotek och arkiv i Bromma i Stockholm. Bibliotekets bestånd utgörs av cirka 2500 böcker och ett hundratal tidskrifter med cirkus- och varietéanknytning. I arkivdelen finns bland mycket annat foton, tidningsklipp, korrespondens och mycket annat rörande tiotusentals cirkus- och varietéartister, liksom även en stor samling videoband med filmade cirkusföreställningar. Dessutom finns bland annat en stor samling cirkusaffischer.

I Ingelsträde i nordvästra Skåne finns dessutom ett cirkusmuseum.

Källor

Referenser

Externa länkar
Cirkusakademiens officiella hemsida
Allt om Cirkusakademien

Cirkus
Intresseorganisationer i Sverige

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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text:
Health BETA
Health BETA digitalizes risk factors for cardiovascular disease, ischemic stroke and type 2 diabetes. It is a medical technology provider for medical practitioners and consumers to manage and prevent chronic diseases. Its vision is to harness the power of new insights drawn from the field of precision medicine to address the needs in prevention, detection and management of these chronic diseases.
Tan Kae Yuan
Before Health BETA, Tan was Managing Director of REKA, a venture he ran for 10 years since he co-founded in 2002. As the Managing Director, he set the vision for the company and defined the overall business strategy and was accountable for its business growth and profitability. Besides overseeing the day-to-day operations, his responsibilities included setting long-term goals and aligning human and financial resources against strategic business priorities. In 2011, he spun off a medical device business unit from REKA as a new entity called REKA Health. He filed patents and commercialized ECG3 and blood pressure monitor medical devices in REKA Health. He was the key person then for the product launch and for scaling up sales. He led a team to execute medical device regulatory compliance including CE, FDA and HSA; clinical validation and medical product marketing. He left REKA Health in 2015 and he is currently with Konica Minolta, where he is responsible for managing the P/L of a new business unit for South Asia region. The product portfolios managed under this business unit include robotics, video analytics, IoT sensors and chronic wound management. He has a bachelor's degree in engineering.
Prof. Heng Chew Kiat
Professor Heng Chew Kiat has a PhD in Human Genetics and is an Associate Professor and Research Director with the Department of Paediatrics, Yong Loo Lin School of Medicine, NUS. In 1997, Prof. Heng received an exchange scholarship from the University of Pittsburgh for his molecular genetics training in the Department of Human Genetics. Subsequently, he was trained in genetic epidemiology at the Johns Hopkins University's School of Public Health in 2000. Professor Heng's research interests are in cardiovascular genomics. He has over 27 years of R&D experience. To-date, he has authored and published more than 100 scientific papers in peer-reviewed journals and filed 8 patents related to diagnostics tools. Prof Heng will serve as a scientific advisor for our data analysis and interpretation. His expertise in genomics will also be invaluable as we have plans to incorporate genetic testing for the Chronic Diseases as well.
enquiries@healthbeta.co
Health BETA Pte Ltd - About us
Health BETA builds integrated tools for physician to conduct holistic cardiovascular assessment and follow up. For consumer, Health BETA's products will be comprehensive, personalized tools for cardiovascular related risks that can be understood and acted on.
Copyright © Health BETA Pte Ltd


text:
Natural catastrophe
Environmentalists explain why humanity should abandon meat
by space · February 7, 2019
Approximately 150 species of large animals can disappear from the face of the Earth in the very next few years due to predatory hunting, fishing, and the conversion of their habitats into pastures for cattle. This conclusion was made by environmentalists who published an article in the magazine Conservation Letters.
"Our observations show that we literally will soon eat all the remnants of the Earth's megafauna. Besides hunting, their lives are also threatened by traditional Chinese medicine, as well as habitat degradation. If we do not stop, the number of 70 percent of its species will decrease dramatically, and 60 percent can disappear completely, "- said William Ripple (William Ripple) from the University of Oregon in Corvallis (USA).
Scientists distinguish the five largest mass extinctions of species in the history of life on Earth. The "great" Permian extinction is considered to be the most significant when more than 95 percent of all living creatures that inhabited the planet, including bizarre creatures of animals, close relatives of mammalian ancestors, and a number of marine animals disappeared.
Two years ago, environmentalists announced that a new, sixth mass extinction of animals is now taking place on Earth. According to their calculations, in the epochs that preceded anthropocene – the human age, every hundred years approximately two species of mammals disappeared for every ten thousand species of animals that existed at that time. In the XX and XXI centuries, this figure has grown 114 times.
This extinction, as many eco-activists believe today, is largely due to two things: the explosion of population in Africa and South America and the sharp increase in meat and milk production around the world. Rippl and his colleagues checked whether this is in fact, comparing the frequency of extinction of "commercial" and other animal species over the past three hundred years.
As a rule, it is easier and more profitable to extract meat, skins and other parts of the body of large living creatures, which prompted environmentalists to divide all the inhabitants of the Earth into two groups – the megafauna, whose body weight exceeded 100 kilograms for mammals and fish and 40 kilograms for birds, amphibians and reptiles, and smaller animals.
This analysis showed that the extinction rate of the megafauna and the rest of the planet was extremely uneven – over the past three centuries, two percent of the first group of animals disappeared, and only 0.8 percent of all members of life on Earth. Interestingly, more than half of them have become extinct in the past few decades.
Comparing these historical data with current trends, Rippl and his team came to the conclusion that more than half of megafauna representatives, about one hundred and fifty species of mammals, fish, birds, amphibians and reptiles, will disappear in the coming decades if hunting for them and reducing the area of untouched nooks nature will not stop.
"In addition to hunting, many land animals often accidentally fall into traps and traps, which also often happens with various nets, trawls and other gear in the sea. Habitat destruction adds its contribution. All of these factors add up to an extremely negative effect on the further fate of vertebrate animals "- the ecologist concludes.
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Histori / Science
Scientists have figured out how our ancestors survived in a changing climate
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Scientists believe that there may be life on the moons of Uranus
kohner says:
dam thats big
CC Low says:
There must be a reason for the Sphinx to be built.
Mike M. says:
Headline: "Catastrophe on Earth recognized as irreversible"Article text: "...and after a certain point, the catastrophic increase will become irreversible, the researchers...
hi i think this is %100 percent fake if there were...
the god of highschool says:
aliens Anomalies archaeology Archeology artificial intelligence black hole black holes brain Cassini Ceres china climate Crash Crop circles earthquake ecology fires flood floods galaxy Global warming Histori Hubble Hypothesis ISS Jupiter mars moon nasa Natural catastrophe ocean Pluto robots Saturn Science snow space stars Sun Supernatural technology Tornado ufo volcano water
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Submitted 2018-12-12 09:29:58 If your Harley starters are not functioning properly plan to get it replaced before the problem affects other automobile parts. Are you experiencing minor inconvenience with your automobile? Do you know the reason behind it? Starter problems can at times lead to bad functioning of an automobile. If you are the owner of Harley Davidson automobile and are facing technical errors then consider scrutinizing your Harley starters.
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Tag: speculation
Foxconn denies speculation about exiting mainland China amid uncertainty from trade war
June 17, 2019 AsiaBChina, denies, exiting, Foxconn, mainland, speculation, Trade, uncertainty, war
Foxconn Technology Group, the world's largest electronics contract manufacturer, has denied speculation that it planned to withdraw from the Chinese mainland, where the Taiwanese company has more than one million employees, as the trade row between the US and China escalates."The rumours about Foxconn quitting mainland China is not true," said the company, formally known as Hon Hai Precision Industry, in a post on its official WeChat account on Monday.The firm said operations at all of its… Source link
Shanghai exchange moves to curb speculation even before trading starts at Nasdaq-style tech board, introduces suspension rules
June 14, 2019 AsiaBboard, curb, exchange, introduces, moves, Nasdaqstyle, rules, Shanghai, speculation, starts, suspension, tech, trading
The Shanghai Stock Exchange introduced rules to limit speculation on the Star Market, its new technology innovation board, on Friday.Chinese regulators are prioritising stability for the trading debut of the Nasdaq-style market, which was launched on Thursday during the annual Lujiazui Forum. It is expected to start trading within two months, the exchange's chairman, Huang Hongyuan, said.According to the new rules, shares on the Star Market will be allowed to trade freely for the first five… Source link
Chinese car stocks accelerate as new tax rules trigger speculation of more support from Beijing
May 24, 2019 AsiaBaccelerate, Beijing, car, Chinese, rules, speculation, stocks, support, tax, trigger
Shares in Chinese car makers surged in late trading on Friday on hopes that Beijing will eventually roll out more supportive policies to bolster the battered industry.The government released specific rules on Friday regarding the implementation of a new vehicle purchase tax, which was approved in December and will come into effect in July. The legislation set the tax rate at 10 per cent, instead of the rumoured 5 per cent the industry had hoped for.Analysts and investors said that even though… Source link
Stocks Blog: Traders watching appliances, autos for clues on stimulus speculation
April 18, 2019 AsiaBappliances, autos, Blog, clues, speculation, stimulus, stocks, traders, watching
Good day traders. We'll be closely covering the mainland and Hong Kong stock markets for you today. We'll also bring you insights from experts about where sectors and companies are headed. Check back in throughout the day for updates. — Zhang Shidong in Shanghai and Deb Price in Hong Kong Source link
China waves off speculation it will send in cavalry for shaky property market
January 29, 2019 AsiaBcavalry, China, market, property, send, shaky, speculation, waves
China's central and local officials have a message for the all-important property market: don't expect the cavalry. During these rocky times for the sector, "stability" is en vogue. On January 21, President Xi Jinping told provincial heads to enact a "long-term mechanism" to ensure the healthy development of the property market. Since mid-January to last week, provincial leaders have moved in line to pledge "stability" in their respective local markets this year. That is meant to put off expectations that cities will ease policy curbs put in place to cool…
A rebel holdout of Chinese lore fires the first salvo against the state's year-long crackdown on real estate speculation
December 19, 2018 AsiaBChinese, crackdown, estate, fires, holdout, lore, real, rebel, salvo, speculation, States, yearlong
A small city in eastern China has begun to relax curbs on residential property, becoming the first local authority out of 50 Chinese cities to reverse the central government's year-long campaign to cap soaring prices and crack down on speculation. The government of Heze – a fourth-tier city with a population of 8.3 million residents – in Shandong province has cancelled the three-year reselling ban imposed in 2017, and allowed developers to use more capital from their pre-completion sales, according to an announcement circulated by the local authority. "Heze fired…
Shanmugam says speculation he will be PAP assistant sec-gen 'off the mark', Singapore News
November 13, 2018 AsiaBassistant, Mark, News, PAP, secgen, Shanmugam, Singapore, speculation
SINGAPORE – Law and Home Minister K. Shanmugam has rejected speculation that he could occupy one of the top positions in the People's Action Party's (PAP) new central executive committee (CEC). Who occupies the positions of first and second assistant secretary-generals (ASGs) has come under close watch after the party's internal elections last Sunday (Nov 11). When the 14 elected and co-opted members of the CEC went on stage, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong was flanked by Mr Shanmugam on his right and Trade and Industry Minister Chan Chun Sing on…