text:
Western Belorussia
Western Belorussia or Western Belarus (Belarusian: Заходняя Беларусь: Zachodniaja Biełaruś; Polish: Zachodnia Białoruś; Russian: Западная Беларусь: Zapadnaja Belorussija;) is a historical region of modern-day Belarus comprising the territory which belonged to the Second Polish Republic during the interwar period in accordance with the international peace treaties. Before the 1939 Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland it used to form the northern part of the Polish Kresy macroregion.[1] Following the end of World War II in Europe the territory of Western Belorussia was ceded to the Soviet Union by the Allied Powers, while the city of Białystok with surroundings was returned to Poland. Until the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 Western Belorussia formed a significant part of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR). Today, it constitutes the western part of the sovereign Republic of Belarus.[2]
Western Belarus
Administrative division of the Byelorussian SSR (green) before World War II with territories annexed by the USSR from Poland in 1939 (marked in shades of orange), overlaid with territory of present-day Belarus
Western Belorussia in 1939 shown in dark green
Belarus, partly in Poland and Lithuania
Historical region
Today part of
Hrodna, Brest, Minsk (partially) and Vitsebsk (partially); Podlasie Voivodeship (partially), South Eastern areas of the Republic of Lithuania including Vilnius
Created by the USSR after the conquest of Poland, the new western provinces of Byelorussian SSR acquired from Poland included Baranavichy (Барановичская об.), Belastok (Белостокская об.), Brest (Брестская об.), Vileyka (Вилейская об.), and the Pinsk Region (Пинская об.).[3] They were reorganized one more time after the Soviet liberation of Belarus (Operation Bagration) into the contemporary western provinces of Belarus which include all of Grodno (Hrodna) and Brest voblasts (see map), as well as parts of today's Minsk and Vitsebsk voblasts. The city of Wilno (Belarusian: Вільня, Vilnia, today's Vilnius)[4][5] was returned by the USSR to the Republic of Lithuania which soon after that became the Lithuanian SSR.[6]
1.1 Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic in Exile
2 Second Polish Republic
2.1 Polonization
2.2 Hramada
3 Soviet invasion of Poland, 1939
3.1 Deportations, arrests, and the reign of terror
4 The Soviet–German War 1941–1945
4.1 Sovietization
5 Republic of Belarus
Outline of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth before the Partitions of Poland in 1772, 1793, and 1795, overlaid with the outline of the Second Republic (1918–1939). Most territories annexed by the Russian Empire during the partitions (in shades of green) remained in the Soviet Union after World War I.
The territories of contemporary Belarus, Poland, Ukraine, and the Baltic states were a major theatre of operations during World War I; all the while, the Bolshevik Revolution overturned the interim Russian Provisional Government and formed the Soviet Russia. The Bolsheviks withdrew from the tsarist war with the Central Powers by signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk,[7] and ceded Belarus to Germany for the next eight and a half months. The German high command used this window of opportunity to transfer its troops to the Western Front for the 1918 Spring Offensive, leaving behind a power vacuum.[8] The non-Russians, who inhabited the lands given by the Soviets to imperial Germany, saw the treaty as an opportunity to set up independent states under the German umbrella. Three weeks after the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed on 3 March 1918 the newly formed Belarusian Central Council declared the founding of the Belarusian People's Republic across the territory of modern-day Belarus. The idea was rejected by the Germans and by the Bolsheviks as well. For the American delegation led by Wilson, this was also unacceptable; the Americans intended to protect the territorial integrity of European Russia.[7]
The fate of the region was not settled for the following three and a half years. The Polish–Soviet War which erupted in 1919 was particularly bitter; it ended with the Treaty of Riga signed in 1921.[1] Poland and the Baltic states emerged as independent countries opposite the USSR. The territory of modern-day Belarus was split by the treaty into the Polish Western Belorussia and the Soviet Eastern Belorussia, with the border town in Mikaszewicze.[9][10] Notably, the peace treaty was signed with the full active participation of the Belarusian delegation on the Soviet side.[11] Poland abandoned all rights and claims to the territories of Soviet Belarus (paragraph 3), while the Soviet Russia abandoned all rights and claims to Polish Western Belarus.[11]
Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic in ExileEdit
Presumed greatest extend of areas with Belarusian presence according to research by Belarusian ethnographers Yefim Karsky (1903, yellow) and Mitrofan Dovnar-Zapol'skiy (1919, red), overlaid with the territory of post 1991 Belarus (green)
As soon as the Soviet-German peace treaty was signed in March 1918, the newly formed Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic laid territorial claims to Belarus based on areas specified in the Third Constituent Charter unilaterally as inhabited by the Belarusian majority. The same Rada charter also declared that the Treaty of Brest-Litowsk of March 1918 was invalid because it was signed by foreign governments partitioning territories which were not theirs.[12]
In February 1919, a joint Lithuanian Belorussian Soviet Republic (Litbel) was established, and then a separate Belorussian SSR. Thus, the almost unsolicited national state, which arose during the First World War, owed its existence directly to the alternative German, Russian and Polish attempts to secure control over the area. — Tania Raffass [13]
In the Second Constituent Charter the Rada abolished the right to private ownership of land (paragraph 7) in line with the Communist Manifesto.[12] Meanwhile, by 1919 the Bolsheviks took control over large parts of Belarus and forced the Belarusian Rada into exile in Germany. The Bolsheviks formed the Soviet Socialist Republic of Belarus during the war with Poland on roughly the same territory claimed by the Belarusian Republic.[14]
The new Polish-Soviet border was internationally recognized as well as ratified by the League of Nations.[1] The peace agreement remained in place throughout the interwar period. The borders established between the two countries remained in force until the outbreak of World War II, and the 17 September 1939 Soviet invasion of Poland. They were later redrawn during the Yalta Conference and the Potsdam Conference on the insistence of Joseph Stalin.[1]
Second Polish RepublicEdit
"Despite Soviet efforts at sealing the border [with Poland], peasants – refugees from the BSSR – crossed into Poland in the tens of thousands, wrote Per Anders Rudling.[15] According to the first Polish national census of 1921, there were around 1 million Belarusians in the country. Some estimates put the number of Belarusians in Poland at that time to be perhaps 1.7 million,[16] or even up to 2 million.[17] In the years that followed the Peace of Riga thousands of Poles settled in the area, many of them (including veterans of armed struggle for Poland's independence) were given land by the government (see: Osadniks).[18]
In his negotiations with the Belarusian leaders in Wilno Józef Piłsudski rejected the call for Western Belorussian independence. In December 1919 the Rada was dissolved by Poland and instead, by early January 1920 a new body was formed called Rada Najwyższa without aspirations for independence, but with proposed cultural, social and educational functions.[19] Józef Piłsudski negotiated with the Western Belorussian leadership,[20] but eventually abandoned the ideas of Intermarium, his own proposed federation of partially self-governing states on the lands of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.[21]
In the Polish legislative elections of November 1922, the Belarusian party in the Blok Mniejszości Narodowych coalition obtained 14 seats in the Polish parliament (11 of them in the Sejm).[22] In the spring of 1923, Polish prime minister Władysław Sikorski ordered a report on the situation of the Belarusian minority in Poland. That summer, a new regulation was passed allowing for the Belarusian language to be used officially both in courts and in schools. Obligatory teaching of the Belarusian language was introduced in all Polish gymnasia in areas inhabited by Belarusians in 1927.[22]
PolonizationEdit
The Belarusian population of West Belarus faced active polonisation promoted by the central Polish authorities. The policy included pressure on Belarusian schooling, widespread cases of discrimination of the Belarusian language, imposition of Polish national identity on Belarusian Roman Catholics.
In January 1921, the starosta from Wilejka wrote of the popular mood as being one of resignation and apathy among the peasants in Western Belorussia, impoverished by requisitions of food by the Bolsheviks as well as the Polish military. He insisted that, although the new Belorussian schools were 'springing up everywhere' in his county, they harbored anti-Polish attitudes.[23]
In 1928 there were 69 schools with Belarusian language in Western Belorussia; the attendance was minimal due in part to lower quality of instruction.[24] The first-ever textbook of Belarusian grammar was written only around 1918.[25] In 1939, over 90% of children in Poland attended school.[26] As elsewhere, the educational systems promoted Polish language there also.[27] Meanwhile, the Belarusian agitators deported to the USSR from Poland were put in prison by the Soviet NKVD as bourgeois nationalists.[28]
Most Polish inhabitants of the region supported the policy of cultural assimilation of Belarusians as proposed by Dmowski.[29] The polonization drive was inspired and influenced by the Polish National Democracy, led by Dmowski, who advocated refusing Belarusians and Ukrainians the right for a free national development.[30] Władysław Studnicki, an influential Polish official at the administration of the Kresy region in 1919-1920 stated that Poland's engagement in the East amounts to a much needed economic colonization.[31] Belarusian nationalist media in Poland faced increased pressure and censorship from the authorities.[32]
Belarusians were divided along religious lines with roughly 70 percent being Orthodox and 30 percent Roman Catholic.[33] According to Russian sources, discrimination was targeting assimilation of Eastern Orthodox Belarusians.[34] The Polish church authorities were promoting Polish language in Orthodox services,[34] and initiated the creation of the Polish Orthodox Societies in four cities including Słonim, Białystok, Wołkowysk, and Nowogródek.[34] The Belarusian Roman Catholic priest Fr. Vincent Hadleŭski who promoted Belarusian in church,[34] and Belarusian national awareness, was under pressure by his Polish counterparts.[34] The Polish Catholic Church in Western Belorussia issued documents to priests about the usage of the Belarusian language rather than Polish language in Churches and Catholic Sunday Schools. The Warsaw-published instruction of the Polish Catholic Church from 1921 criticized priests preaching in Belarusian at the Catholic masses.[35]
HramadaEdit
Children gathered at the dining hall of the Belarusian Gymnasium of Vilnia, Poland, 1935
Compared to the (larger) Ukrainian minority living in Poland, Belarusians were much less politically aware and active. The largest Belarusian political organization was the Belarusian Peasants' and Workers' Union, also referred to as the Hramada. Hramada received logistical help from the Soviet Union and the Communist International and served as a cover for the radical and subversive Communist Party of Western Belorussia. It was therefore banned by the Polish authorities,[36][37] its leaders were sentenced to various terms in prison and then handed out to the USSR, where they were killed by the Soviet regime.[38]
Tensions between the increasingly nationalistic Polish government and various increasingly separatist ethnic minority groups continued to grow, and the Belarusian minority was no exception. Likewise, according to Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, the USSR considered Poland to be "enemy number one".[39] During the Great Soviet Purge, the Polish Autonomous District at Dzyarzhynsk (Polish: Kojdanów) was disbanded and the Soviet NKVD undertook the so-called "Polish Operation" (from approximately August 25, 1937 to November 15, 1938) – a program of deportation and shootings that targeted Poles in East Belorussia, i.e. the BSSR.[39] The operation caused the deaths of to 250,000 people – out of an official ethnic Polish population of 636,000 – as a result of political murder, disease or starvation.[39] Amongst these, at least 111,091 members of the Polish minority were shot by NKVD troykas.[39][40][41] Many were murdered in prison executions, according to Bogdan Musial.[40] In addition, several hundred thousand ethnic Poles from Belarus and Ukraine were deported to other parts of the Soviet Union.[39]
The Soviets also promoted the Soviet-controlled BSSR as formally autonomous, in order to attract Belarusians living in Poland. This image was attractive to many Western Belorussian national leaders and some of them, like Francišak Alachnovič or Uładzimir Žyłka emigrated from Poland to the BSSR, but very soon became victims of Soviet repression.
Soviet invasion of Poland, 1939Edit
Further information: Soviet invasion of Poland
Animated map of the 1939 invasion of Poland. Soviet order of battle marked in dark pink.
Polish families deported to Siberia after the Soviet annexation of the eastern regions of the Second Polish Republic.
Soon after the Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in accordance with the Nazi–Soviet Pact, the area of Western Belorussia was formally annexed into the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR). The Soviet secret police NKVD, aided by the Red Army, organized staged elections which were decided in the atmosphere of intimidation and state terror.[42] The Soviet occupational administration held the elections on October 22, 1939, less than two weeks after the invasion.[43] The citizens were threatened repeatedly that their deportations to Siberia were imminent. The ballot envelopes were numbered so as to remain traceable, and usually handed over already sealed.[42] The referendum was rigged. By design, the candidates were unknown to their constituencies which were brought to the voting stations by armed guards.[44] The so-called Elections to the People's Assemblies of Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia were conducted in Russian.[42]
On October 30, the People's Assembly session held in Belastok (Polish Białystok) affirmed the Soviet decision to join the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) with the USSR. The petition was officially accepted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on November 2 and by the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR on November 12, 1939.[45] From then on, all citizens of Poland but also born in Poland would find themselves living in the Byelorussian SSR as the Soviet subjects, without the recognition of their Polish citizenship.[46]
The Soviet invasion of Poland was portrayed by the Soviet propaganda as the "liberation of Western Belorussia and Ukraine". Many ethnic Belarusians welcomed unification with the BSSR. They changed their attitude after experiencing firsthand the terror of the Soviet system.[46][47]
Deportations, arrests, and the reign of terrorEdit
The Soviets quickly began confiscating, nationalizing, and redistributing all private and state-owned Polish property.[48] During the two years following the annexation, the Soviets arrested approximately 100,000 Polish citizens across Kresy.[49] Due to a lack of access to the secret Soviet and Belorussian archives, for many years after the war the estimates of the number of Polish citizens deported to Siberia from the areas of Western Belorussia, as well as the number who perished under Soviet rule, were only estimated.[50] In August 2009, on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the Soviet invasion, the authoritative Polish Institute of National Remembrance announced that its researchers reduced the estimate of the number of people deported to Siberia to 320,000 in total. Some 150,000 Polish citizens perished under the Soviet rule.[51]
The Soviet–German War 1941–1945Edit
The terms of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact signed earlier in Moscow were soon broken, when the German Army entered the Soviet occupation zone on June 22, 1941. After Operation Barbarossa, most of Western Belorussia became part of the German Reichskommissariat Ostland (RKO), as the so-called Generalbezirk Weißruthenien (General Region of White Ruthenia). Many ethnic Belarusians supported Nazi Germany.[52] By the end of 1942, sworn Germanophile Ivan Yermachenka formed the pro-Nazi BNS organization with 30,000 members.[53] The Belarusian Auxiliary Police was formed.[53][54] Known to the Germans as the Schutzmannschaft, the ethnic Belarusian police played an indispensable role in the Holocaust in Belarus,[55][56] notably during the second wave of the ghetto liquidations,[57] starting in February–March 1942.[54]
In 1945, the Big Three, Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union, established new borders for Poland. Most of Western Belarus remained part of the BSSR after the end of World War II in Europe; only the region around Białystok (Belostok) was to be returned to Poland. The Polish population was soon forcibly resettled west. The Western Belorussia, in its entirety, was incorporated into the BSSR.[2]
It was initially planned to move the capital of the BSSR to Vilna. However, the same year Joseph Stalin ordered that the city and surrounding region be transferred to Lithuania, which some months later was annexed by the Soviet Union and became a new Soviet Republic. Minsk therefore remained the capital of the enlarged BSSR. The borders of the BSSR were again altered somewhat after the war (notably the area around the city of Białystok (Belastok Voblast) was returned to Poland) but in general they coincide with the borders of the modern Republic of Belarus.
SovietizationEdit
Residents of a town in Eastern Poland (now Western Belorussia) assembled to greet the arrival of the Red Army during the Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939. The Russian text reads "Long Live the great theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin-Stalin". Such welcomings were organized by the activists of the Communist Party of West Belarus affiliated with the Communist Party of Poland, delegalized in both countries by 1938.[58]
The Belarusian political parties and the society in Western Belorussia often lacked information about repressions in the Soviet Union and was under strong influence of Soviet propaganda.[34] Because of bad economic conditions and national discrimination of Belarusian in Poland, much of the population of Western Belorussia welcomed the annexation by the USSR.[34]
However, soon after the annexation of Western Belorussia by the Soviet Union, the Belarusian political activists had no illusions as to the friendliness of the Soviet regime.[34] The population grew less loyal as the economic conditions became even worse and as the new regime carried out mass repressions and deportations that targeted Belarusians as well as ethnic Poles.[34]
Immediately after the annexation, the Soviet authorities carried out the nationalization of agricultural land owned by large landowners in Western Belorussia.[34] Collectivization and the creation of collective farms (kolkhoz) was planned to be carried out on a more slow pace than in Eastern Belorussia in the 1920s.[34] By 1941, in the western regions of the BSSR the number of individual farms decreased only by 7%; 1115 collective farms were created.[34] At the same time, pressure and even repressions against larger farmers (called by the Soviet propaganda, kulaki) began: the size of agricultural land for one individual farm was limited to 10ha, 12ha and 14ha depending on the quality of the land.[34] It was forbidden to hire workers and to lease land.[34]
Under the Soviet occupation, the Western Belorussian citizenry, particularly the Poles faced a "filtration" procedure by the NKVD apparatus, which resulted in over 100,000 people forcibly deported to eastern parts of the Soviet Union (e.g. Siberia) in the very first wave of expulsions.[59] In total, during the next two years some 1.7 million Polish citizens were put on freight trains and sent from the Polish Kresy to labour camps in the Gulag.[60]
Republic of BelarusEdit
Main article: Poles in Belarus § Current situation
The majority of Poles live in the Western regions including 230,000 in the Grodno oblast. Sapotskin and its selsoviet have Polish majority. The largest Polish organization in Belarus is the Union of Poles in Belarus (Związek Polaków na Białorusi), with over 20,000 members.
Western Ukraine
Soviet raid on Stołpce
Border Protection Corps
Siarhei Prytytski
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^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 33
^ a b Mironowicz, 1999, p. 94.
^ Mironowicz 2007, pp. 37–38, [Starosta] "ze stycznia 1921r. mówił o nastrojach miejscowego społeczeństwa: »zupełna rezygnacja i apatia ludności wiejskiej doprowadzonej do zupełnej nędzy przez bolszewików i wojsko polskie ciągłymi rekwizycjami.« Cały powiat pokrył się siecią szkół białoruskich ... zapewniał jednak, że szkoły białoruskie mają antypaństwowy charakter."
^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 72, "W najpomyślniejszym dla szkolnictwa białoruskiego roku 1928 istniało w Polsce 69 szkół w których nauczano języka białoruskiego."
^ Rudling 2015, p. 120 (6 of 13 in PDF)
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^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 93, W Białorusi Radzieckiej ... aresztowano byłych przywódców Hromady, którzy po opuszczeniu więzień w Polsce zostali przekazani władzom radzieckim w ramach wymiany więźniów politycznych.[224]
^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 34, "Większość Polaków pragnęła łączyć plany nabytków terytorialnych Józefa Piłsudskiego z polityką asymilacyjną proponowaną przez Romana Dmowskiego."
^ Mironowicz 2007, pp. 4–5
^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 12, "Zaangażowanie Polski na Białorusi i Ukrainie to ekspansja kolonialna, konieczna ze w zględów gospodarczych" (Studnicki).
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Expatica (2009). "Polish experts lower nation's WWII death toll". AFP/Expatica.
Karta (2006). "Repressions 1939–1941. Arrested in the Eastern Borderlands" [Represje 1939–41. Aresztowani na Kresach Wschodnich] (in Polish). Ośrodek KARTA Center – via Internet Archive. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
Mironowicz, Eugeniusz (1999), Białoruś (in Polish), Trio, Warszawa, ISBN 83-85660-82-8
Mironowicz, Eugeniusz (2007). Belarusians and Ukrainians in the policies of the Piłsudski camp [Białorusini i Ukraińcy w polityce obozu piłsudczykowskiego] (in Polish). Białystok: Wydawnictwo Uniwersyteckie Trans Humana. 'Preface' (pp. 3–31), chpt. 1 (pp. 32–94), chpt. 2 (pp. 95–178), chpt. 3 (pp. 179–257) &c. ISBN 978-83-89190-87-1.
Piotrowski, Tadeusz (1998). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife: Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918–1947. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3.
Rieber, Alfred Joseph (2000). Forced Migration in Central and Eastern Europe: 1939–1950. London, New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-7146-5132-X.
Rudling, Per Anders (2015) [2014]. The Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism, 1906–1931. University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 0822979586.
Rudling, Per Anders (2015). "The Beginnings of Modern Belarus: Identity, Nation, and Politics in a European Borderland" (PDF). The Journal of Belarusian Studies. Annual London Lecture on Belarusian Studies. pp. 115–127 (1–13 in PDF), direct download.
Żarnowski, Janusz (1973), Społeczeństwo Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej 1918-1939 (in Polish), Warszawa.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Western_Belorussia&oldid=933113773"


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HomePrivacy Policy
Privacy Policy of Dennison Service
Dennison Graphic Equipment Services Limited, trading as Dennison Service and part of the Dennison Group, understands that your privacy is important to you and that you care about how your personal data is used. We respect and value the privacy of everyone who visits this website, www.dennisonservice.co.uk, and as described in Parts 5 and 6, below, We do not collect personal data about you unless you contact us. Any personal data We do collect will only be used as permitted by law.
Please read this Privacy Policy carefully and ensure that you understand it. Your acceptance of this Privacy Policy is deemed to occur upon your first use of Our Site. If you do not accept and agree with this Privacy Policy, you must stop using Our Site immediately.
1. Information About Us
Our Site is owned and operated by Dennison Graphic Equipment Services Limited, a Ltd company registered in England under company number 03039083.
Registered address: Unit 4C, Bridge Industrial Estate, Mill Street East, Dewsbury, West Yorkshire, WF12 9BQ.
Address: Unit 4C, Bridge Industrial Estate, Mill Street East, Dewsbury, West Yorkshire, WF12 9BQ.
Representative: Karen Wentworth.
Email address: Karen.Wentworth@dennisongroup.co.uk
Telephone number: 01924 431910.
2. What Does This Policy Cover?
3. What Is Personal Data?
Personal data is defined by the General Data Protection Regulation (EU Regulation 2016/679) (the "GDPR") and the Data Protection Act 2018 (collectively, "the Data Protection Legislation") as 'any information relating to an identifiable person who can be directly or indirectly identified in particular by reference to an identifier'.
Personal data is, in simpler terms, any information about you that enables you to be identified. Personal data covers obvious information such as your name and contact details, but it also covers less obvious information such as identification numbers, electronic location data, and other online identifiers.
Under the Data Protection Legislation, you have the following rights, which we will always work to uphold:
a) The right to be informed about our collection and use of your personal data. This Privacy Policy should tell you everything you need to know, but you can always contact us to find out more or to ask any questions using the details in Part 10.
b) The right to access the personal data we hold about you. Part 11 will tell you how to do this.
c) The right to have your personal data rectified if any of your personal data held by us is inaccurate or incomplete. Please contact us using the details in Part 10 to find out more.
d) The right to be forgotten, i.e. the right to ask us to delete or otherwise dispose of any of your personal data that we hold. Please contact us using the details in Part 10 to find out more.
e) The right to restrict (i.e. prevent) the processing of your personal data.
f) The right to object to us using your personal data for a particular purpose or purposes.
g) The right to withdraw consent. This means that, if we are relying on your consent as the legal basis for using your personal data, you are free to withdraw that consent at any time.
h) The right to data portability. This means that, if you have provided personal data to us directly, we are using it with your consent or for the performance of a contract, and that data is processed using automated means, you can ask us for a copy of that personal data to re-use with another service or business in many cases.
i) Rights relating to automated decision-making and profiling. We do not use your personal data in this way.
For more information about our use of your personal data or exercising your rights as outlined above, please contact us using the details provided in Part 10.
It is important that your personal data is kept accurate and up-to-date. If any of the personal data we hold about you changes, please keep us informed as long as we have that data.
Further information about your rights can also be obtained from the Information Commissioner's Office or your local Citizens Advice Bureau.
If you have any cause for complaint about our use of your personal data, you have the right to lodge a complaint with the Information Commissioner's Office. We would welcome the opportunity to resolve your concerns ourselves, however, so please contact us first, using the details in Part 10.
5. What Personal Data Do You Collect and How?
Our website uses cookies to distinguish you from other users of our website. This helps us to provide you with a good experience when you browse our website and also allows us to improve our site. The cookies are small text files that are placed on your machine to help the site provide a better user experience. In general, cookies are used to retain user preferences, store information for things like shopping baskets, and provide anonymised tracking data to third party applications like Google Analytics. As a rule, cookies will make your browsing experience better. However, you may prefer to disable cookies on this site and on others. The most effective way to do this is to disable cookies in your browser. We suggest consulting the Help section of your browser or taking a look at the About Cookies website which offers guidance for all modern browsers.
If you send us an email, We may collect your name, your email address, and any other information which you choose to give us. For the purposes of the Data Protection Legislation, We are the data controller responsible for such personal data.
6. How Do You Use My Personal Data?
If We do collect any personal data (i.e. if you contact us), it will be processed and stored securely, for no longer than is necessary in light of the reason(s) for which it was first collected. We will comply with Our obligations and safeguard your rights under the Data Protection Legislation at all times. For more details on security see Part 7, below.
As stated above, We do not generally collect any personal data, but if you contact us and We obtain your personal details from your email, We may use them to respond to your email.
Any and all emails containing your personal data will be deleted no later than 24 hours after the subject matter of your email has been resolved. and no other personal data will be retained.
We will not share any of your personal data with any third parties for any purposes other than storage on an email server.
7. How and Where Do You Store My Data?
We will store some of your personal data within the European Economic Area (the "EEA"). The EEA consists of all EU member states, plus Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein. This means that your personal data will be fully protected under the Data Protection Legislation, the GDPR, and/or to equivalent standards by law.]
Where We transfer your data to a third party based in the US, the data may be protected if they are part of the EU-US Privacy Shield. This requires that third party to provide data protection to standards similar to those in Europe. More information is available from the European Commission.
Please contact us using the details below in Part 10 for further information about the particular data protection mechanisms used by us when transferring your personal data to a third country.
Personal data security is essential to us, and to protect personal data, We take the following measures:
limiting access to your personal data to those employees, agents, contractors, and other third parties with a legitimate need to know and ensuring that they are subject to duties of confidentiality;
procedures for dealing with data breaches (the accidental or unlawful destruction, loss, alteration, unauthorised disclosure of, or access to, your personal data) including notifying you and/or the Information Commissioner's Office where we are legally required to do so.
8. Do You Share My Personal Data?
We will not share any of your personal data with any third parties for any purposes, subject to the following exception[s].
If We sell, transfer, or merge parts of Our business or assets, your personal data may be transferred to a third party. Any new owner of Our business may continue to use your personal data in the same way that We have used it, as specified in this Privacy Policy (i.e. to communicate with you).
In some limited circumstances, We may be legally required to share certain personal data, which might include yours, if we are involved in legal proceedings or complying with legal obligations, a court order, or the instructions of a government authority.
If any personal data is transferred outside of the EEA, We will take suitable steps in order to ensure that your personal data is treated just as safely and securely as it would be within the UK and under the Data Protection Legislation, as explained above in Part 7.
9. How Can I Access My Personal Data?
If you want to know what personal data We have about you, you can ask us for details of that personal data and for a copy of it (where any such personal data is held). This is known as a "subject access request".
All subject access requests should be made in writing and sent to the email or postal addresses shown in Part 10.
There is not normally any charge for a subject access request. If your request is 'manifestly unfounded or excessive' (for example, if you make repetitive requests) a fee may be charged to cover Our administrative costs in responding.
We will aim to respond to your subject access request within 2 weeks and, in any case, not more than one month of receiving it. Normally, We aim to provide a complete response, including a copy of your personal data within that time. In some cases, however, particularly if your request is more complex, more time may be required up to a maximum of three months from the date We receive your request. You will be kept fully informed of Our progress.
10. How Do I Contact You?
To contact us about anything to do with your personal data and data protection, including to make a subject access request, please use the following details for the attention of Karen Wentworth:
Postal Address: Unit 4C, Bridge Industrial Estate, Mill Street East, Dewsbury, West Yorkshire, WF12 9BQ.
We may change this Privacy Notice from time to time. This may be necessary, for example, if the law changes, or if We change Our business in a way that affects personal data protection.
Any changes will be immediately posted on Our Site and you will be deemed to have accepted the terms of the Privacy Policy on your first use of Our Site following the alterations. We recommend that you check this page regularly to keep up-to-date. This Privacy Policy was last updated on 07/09/2018.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


People аrе соnѕtаntlу searching for ways tо kеер thеіr skin looking уоung as thеу аgе. Sоmе wоuld еvеn go far as trуіng every ѕkіn care product аnd trеаtmеnt іn thе mаrkеt no matter hоw bizarre thеу mау be. Yоu see skin аgіng іѕ a serious іѕѕuе, еѕресіаllу fоr wоmеn. Thіѕ is why еvеrу wоmаn ѕwеаr bу аt lеаѕt оnе bеаutу tір tо kеер wrіnklеѕ and ѕkіn aging аt bау. Wіth thіѕ, lеt me ѕhаrе to уоu ѕоmе оf thе tор bеаutу tірѕ that women аll оvеr thе world ѕwеаr bу.
1. Don't drink through ѕtrаwѕ. The рurѕіng movement оf thе lірѕ can саuѕе fіnе lines аrоund thе mouth аrеа.
2. Pаt, dоn't rub. Whеn applying mаkеuр, especially on thе аrеа nеаr уоur еуеѕ, іt'ѕ bеѕt to pat the рrоduсt gеntlу wіth your finger оr a bruѕh іnѕtеаd оf rubbіng it оn уоur ѕkіn. All thоѕе ѕkіn rubbіng аnd tugging can саuѕе wrіnklеѕ and fine lіnеѕ оn your еуе area.
3. Sleep оn уоur bасk. Sоmе bеlіеvе thаt ѕlееріng оn уоur ѕіdе іnсrеаѕеѕ wrіnklеѕ оn thе сhееk and сhіn area.
4. Slеер with a silk ріllоw. Sleeping оn a ріllоw wіth a regular cover can tug уоur skin and can саuѕе іnѕаnе ѕlеер lіnеѕ оn уоur fасе. Sіlk ріllоwѕ аllоw your ѕkіn tо ѕmооthlу glide ѕо уоu won't gеt mаrkѕ all оvеr your сhееk when you wake up.
5. Stаnd on уоur head fоr a соuрlе оf mіnutеѕ еvеrу day. Thіѕ bеаutу tір may nоt bе for еvеrуоnе, but some bеlіеvе thаt ѕtаndіng on уоur hеаd саn іnсrеаѕе thе blооd flоw tо уоur face whісh can gіvе it a уоuthful look.
6. Always uѕе ѕunѕсrееn. Wеаrіng ѕunѕсrееn еvеrу dау іѕ уоur best weapon tо kеер premature skin aging аt bау.
7. Mоіѕturіzе the natural wау. Sоmе swear bу using еxtrа vіrgіn оlіvе oil оr virgin сосоnut оіl tо keep thеіr skin wеll hуdrаtеd еѕресіаllу durіng thе colder months.
8. Breathe рrореrlу. Breathing ѕlоw, or dеер brеаthіng іѕ a grеаt way tо decrease ѕtrеѕѕ and rеlаx tіght muscles ѕuсh as the оnеѕ іn уоur face. Breathing properly аlѕо аllоwѕ mоrе оxуgеn іn уоur сеllѕ, mаkіng you lооk mоrе rаdіаnt.
9. Drink tea іnѕtеаd оf coffee. Tеа, specifically green tеа, іѕ расkеd with аntіоxіdаntѕ that can help рrеvеnt аnd fіght premature ѕkіn аgіng. Onсе уоu'rе dоnе drinking, уоu can also use thе tea packets аѕ еуе mаѕkѕ tо hеlр rеduсе dark сіrсlеѕ and dіѕсоlоrаtіоn.
10. Minimize stress. Thеrе'ѕ nothing thаt саn age you fаѕtеr оthеr thаn ѕtrеѕѕ. Stress саn make уоu lооk оld аnd hаggаrd іn no time ѕо better kеер thоѕе stress lеvеlѕ in сhесk.


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Reeves proposes more income tax cuts
Jeff Amy
JACKSON – Republican Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves on Monday floated a larger $555 million tax cut proposal with more income tax cuts, setting the stage for negotiations as the end of the legislative session approaches.
Reeves originally proposed a $396 million tax cut over 10 years, aimed at phasing out corporate franchise taxes and cutting some income taxes. House members countered with a plan to phase out all $1.7 billion in individual income tax collections over 15 or more years, depending on revenues.
Now, Reeves wants to go further on income taxes, cutting another $157 million in income taxes over another five years. And unlike the House plan, state revenues would not have to grow by a certain amount for the tax breaks to take place.
The Senate Finance Committee amended House Bill 1629 Monday to conform with Reeves' plan. It passed on a split voice vote and is likely to be considered Tuesday on the Senate floor.
Under Reeves' plan, over 15 years, the state would eliminate the 4 percent income tax bracket in addition to the previously proposed elimination of the 3 percent bracket.
That means most people wouldn't begin paying state income taxes until they reach $18,300 in taxable income, and then would pay at a flat 5 percent rate. For someone who earns that much, it would be worth $350 a year.
2 weeks to cut deal
With the push on for tax cuts in an election-year session, lawmakers have two weeks before a deadline to hammer out a deal.
Reeves described his plan as "an effort to find common ground," but didn't consult with House Speaker Philip Gunn, R-Clinton, before unveiling it to reporters.
"I'm not going to comment until I've had the opportunity to look at it, read it and study it," Gunn said Monday.
Opponents say the nation's poorest state can't afford to sacrifice revenue for services.
"The people supporting this have made their decision: that it's more important to have this tax cut than to fund public education; that it's more important to have this tax cut than to operate our community colleges and universities; that it's more important to have this tax cut than to fix our roads and bridges," Sen. Hob Bryan, D-Amory, told the Senate Finance Committee.
Cuts draw fire
Like most other proposed income tax cuts, benefits would flow most to high-earning households.
Projections from the liberal-leaning Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy show the lowest-earning 20 percent of taxpayers, making $16,000 or less, would save an average of $13 a year. Those earning in the top 95 percent to 99 percent of households, with incomes from $156,000 to $324,000, would collect an average of $631 a year. That's in part because high-income households are far more likely to have two people earning large salaries.
"This new plan is another example of drastic tax cuts that would largely benefit corporations and wealthy Mississippians," said Corey Wiggins, director of the liberal-leaning Mississippi Economic Policy Center.
The Senate plan would include about $4 million in income tax cuts for corporations, while the House has proposed excluding them.
Reeves would keep his plan to phase out the $242-million-a-year franchise tax over 10 years.
That effort is supported by a number of business groups that have been seeking the elimination of the tax for years. Combined with other business tax cuts granted earlier, it would bring business tax cuts to $600 million or more over four years.
House members have proposed requiring 3 percent growth before any year of income tax or franchise tax cuts would trigger, but Reeves said he's against that.
"My opinion is uncertainty is the enemy of a sound business climate," Reeves said.
"And because of that, we do not believe that having triggers is good public policy and we don't believe it makes sense long-term."


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United Farm Workers ¡Si, Se Puede!®
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ACT NOW: Bipartisan bill for farm worker immigration introduced
Mourning Don Adan, an 'unsung hero' who 'gave himself totally from his heart to the UFW'
Posted on November 7, 2018 by Jocelyn Sherman
Adan Ramirez Ascension, 89, affectionately known as Don Adan, was one of those selfless but little known heroes who spent decades relentlessly laboring and sacrificing for the United Farm Workers. "The UFW was his world—it was his life," stated his daughter, Maria Ramirez. Don Adan passed away on Sunday, Nov. 4, following a car accident in Watsonville.
A memorial service and reception in Salinas for Don Adan is set between 4 and 8 p.m. on Friday, Nov. 9 in the Central Coast Farm Worker Center hall at 118 East Gabilan St., Salinas, CA 93901, and a second reception for family and friends in Watsonville is scheduled from 2 to 9 p.m. on Saturday, Nov. 10 at Ave Maria Memorial Chapel, 609 Main St., Watsonville, CA 95076.
Don Adan was born on Sept. 17, 1929, the oldest of three brothers and three sisters in Tituitatlan, Jalisco, Mexico. He first came to the United States as a bracero farm worker during the early 1960s, laboring in California and Texas. He migrated, working the seasons in California and returning to Mexico in the '60s and '70s. Meantime, Don Adan married Guadalupe Torres and they had 15 children.
He lived his last four decades in Watsonville where his children were raised and his many grandchildren and great-grandchildren were born. He labored in strawberries, nurseries and mushrooms, including many years under a UFW contract at Monterey Mushrooms in Watsonville.
His fearless activism with the union on the Central Coast and in the Central Valley began in the 1980s. Wearing his characteristic cowboy boots, cowboy-style shirts and hats, he became a backbone of the UFW at union organizing, legislative and political campaigns, as well as strikes, boycotts and marches across California.
Don Adan was in his 70s when he marched 175 miles every step of the way from Madera to Sacramento in 2002, to help win a landmark law letting farm workers use state mediators to win union contracts when growers won't negotiate them. He was in his 80s when he marched the entire 135-mile route from Merced to Sacramento in 2011, to win another state law strengthening the bargaining and organizing rights of farm workers.
During both marches, Don Adan would take off his boots to expose feet that were terribly blistered. But he never complained. Don Adan remained stoic, constantly cheering everybody on and urging support for the union. For him, Si Se Puede! was more than a slogan. His daughters were alarmed by his damaged feet when he returned home, but he insisted, "I'm okay," and only expressed how satisfied he was to have walked the entire way, daughter Maria said. "My dad was so strong both physically and mentally."
He did much more than march. Don Adan spent countless days picketing supermarkets in Watsonville in support of UFW boycotts or campaigns, patiently speaking with passers-by or confronting the police. He fought at the state Capitol in Sacramento in 2016, to help California farm workers win overtime pay. When Ventura County strawberry workers walked out on strike in 2008, Don Adan made the long journey from Watsonville and spent three days with UFW organizers, giving animo and courage to the strikers. He was one of the most effective picketers ever seen at supermarkets and other protests. Once in motion, he wouldn't stop his encouragements and shouts for justice until the day was done even if others dragged their pace. Don Adan expected his lead to be followed, and it was. He spread joy and supported others around him.
For years he emptied trash, cleaned rest rooms and set up and took down chairs at the union's Salinas office, making sure it was a place workers felt respected because it was so well taken care of. He did the same at the new Salinas Farm Worker Center that opened in June.
Don Adan was also part of a broader union family, going to far-away events such as the 2006 wedding of UFW President Arturo S. Rodriguez and Sonia Rodriguez at the National Chavez Center in Keene near Bakersfield. "The people he met in the union treated him like a member of his larger UFW family," Maria said.
Sometimes Don Adan would be gone from home for weeks at a time. His family wouldn't know where he was or what he was doing. One granddaughter observed, "If you want to find my grandpa, look on the TV news or newspapers covering UFW activities and you'll see him." "We knew he was happy and doing what he wanted to do—and he enjoyed it," Maria added.
"Cesar Chavez was always uncomfortable being recognized in public," Arturo Rodriguez noted. "Cesar knew there were so many men and women who made big sacrifices and achieved great things, but whose names were mostly unknown. Don Adan was one of those unsung heroes."
"My dad believed in giving himself totally from his heart to the union," said his daughter Maria Ramirez. Some relatives worried he was still working so hard non-stop for the UFW as he got older. They urged him to slow down and relax. "'No,'" my dad said. "'If I die working for the UFW, I will die happy.'" Although they were not jealous of the union, Maria said, some members of the family wished he would spend more time with them.
Guadalupe, Don Adan's wife, passed away in 2012, and he lived by himself in a senior's apartment in Watsonville, proud to receive his monthly union pension check from his years at Monterey Mushrooms. He was struck by a car in an accident while crossing the street in Watsonville on Thursday, Nov. 1, and passed away on Sunday, Nov. 4.
Adan Ramirez Ascension is survived by his children Rosa, Delia, Olga, Maria, Ruby and Irma; 22 grandchildren; and 41 great-grandchildren. He was preceded in death by his children Saul, Gustavo, Elva, Antonio, Israel, Jose, Noel, Abel and Perdo.
His body will be returned to Mexico for burial in Tituitatlan, Jalisco. First, the UFW will honor Don Adan with a memorial service and reception in Salinas between 4 and 8 p.m. on Friday, Nov. 9 in the Central Valley Farm Worker Center hall, 118 East Gabilan St., Salinas 93901. Another reception for family and friends is scheduled in Watsonville from 2 to 9 p.m. on Saturday, Nov. 10 at Ave Maria Memorial Chapel, 609 Main St., Watsonville 95076.
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News Drones
Unifly and EVA partnership
By Helicopters Staff
EVA's Vertical Stations can welcome up to 24 drones with quick charging and hosting capability. (Photo: EVA Inc.)
Electric Visionary Aircrafts Inc., which focuses on the development of high throughput drone and robot infrastructure, and Unifly Inc., focused on Unmanned Traffic Management technology, announced they are forming a partnership. Together, the two partners provide what they describe as an end-to-end solution for the drone services market by combining EVA's drone infrastructure (portable Vertical Stations) and Unifly's UTM technology.
Their partnership aims to help streamline the safe integration of drones into the airspace and to offer operators, both private organizations and government agencies, an easy-to-deploy solution.
EVA's Vertical Stations serve as mobile connecting nodes between sky and ground, providing charging and storage, UTM system, and flight operation planning for drone missions. This drone infrastructure, explains EVA, can be leveraged for missions like medical supply and parcel delivery, disaster relief, logistics, and on-demand infrastructure inspection, among others.
"We are now entering the golden age of the drone industry. EVA has always positioned itself as enabling the drone industry to accelerate its missions, accomplishing incredible missions such as delivering healthcare, seeding trees, rescuing people, establishing connections between people and businesses," said Olivier Le Lann, CEO, EVA. "We followed Unifly impressive tracked global record in Europe, North America and other continents, and found with Unifly team a great chemistry in supporting our global customers with the best technology."
EVA's stations can welcome up to 24 drones with quick charging and hosting capability. The company also offers what it describes as the integrated Ground-To-Sky capability allowing inside and outside, ground and sky to be connected through its mesh of stations, drones and robots. EVA has established operations in North America, Europe and Japan.
"A partnership between EVA and Unifly was a no-brainer. Our two companies share the same mission to enable large-scale routine drone service applications, we have extremely complementary technologies, and we are both active globally," said Laurent Huenaerts, GM, Unifly. "We believe that this joint solution, combining Unifly's UTM and drone operations management and EVA's ground infrastructure, definitely helps to further unlock the economic, societal, and environmental benefits drones have to offer."
VSR700 first autonomous, untethered flight
Sullivan named managing director of Boeing Canada


We can build you a custom online course for your software deployment with videos, quizzes and downloadable manuals. And we can host it on our Learning Management System or the LMS of your choice.
On-Demand Courses are great, but it's often necessary to also conduct some live training sessions. These can be onsite or remote. Remote sessions can be recorded and downloaded for reference.
For ongoing live training for your long-term software deployment, it may be best to subscribe to a monthly subscription. We have a number of packages available to ensure that no one is left in the dark.