text:
//
// This file was generated by the JavaTM Architecture for XML Binding(JAXB) Reference Implementation, v2.2.4-2
// See http://java.sun.com/xml/jaxb
// Any modifications to this file will be lost upon recompilation of the source schema.
// Generated on: 2013.11.29 at 12:35:53 PM GMT
//

package org.mule.modules.hybris.model;

import java.util.ArrayList;
import java.util.List;
import javax.xml.bind.annotation.XmlAccessType;
import javax.xml.bind.annotation.XmlAccessorType;
import javax.xml.bind.annotation.XmlType;

/**
 *
Java class for catalogVersionSyncJobDTO complex type.
 *
 *
The following schema fragment specifies the expected content contained within this class.
 *
 *

 * <complexType name="catalogVersionSyncJobDTO">
 *   <complexContent>
 *     <extension base="{}syncItemJobDTO">
 *       <sequence>
 *         <element name="copyCacheSize" type="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}int" minOccurs="0"/>
 *         <element name="dependentSyncJobs" minOccurs="0">
 *           <complexType>
 *             <complexContent>
 *               <restriction base="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}anyType">
 *                 <sequence>
 *                   <element name="catalogVersionSyncJob" type="{}catalogVersionSyncJobDTO" maxOccurs="unbounded" minOccurs="0"/>
 *                 </sequence>
 *               </restriction>
 *             </complexContent>
 *           </complexType>
 *         </element>
 *         <element name="dependsOnSyncJobs" minOccurs="0">
 *           <complexType>
 *             <complexContent>
 *               <restriction base="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}anyType">
 *                 <sequence>
 *                   <element name="catalogVersionSyncJob" type="{}catalogVersionSyncJobDTO" maxOccurs="unbounded" minOccurs="0"/>
 *                 </sequence>
 *               </restriction>
 *             </complexContent>
 *           </complexType>
 *         </element>
 *         <element name="enableTransactions" type="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}boolean" minOccurs="0"/>
 *         <element name="maxSchedulerThreads" type="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}int" minOccurs="0"/>
 *         <element name="maxThreads" type="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}int" minOccurs="0"/>
 *       </sequence>
 *     </extension>
 *   </complexContent>
 * </complexType>
 *

 *
 *
 */
@XmlAccessorType(XmlAccessType.FIELD)
@XmlType(name = "catalogVersionSyncJobDTO", propOrder = {
    "copyCacheSize",
    "dependentSyncJobs",
    "dependsOnSyncJobs",
    "enableTransactions",
    "maxSchedulerThreads",
    "maxThreads"
})
public class CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO
    extends SyncItemJobDTO
{

    protected Integer copyCacheSize;
    protected CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependentSyncJobs dependentSyncJobs;
    protected CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependsOnSyncJobs dependsOnSyncJobs;
    protected Boolean enableTransactions;
    protected Integer maxSchedulerThreads;
    protected Integer maxThreads;

    /**
     * Gets the value of the copyCacheSize property.
     *
     * @return
     *     possible object is
     *     {@link Integer }
     *
     */
    public Integer getCopyCacheSize() {
        return copyCacheSize;
    }

    /**
     * Sets the value of the copyCacheSize property.
     *
     * @param value
     *     allowed object is
     *     {@link Integer }
     *
     */
    public void setCopyCacheSize(Integer value) {
        this.copyCacheSize = value;
    }

    /**
     * Gets the value of the dependentSyncJobs property.
     *
     * @return
     *     possible object is
     *     {@link CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependentSyncJobs }
     *
     */
    public CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependentSyncJobs getDependentSyncJobs() {
        return dependentSyncJobs;
    }

    /**
     * Sets the value of the dependentSyncJobs property.
     *
     * @param value
     *     allowed object is
     *     {@link CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependentSyncJobs }
     *
     */
    public void setDependentSyncJobs(CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependentSyncJobs value) {
        this.dependentSyncJobs = value;
    }

    /**
     * Gets the value of the dependsOnSyncJobs property.
     *
     * @return
     *     possible object is
     *     {@link CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependsOnSyncJobs }
     *
     */
    public CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependsOnSyncJobs getDependsOnSyncJobs() {
        return dependsOnSyncJobs;
    }

    /**
     * Sets the value of the dependsOnSyncJobs property.
     *
     * @param value
     *     allowed object is
     *     {@link CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependsOnSyncJobs }
     *
     */
    public void setDependsOnSyncJobs(CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO.DependsOnSyncJobs value) {
        this.dependsOnSyncJobs = value;
    }

    /**
     * Gets the value of the enableTransactions property.
     *
     * @return
     *     possible object is
     *     {@link Boolean }
     *
     */
    public Boolean isEnableTransactions() {
        return enableTransactions;
    }

    /**
     * Sets the value of the enableTransactions property.
     *
     * @param value
     *     allowed object is
     *     {@link Boolean }
     *
     */
    public void setEnableTransactions(Boolean value) {
        this.enableTransactions = value;
    }

    /**
     * Gets the value of the maxSchedulerThreads property.
     *
     * @return
     *     possible object is
     *     {@link Integer }
     *
     */
    public Integer getMaxSchedulerThreads() {
        return maxSchedulerThreads;
    }

    /**
     * Sets the value of the maxSchedulerThreads property.
     *
     * @param value
     *     allowed object is
     *     {@link Integer }
     *
     */
    public void setMaxSchedulerThreads(Integer value) {
        this.maxSchedulerThreads = value;
    }

    /**
     * Gets the value of the maxThreads property.
     *
     * @return
     *     possible object is
     *     {@link Integer }
     *
     */
    public Integer getMaxThreads() {
        return maxThreads;
    }

    /**
     * Sets the value of the maxThreads property.
     *
     * @param value
     *     allowed object is
     *     {@link Integer }
     *
     */
    public void setMaxThreads(Integer value) {
        this.maxThreads = value;
    }

    /**
     *
Java class for anonymous complex type.
     *
     *
The following schema fragment specifies the expected content contained within this class.
     *
     *

     * <complexType>
     *   <complexContent>
     *     <restriction base="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}anyType">
     *       <sequence>
     *         <element name="catalogVersionSyncJob" type="{}catalogVersionSyncJobDTO" maxOccurs="unbounded" minOccurs="0"/>
     *       </sequence>
     *     </restriction>
     *   </complexContent>
     * </complexType>
     *

     *
     *
     */
    @XmlAccessorType(XmlAccessType.FIELD)
    @XmlType(name = "", propOrder = {
        "catalogVersionSyncJob"
    })
    public static class DependentSyncJobs {

        protected List<CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO> catalogVersionSyncJob;

        /**
         * Gets the value of the catalogVersionSyncJob property.
         *
         *

         * This accessor method returns a reference to the live list,
         * not a snapshot. Therefore any modification you make to the
         * returned list will be present inside the JAXB object.
         * This is why there is not a set method for the catalogVersionSyncJob property.
         *
         *

         * For example, to add a new item, do as follows:
         *

         *    getCatalogVersionSyncJob().add(newItem);
         *

         *
         *
         *

         * Objects of the following type(s) are allowed in the list
         * {@link CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO }
         *
         *
         */
        public List<CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO> getCatalogVersionSyncJob() {
            if (catalogVersionSyncJob == null) {
                catalogVersionSyncJob = new ArrayList<CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO>();
            }
            return this.catalogVersionSyncJob;
        }

    }

    /**
     *
Java class for anonymous complex type.
     *
     *
The following schema fragment specifies the expected content contained within this class.
     *
     *

     * <complexType>
     *   <complexContent>
     *     <restriction base="{http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema}anyType">
     *       <sequence>
     *         <element name="catalogVersionSyncJob" type="{}catalogVersionSyncJobDTO" maxOccurs="unbounded" minOccurs="0"/>
     *       </sequence>
     *     </restriction>
     *   </complexContent>
     * </complexType>
     *

     *
     *
     */
    @XmlAccessorType(XmlAccessType.FIELD)
    @XmlType(name = "", propOrder = {
        "catalogVersionSyncJob"
    })
    public static class DependsOnSyncJobs {

        protected List<CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO> catalogVersionSyncJob;

        /**
         * Gets the value of the catalogVersionSyncJob property.
         *
         *

         * This accessor method returns a reference to the live list,
         * not a snapshot. Therefore any modification you make to the
         * returned list will be present inside the JAXB object.
         * This is why there is not a set method for the catalogVersionSyncJob property.
         *
         *

         * For example, to add a new item, do as follows:
         *

         *    getCatalogVersionSyncJob().add(newItem);
         *

         *
         *
         *

         * Objects of the following type(s) are allowed in the list
         * {@link CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO }
         *
         *
         */
        public List<CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO> getCatalogVersionSyncJob() {
            if (catalogVersionSyncJob == null) {
                catalogVersionSyncJob = new ArrayList<CatalogVersionSyncJobDTO>();
            }
            return this.catalogVersionSyncJob;
        }

    }

}


Sydney brand, Shibori was established by designers Pepa Martin and Karen Davis. The boutique textile company draws inspiration from the ancient Japanese craft of Shibori, a dyeing technique. Through their collaboration with Milton & King, they have incorporated their gorgeous fabric designs into popular and eye-catching wallpaper creations that our customers are loving.
The Shibori technique has been used in Japan to decorate and embellish cloth for over 4000 years. It uses a dyeing method of folding, bundling and twisting different fabrics to create repetitive patterns and endless designs and then dying them with an indigo shade typically. Shibori and Milton & King's collaboration brings this beautiful cloth dyeing technique to the walls of homes, with 13 different designs to incorporate into your space. Their wallpapers bring a hand-dyed authenticity feel to the space and the geometric designs add a taste of modern culture. The creativity of their designs ranges from stripes, stars, crosses and artistic shapes using not only indigo but also pink, green and grey.
Have a look at their collection of wallpapers and see which of their stunning designs should be featured on the walls of your home. Do you have a favourite? Tell us in the comments below!


text:
Mom Haven't Open the Door For A Delivery. Few Minutes Later, 3 Police Cars Showed Up To Take Her Kids
Parent shaming is a sad reality these days, as Patty Levreault discovered when a delivery man stopped to leave a package on her doorstep. The Connecticut mom explained that while she was home with her kids, who were watching TV in the living room, the doorbell rang. She saw that it was a delivery man and, since she was in her pajamas, didn't answer the door.
She never could have expected what would happen next.
Patty assumed the package would be left and she would pick it up at her leisure, as delivery people often leave items on a porch or doorstep and the resident later collects them.
This day, however, Patty ignored the doorbell and explained to ABC News: "I was just like, okay, well, I'm going to see if he leaves his package on the porch. I went to the bathroom and five minutes later, three cop cars showed up."
Why were the police at her home? The delivery person believed that her two kids were home alone and reported Patty to child services. It was a horrifying incident, to say the least, as Patty was afraid that her children would be taken from her.
She explained, "I was mortified."
Patty believes this misunderstanding was part of "parent shaming," as the delivery person made a judgment about her parenting without knowing all of the details. Dana Points, Editor-in-Chief of Parents magazine, explained: "People are shamed today for letting their child play in front of their house in an unfenced yard and letting a child walk to school alone."
These scenarios never used to get even a second glance or concern from a bystander as it was commonplace for children to walk alone or play in the yard.
ABC News reports: "Data shows the overwhelming majority of calls about abuse placed to Child Protective Services (CPS) are without merit. Calls to report possible cases of child abuse are up to 3.5 million per year, an increase of nearly 12 percent since 2009, but the cases of actual abuse are down four percent, to 679,000, according to CPS data."
Parents are scrutinized more than ever these days, especially with social media making it easier for people to shame moms and dads online.
Dr. Christine Carter, a sociologist at the University of California-Berkeley, told ABC News that increasing awareness of potentially dangerous situations is good, noting: "Clearly if a child is in immediate danger or is being openly abused, you can't let that go."
However, Dr. Carter warned: "Usually when we do something which intends to shame someone and can't possibly help them learn anything, it's really just an attempt to make ourselves feel better."
There was a range of reactions to this story on social media, with some believing it wasn't the delivery person's business to interfere, but others believed it was okay for him to call the police. One commenter offered this opinion: "Perhaps the guy thought something may have happened to the mom. If she had had a stroke or something everyone would be praising this guy for calling the cops. CPS was not involved, only the cops checked it out. No one was hurt or arrested."
Mother Delivers Quadruplets. Nurse Wheezes After She Noticed Something Strange
Dog Dragged Her To A Plastic Bag. When She Saw What's Inside, She Screamed
'It Was Definitely Bizarre': TV Producer's Murder Arranged By Husband And His Friend In 'Criss-Cross' Deal
Man's Roadside Killing Reveals Twisted Santeria Plot And Double Frame Job In 'Most Bizarre Case'
A Naked Headless Body Leads To Downfall Of 3 Brothers And A U.S. Border Patrol Shocker
'He Wanted To Have A Perfect Race Of Children': Did Gary Heidnik Ever Have Kids?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Home / News / Business & Economy / Blue Line options explored
Metro Transit's $1.536 billion Blue Line extension will run to Brooklyn Park from the existing line's end point at Target Field Station in Minneapolis, pictured. (Submitted photo: Hennepin County)
Blue Line options explored
By: Kelly Busche	May 27, 2021 6:00 pm
The proposed Blue Line light rail extension routes have many optimistic about the increased business activity and development it could bring, while others worry it could displace existing establishments and communities.
6:00 pm Thu, May 27, 2021 Finance & Commerce
Kelly Busche
About Kelly Busche
Kelly joined Finance & Commerce in late 2020 as an economic developer reporter. She's a 2019 graduate of the University of Minnesota, where she double majored in journalism and political science. During her time there, she worked at the student-ran newspaper, the Minnesota Daily, and eventually became the paper's editor in chief. She's held internships with APM Reports, the St. Paul Pioneer Press and Star Tribune. After graduation, Kelly joined the Duluth News Tribune, covering health and business.


Events can be added to your calendar or event list at any time by any user with system permissions to add/edit events.
1. To add a new event, click Add Event.
2. Type an event name in the appropriate field.
3. Select the dates on which the event will occur. Choose an Event start date and an end date (these are the actual dates of the event).
6. Select the Display Start and End Dates, which define when the event will be visible on your calendar. You can create events in advance and set them to begin displaying on the calendar at the appropriate times, or set events to stop displaying at a particular date to keep your calendar clear.
7. Fillin an Event Preview (optional). This field cannot exceed 500 characters. It will appear next to the event name on the event list.
8. Complete the description of the event in the event description field. You can use the HTML editor to publish the specific details about the event in HTML.
9. Enter basic contact information into the respective fields.
10. Select a related forum (optional). This will add a link from the event page to a forum on your forum. This can be used to facilitate discussion/feedback about an event.
11. Assign permissions to establish what groups will be able to see the event. Select the specific groups from the drop-down menu. If your event is available to all users, select every group by selecting the first group, holding down the SHIFT key, and selecting the last group.
12. Optional: Select notification checkbox to send a message to members of groups that can see the event. This will allow you to send a Contact Center message to everyone that has permission to see the event.
13. Optional: Repeat Event. You may select to have your event recur based on the following criteria. Day, Month, Year or custom where you may select which days of the week, month, or year. In addition to this you will have the ability to choose when the recurring event ends.
14. Click Save and the event will be created. It will begin displaying on your calendar based on the display dates you selected.


text:
Rediff.com » News » China raps Dalai Lama for organising anti-Hu rallies
China raps Dalai Lama for organising anti-Hu rallies
By Anil K Joseph in Beijing
China on Tuesday rapped Tibet's exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama for trying to "deceive" the world opinion by staging protest rallies against President Hu Jintao's maiden visit to India and hoped that New Delhi would adhere to its commitments on Tibet.
"This is a negative effort made by the Dalai Lama in an attempt to deceive the international public opinion," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Jiang Yu told reporters when asked to comment on anti-Hu rallies in India.
"Our position has been clear on this issue. Tibet has been a part of Chinese territory," she said. Jiang noted that India has made an assurance to China that it will not allow Tibetans living in the country to engage in anti-China political activities from Indian territory.
"We attach importance and appreciate this statement by India and we also hope that India will honour its commitments on this issue," she said. The spokeswoman also went on to rebut the Dalai Lama's allegation on religious persecution in Tibet.
"On the question of religion, China has also a clear position. Tibet is an internal affair of China and Chinese government attaches importance to the religious beliefs of Chinese citizens according to law," she said.
"The Chinese government also protects the normal religious beliefs and activities according to law. But we do not allow anyone to engage in illegal activities in the pretext of religious belief," Jiang said.
The Dalai Lama fled to India from Tibet after an abortive uprising against Chinese rule in 1959. China often describes the 1989 Nobel Peace Prize winner as a "separatist" who is engaged in splitting Tibet from rest of the motherland.
However, the Dalai Lama says he has given up his original demand for his Himalayan homeland's independence and instead talks of "genuine autonomy" to preserve Tibet's unique culture language and environment.
China has repeatedly stated that the condition for holding talks with the Dalai Lama is that he should genuinely renounce the stand of Tibetan independence, stop separatist activities, openly declare and acknowledge that Tibet is an inseparable part of China, and that the People's Republic of China government is the sole legal government representing whole of China.
Anil K Joseph in Beijing
Delhi: 4 Tibetan activists detained
Complate Coverage


Bharti Airtel is all geared up to take Reliance Jio Infocomm, its on-bitter rival, at its own game by rolling out voice services as early as next week utilizing the same 4G technology used by the newcomer of the industry. This data was given by people aware of the matter. The services will be extended all over India well before the end of this fiscal year, they claimed.
The VoLTE (Voice over LTE) technology provides more clearness on voice via high-definition calling, utilizing the similar network used for carrying data. The Sunil Mittal-possessed company is the first of the well-known telecom companies to accept the tech. It is anticipated to take the rivalry to the Mukesh Ambani-possessed new player that has pointed out unlimited data and free VoLTE calls as USPs to acquire a 130-Million consumer base inside a year of its market roll out in September 2016.
Airtel is expected to roll out its VoLTE services initially in Mumbai, followed by other metro cities including Kolkata, the people claimed. The firm had carried out tests in 3 to 4 other huge cities and metros for a couple of months. "Some users in Kolkata and Mumbai, and other metro cities where the company is aiming to roll out, will receive messages to trigger VoLTE calls on their handsets," one of the source claimed. "Airtel will extend to more metros and wrap the complete nation well before the end of this fiscal year," claimed other sources, who were aware about the plans of the company. Bharti Airtel refused to respond.
Jio is presently the sole operator providing VoLTE and has been advertizing that service as a main differentiator with its competitors. Himanshu Kapania, Managing Director of Idea, said in May that the third largest telecom company concluded trails of its VoLTE network and was anticipated to roll out the services by end of September. The firm has not spoken additional on the plans of the roll out.
A senior adviser, Sandeep Das, said that Airtel rolling VoLTE services might be a great user move, since it might assist it retain current users.


text:
Iraq's crisis of elite, consensus-based politics turns deadly: The Sadrists
Haley Bobseine
This article is the second in a three-part series on Iraq's political crisis. The first article analyzed the crisis more generally while this piece explores the perspectives of the Sadrists. The final article will explore the perspective of the Coordination Framework.
Part II: The Sadrists
More than 11 months after Iraq's October 2021 parliamentary elections, the government has yet to be formed. The government formation power struggle pits the Sadrist Movement, led by populist Shi'a cleric Sayyid Muqtada al-Sadr, against the Coordination Framework (CF), a loose assemblage of Shi'a parties, united mostly by their opposition to the Sadrist Movement. Central to the dispute are longstanding political rivalries and personal feuds in competition over government postings. Upon Sadr's instructions, Sadrist MPs resigned from parliament in June after opponents' efforts and a judicial decision thwarted his attempts to form a national majority government. Sadr's supporters staged a nearly month-long sit-in that eventually ended when armed groups aligned with the CF fired on protesters and clashed with Saraya al-Salam, the Sadrist Movement's armed wing. The clashes left more than 30 dead and in the aftermath Sadr announced his resignation from politics. The ongoing Arba'een religious pilgrimage forces political downtime, but the deadlock continues and many fear future violence unless both camps can agree on mutually acceptable concessions.
The Ashoura Revolution and parliament sit-in
Following Sadrist MPs' withdrawal from parliament and the CF's attempts to continue government formation efforts without Sadr, the populist Shi'a cleric was left with few options. Capitalizing on his constructed image as a "reformist" and ability to mobilize his supporters, Sadr did what he often does: He sent his followers to the street to demand change. The "Ashoura Revolution" and nearly month-long sit-in at parliament called for radical change of the political system. Sadr and Salah Mohammad al-Iraqi1 issued dozens of statements throughout this period, partly in hopes of galvanizing broader support and legitimacy, but also outlining demands for reform, instructions to followers, and criticisms of opponents. Most non-Sadrists interviewed by the author interpreted the call for revolution as a power move aimed at sidelining former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki,2 leader of the State of Law Coalition and current head of the CF, and his political opponents and pushing back against government formation (or any potential legislation) disadvantageous to the Sadrist Movement following their withdrawal from parliament.
During two separate visits to the parliament sit-in in August,3 the author spoke with more than a dozen supporters about their demands, grievances, goal of the sit-in, how it compared to the 2019 Tishreen protests, and how the sit-in might potentially end. The scene and the participants' responses were a reflection of the intense adoration of their leader, not one of a grassroots, revolutionary movement, even though they said, and some perhaps believed, otherwise. This is not to say that the protesters did not have real grievances or that mobilization was not warranted — many spoke of economic and health hardships and how the system marginalized them — but many simply stated they were there on behalf of Sayyid Sadr and would continue until he said stop.
Protesters, mostly from majority-Shi'a areas, especially southern Iraq, filled the protest spaces inside and outside of parliament. Due to the extreme heat, additional supporters from Baghdad, especially Sadr City, would join in the evenings, after sunset. Service tents, which normally line the road during pilgrimages to holy cities, served food and water and even provided healthcare to those in need. Tribes and various sheikhs displayed their flags in support of Sadr. Neatly laid out with multiple security checkpoints, the scene was a testament to the well-oiled Sadrist political machine. Hanging from a tree above the movement's media tent were enlarged printouts of Sadr's recent tweets raising his demands and directing his followers.
While some non-Sadrist civil society activists were reportedly present, almost everyone the author spoke with echoed Sadr and the "minister of the leader's" demands. They said that this is the people's revolution and demanded the dissolution of parliament, early elections, a revolutionary new system representing the political majority, a new constitution, the ousting of corrupt leaders who had failed the Iraqi people (especially Maliki), and an end to the informal ethno-sectarian apportionment system known as muhassasa. They also accused the judiciary of not being neutral and called for its reform, among other demands. But mostly the protesters just spoke in support of their leader, whom they described as a nationalist and a bulwark against corruption and foreign intervention, whether from Iran or the West. In between questions, interviewees and groups of supporters broke into chants praising Sayyid Sadr (or as some call him, Abu Hashim) and waved his picture. Several protesters also demanded jobs from the government and better services from it and the U.N. Participants said this was not their first protest in support of Sadr.
When asked about the differences between the Ashoura Revolution and past Tishreen protests, noting their quick and comparatively bloodless entry into parliament, members of the Sadrist Movement's Imam Mosque Foundation for Culture and Media, though quick to mention that more than 125 people were injured, pointed to several key factors. First, they blamed former Prime Minister Adel Abdul-Mahdi for serving Iranian interests, implying that he was partly responsible for the extreme levels of violence during the Tishreen protests. Second, they said that that the "transitional government" under Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi is better and less bloody. Third, they said that their protests were more organized than Tishreen as they have Sayyid Sadr, who is "wise and experienced," as their leader. They called on the U.N. to support their initiative but for foreign states to stay out of it.
Other protesters at the sit-in blamed former Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani and former Iraqi head of Kata'ib Hezbollah and deputy chief of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis for most of the killing during the 2019 protests. "Now they are dead, so the situation is different," one protester told the author. "There is no violence because Sayyid Sadr is behind us," another protestor added.
Most said that they were waiting on Sadr for the next steps and that the sit-in would end "whenever Sayyid Sadr says it's over." And that is exactly what happened. Following the Aug. 29 clashes, Sadr ordered all protesters to go home. The site was emptied within the hour.
August 29 clashes
"Protesters stayed peaceful until the last moment," a Sadrist official stressed, speaking on condition of anonymity after the Aug. 29 clashes. He blamed certain PMF security actors, "mercenaries" working on their behalf, and those trying to further a "foreign agenda" as responsible for the killings. The official also alleged that some Sadrist protesters were executed by these forces in the street. While the official did not mention any groups by name, prominent Iraqi analysts identified Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq and the Imam Ali Brigade of Shibl al-Zaydi as complicit in opening fire on protesters. Revenge killings in southern Iraq followed the Baghdad clashes.
The accusation that actors responsible for the killing are working on behalf of a foreign agenda aligns with the logic articulated by protesters to the author — that violence happens at protests when it is orchestrated by foreign agendas and militias, not when Sadr is leading the protests. The official said Kadhimi's position, which rejected any violence against protesters, was good. Sadr has had good relations and held sway over the Kadhimi government, which has appointed Sadrist or Sadrist-backed officials to high-level positions.
Saraya al-Salam's role was to "defend protesters only," the official added. "They are known for their victories and capacity […] if they had used all their power, they could have controlled the entire Green Zone," he said. He denied news reports that anyone influenced Sadr,4 saying his call for cessation of violence was his alone. When asked whether this means the Ashoura Revolution is over, the official said no, but it can be considered to be on a "resting break."
After the clashes
Following Sadr's announced resignation from politics, he and the "minister of the leader" issued several statements demanding parliament's dissolution without the formation of a new government and called on other political leaders to follow suit. Such moves would maintain the current election law and leave the electoral commission that oversaw the 2021 elections in place. It was under this law that the Sadrist Movement emerged as the largest bloc in parliament — one of main reasons why members of the CF want to change it. Following the clashes, there are also demands for investigations to know who shot at protesters, hold perpetrators to account, and change the security leadership.
Another Sadrist official said that while the CF wants to form a government as soon as possible, they will have to contend with the Iraqi street, not only Sadrists who are angry with them following the violence. He expressed hope in Hadi Ameri, CF member and head of Badr Organization,5 who is "understanding," but noted that there is a lot on pressure on him and that the decision is not only in his hands. During the government crisis Sadr has frequently made public overtures to Ameri.
"There will be no concessions […] Sadrists are principled," one Sadrist official told the author when asked about potential concessions Sadr might be willing to accept from or concede to the CF to move beyond the political impasse. He said the fact that sit-ins occurred in multiple locations throughout Iraq and that tens of thousands of "Sadrists peacefully praying together under 50 degree heat" shows their steadfastness.
When asked how the reported coming together of the CF with Sunni and Kurdish political leaders (and potentially with international support) in efforts to form a government will affect the Sadrists, another Sadrist official told the author that Sadr has resigned and left politics. He then added that, "Sayyid Sadr will not leave Iraq in the hands of subordination and those with foreign agendas as he is the only one who is making demands on behalf of the Iraqi street. Even if the whole world supports the CF, he will not let them enjoy ruling, as he has successful experience in expelling the occupying U.S. forces and their allies, who incurred many losses. He has the heroic Mahdi Army, which until now has not participated in any event, as Saraya al-Salam is enough […] however, if the situation escalates, the Mahdi Army will participate, and then neither the Framework nor the others will remain," he cautioned.
Even if, according to officials, Sadr has "resigned and does not want to enter politics again," in reality he maintains the biggest voter support base, can rally his supporters to the street at the drop of a hat, and commands the powerful Saraya al-Salam. But ordering his MPs to resign from parliament in June was clearly a miscalculation. Interviewees who spoke on condition of anonymity said that Sadr now "knows he made a mistake" and some of his MPs remain frustrated that they were "forced to resign." Others alleged that a series of mistakes has led to increased dissension within the Sadrist ranks. The recent alleged leaks of high-level Sadrist officials criticizing Sadr's decisions, if true, may be further evidence of this. However, Sadr maintains his authority by drawing on religious, political, and social sources of strength, and almost blind loyalty among many of his adherents. As one resident of Sadr City explained to the author, "Sayyid Sadr has not lost support, not at all. On the contrary, after every big political event, they cling to him more."
"The clashes in the Green Zone were a setback within the Sadrist Movement but it was not the first and it will not be the last. The Sadrist Movement has overcome many setbacks since the fall of Saddam Hussein […] They overcame stronger and more severe crises than the current one," the Sadr City resident added.
Unknown road ahead
Predicting the future is often futile — there are many moving pieces and the stakes are high. Sadr is predictably unpredictably. Even senior Sadrist officials are sometimes out of the loop and don't know what will happen next; Sadr is in charge. But Sadr will seek to maintain his role as a dominant power broker in Iraq, whether officially or unofficially. Beyond the domestic implications, the coming period will also be revealing for Western diplomats, who see Sadr as a useful hedge to counter Iranian influence in Iraq.
Sadrists will also have to contend with the fallout after Iran-based Ayatollah Kadhim al-Haeri announced his retirement from his role as marja'a,6 criticized Sadr, and directed his followers toward Iranian Supreme LeaderAyatollah Ali Khamenei instead. But Sadrist officials and supporters told the author that Haeri's role has been marginalized within the movement for years and so this is not a "big issue for Sadr." Religious authority can be sought from different sources, underscoring the practice of pluralization of religious authority within the Sadrist Movement, and "it is the conviction of every Shi'a to chose whom to emulate," one Sadrist official explained. As for Sadrists and Sadr, "they will continue to emulate the martyr Sayyid Muhammad al-Sadr." The practice of taqlid al-mayyit, or the emulation of a deceased marja'a, is a distinguishing feature of the Sadrist Movement and has at times been useful to supporting Sadr's religious authority.7
Large demonstrations to mark the anniversary of the Tishreen protests are planned for Oct. 1 by protesters and change movements that often refer to themselves as "the third way" — neither aligned with the Sadrists, nor the CF. Several residents of Sadr City told the author that they expect some of Sadr's supporters to participate, but it remains to be seen whether their participation will be official or not.
Haley Bobseine is a Middle East-based researcher and analyst and a PhD Candidate at King's College London. The views expressed in this article are her own.
Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AFP via Getty Images
Also known as the "minister of the leader," he is Sadr's anonymous online surrogate.
A full analysis of the Sadr-Maliki relationship is outside the scope of this report. However, a major point of contention dates back to 2008. During the 2006-08 sectarian civil war, Sadr's then Mahdi Army was accused of forming death squads that kidnapped and killed Sunni Muslims. Then Prime Minister Maliki ordered a major offensive that defeated the Mahdi Army.
The author's first visit happened when they still occupied the parliament building, the second visit occurred after they had moved outside the building.
During interviews with people close to the CF and members of the CF, people separately alleged that Ayatollah Sistani informally sent a message to Sadr to calm tensions, as well as some regional actors. This issue is explored in the third article.
The Badr Organization is a Shi'a political party and armed group. It is part of the PMF and the CF and is close to Iran. Hadi Ameri, the organization's leader, has taken a more moderate position toward Sadr, alongside Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim and others within the CF. Maliki and Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq have taken more of a hardline position toward Sadr.
A marja'a is a Shi'a religious scholar with the necessary credentials to serve as a religious guide to his followers.
Sadr himself does not currently have the necessary religious training to become a marja'a.


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