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Clubs team up for Empty Bowls fundraiser
Times Telegram
MOHAWK — Jarvis Middle School's Art Club and Builders Club are teaming up for an Empty Bowls fundraiser to help combat local hunger.
Over the last several weeks, students met after school in art teacher and art club advisor Christina Korba's classroom to make and glaze ceramic bowls.
Club members will offer their bowls for sale to staff and students on Feb. 12 and Feb. 13. The cost is $5 for small bowls and $10 for large bowls. Proceeds will go to the Ilion-Mohawk Food Pantry.
Korba said the students used two techniques to make the bowls. One technique requires students to roll individual balls of clay, then press them into a bowl-shaped mold. Using the second method, students form together slabs of clay to create the bowl. In both cases, the pot is fired in a kiln, then glazed with a decorative, food-safe glaze.
Builders Club advisor Dawn Thomas said the project combined Korba's past experience with Empty Bowls with the Builders Club's mission to serve the community.
Empty Bowls is an international grassroots effort to fight hunger. The basic premise is simple: Potters, craftspeople, educators and others work with the community to create handcrafted bowls. Guests are invited to a meal of soup and bread. In exchange for a cash donation, guests are asked to keep a bowl as a reminder of all the empty bowls in the world. The money raised is donated to an organization working to end hunger and food insecurity.
Although this year's fundraiser is limited to selling the bowls, Korba and Thomas hope to expand the event in the future to include a soup and bread meal prepared by the school's Culinary Club.
Jarvis' after school clubs provide students with opportunities to explore activities in greater depth than is possible during the regular school day.
Art Club meets weekly and offers students the chance to try out different art projects. For one project, the club made poppies that the school presented to veterans at its Veterans' Day assembly.
Builders Club is the middle school arm of the Kiwanis national service club. Members meet weekly to plan community service activities such as ringing the Salvation Army bell for the annual kettle drive and holding a popcorn sale to support Kiwanis projects.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Description: A very discreet touch of brioche highlights the honeysuckle and apricot aromas that are elegant, pure and wonderfully refined and dissolve into sweet, intense and unusually precise flavors that also reflect more minerality than I typically find in this wine as well, culminating in superb punch and energy. It's not rare to have the Pucelles be as good as the Combettes but in '05, it's clearly a better effort. One to consider closely.


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Living La Vida Lohan
Well how's this for shocking - Lindsay Lohan served just 84 minutes of her 24-hour jail sentence yesterday. And where did this whopping display of justice occur? Los Angeles County's Lynwood Jail - the celebrity favourite after the fine treatment received by Paris and Nicole. The Mean Girls star handed herself in to the jail at 10.30am to serve the remainder of her DUI sentence and was released at 11.54am. Nicole Richie served 82 minutes in the same prison for a DUI conviction in August, while earlier this year, Paris Hilton served 23 days (half her original sentence) for driving with a suspended licence. Lindsay was originally sentenced to the mandatory minimum of four days in jail after pleading no contest to two DUI charges. Prosecutors agreed to reduce this to just two days if she served 10 days of community service. Then a further day was taken off the jail sentence because of time Lohan has already served during "her other arrests"... Then they probably gave her a lollipop, a playful smack on the arse and sent her on her way.


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"I Hate the Name Hamas"
More and more reports are appearing in the international press about dissatisfaction with Hamas in Gaza, though these are balanced by quotations from the official Hamas organs. Thus, in The Guardian, we first read about these thoughts from a Hamas minister:
At the al-Filisteen mosque in the Rimal area of Gaza City on Friday, the imam was preaching the necessity of brotherhood and unity. But on the steps after prayers, Hamas's economics minister explained what the conditions for Palestinian unity involved. Senior Hamas officials are demanding that the conditions for reconciliation should include an end to negotiations with Israel and to the peace process, a unity agreement under a banner of "resistance", and continued Hamas control of Gaza.
"Everyone recognises the need for reconciliation among Palestinians," said Abu Rushdi Zaza. "It will happen immediately if the Palestine Liberation Organisation [dominated by Fatah] can be rebuilt. But it must be understood that Hamas is the government. If international institutions want to do rebuilding projects in Gaza, then that is fine - but they must do it under our supervision.
The paper also quotes at length a pro-Hamas parliamentarian from the West Bank:
Mahmoud Musleh, a Palestinian legislative council member aligned with Hamas, added: "The organisation that should be talking for the Palestinian people is the PLO. But it has not been speaking. If it does not rehabilitate itself, there will be dramatic changes. At present it does not represent the Palestinian people. They can longer make decisions. They do not own the power."
He continued: "There is a new balance of power emerging. For the first time, through the steadfastness of the resistance in Gaza, we have seen Israel's project halted."
And then, in the last paragraph we encounter a passage that is starting to become a cliche of sorts in the Western press. An ordinary Gazan, after checking that no one is listening, pours out his true feelings about Hamas:
And if one place is the symbol of the destruction wreaked in Gaza, it is the demolished houses of the Samouni family in Zeitoun, a place where the stink of death still seeps from out of the rubble.
A member of the family, who lost his father and his son, asks not to be identified for fear of being beaten by Hamas - as others were during the war - for criticising it. "No one from Hamas has come to offer us help. None of the leaders has been here. We were farmers, not fighters with a militant faction.
He pulls out a crumpled photograph showing a wedding scene. "This was my father. This, my son. After what happened to us here, I hate the name Hamas."
Labels: Fatah, Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, media
Fallout from the Gaza War
Hamas agrees to allow Fatah forces to patrol Rafah crossing (Ha'aretz):
The London-based Asharq al-Awsat reported Saturday that Hamas has suggested representatives of the Palestinian Authority be stationed at the Rafah crossing, but that they be residents of Gaza, not the West Bank.
Also on Saturday, Hamas officials laid out some of their conditions for a continuation of the Gaza truce and for the release of captured Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit.
Hamas spokesman Ayman Taha told Asharq Al-Awsat that his group wants European Union and Turkish troops to patrol Gaza's border crossings with Israel
I'm sure the heads of Hamas made these suggestions on their own initiative.
Assad congratulates Hamas on 'victory' over IDF in Gaza (Ha'aretz)
According to the article, Assad told Meshal, currently in exile in Damascus, that the Palestinian peoples' response to Israel Defense Forces operation "Cast Lead" was evidence of their "commitment to their inalienable rights to their land and homes, and of their deep faith in their ultimate victory over occupation and aggression."
More cheap words from Assad.
The delegation reportedly told Syrian officials that Syria is the first stop in a tour of countries in the Middle East in order to "express their gratitude to them for standing by the Palestinian people during the aggression."
Mubarak must be ecstatic.
Egyptian official: Israel achieved all of its military goals in Gaza (Ha'aretz)
An Egyptian official has said that Israel achieved all of its military objectives during "Operation Cast Lead" in the Gaza Strip, having exacted serious blows to Hamas and it's infrastructure, according to an article published in the Arabic-language daily Al-Hayat on Saturday.
The official is quoted in the article as saying that senior Hamas leaders are still in hiding out of fear of Israel Defense Forces strikes, and that Israel is not interested in pursuing a new calm or Tahadiyeh with the militant group.
Egypt is not letting Hamas forget this.
ANALYSIS / The IDF model that failed in Lebanon succeeded in Gaza (Amos Harel, Ha'aretz)
The Egyptian daily Al-Ahram reported this week that the head of Hamas' political bureau in Damascus, Khaled Meshal, expressed disappointment at the Arab reaction to the operation during a closed session of the Arab summit in Qatar. Not only did Hamas remain almost alone in the campaign against Israel, it also suffered a painful blow in the military confrontation. The best proof of this was its agreement to an unconditional cease-fire while IDF troops were still in the Gaza Strip. Al-Ahram reports that Meshal admitted that he had not expected the Israeli reaction to be so severe and sustained - the same sentiment that was expressed by Hassan Nasrallah in Lebanon two and half years ago.
Outwardly, Hamas broadcast a different message. Military Intelligence tends to give Hamas high grades for the credibility of its announcements in ordinary times. But since the start of the ground operation, Hamas' fabrications have gone off the charts. One of the organization's spokesmen claimed this week that Hamas had expelled the IDF from the Gaza Strip. The spokesman of the Iz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas' military wing, admitted to losing only 48 of its men in the fighting. And how many Israeli soldiers were killed? Forty-nine, according to Hamas (in reality, 10 soldiers were killed). Conversations with residents of Ramallah and East Jerusalem indicate that from their point of view, Hamas won. They claim that Hamas withstood Israeli military pressure and that the IDF struck only civilians in the Gaza Strip. Asked why they think Hamas stopped firing rockets, they explain that it was a good-will gesture to Barack Obama on the occasion of his inauguration.
More deadly stupidity.
Gaza agreement eludes Arab leaders (Al Jazeera)
Arab leaders have pledged $2bn to help reconstruct the Gaza Strip after a three week Israeli offensive that devastated the territory's infrastructure, left 1,300 Palestinians dead, and thousands more displaced.
But there have been disagreements over how the aid will find its way into Gaza, with countries including Saudi Arabia concerned about giving funds directly to Hamas, which currently administers the Gaza Strip.
Rifts over Israel
"They [the Arab leaders] decided to confine themselves in a general statement to postpone differences," Al Jazeera's Hashem Ahelbarra reported from Kuwait.
"Saudis and Egyptians are very sceptical of [giving money to] Hamas for one reason," he said.
It will be interesting to see who wins this battle. Qatar's position has been dynamic over the past two years. Once in a while they support the Saudi line and at other times they subtly undermine their bigger neighbor. This time, Qatar has made no bones about its position. The emirate's stance during the Gaza War made it possible to speak of a Syrian-Qatari axis in support of Hamas and aligned with Iran. So far, Qatar has confined its war to one of words, or, more precisely, images - through its widely-watched al Jazeera outlet. The Egyptians and the Saudis must be fuming, but it remains to be seen whether the Arab masses will stay riled up long enough to present a serious threat to the security apparatuses of these regimes.
Labels: Egypt, Fatah, Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, Qatar, Syria
Italian Daily Quotes Gazan Doctor: Casualty Numbers Inflated
Corriere della Sera reported today that Palestinian civilians are accusing Hamas of having prevented civilians from fleeing areas under attack. The article also quote a Gazan physician who argues that the casualty numbers are inflated and that many more of the dead were likely Hamas fighters than has been admitted. Here is the relevant quotation from the Italian paper; read Ha'aretz for an English summary.
Chi racconta una versione diversa dalla narrativa imposta dalla «muhamawa» (la resistenza) è automaticamente un «amil», un collaborazionista e rischia la vita. Aiuta però il recente scontro fratricida tra Hamas e Olp. Se Israele o l'Egitto avessero permesso ai giornalisti stranieri di entrare subito sarebbe stato più facile. Quelli locali sono spesso minacciati da Hamas. «Non è un fatto nuovo, in Medio Oriente tra le società arabe manca la tradizione culturale dei diritti umani. Avveniva sotto il regime di Arafat che la stampa venisse perseguitata e censurata. Con Hamas è anche peggio», sostiene Eyad Sarraj, noto psichiatra di Gaza city. E c'è un altro dato che sta emergendo sempre più evidente visitando cliniche, ospedali e le famiglie delle vittime del fuoco israeliano. In verità il loro numero appare molto più basso dei quasi 1.300 morti, oltre a circa 5.000 feriti, riportati dagli uomini di Hamas e ripetuti da ufficiali Onu e della Croce Rossa locale. «I morti potrebbero essere non più di 500 o 600. Per lo più ragazzi tra i 17 e 23 anni reclutati tra le fila di Hamas che li ha mandati letteralmente al massacro», ci dice un medico dell'ospedale Shifah che non vuole assolutamente essere citato, è a rischio la sua vita. Un dato però confermato anche dai giornalisti locali: «Lo abbiamo già segnalato ai capi di Hamas. Perché insistono nel gonfiare le cifre delle vittime? Strano tra l'altro che le organizzazioni non governative, anche occidentali, le riportino senza verifica. Alla fine la verità potrebbe venire a galla. E potrebbe essere come a Jenin nel 2002. Inizialmente si parlò di 1.500 morti. Poi venne fuori che erano solo 54, di cui almeno 45 guerriglieri caduti combattendo».
Labels: Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, media
High Court Strikes Down Central Elections Committee Decision
As predicted, the High Court today struck down the Central Elections Committee's ban on two Arab parties. See our previous posts for background and initial fallout.
The High Court of Justice on Wednesday revoked a government decision to exclude Israeli-Arab parties from contesting in the national elections next month.
The court issued its decision in response to a petition submitted by Arab politicians against the ban. A spokesman for the Courts Administration said judges overturned the ban in an unanimous vote Wednesday (Ha'aretz).
Labels: Israeli Arabs, Israeli elections, Israeli society
Great interactive tool on the members of the incoming administration.
Labels: Obama, US politics
Random Things No One Will Remember
The video is not currently up unfortunately:
Footage of a presenter on the Arabic language television station Al-Arabiyaapparently confirms that Hamas fired at least one rocket from close to a building used by journalists during the 22-day conflict between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
The Israel Defense Forces shelled the building, drawing international condemnation, and television networks with offices in the building denied that rockets had been launched from anywhere nearby.
But the recording, filmed by an Israeli and released Tuesday by Israel's Foreign Ministry, shows Al-Arabiya presenter Hanan Al-Masri saying that a Grad rocket had been fired from a location near the studios at Al-Shuruk tower in Gaza City. Al-Masri did not realize that she had been caught on camera (Ha'aretz).
Labels: Gaza War 2008/09, media, qassams
Consortium Claims Biggest Natural Gas Discovery in Israel's History
Let's see if this holds up.
Israel`s largest-ever reserve of natural gas discovered off Haifa coast
Isramco announced Sunday that "extremely significant" reserves of natural gas have been discovered at its Tamar 1 offshore drill site 90 kilometers west of Haifa
Noble Energy Announces Significant Natural Gas Discovery at Tamar Well Offshore Israel
Noble Energy operates the well with a 36 percent working interest. Other interest owners in the well are Isramco Negev 2 with 28.75 percent, Delek Drilling with 15.625 percent, Avner Oil Exploration with 15.625 percent and Dor Gas Exploration with the remaining four percent.
התגלית הגדולה מעולם: פי 3 מ"ים תטיס" ובערך כלכלי של 15 מיליארד ד'; תשובה: "נשלם את כל האג"חים
Labels: economy, Gas, pipelines
The Rice-Olmert Spat and a Unilateral Cease Fire
The bizarre diplomatic spat sparked by Olmert's annoucement that he had intervened with Bush personally to overrule Rice should not be blown out of proportion, but it reveals something about the shortcomings of both of these lame-duck administrations (in Jerusalem and D.C.):
"In Jerusalem, however, officials went to sleep thinking the Americans had only agreed to support a 48-hour humanitarian cease-fire. At 1 A.M., final confirmation came from New York: The U.S. had promised that no cease-fire resolution would be brought to a vote any time soon. An hour and a half later, however, it became clear that not only was the Security Council due to vote on a cease-fire resolution at any minute, but Rice had ordered America's UN ambassador to support it. Olmert promptly telephoned U.S. President George Bush to complain about Rice's behavior and demand that he restrain her. What Bush said to Rice remains unknown. What is known, however, is that the U.S. suddenly changed its vote from "yes" to "abstain."
The whole story would have ended well had Olmert behaved like a responsible adult and restrained his own impulses. Even his close associates admit that he would have done better to skip the public boasting about how he persuaded Bush to overrule Rice. Quite aside from the fact that this embarrassed the U.S. administration, Olmert's associates understand all too well that this story merely provides fresh ammunition to those who claim the Jews are the ones who really control America. " (Ha'aretz)
If this is correct, the Secretary of State was responsible for a diplomatic screw-up that could have cost Israel dearly, and in fact hurt its position. What matters here is not the substance of the particular resolutions in question but the fact that State had signalled to Israel that there was nothing to worry about. I cannot understand Ha'aretz's concession here to the "Zionist lobby" antisemites. This has nothing to do with Jews "controlling America, but with proper diplomatic coordination among allies.
Meanwhile, the Israeli cabinet is set to vote on a unilateral cease fire. With Hamas having rebuffed the Israeli position, and the Damascus wing of the organization, publicly supported by the presidents of Iran and Syria, continuing to adhere to a totally rejectionist line, I am having trouble making sense of this development. At the moment, Israeli troops are deep inside Gaza. Israel should not withdraw troops without an agreement involving the Palestinians.
Posted by Amos at 10:35 AM 16 comments:
Labels: Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, Syria
Hamas Fighters Flee Positions in Gaza City
From Ha'aretz:
Said Sayyam and Salah Abu Shreich, two senior Hamas figures, were killed in an air strike in Jabaliya. The home of another Hamas leader, Mahmoud al-Zahar, is surrounded. Infantry, armor and special forces are operating in the center of the city, very close to the Hamas "security quarter" southwest of the city, where most of the command and control centers of the group are situated.
Even in the center of the city, Hamas gunmen are opting to avoid direct encounters with the IDF. In most cases they are choosing to escape along with thousands of civilians. The Hamas announcement in Cairo two days ago began the countdown toward a cease-fire.
The army sensed Hamas' weakness when units left their defensive positions in the Zeytun neighborhood. Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi approved the assault and forces reached the center of the city through the gap. On the way, the IDF killed most of the members of a unit comprising militants trained by Iran.
The latest move has is risks. The IDF is constantly concerned that a single mistake may lead to mass killing of Palestinian civilians, or a surprise attack by Hamas that may affect public opinion in Israel.
Hamas-Gaza may try for one more dramatic round, but as of now, it is close to collapse. This does not mean the end of Hamas, but in combination with an effective diplomatic settlement, it implies a significant improvement in Israel's position. The civilian population of Gaza will remember Israel's cruel campaign; however, the Palestinians will also remember the sight of Hamas fighters fleeing before the advancing Israeli forces. Hamas has indubitably been weakened, and in the long term, its shortcomings in this war will make the organization more hesitant about launching attacks on Israel.
As Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff argue, it would be best for Israel to leave a diminished Hamas in power rather than destroying all central authority in Gaza. The key to a post-war settlement will be to involve the Egyptians in a reconstruction of civilian infrastructure in Gaza. B
Labels: Egypt, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, military
Hamas's Offer Falls Short
Egyptian FM Ahmed Abu El Gheit (Photo: NATO)
Hamas's press conference did not yield a major breakthrough for Israel. Although Hamas seems to have reversed its earlier opposition to a cease fire, its public statements appear designed to dispel the sense that it is conceding anything. Furthermore, Hamas's various branches are sending out contradictory messages, as usual. It might be best to ignore what they have to say though, and to focus on the messages being sent out by Egypt and by Hamas-Gaza.
According to the Egyptian Foreign Minister, Hamas has agreed to the Egyptian version of the cease fire, which calls for an immediate end to the "aggression against Gaza," an opening of the crossings, and the withdrawal of the [Israeli] troops from the Strip. The Hamas people ("our brothers in Hamas") have conveyed their agreement to the Egyptians, who will in turn pass it on to the Israelis (Ha'aretz):
שר החוץ המצרי, אחמד אבו אל-ריט אמר הערב, כי החמאס הסכימה לנוסחה המצרית להפסקה מיידית של התוקפנות על עזה, פתיחת המעברים ונסיגת הכוחות בפנים הרצועה. לדבריו, נציגי החמאס הודיעו לאנשי המודיעין המצרי על עמדתם ובכוונת מצרים להעביר לישראל את מה שהושג בדיונים עם האחים מהחמאס.
These kinds of terms again seem unacceptable to me. Of course, there is a chance that the goal here is to allow Hamas to save face in public. The problem is that Hamas itself seems to think the cease fire makes too many concessions to Israel. Muhamad Nasr, a member of the political wing of Gaza, who took part in the negotiations with Egypt, disagreed with the announcement that Hamas had agreed to the Egyptian initiative. He elaborated that Hamas still has problems with aspects of the agreement:
מוחמד נאסר חבר הלשכה המדינית של החמאס שהיה שותף לשיחות הסתייג מההודעה לפיה היוזמה המצרית מקובלת על החמאס. לדבריו, ההיענות של החמאס למאמצי המצרים, אין משמעותם כי החמאס הסכים ליוזמה המצרית. יש עדיין סוגיות במחלוקת ואנחנו עדיין דוחפים את הנושא.
One positive note is that, at least according to Al-Arabiya, Hamas has agreed to the deployment of Palestinian Authority police officers to guard the Rafah border crossing, together with European monitors. Such an agreement represents a blow to Hamas, which had kicked the PA out of Gaza earlier. It would also amount to a victory for Egypt and for the other powers supporting Abu Mazen. For Israel, on the other hand, this is not a real victory. Assuming that the PA officers manage to stay in control of the crossing, they will be hard-pressed to do Israel's bidding for it. They do not represent a solution of the arms smuggling problem. And what will happen when the PA and Hamas "reconcile"?
All in all, the agreement looks good for Egypt and the PA. It was interesting to read the Hamas delegation's statement that they had considered only the Egyptian initiative. Mubarak must be pleased that his message to Hamas has hit home: we are your only salvation.
For Israel, on the other hand, Hamas's position is wholly unsatisfactory. Obviously, Israel cannot agree to a cease fire under these terms. Fortunately, Israel has some time to formulate its own conditions and to back them up with the threat of "stage 3," even if opposition to the full-scale deployment of ground forces in Gaza is growing in the military and government.
In other news, according to the IDF, Palestinians fired a phosphorus bomb at Israel yesterday. Human rights organizations have previously accused Israel of using white phosphorus in civilian areas, which, many argue, is illegal under the Geneva Conventions. The Israeli military argues that it employs phosphorus mainly for smoke screens and that its use of the chemical does not violate the conventions. Rights groups have also accused the U.S. of having used the weapon against insurgents in Iraq.
Labels: Egypt, Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas
Assad's Hyped BBC Interview - Hamas Agreement to Cease Fire Imminent Nonetheless?
According to reports in the Israeli media, Hamas is close to agreeing to a cease fire that might meet some of Israel's conditions. A statement from the organization is expected at 7:30 pm local time tonight (1:30 pm EST). Meanwhile, Israeli operations appear to be continuing along the lines of the past two days. Air strikes are ongoing, especially in southern Gaza, while on the ground, Israeli units are staying mobile. They are encountering sporadic fire from snipers and small units armed with RPGs and the like, but no systematic ambushes. The military and political echelons are split on whether to expand the operation.
On a related note, Ynet is heralding an interview given by Syrian President on BBC, in which he allegedly called on Israel to stop its operation but also called for an end to the rocket firing. If this were true, it would have to be counted not only as an important achievement for Israel but as an indicator that the rumors about an imminent cease fire announcement by Hamas have credibility. According to Ynet, Assad even addressed the arms smuggling into Gaza and voiced his opposition to it, though he did not make concrete commitments.
But here is my transcript of the BBC interview. It seems to me that Assad, although endorsing a cease fire along the lines of Security Council resolution 1860 (see full text, summary of debate), is sticking to the old Hamas line and setting the kinds of preconditions for a truce that the organization demanded before operation Cast Lead. Maybe someone else can enlighten me. I don't see him explicitly calling for an end to the rockets or to arms smuggling. The UN resolution does NOT call on Hamas to end rocket fire into Israel.
I had to laugh at several points in the interview, most notably when Assad seemed to imply that there had been no Hamas rockets fired at Israel during the truce, and when he claimed that "We don't push anyone; we make dialogue."
BBC: The Israelis say that the sort of cease fire they want is one where there are no more rockets onto their territory and where the border with Egypt is controlled so there's no arms smuggling across it. Would you accept that?
Assad: Stop sending ... launching rockets means stop assassinating Palestinians by your helicopters and airplanes. So you cannot look at one side and ignore the other side. About smuggling the arms, it is another issue that is part of the bigger solution. Syria is not involved in this issue because we don't have [a] border with Gaza.
BBC: But do you think that should be part of any cease fire?
Assad: Yes, of course. We will support [a] cease fire. We've been working with [pause] many countries, including the French, for the cease fire.
BBC: Do you support resolution 1860?
Assad: In principle we support most of it, but in the end it is ambiguous. It doesn't have any executive plan, how to implement it, that's the question.
BBC: What about the Hamas rockets into Israel? That's been going on for some time. The Israelis say that any country would respond in the way that they've responded. Do you think that's a fair point?
Assad: No, because there was truce for 6 months, and during that truce, no one of the Israelis was killed, while 38-40 Palestinians were assassinated publicly by the Israelis. So how could Hamas launch rockets and the Palestinians died? This is not logical.
BBC: But what if someone was firing rockets into Syria? You would have to respond.
Assad: Yah, but it's not only simply rockets. What if you have embargo? Embargo is a war. When the people are going to die and they have to choose between dying slowly and dying fast, they will choose dying fast.
BBC: Syria offers a base to the exiled political leader of Hamas, Khaled Mish'al ... Are you pushing him to accept a cease fire?
Assad: We don't push anyone; we make dialogue. And they accepted the cease fire, they support the cease fire. When you say cease fire, you don't want it to be just for a few days. You want it to be sustainable. Sustainable means you have certain requirements which should be available for cease fire.
BBC: What, for you, is the most important point about sustaining a cease fire then?
Assad: Israel respecting the cease fire, something never happened before. Second, to lift the embargo. Without this, you won't have sustainable cease fire.
Cast Lead: Achievements So Far
Map showing the Philadelphi Corridor
Although the IDF build-up on the border to Gaza is continuing, there are signs that Israel is hesitant about entering the "third stage" of Operation Cast Lead. The political and military echelons are still assessing whether a significant expansion of operations is worth it. As always in the Middle East, some dramatic event may drastically alter their assessments with immediate consequences. But for now, let us take stock of what has been accomplished and what remains to be done.
1) There is no doubt that at this point in time, Israel has weakened Hamas's political and military organizations.
2) the IDF has clearly re-established its deterrence force against the Palestinians and against other actors in the region.
3) the army and government have made progress in finding ways to reduce Palestinian arms smuggling.
4) the operation revealed the extent of Hamas's missile capabilities, averting a possible surprise in the future.
5) Cast Lead has managed to dent rocket firing in the short term, and has increased the pressure on Hamas to do so over the long term.
The means by which Israel has achieved its objectives have not been pretty. From the beginning, the army treated this as a war rather than a policing operation. The IDF assumed correctly that Hamas would use civilian sites for defensive and offensive purposes. Mosques, hospitals, and residences have all served Hamas as storage depots, launching sites, and booby-trapped defensive installations so far in this war. Thus, the army was aggressive from the outset. Air strikes flattened suspected traps, and ground troops called in planes, helicopters, and artillery whenever they encountered resistance that might embroil them in a deadly ambush or remote-controlled bombing. So far, this strategy has proven very effective at reducing IDF casualties. It has also led to the deaths of many Hamas fighters. Hamas miscalculated in thinking that the IDF would shy away from such tactics and that it would therefore be able to inflict many casualties on the invading forces. The greatest victims of this miscalculation have of course been the civilians of Gaza. I do not share the view that the civilian casualties will strengthen Hamas over the long term. Such an argument could have been made if Hamas had distinguished itself in the fighting; so far it has not done so, and it has proven incapable of protecting its population.
The question now is whether, given these achievements, Israel is already in a position to force Hamas to agree to a truce that will represent a satisfactory improvement of the status quo ante, or whether such an outcome will require more fighting. Any cease fire must set the conditions for a permanent attenuation of Hamas. The good news is that Egypt, the Palestinian Authority, and the U.S. are all interested in the reduction of Hamas's standing in the region. Egypt has certainly increased its standing vis-a-vis Hamas as a result of the IDF operation, and it will be eager to solidify these gains. It may very well do so by re-inserting forces loyal to the PA into Gaza through a stage-managed "reconciliation." The more difficult problem is finding a way to combat Hamas's ability to smuggle weapons into Gaza. Although a number of options have been suggested, none of them can actually be relied upon by Israel. The various Arab or European offers of help in border monitoring or even tunnel detection will not do the trick. The bulk of the work has to be accomplished during this operation.
With these factors in mind, it is in Israel's interest to prolong the operation, while keeping it at the current intensity. Reserves do not have to be poured into heavy urban combat in Gaza City or the refugee camps. They can continue to chip away at Hamas at the current fashion, in the north of the strip, while in the south, Israel gathers intelligence on and destroys the tunnel networks. The operations in southern Gaza could conceivable continue even after the inauguration of President-elect Barack Obama. Israel and the U.S. share an interest in putting in place mechanisms for a management of the Philadelphi Corridor that will diminish the flow of arms and terrorists from the Sinai Peninsula into Gaza and possibly vice versa.
Labels: Egypt, Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, Obama, US politics
Labor Party MKs Criticize Cabel's Vote on Arab Parties' Disqualification
MK Eitan Cabel (Labor)
For the latest sum-up of the Central Elections Committee vote see this article in the English edition of Ha'aretz.
Labor party backbenchers expressed their opposition to Cabel's vote in favor of the disqualification:
Senior Labor Party figures lashed out at the party's CEC representative, Eitan Cabel, who voted in favor of banning the two Arab parties.
"[MK] Shelly Yachimovich and I thought we must object to the move to ban the Arab lists for reasons of freedom of expression," said Social Affairs Minister Isaac Herzog. "The minority's right to be heard must be preserved," he said.
MK Ophir Pines (Labor) said from overseas that he strongly objected to Labor's stance in the vote and that it was not the position that had been agreed on.
Cabel explains and qualifies his vote:
"It's true we said we wouldn't ban, but [Balad leader MK Jamal] Zahalka's statement that he was in touch with Bishara led me to think that we must draw the line somewhere," he said. "I'm making no apologies because I fight more than most in the Knesset for equal rights for Arabs. I know it won't stand up in the Supreme Court, and rightly so, because there is no evidentiary basis for the [committee's] decision."
Israeli Arab Parties Disqualified from Elections
Logo of Bala"d (acronym for "National Democratic Assembly")
In a shocking and shameful decision, the Central Elections Committee (see English) today (English) disqualified Bala"d and Ra"am-Ta"l, two Israeli Arab parties, from running in the upcoming 18th Knesset election. The disqualification hinged on the votes of the representatives from Kadima and the Labor Party on the committee. Kadima apparently endorsed the disqualification of both the parties, while the Labor Party voted only to disqualify Balad. To no one's surprise, the right-wing parties were jubilant about the outcome. Avigdor Liberman, most notably, called it the first step in a bid to outlaw the parties entirely. While the Arab parties themselves boycotted the vote, only Meretz, it appears, voted against the disqualification moves.
From the coverage, it is unclear on what grounds the parties were disqualified. Past attempts to disqualify the parties were struck down by the Supreme Court. In conversation with Carmia, Meretz's Zehava Gal-On expressed confidence that this would be the likely outcome again, once the disqualification is challenged in the court. Nevertheless, Gal-On expressed consternation about Labor's support for the measure. She said it was "unimaginable that something like this could happen in the State of Israel."
Gal-On is right. I am no fan of these parties and the politics of their leaders. In fact, I abhor them as much as I do their counterparts on the far right. But the rationale given by Eitan Cabel for his support of the disqualification was so flimsy as to seriously cast doubt on the man's judgment. Apparently Cabel objected to the "defiance" of Jamal Zahalka at the committee hearings. Cabel referred to his "patriotic feeling" as having swayed his vote. Is this man serious? Is he really going to jeopardize the most basic democratic institutions of the state because of some vague feeling?
Let's be clear. The behavior of Zahalka, Ahmed Tibi, and, before his abscondance, of Azmi Bishara in the Knesset is often repulsive. Many reasonable people can find their views odious. But are they inciting to ethnic hatred, as other disqualified parties were found to have done? Can it be proven that they are actively working to eliminate the State of Israel as the state of the Jewish people? These are the two conditions for which parties may be disqualified.
What this looks like is an exercise in stifling dissent. It is an attempt to outlaw "unpopular" opinions. The Arab parties, just like the right-wing, centrist, and left-wing Zionist parties deserve to be criticized, lampooned, vigorously opposed using democratic means. But as long as they are not breaking the law, they cannot be outlawed simply because they don't meet some standard of "patriotism" set by people such as Avigdor Liberman. As long as their struggle is conducted within the means of parliamentary democracy, it must be protected with the utmost resolution. Unless Zahalke et al. are calling for physical attacks against other Israeli citizens and institutions or hoping to accomplish this using the aid of an enemy state or terrorist organization, they have the right to excoriate Israel in whatever terms they see fit. They can even resort to vile, disgusting mischaracterizations of Israeli policy and society to do this. Indeed, they may even lie.
To me, much of this is depressingly familiar from the days of the Bishara affair. I will not recycle here the arguments I made in its wake. Suffice to say that when so many parliamentarians show a blatant disregard for the basic tenets of liberal democracy, we are in serious trouble. If parties are going to be banned, the evidence must be incontrovertible that they indeed represent forces for which no room exists on the democratic spectrum. Let us hope that the Supreme Court reflects carefully on this matter. Unless there is evidence which has not yet been revealed to the public, a disqualification of Ra"am-Ta"al and Bala"d is unconscionable.
ADDENDUM: The Parties Law of 1992 has the following limitations on a party's potential registration:
Any rejection (in the party's goals or activities) of the existence of the State of Israel as a Jewish, democratic state.
Any incitement to racism.
Any support of the armed struggle of an enemy state or terrorist organization against the State of Israel
Any hint of a cover for illegal activity.
Labels: democracy, Israeli Arabs, Zionism
Northern Front Erupts
The katyusha rockets fired at the northern Israeli town of Nahariya today from southern Lebanon have raised the stakes of the current conflict significantly. They raise the specter of wide-scale bombardment of the north of the sort we saw in the summer of 2006.
On December 25, 2008, a number of katyusha rockets, apparently all aimed at Nahariya, were discovered by Lebanese security forces in southern Lebanon. They were disarmed shortly before their launch times.
This time around, the Lebanese army did not reach the rockets in time, and UNIFIL has been shown to be incapable of stopping such attacks. As Lebanese sources rushed to declare, the rockets were most likely not fired by Hizbullah, but rather by one of the Palestinian factions allied with it. Nevertheless, it would be hard to imagine that Hizbullah did not know about the firing of these rockets. Nasrallah so far has stayed away from involving Lebanon in the Gaza conflict; he may have gotten a soft go-ahead from the Iranians or Syrians, to give a green light to Palestinian proxies.
It remains to be seen whether this will lead to a major escalation. Israel will have to weigh its response carefully. Reservists are available to operate in the north, but Israel cannot afford to see Haifa, Nahirya, and who knows what other cities engulfed by Hizbullah fire. For now, it must attempt to curtail any escalation.
Labels: Hizbullah, Lebanon, Lebanon war, terrorist attacks
Israeli-Egyptian Negotiations on Gaza
Ha'aretz:
The main problem is the fact that Israel is preconditioning a cease-fire to a solution to the smuggling, while Egypt is asking for a cease-fire and the opening of the border crossings, before a resolution of the Hamas tunnels issue.
Solana said Wednesday that the Union is ready to assist Egypt in preventing smuggling, but in an interview to Reuters he qualified that the assistance "will be mostly technological and not by the deployment of forces."
The good news is that the Europeans support Israel's demands for an end to weapons smuggling into Gaza. The bad news is that few countries are willing to have their soldiers involved in the actual policing that would help to accomplish this.
Labels: Gaza War 2008/09
What They Want
At the current stage of fighting, these are the aims of some of the important players:
Israel wants to keep fighting to further weaken Hamas, while it still can, and to put pressure on France, Egypt, and the U.S. to come up with a viable post-war order.
Egypt wants Israel to keep fighting Hamas. Its post-war order includes a "reconciliation" of the Palestinians with the PA (Abu Mazen, Dahlan, etc.) restored to Gaza and Hamas weakened. It is not terribly enthusiastic about NATO or U.S. forces on its side of the border.
France wants its cease fire initiative, whatever it may be, to succeed, as soon as possible. It cares mainly about convincing Israel to stop fighting now. Whatever happens down the line is less important to Sarkozy at the moment.
The U.S. wants Hamas weakened AND a cease fire as soon as possible.
Hamas wants to go down as the Palestinian Hizbullah, and to improve the status quo ante - exclusive political control over Gaza, maintenance of its rocketing capabilities and arms smuggling, PLUS opening of the crossings.
Update on Diplomatic Initiatives
Officers of the EU Border Assistance Mission at Rafah at a Medal ceremony.
The mission has been on standby since June 9, 2007 (EU BAM Rafah)
Israel has agreed to setting up a "humanitarian corridor," which amounts to a daily, unilateral cease fire around Gaza City, between 1 and 4 pm. This will take some of the pressure off the Foreign Ministry as the diplomatic initiatives being discussed by various powers multiply.
The Israeli cabinet's deferral of a vote (Ha'aretz English) on expanding the ground operation must also be viewed as an attempt to show Israel's interest in a cease fire rather than the continuation of war. However, the conditions for a cease fire to go into effect are strict: an end to rocket fire and a commitment by the powers to combating the arms smuggling in a viable and proactive manner. It's unlikely that these prerequisites can be met soon. For one, Hamas's latest statement rejecting a permanent truce with Israel only serve to strengthen arguments against a cease fire. More importantly, the proposal to internationalize the struggle against the arms smuggling tunnels still faces Egyptian opposition. It will be difficult to arrive at a solution that significantly upgrades border security. No one will accept a return to the days when impotent EU monitors "observed" the Rafah crossing. Apparently, France and the U.S. are now cooperating to persuade Egypt to implement measures with teeth:
Meanwhile, the international diplomatic effort being led by the United States, France, Britain and Egypt is still focused on an initiative to deploy an international force of experts and troops that would assist Egyptian authorities in dealing with the tunnel system Hamas has built along the Philadelphi Route, which borders Sinai.
According to a political source in Jerusalem, France and the U.S. are working hard on Egypt to get it to agree to the initiative.
"If a solution is found, we will have no problem in immediately bringing the operation to an end," the Israeli source said (Ha'aretz).
Can the Egyptians be convinced that the internationalization of the crossings is in their best interest?
My sense is that the Egyptians themselves do not want the fighting to end yet, and are hoping for further attacks on Hamas's military forces and political infrastructure:
Meanwhile, Egypt denied on Tuesday a report that President Hosni Mubarak had told European ministers on a peace mission that Hamas must not be allowed to win the ongoing war in Gaza.
Haaretz reported on Tuesday that Mubarak made the comment on Monday to a visiting European Union delegation, which included several European foreign ministers. "If an Israeli newspaper published comments such as these, non-attributed, from a closed meeting, how credible can it be?" said Foreign Ministry spokesman Hossam Zaki (Ha'aretz).
Labels: Egypt, France, Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, negotiations, Sarkozy
Mubarak's Proposal
These are the details of the Mubarak proposal announced at Sharm, as reported in Ha'aretz. My translation / paraphrase with interspersed commentary follows.
ביום שני הציג סרקוזי לאולמרט יוזמה עליה שוחח עם שיא מצרים, חוסני מובארק, פירט אתמול את עיקרי הצעתו להפסקת האש המיידית בשארם א-שייח, שם נפגש עם נשיא צרפת, ניקולא סרקוזי. על פי ההצעה, ישראל והפלגים הפלשתיניים צריכים להסכים להפסקת אש מיידית לתקופה מוגבלת, שתאפשר מעבר בטוח לסיוע הומניטרי. מצרים תזמין גם את ישראל וגם את הפלשתינאים לפגישה דחופה שמטרתה להגיע להסדרים מידיים ולביטחונות שיבטיחו כי ההסלמה הנוכחית לא תישנה ולאחר מכן תזמין שוב את הרשות הפלשתינית ואת הפלגים הפלשתיניים כדי להגיב למאמציה להשגת פיוס לאומי.
With Sarkozy at his side, Mubarak announced his own proposal for an immediate cease fire. Under the proposal, Israel would have to agree on an immediate cease fire with the Palestinian factions for a limited period of time' that will put into effect a safe, humanitarian corridor. Egypt will also invite Israel and the Palestinians for an urgent meeting with the goal of arriving at immediate security arrangements that will guarantee that the present escalation will not be repeated. After that, it will again invite the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian factions in order to respond to its [i.e., the PA's - ?] efforts to achieve national reconciliation.
This version of the Egyptian proposal leaves a lot to be desired. It seems to give Hamas and the other "factions" equal representation at the negotiating table and would represent a victory in Hamas's struggle for legitimacy. I do not see why it should emerge from this fighting strengthened in this way. But it could be that the Egyptians are simply being careful and trying to manage a way to put the PA back in power - at least as far as the border crossings go. This is still not a viable solution.
The same article also discusses Sarkozy's plan for international engineering experts to be engaged on BOTH the Israeli and Egyptian sides of the border (where exactly? it's not clear whether this is talking about the Philadelphi corridor) to monitor Egyptian efforts to control the smuggling through tunnels. This sounds like a much weaker version of the proposal which would see the U.S. army engineering corps involved in destroying tunnels and making sure they stay that way. Thus, this option also does not seem feasible:
ביום שני הציג סרקוזי לאולמרט יוזמה עליה שוחח עם מובארק, לפיה יוקם מנגנון מיוחד של מומחי הנדסה שיפעל בצדו המצרי של הגבול ועוד מנגנון שיופעל בצד הישראלי. הכוח יפעל לצד כוחות הביטחון המצרים, ותפקידו יהיה לסייע אך גם לפקח ולעקוב אחרי הפעילות המצרית ולדווח על התקדמות הטיפול במנהרות. סרקוזי שביקר אתמול גם בדמשק, אמר בשיחה עם כתבים כי "הסכם הפסקת אש אינו רחוק".
But, read further on:
ביום שני הציג סרקוזי לאולמרט יוזמה עליה שוחח עם שלשום חשף "הארץ" את התוכנית המצרית כפי שהציגה מובארק. מקורות ערביים הדגישו כי ההצעה המצרית אינה אמורה לכלול את פתיחת מעבר רפיח, אלא לאחר הגעה להסכם שיאפשר נוכחות של כוחות הרשות במקום, או לחלופין של כוח בינלאומי. ההצעה המצרית גם אינה עוסקת במרחב הפעולה של החמאס סמוך לגבול עם ישראל. נציגי החמאס המשיכו אתמול לדון במתווה הפסקת האש עם אנשי המודיעין המצרי. הנציגים אמורים לשוב לדמשק ולהתייעץ עם צמרת הארגון.
"Arab sources" qualified the Egyptian proposal. First of all, it would not result in an opening the Rafah crossing. That's quite convenient for the Egyptians, who do not want Gazans pouring into Sinai and beyond. The Rafah crossing into Egypt would only be opened after an agreement that would allow the presence of Palestinian Authority forces on location. Basically, the PA would be re-inserted into the Gaza Strip, after having been expelled by Hamas. The other alternative: an international force. According to the source, the Egyptian proposal also doesn't address the area of operations for Hamas near the Israeli border. This could be the go-ahead for Israel to establish a security zone during the current round of fighting. Hamas representatives are currently meeting with Egyptian intelligence to sketch a cease fire agreement; they'll be heading back to Damascus for consultations with the leadership there.
Labels: Egypt, Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, negotiations, Sarkozy
A New Order for Gaza - Israel's Interests
Philadelphi Corridor
Current objectives:
1. Get the international community to force a settlement on Hamas under which it commits to a cessation of rocket attacks without preconditions.
2. Figure out a viable solution for the arms smuggling problem that involves credible powers who can be trusted to guarantee Israel's security.
"What to do about Hamas' arms smuggling currently appears to be the main sticking point holding up a cease-fire agreement. Israel is holding intensive talks with the United States in an effort to reach a deal that would be acceptable to Egypt. The proposals include sending in the U.S. Army's engineering corps to systematically destroy the entire Philadelphi Road, where the smuggling tunnels under the Gaza-Egypt border are located.
Three years ago, on the eve of the disengagement, then GOC Southern Command (and now Deputy Chief of Staff) Dan Harel proposed digging a canal the entire length of the Philadelphi Road to thwart the smuggling. At the time, his idea was dismissed as crazy. So Israel withdrew without any arrangements in place for Philadelphi, and the tunnels under the road became a smuggling superhighway for the rockets now being launched at Be'er Sheva, Ashdod and Gedera."
Source: Amos Harel in Ha'aretz.
In France, we read a slightly different spin on this option in Le Figaro
Plutôt que des observateurs, Israël serait prêt à accepter une force internationale active pour contrôler les 14 km de la frontière et éviter la reconstruction des tunnels détruits depuis le début de l'offensive militaire d'Israël à Gaza, il y a dix jours. Israël suggère que les Etats-Unis fournissent des troupes du génie chargées des tunnels. C'est une façon de remettre toute décision au 20 janvier, jour de l'investiture du président Barack Obama...
Il se trouve que le général James Jones, conseiller pour la sécurité nationale du nouveau président américain, a été chargé en novembre 2007 par Condoleezza Rice d'une mission sur les questions de sécurité liées aux négociations israélo-palestiniennes. L'ancien Chef d'état major des forces de l'Otan avait rédigé un rapport critique de l'armée israélienne et favorable au déploiement dans les territoires palestiniens d'une force internationale sous commandement de l'Otan. Cette idée pourrait bien devenir à l'ordre du jour.
The columnist seems to be arguing that Israel's insistence on having the U.S. play a lead role in a tunnel monitoring scenario is a way to delay the cease fire until January 20. This is silly. Of course the only acceptable solution for Israel would be one that puts the U.S. in a lead role. It's interesting that the writer then links these demands for a Gazan solution to James Jones's old report arguing for a NATO force in the West Bank. That's a pipe dream, and will not become "l'ordre du jour" anytime soon.
Means employed by Israel:
Weaken Hamas militarily and hold out possibility of utter devastation.
1. Hamas will not agree to any settlement.
2. Arms smuggling will not be curtailed even after measures are implemented.
3. IDF may prove unsuccesful in current operations on the ground, giving Hamas a public relations victory.
4. Settlement may end up legitimating Hamas rule and strengthen the organization in the international arena.
Labels: Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas
The Diplomatic Circus
Turkish PM Erdogan
Israel's "Operation Cast Lead" has generated a number of interesting diplomatic moves and rifts that give us some insights into the ambitions of various powers in the region.
Most remarkable have been Egypt's repeated pronouncements that Hamas itself is to blame for the crisis. The regime feels confident enought to withstand both foreign and domestic pressure, even as Nasrallah has castigated Mubarak for his alleged support of Israel. It is clear that Egypt wants Hamas weakened and is willing to tolerate large numbers of Palestinian casualties for this to happen. Egypt is asserting itself as the power broker in the Israeli-Gazan conflict, and making both the Iranians and Syrians look like idle talkers. The message to Hamas: we are your only road to salvation.
The Jordanians are looking on quietly, hoping that the Israelis finish the job quickly, with as few Palestinian casualties as possible. They seem more antsy than the Egyptians about the operation's implications for them.
Among the Europeans, the French have played the most visible role in efforts to achieve a cease fire. Until now, their efforts have not achieved very much on the ground. Although Sarkozy has blamed Hamas for the eruption of violence, he has also tried to push for a quick end to the fighting. I am not sure what exactly France is up to. My sense is that Sarkozy is trying to seize an opportunity for France to establish another foothold in the Israeli-Arab conflict. Unlike the Egyptians, the French do not seem to place as high a priority on weakening Hamas. It is possible that they may even support a partial legitimization of the Hamas government in Gaza, which would be achieved through an insertion of French monitors at the Philadelphi corridor, to guard against the militarization of the Strip via underground tunnels.
I am not sure how the Egyptians are responding to these moves. However it may be packaged, such international monitors on the Egyptian side of the border represent an affront to Egyptian sovereignty. Furthermore, Egypt may well want to keep some weapons against Israel in its arsenal, by preserving the option of turning a blind eye to Hamas or other Palestinian smuggling.
One can be sure that the Germans are watching France's high-profile diplomacy very carefully. Meanwhile, Angela Merkel is probably pursuing German objectives with a little more tact and efficacy than Sarkozy.
The other regional power that has made headlines since the Gaza operation began is Turkey. Erdogan's condemnations of Israel have been especially damning. They seem to reflect Turkish public opinion but they are also, likely, connected to Turkey's efforts to mediate between Syria and Israel. Turkey has invested significantly in the Syrian track and sees the current conflict as a blow against its efforts and its standing in the Arab world. The Turks have also long sought a normalization of Hamas's rule over Gaza - I am not sure why this has been important to them (ideological reasons?).
Qatar, as usual, is using the opportunity to strike blows at the Saudis, who are very quietly toeing the Egyptian-Jordanian-American line.
For the U.S. and Israel the priority is that Hamas emerge visibly weakened from "Operation Cast Lead." Whatever cease fire emerges must look quite different also from the Lebanese solution. Peace Now cannot mean War Tomorrow.
More on that in a future post.
Labels: Egypt, Europe, Gaza, Gaza War 2008/09, Hamas, Jordan, Sarkozy, Saudi Arabia, Turkey
Much of my thinking about the current operation has been guided by a hidden axiom, that Israel cannot, under any circumstances, reoccupy the Gaza Strip. I am starting to think that this premise was mistaken. The time has come for a ground operation that commits enough forces to the task of defeating Hamas.
As I read the editorials by commentators advocating a return to the tahadiyeh or cease fire, I am growing increasingly convinced that they are too optimistic about the possibility of reaching a durable accommodation with Hamas. Furthermore, in their desire to avert a ground operation by the IDF, some of these commentators are drawing imaginary red lines that have long been crossed. Thus, Steven Klein writes that
If the rockets continue, Israel would be free of the restraint dilemma it has confronted since the dawn of the Oslo era, while Hamas would emerge as the sole party responsible for the continuation of hostilities. Israel would then enjoy more support from its allies for subsequent military operations.
But isn't this what the disengagement from Gaza was supposed to accomplish? Has Hamas not had opportunities to accumulate goodwill by ending its terrorist activities? What has really prevented the organization from ceasing its attacks on Israel? If Hamas were truly interested in peace with Israel, it would have found a way to demonstrate the sincerity of its intentions. It is time to stop supplying Hamas with excuses. Just like Hizbullah, Hamas will always find some reasons for continuing the armed struggle - border crossings, prisoner exchanges, lifting of restrictions in the West Bank, and the list goes on. And if met, each one of these preconditions for peace will further erode Israel's position vis-a-vis Hamas, as unfortunately, the Gaza evacuation did.
The truth is that Hamas has very little to offer Gazans other than a continuation of the "resistance" against Israel. Let's face it, Gaza is a demographic, environmental, and economic catastrophe. Plus, Hamas's Iranian and Syrian backers have no interest in removing this thorn in Israel's side. What then could another cease fire, along the lines of the previous one, possibly accomplish? I think it would simply delay the inevitable future showdown.
The problem is that the longer an organization like Hamas stays in power and the more legitimacy it gets, the more difficult it will be to remove it from power once it becomes clear that it doesn't have an interest in ever normalizing relations with Israel.
Thus, I think Israel has no option but to put all its resources toward crushing Hamas. This means putting boots on the ground - and a lot of them. I know that many people say that a "defeat" of Hamas is impossible. I agree that it's difficult. But I'm thinking about Russia's invasion of Georgia. Saakashvili was seriously weakened and will most likely lose the upcoming elections. Georgia's military power is destroyed. It will take decades before Georgia ever challenges Russia again. Even worse, it has probably lost Abkhazia and South Ossetia for good.
The Russians exited Georgia at their own pace, with a cease fire agreement that represented a clear victory for them. On paper and on the ground, the current Georgian regime was utterly defeated. Russia and its allies accomplished this with utter ruthlessness, decimating the Georgian army even once the initial Georgian assault had been repulsed, and not showing very much consideration for civilians either. We don't know how many forces the Russians lost, but the casualties they endured were not insignificant. But could anyone say that it was not worth it for Russia? Has the Georgian war undermined Russia's legitimacy anymore than Putin already had? It is true that today Russia is in trouble, but its problems now have far more to do with the global economic crisis than the after-effects of the war with Georgia.
It is true that innocent Palestinian civilians will die, if there is a ground operation. But no state can be expected to show more concern for the welfare of its enemy's civilian population than for the lives of its own people. Israel is not embarking on a quest to secure more land or resources for Israeli civilians; it wants only to protect its citizens from daily rocket attacks.
Everyone asks what will happen on the day after an invasion of the Gaza Strip. Ideally, Israel will leave Gaza with a durable peace agreement, based on ideological commitments and facts on the ground. If that proves unattainable, Israel will have to contemplate ruling Gaza again, in a similar manner in which it controls the West Bank, minus the settlers.
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text:
Special Subjects /
Recreational Drugs and Intoxicants /
Marijuana /
Body Packing and Body Stuffing
Injection Drug Use
Wernicke Encephalopathy
Korsakoff Psychosis
Misuse of Antianxiety Medications and Sedatives
Gamma Hydroxybutyrate
Ketamine and Phencyclidine (PCP)
Marijuana, Synthetic
Methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA)
Other Commonly Abused Substances
Volatile Nitrites
Volatile Solvents
(Cannabis)
Gerald F. O'Malley
, DO, Grand Strand Regional Medical Center;
Rika O'Malley
, MD, Grand Strand Medical Center
Full review/revision Dec 2022
Marijuana (cannabis) is a drug made from the plants Cannabis sativa and Cannabis indica that contain a psychoactive chemical called delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC).
Marijuana produces a dreamy state, a sense of well-being, and distorted perceptions.
People can develop psychologic dependence when they use marijuana for a long period of time.
Stopping the drug causes only mild symptoms.
Marijuana can be detected in urine for days to weeks after it was used.
Treatment involves counseling, which is effective only when people are motivated to stop.
(See also Marijuana, Synthetic Marijuana, Synthetic Cannabis is a term for marijuana. Tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) is the main active ingredient in marijuana. Synthetic cannabinoids are man-made drugs that are similar to THC. They are usually sprayed... read more and Drug Use and Abuse Overview of Substance-Related Disorders Medications and other substances, whether used for legitimate medical purposes, as a habit (for example, caffeine), or recreationally, are an integral part of everyday life for many people ... read more .)
Marijuana (cannabis) use is widespread in the United States; typically, marijuana is used periodically without evidence of social or mental health issues.
In the United States, marijuana is commonly smoked in the form of cigarettes (joints) made from the stems, leaves, and flowering tops of the dried plant (Cannabis sativa or Cannabis indica). Marijuana is also used as hashish, the pressed resin (tarry substance) of the plant. The legalization of marijuana has led to a market for products that can be eaten and vaporized in e-cigarettes. There are also a variety of forms that can be applied to the skin as tinctures, lotions, or sprays.
The active ingredient of marijuana is delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). Dronabinol, a synthetic form of delta-9-THC, is used to relieve nausea and vomiting caused by chemotherapy drugs and to enhance appetite in people with AIDS.
Most people use marijuana intermittently and without developing noticeable social or psychologic dysfunction or dependence. However, some people become dependent on marijuana.
Symptoms of Marijuana Intoxication
Marijuana causes immediate and sometimes long-term symptoms.
Immediate effect
Marijuana slows brain activity, producing a dreamy state in which ideas seem disconnected and free-flowing. It is mildly psychedelic, causing time, color, and spatial perceptions to distort and be enhanced. Colors may seem brighter, and sounds may seem louder. The sense of euphoria and relaxation is called a high.
Marijuana generally relieves tension and provides a sense of well-being. The sense of exaltation, excitement, and inner joyousness (a high) seems to be related to the setting in which the drug is taken—such as whether the person is alone or in a group and what the prevailing mood is.
Coordination, reaction time, depth perception, and concentration may be impaired for 24 hours after marijuana use, so driving or operating heavy equipment is dangerous during this time. Other effects include an increased heart rate, bloodshot eyes, increased appetite, and dry mouth. These effects usually last 4 to 6 hours after inhalation.
Some people, especially those who have not used marijuana before, experience anxiety or feel panicky or paranoid. Marijuana may worsen or trigger psychosis (loss of contact with reality) in people with schizophrenia Schizophrenia Schizophrenia is a mental disorder characterized by loss of contact with reality (psychosis), hallucinations (usually, hearing voices), firmly held false beliefs (delusions), abnormal thinking... read more .
People who use large quantities of marijuana for a long time may develop breathing problems such as
Increased phlegm
Abdominal pain and cyclic vomiting syndrome
However, people who smoke marijuana do not develop obstructive airway disease, even those who smoke daily. There is no evidence of increased risk of head and neck or airway cancers, as there is with tobacco.
Recent studies suggest that marijuana use begun in adolescence can lead to cognitive impairment and changes in the brain.
Cannabinoid hyperemesis is a recently described syndrome in which long-time users of marijuana have alternating bouts of nausea and vomiting. The syndrome usually resolves within 48 hours. Taking hot baths provides some relief and is the biggest clue for doctors to diagnose the condition.
Some studies show that women who smoke marijuana are less likely to conceive. Those who become pregnant may have smaller babies than nonusers, but the effect seems small. Delta-9-THC passes into breast milk, but no harmful effects have been detected in babies. Nonetheless, women who are pregnant, trying to get pregnant, or breastfeeding are advised not to use marijuana.
Men who smoke marijuana frequently have a reduced sperm count, resulting in a possible decrease in fertility.
Marijuana is eliminated from the body slowly over several weeks, so withdrawal symptoms tend to be mild. After a few weeks of heavy, frequent use, abruptly stopping causes symptoms that begin about 12 hours later and last up to 7 days. Symptoms include
Diagnosis of Marijuana Intoxication
A urine test can detect THC for several days or weeks after it is used, even in casual users. In regular users, the test may detect the drug for even longer while the drug is slowly released from body fat. Urine testing is an effective means of identifying marijuana use, but a positive result means only that a person has used marijuana. It does not prove that the user is currently impaired (intoxicated).
Treatment of Marijuana Intoxication
Observation and monitoring until the person is sober
Counseling and drug treatment
For people who want to stop using marijuana, counseling, behavior modification, and drug treatment programs may be helpful. However, success relies heavily on their motivation to stop and, for some users, on their willingness to disassociate from their social circle of regular users.
Some chronic users of marijuana develop cyclic vomiting syndrome (recurrent nausea and vomiting). Doctors may treat this with IV fluids, antinausea medications, and sometimes capsaicin creams rubbed on the abdomen.
Narcotics Anonymous World Services: Helps people combat addiction, regardless of the substance that caused it, through a 12-step program similar to that used by Alcoholics Anonymous.
National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA): Marijuana-specific information from the federal agency that supports scientific research into the drug's use and its consequences.
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA): US Department of Health agency that leads public health efforts to improve behavioral health and provides resources, including treatment locators, toll-free helplines, practitioner training tools, statistics, and publications on a variety of substance-related topics.
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The Dunder Mifflin crew rolls the dice and gives us the high-stakes moment we've been waiting for.
After fighting to stay on the air following a ratings-challenged first season, "The Office" made an amazing comeback during Season 2, turning from a little-watched cult favorite into a bona fide hit for NBC. Some credit is due star (and Golden Globe winner) Steve Carell, whose turn in last summer's "40-Year-Old Virgin" brought the show lots of new fans. But watching the show develop this season was like watching a butterfly emerge from its cocoon. It's not that the writing improved between the two seasons -- it has always been strong -- or that Carell ramped up his shtick, but through the fall and into the spring, the show cast off the last vestiges of the BBC show it was originally based on and found its wings.
One happy consequence was that as the season progressed, we got to see the show morph into an ensemble production, showcasing the comic gifts of the actors in smaller roles. We learned that Kevin (Brian Baumgartner) is both a poker champion and a drummer in a Police cover band called Scrantonicity, that Oscar (Oscar Nunez) is gay, and that Dwight (Rainn Wilson) and super-uptight Angela (Angela Kinsey) are having a fling.
But "The Office" is really about Jim and Pam, and it always has been. Yes, Carell is great as the shallow, needy, cringe-inducing boss Michael Scott; yes, Dwight, with his gym teacher glasses, never ceases to annoy (Wilson was similarly wacko as Arthur on "Six Feet Under"). But the relationship between Jim (John Krasinski) and Pam (Jenna Fischer) -- their sweet inside jokes, loyalty and flirtatiousness, their shared devotion to distraction and mischief, and the obvious sexual frisson -- provides the show's main narrative arc. Dwight's dalliance with Angela seems tacked on in comparison, and Michael's relationship with his boss, Jan Levinson (Melora Hardin), is more confusing than compelling -- what does she see in this guy? (It's a question she asks herself during the finale, but can't really bring herself to answer.) When it comes down to it, we all want to know what's going to happen with Jim and Pam, even if any hope of outright romance seems to be doomed.
The season closer on Thursday night, written by Carell, really came through on the Pam and Jim front. In it, everyone gathers for the big Dunder Mifflin Casino Night charity fundraiser, though it's ultimately never decided to which charity the money will actually go. (Michael wants it to go to the Boy Scouts -- they need help because "they don't have cookies like the Girl Scouts.") The risk-taking theme is pretty obvious: Michael risks his pride by asking out his real-estate agent, Carol Stills (Nancy Walls, who's married to Carell); Jan risks her self-esteem by driving two hours to attend the fundraiser and to hang out with Michael (who by then has another date); but the real risk is taken by Jim, who finally gathers the wherewithal -- call it guts, selfishness or honesty -- to tell Pam that he loves her.
There was plenty of buildup to the big ending in the 40-minute episode. With Pam's help, Jim manages to convince Dwight that he has telekinetic powers, and there's a great scene in which Jim and Pam watch the cheeseball audition tapes from wedding bands that Pam's fiancé, Roy (James Denton), has neglected to look at. It underscores the whole weird dynamic of their romance. Pam still seems blissfully unaware of the impact of her own words when she tells the camera afterward, "Jim is great. Being with him just takes away all the stress of planning my wedding." Pam's total cluelessness about her true feelings for Jim is one of the major dramatic engines powering the show.
"I'm really sorry if that's weird for you to hear, but I need you to hear it."
Watching Jim's face through the scene, you can't help feeling sorry for the guy, and Pam almost makes you hate her when she says Jim just "misinterpreted things." But then, just when you're about ready to write her off, Pam is back in the office, talking to her mom on the phone about what has just happened. Suddenly, Jim saunters in -- you have to admire his persistence here -- and plants a big one on her. She tenses up at first, but then returns the kiss with a passion that says this is the moment she's been waiting for, too. The show ends with the two of them looking at each other with a mixture of elation and confusion: Now what?


Living in California my whole life (except a very short stint in Spain when I was 15 that I like to claim), I've spent many, many hours on I-5 – the major highway connecting northern and southern California. When we lived in LA, we took the drive north to visit my aunt and then (many, many times) to move ourselves up there when I was six. For the next twenty years, I drove south to visit family (and the delicious Jewish delis and bakeries that are so beloved by my family). And finally my guy and I drove south a number of times from the Bay Area to hunt for jobs and apartments just a few years ago. Now, I'm back on the southern end and driving north again.
If there's one thing people think of when they drive I-5 in California, it's the smelly cows along the highway. While many associate this with Harris Ranch, there's actually so much more, including a great hotel complete with pool, restaurants, and an amazingly friendly-staff.
Considering the ranch is smack dab in the middle of California's Central Valley with agriculture as far as the eyes can see, this hotel really is an oasis. The grounds are beautifully kept with vibrant colors around every turn. The olympic-size pool and the three jacuzzi spas are perfect day or night. And the rooms are quite comfortable, giving you everything you need to relax.
And to seal the deal on my stamp of approval – the food is pretty phenomenal! There are actually three restaurants on site to suit your every need. The Harris Ranch Kitchen offers breakfast, lunch, and dinner. The portions are hearty and filling. And I highly recommend ordering almond pancakes for the table! The Horseshoe Bar is a full bar that offers food from their kitchen, starting a little later. And the Steakhouse is a their upscale restaurant open only for dinner. Just as the name implies, the Steakhouse primarily features their delicious beef cuts. But the crab cakes were a delight!
The food is delicious and I love that the restaurants serve only Harris Ranch beef, fruits, vegetables, and nuts all grown on their land in addition to baking their own breads, pies, cookies, and pastries each day! Talk about a one stop shop!
Make sure to see all of my California Travel recommendations (big city and country alike)!


text:
Johann Georg Adam Graf von Starhemberg (seit 1765 Fürst) (* 10. August 1724 in London; † 19. April 1807 in Wien) war ein österreichischer Diplomat, Minister und Obersthofmeister und enger Vertrauter von Maria Theresia.

Frühe Jahre
Georg Adam stammte aus der Adelsfamilie Starhemberg und war der fünfte Sohn des kaiserlichen Gesandten Konrad Sigmund Graf von Starhemberg und der Gräfin Maria Leopoldine, Tochter von Maximilian Karl von Löwenstein-Wertheim-Rochefort. Taufpate war der britische König Georg I. Er verlor früh seinen Vater. Neben der Mutter spielte der Großonkel, der spätere Finanzminister Gundaker Thomas Starhemberg, für seine Ausbildung und Erziehung eine wichtige Rolle. Er absolvierte schließlich seine Grand Tour zu den Höfen und Hauptstädten Europas.

Georg Adam von Starhemberg trat 1742 in den Staatsdienst ein und wurde 1748 bereits Reichshofrat. 1744 war er in Leipzig Mitglied der Freimaurerloge Minerva zu den drei Palmen geworden. Im Jahr 1747 heiratete er seine Cousine Theresia Gräfin Starhemberg. Diese starb bereits 1749 bei der Geburt einer Tochter. Auch diese verstarb noch im Kindesalter.

Diplomat
Nach dem Frieden von Aachen 1748 wurde er Kammerherr bei Erzherzog Joseph. Er wurde 1750 anlässlich des Todes des portugiesischen Königs Johann V. nach Lissabon entsandt. Außerdem versuchte er ein Handelsabkommen für Triest zu erreichen. Im Jahr 1752 wurde er Gesandter in Madrid. Im Sommer 1752 reiste er nach Paris. Dort wurde der dortige kaiserliche Gesandte Wenzel Anton Kaunitz auf ihn aufmerksam.

Im Jahr 1754 wechselte Georg Adam von Starhemberg nach Paris. Dort war er in den folgenden zwölf Jahren Gesandter. Er trug dabei zur Annäherung zwischen Österreich und Frankreich bei. Starhemberg wirkte vor allem durch die Madame de Pompadour auf König Ludwig XV. ein. Insbesondere war er am Zustandekommen des Vertrags von Versailles von 1756 beteiligt. Kurze Zeit später war es erneut vor allem Starhemberg zu verdanken, dass Frankreich Österreich in einem weiteren Vertrag auch materiell im Kampf gegen Preußen im Siebenjährigen Krieg unterstützte. Angesichts der wechselnden Kriegslage musste Starhemberg immer stärker gegen die Friedenspartei am französischen Hof ankämpfen. Am Pariser Friede von 1763 war Starhemberg nur mittelbar beteiligt.

Als Dank erhielt er den Titel eines kaiserlichen Botschafters. Im Jahr 1759 wurde er in den Orden vom Goldenen Vlies aufgenommen. Starhemberg wurde 1765 in den erbländischen und in den Reichsfürstenstand erhoben. In Paris verhandelte er erfolgreich über eine künftige Heirat zwischen Marie-Antoinette und dem Herzog von Berry den späteren Ludwig XVI.

Bereits 1761 hatte er Maria Franziska Josefa von Salm-Salm geheiratet. Aus der Ehe ging mit dem Sohn Ludwig bald ein Erbe hervor.

Minister
Wenzel Anton Kaunitz gelang es seinen Vertrauten Starhemberg als Staats- und Konferenzminister für die inländischen Angelegenheiten in den Staatsrat zu holen. Eine enge Beziehung hatte Starhemberg bis zu ihrem Tod zu Maria Theresia. Mit dieser stand er in einer geheimen politischen Korrespondenz und Starhemberg war gehalten zu jedem politischen Ereignis seine Meinung offen zu sagen. Nach der Lektüre haben beide Seiten die Briefe verbrannt.

Starhemberg wurde 1767 mit dem Großkreuz des St. Stephanordens ausgezeichnet. Im Jahr 1770 begleitete er als kaiserlicher Kommissar Marie-Antoinette auf ihrer Brautfahrt nach Straßburg. Auf private Einladung des französischen Königs reiste Starhemberg nach Paris um der Hochzeit beizuwohnen. Später erhielt er von Marie-Antoinette ein großes Gemälde mit ihrem Abbild, das er in Ehren hielt.

Im selben Jahr wurde er bevollmächtigter Minister in den österreichischen Niederlanden. Dort leitete er für den Generalstatthalter Karl Alexander von Lothringen die Verwaltung. Dies geschah auf Veranlassung Kaiser Josephs, der so Starhemberg aus der Nähe der Kaiserin und von Kaunitz entfernen wollte. Joseph war von Starhemberg enttäuscht, weil dieser sich nicht zu einem politischen Werkzeug machen lassen wollte und auch verschiedene Reformvorhaben ablehnte.

Obwohl Joseph versuchte, die Kompetenzen Starhembergs einzuschränken, setzte er verschiedene Projekte um, darunter die Gründung einer Akademie der Wissenschaften. Insgesamt war die Lage in den Niederlanden zu dieser Zeit recht günstig. Seine Vorgänger wie Johann Karl Philipp Graf Cobenzl hatten bereits die grundlegenden Reformen geschaffen. Die ökonomische Lage besserte sich und das Land erlebte einen kulturellen Aufschwung. Starhemberg tat nun alles um diese Entwicklung zu verstetigen. Besonders wichtig war ihm der Kampf gegen die Armut und das Bettlerwesen. Er brachte die Städte dazu Obdachlosenheime zu bauen. Starhemberg fügte sich gut in das politische Leben der österreichischen Niederlande ein. Den Ständen gab er das Gefühl der Mitsprache ohne die politische Initiative tatsächlich aus der Hand zu geben. Auch das Verhältnis zum Generalstatthalter war problemlos. Beide verband das Interesse an Wissenschaft und Kunst. Starhemberg lebte vor allem auf Schloss Meudon in der Nähe von Brüssel. Dort konnte er 1781 auch Kaiser Joseph empfangen. Neben seiner Amtstätigkeit widmete er sich dort der Kunst und seiner Sammelleidenschaft.

Während des Amerikanischen Unabhängigkeitskrieges bemühte sich Starhemberg um Handelsbeziehungen mit den entstehenden Vereinigten Staaten. Mehrfache Rücktrittsgesuche wegen der Ungunst Josephs lehnte die Kaiserin ab. Das gute Einvernehmen mit dem Statthalter führten dazu, dass dieser ihm wegen einer schweren Krankheit 1780 vertretungsweise die Statthalter in den Niederlanden übergab. Starhemberg übergab das Amt nach dem Tod von Karl von Lothringen an Albert Kasimir von Sachsen-Teschen.

Auch nach dem Tod von Maria Theresia behielt Starhemberg seinen Posten als bevollmächtigter Minister. Joseph II. war bestrebt, die Regierung der österreichischen Niederlande von Wien aus zu lenken. Das Statthalterpaar spielte kaum eine politische Rolle und auch Starhembergs Ratschläge und Ideen wurden in Wien nicht gehört.

Obersthofmeister
Starhemberg blieb bis 1783 in Brüssel. Danach erhielt er den Titel des ersten Obersthofmeisters und Obersten sämtlicher Leibgarden des Kaisers. Obwohl pro forma das höchste Hofamt, hielt der Kaiser Starhemberg von der Politik weitgehend fern. Dessen Aufgaben beschränkten sich auf das Repräsentative.

Im Jahr 1783 übertrug Johann Graf von Starhemberg gegen eine Geldrente seine Besitzungen an Georg Adam von Starhemberg. Dieser hat seine Besitzungen mit Erfolg verwaltet und weiter vermehrt. Er ließ das Schloss Alterlaa bei Wien prachtvoll umbauen und einen Park anlegen. Das Schloss Hebattendorf ließ er vollenden und das Schloss in Eferding wiederherstellen und neu einrichten. Die Bibliothek des Schlosses hat er stark erweitert. In Wien bewohnte er das Stadtpalais der Familie am Minoritenplatz. Den Palast nutzte er auch für seine Amtspflichten. So hatte er in Vertretung des Kaisers zahlreiche ausländische Gesandte und in Wien weilende fremde Würdenträger zu empfangen. Daher ließ er auch dieses Gebäude prachtvoll ausstatten. Die Winter verbrachte er meist in Wien, im Sommer und im Herbst lebte er häufig in seinen Schlössern. In Wien war er seit 1784 auch Besitzer des Freihaus auf der Wieden, wo von 1787 bis 1801 das Freihaustheater bestand.

Als der Kaiser 1790 aus Gesundheitsgründen sich nicht in der Lage sah, die Regierung weiter persönlich zu führen, richtete er einen kleinen Konferenzrat ein, der die wichtigsten Regierungsgeschäfte führte. Diesem gehörte neben vier anderen Personen auch Starhemberg an.

Nach dem Tod Josephs bestätigte ihn Leopold II. in seinem Amt als Obersthofmeister. Als Konferenzminister nahm er an Beratungen wegen eines möglichen Krieges gegen Preußen teil. Als Charles de Artois und andere französische Emigranten 1791 nach Wien kamen, wurden sie von Starhemberg bei Hofe eingeführt. Allerdings stand er deren Wünschen nach einem Krieg gegen das revolutionäre Frankreich skeptisch gegenüber. Nach dem Tod Leopolds II. bestätigte sein Nachfolger Franz I. Starhemberg in seinem Amt als Obersthofkanzler.

Den Kriegskurs von Johann Amadeus Franz von Thugut lehnten Starhemberg und andere vergeblich ab. Als Napoleon 1797 vor Wien stand, organisierte Starhemberg die Übersiedlung der Regierung und des Hofes nach Prag. Der Kaiser beauftragte Starhemberg auch mit einem Gutachten über einen möglichen Friedensschluss. In der Folge spielte er außer seinen Repräsentationspflichten keine nennenswerte politische Rolle mehr.

Literatur

 A. Graf Thürheim: Ludwig Fürst Starhemberg. Eine Lebensskizze. Graz 1889, S. 165–200.
 Reinalter, Helmut: Freimaurer und Geheimbünde im 18. Jahrhundert in Mitteleuropa. Frankfurt am Main 1983, S. 191.
 Förster, Otto Werner: Matrikel der Freimaurerloge Minerva zu den drei Palmen in Leipzig. Leipzig 2004.

Einzelnachweise

Minister (Habsburgermonarchie vor 1804)
Obersthofmeister
Mitglied des Reichshofrates
Kämmerer (Habsburgermonarchie)
Botschafter (Habsburgermonarchie vor 1804)
Österreichischer Botschafter in Portugal
Österreichischer Botschafter in Spanien
Österreichischer Botschafter in Frankreich
Ritter des Ordens vom Goldenen Vlies (Österreich, 18. Jahrhundert)
Träger des k.u. Sankt Stephans-Ordens (Großkreuz)
Freimaurer (Österreich)
Freimaurer (Deutschland)
Freimaurer (18. Jahrhundert)
Freimaurer (19. Jahrhundert)
Person (Österreichische Niederlande)
Georg Adam
Georg Adam
Geboren 1724
Gestorben 1807
Mann

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Woodland Way is a "Family Affair" news segment WNEP | Woodland Way | We love kids. We love stories. We love stories for kids.
CLARKS SUMMIT — Inside a home in Clarks Summit, something special is happening.
"Our mission is to publish books that promote things like kindness, respect, empathy, resilience, and laughter. I think that those five particular values are really important for a growing family and for parents to share with their children," said Sarah Dawgert, co-founder of Woodland Way.
Sarah Dawgert and Jim McVety are parents turned publishers. They started Woodland Way in 2015 and run the business from their home.
This isn't just any publishing company.
It truly is a family affair. The McVety kids — Owen, Anna, and Maya — help with editing, putting together cards, and more.
And Sarah Dawgert's sister is an author and illustrator of some of the books.
"'Even in my Monster Hat' was written for my daughter Anna who is a quiet but very strong person, and the book was really written for her in mind," Dawgert said.
Each book here has a special message.
"It's about being who you are, being true to yourself, so we really honor kids who are quiet. We honor anyone who has emotions, so long as you're genuine and authentic, then that's what makes you special," McVety explained.
Woodland Way has published six children's books with more on the way. There are cards, prints, and games, too.
"We'd love to expand more, maybe take on some more authors and illustrators, and just sort of see where it takes us," said Dawgert.
For more information on Woodland Way, click here.