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The Cost of Inequality: How wealth and income extremes hurt us all
Thomas Piketty, the future of capitalism
and the theory of distribution: a review essay
Tony Aspromourgos
Centro Sraffa Working Papers
[online]
Tony Aspromourgos*
This essay reviews Thomas Piketty's Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2014). The
focus is upon the conceptual framework and theoretical interpretation of the empirical
findings assembled in the book, rather than those empirical findings themselves (which
are, in any case, broadly incontestable). The core theoretical logic of the distributional
dynamics is explained and subjected to scrutiny with respect to the theory of
distribution in particular, but also the theory of growth.
Keywords: classical economics, functional distribution, Keynesian economics, Piero
Sraffa
JEL codes: B51, D31, D33, E12
If one were to suggest an appropriate epigraph for Thomas Piketty's new book, David
Ricardo's famous statement in the Preface to his Principles of Political Economy and
Taxation (1951 [1817], p. 5) might be a worthy candidate: '[t]o determine the laws
which regulate … distribution, is the principal problem in Political Economy'.1 One
might also offer the title of book I of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations (1976 [1776], p.
13): 'Of the Causes of Improvement in the productive Powers of Labour, and of the
Order according to which its Produce is naturally distributed among the different Ranks
of the People'. In short, Piketty's book revives the great macro-historical issues of
classical economics; in particular, the long-run dynamics of economic growth, income
distribution and the interrelations between the two. And the author makes clear his
disenchantment with the priorities of contemporary, mainstream academic economics,
The author is indebted to Heinz Kurz and Graham White for advice, without thereby implicating them
in the final product.
Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press, 2014); translated by Arthur Goldhammer, from Le Capital au XXI Siècle (Éditions du
Seuil, 2013); pp. ix + 685; ISBN 978-0-674-43000-6. As a matter of fact, the Introduction to the book
does have an epigraph, drawn from the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen (1; cf. 630,
n. 20).
in terms of its substantive scope and concerns, as well as the methods and theoretical
constructs that dominate it (15–16, 31–33; cf. 267, 296, 437, 514 on economists, and
636, n. 20 on the Economist magazine). The penultimate section of the last chapter of
the book offers a description of what good economics, embedded in wider social
science, should look like (573–5).
The central theme is the dynamics of income and wealth distribution since the
eighteenth century, with the evolving relation between the GDP growth rate and the
average rate of return on non-human wealth or income-earning property understood as
the crucial factor. Importantly, anything akin to mechanical determinacy of
distributional outcomes is explicitly eschewed. There is intrinsic contingency as a
consequence of contending forces in the distributional dynamics; and the role, both
actual and legitimate, of politics and policy in shaping distributional outcomes is
vigorously affirmed (20–27, 69–71,234, 237, 255, 576–7). A world of 'fully guaranteed
property rights' and '"purer and more perfect" competition' cannot ensure desirable
distributional outcomes (30); the tendency towards rising inequality 'has nothing to do
with any market imperfection' (27; cf. 96, 370, 423–4, 512). Due to limitations of data
availability the empirical focus is on France, Germany, Great Britain, Japan and the
United States (27–8), though by no means limited to those countries, and to some
extent, the book has a global scope.
It is first and foremost a very large-scale empirical study, embodying the highest
standards of which such scholarship, in application to wealth and income distribution, is
capable (given the data limitations), and drawing upon results from research
collaborations with many other scholars, over a long period (vii–viii, 17–19). But the
book is also informed by theory, and to a certain extent, constitutes a challenge to
conventional economic theory. Our focus in what follows is the conceptual framework
and theoretical interpretation of the empirical findings assembled in the book, rather
than those empirical findings themselves. The latter are, in any case, broadly
incontestable.
2. THE CORE DISTRIBUTIONAL DYNAMICS
The core logic of Piketty's analysis is built around two fundamental equations. First,
there is an identity linking ratios of the aggregate stock of 'capital' (K), aggregate net
income (Y) and aggregate nonwage income (R), at the level of national economies:
K/Y = (R/Y)/(R/K) (1)
β = α/r (2)
where β, α and r are, respectively, the ratio of aggregate 'capital' to income, the share of
nonwage income in that income, and the aggregate ratio of nonwage income to 'capital',
the latter called 'the rate of return on capital' (52–5). It is to be emphasized that the
'capital' of Piketty's title is not actually capital in the strict economic sense:
capital is defined as the sum total of nonhuman assets that can be owned and
exchanged on some market … [It] includes all forms of real property (including
residential real estate) as well as financial and professional capital (plants,
infrastructure, machinery, patents, and so on). (46)
It includes also natural resources and is defined net of financial liabilities (45–50, 113).
But it does not incorporate any durable consumption goods other than housing and
'valuables' as defined in the international standards for national accounts – 'items such
as works of art, jewelry, and precious metals' – and Piketty's empirical evidence shows
that the value of the latter assets, together, amount to only between thirty-five and sixty
per cent of aggregate income in recent decades (179–80).
Piketty's fundamental empirical finding is that the behaviours of β and α over the last
two centuries are described by U-shaped curves, but with the former's U-shape more
pronounced due to the intervention of the behaviour of r (199–203, 216). Since rising β
is interpreted as the normal tendency of capitalist dynamics, the decline and bottoming
out of β expresses a sort of interregnum, centred on the three decades after World War
Two (but with roots stretching back to World War One). Where there are difficulties in
the way of accurately measuring the nonwage income share directly, Piketty in those
situations suggests determining α by recourse to an independently determined measure
of β, combined with a 'plausible' r (five per cent being his general, average figure for
the latter), so that α becomes a mere artefact of β and r (53, 204). As he observes
elsewhere, equation (2) can be viewed 'as a definition of the share of capital in national
income (or of the rate of return on capital, depending on which parameter is easiest to
measure)' (169; emphasis added). His empirical results lead him to the conclusion that
'[t]he pure rate of return to capital is roughly stable around 4–5 percent in the long run'
(202) – this 'pure' rate being, not a riskless rate, but rather an aggregate average rate net
of an estimate of informal capital management costs (205–08).
The second of the two fundamental equations links β also with saving and growth
rates, but unlike the first equation, is only supposed as valid 'in the long run':
β = s/g (3)
where s is characterized as saving net of depreciation as a proportion of national income
(593, n. 2) and g is the growth rate of national income. The rationalization is as follows.
If the level of aggregate net private saving in a given time-period (St) is identified with
the change in the capital stock over that period (∆Kt), then:
∆Kt/∆Yt = (St/Yt)/(∆Yt/Yt)] = st/gt (4)
where ∆Yt is the change in Y in period t. If this is then equated with the capital-income
ratio (βt):
Kt/Yt = ∆Kt/∆Yt (5)
∆Yt/Yt = ∆Kt/Kt (6)
So equation (3) is strictly valid only on the supposition of a stationary β – or a steady-
state growth path in the sense of equation (6). Or it can be interpreted as an 'asymptotic
law' determining the value to which β converges in the limit, for given values of s, g,
stable over time:
Kt+1 = Kt + St (7)
Letting Yt+1 equal (1+gt)Yt and dividing through by Yt+1:
βt+1 = Kt+1/Yt+1 = (βt+st)/(1+gt) = βt[1+(st/βt)]/(1+gt) (8)
If st/βt (the growth rate of wealth) equals gt, β is stationary (cf. 232); or, if s and g
stabilize at constant values, st/βt > gt will cause β to rise, and st/βt < gt will cause β to
fall, βt thus converging upon s/g. The latter convergence dynamics are how Piketty
characterizes the significance of equation (3) (166–9, and p. 28 of the online Technical
Appendix, available at http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c).
Hence, when Piketty uses this equation to compute values of β for different values of
s, g (e.g., 166–7), he is really comparing distinct steady-state paths that have constant,
but different, capital-income ratios. Furthermore, the identity, S equals ∆K, only holds,
either under the condition of stationary asset prices (notably, on an equilibrium growth
path with stationary relative commodity prices and rates of return on all capital assets);
or if, instead, it is limited to the value of wealth or capital assets at the historical prices
at which they were acquired, rather than their subsequent marketable value, which may
deviate from acquisition prices. (For an example of the significant role valuation effects
might play, see the discussion of the German 'paradox' (144–6).) Piketty's empirical β
measures marketable wealth at current values (149); so to employ this β, together with
measures of g, to infer an empirical saving ratio is strictly invalid. As a consequence of
any divergence between marketable values and acquisition prices, Piketty's s, at best,
will be an aggregate measure of saving plus capital gains, relative to income.
He is well aware of that, noting that if asset prices rise faster than commodity prices
and incomes, then β can rise 'without the addition of any new savings' – but suggests
that asset prices and commodity prices will tend to change at similar rates over the long
run (169), so that enduring changes in wealth are generally, but not entirely, explained
by saving (175–6). He also notes the role that the value of unimproved natural resources
may play in aggregate wealth, independent of saving (169; cf. 446, 459, 537–8; and
461–2 on 'windfalls'). There is as well the issue of business saving:
stock prices tend to rise more quickly than consumption prices over the long run, but
the reason for this is essentially that retained earnings allow firms to increase their size
and capital (so that we are looking at a volume effect rather than a price effect). If
retained earnings are included in private savings, however, the price effect largely
disappears (176–7).
While inclined to the view that most of β can be explained by s/g, in discussing 'the
mystery of land values', he acknowledges that low growth rates make estimates of β
highly sensitive to variations in s estimates (196–8). Recalling that Piketty's 'capital'
includes housing, s in fact includes also in the numerator consumption spending in that
sense. He observes that residential real estate as a whole 'currently accounts for roughly
half the capital stock in the developed countries', this being inclusive of the value of the
land on which the housing is located (48, 51); and it displays dramatic increase as a
share of his measure of total capital/wealth, in the course of the twentieth century (e.g.,
116–20, 141). In figures for France, house rents constitute one-third of α in 2010 (226–
It is worth noting in this context that housing of at least a minimal kind is part of the
necessary consumption of the population, and of the workforce and its dependents in
particular. I use 'necessary consumption' here in the sense of Smith's (1976 [1776], p.
870) classical notion of subsistence as governed by social norms, so as to include
'whatever … custom … renders it indecent for creditable people, even of the lowest
order, to be without'. To that extent, a large part of the housing of the bulk of the
population is not 'wealth' at all, in the sense that it is not a resource available for
discretionary use; it is not 'surplus to requirements', as the saying goes. This is
obviously far less true of the housing of the rich, spending upon which – even if, for
accounting purposes, it is treated as 'investment' – is, in substantive terms, luxury
consumption. Perhaps, then, one should contemplate the wealth statistics with only the
housing of, say, the top 10 or 20 per cent of wealth-holders or income-earners included.
While Piketty's 'capital' is not capital in the strict sense, his capital-as-marketable-
wealth is a valid measure of economic power as marketable command over resources.
But the bulk of owner-occupied housing does not constitute an accumulated surplus
over and above consumption, available for discretionary use. Even if imputed rents are
accounted for (see note 2 below), including the housing of the bottom 90 or 80 per cent
still understates the maldistribution of wealth and incomes to the extent that the rate of
return used to calculate imputed rents is less than the average rate of return on the
wealth of the top 10 or 20 per cent.
The notion of the three or so decades after World War Two as an aberration in the
history of capitalism is a familiar one, particularly in relation to unemployment, a
relatively salient phenomenon. Piketty shows that it is also aberrant for distributional
reasons. The two phenomena are surely connected, subsequent mass or high
unemployment making easier the shifting of distribution in favour of property income
and the rich more widely. In Piketty's analysis, the distributional interregnum is
explained by the two World Wars, war-fuelled inflation and global depression leading
to destruction of wealth (including loss of foreign wealth due to decolonization) and
lower saving rates – these factors reducing the influence of inherited wealth – combined
with vigorously redistributive policies and reduced asset prices, and accompanied,
particularly after the second of those wars, by growth rates in excess of average returns
on wealth (41–2, 77, 83–5, 106–09, 118, 121–2, 146–50, 274–6, 368–76, 514).
Destruction of previously accumulated wealth (or of its value), expropriation of wealth
and high incomes via policy, and relatively high growth rates are the (non-typical)
conditions that can arrest and reverse a normal tendency towards rising inequality under
capitalism. Inequality within the wages-and-salaries income category has been relatively
stable over the twentieth century (271–4) and there is no logical necessity for the
personal distribution of labour income to be positively and highly correlated with the
personal distribution of income from wealth (254–5). The 'profound' change evident in
the latter decades of the twentieth century is the importance of high managerial 'labour'
incomes in the total incomes of the top decile of the distribution, particularly in the
Anglophone developed economies (276–8, 302–03). Piketty also notes that the rise of a
propertied middle class was 'the principal structural transformation of the distribution of
wealth in the developed countries in the twentieth century' (260–62; also 251–2, 346–7,
For an intuition of these distributional dynamics, consider the growth of wealth over
one time period, assuming no capital gains (including no revaluations of unimproved
natural resource stocks), wealth destruction or wealth taxation. (We also leave aside
inheritance, discussed in section 3.) Divide the population into 'the rich' and 'the poor',
where the former are a minority of the population with relatively high wealth per capita
or per household. Suppose a is the rich's share in total, nonwage plus wage income (Yt),
the poor receiving the remainder; b is the proportion of the beginning-of-period total
stock of wealth (Kt) owned by the rich, the poor owning the rest; and the saving rates of
the rich and the poor are sR, sP respectively. The growth of the rich's wealth over the
period is:
sRaYt/bKt = sR(a/b)/βt (9)
And the growth of the poor's wealth is:
sP(1–a)Yt/(1–b)Kt = sP[(1–a)/(1–b)]/βt (10)
The former will exceed the latter if:
sR(a/b) > sP[(1–a)/(1–b)] (11)
sR/sP > [b/(1–b)][(1–a)/a] (12)
It is reasonable to assume sR > sP. Many (a, b) combinations will then satisfy
inequality (12); but in particular, so long as a ≥ b, the right-hand side is less than or
equal to unity. That is to say, given sR > sP, if the rich's share of aggregate income is at
least as great as their share of wealth, the growth of their wealth necessarily exceeds that
of the poor. But it may do so even if the rich's share of income is less than their share of
wealth, depending upon how much sR exceeds sP. (Of course, with the rich and poor
experiencing different growth rates of their wealth, and those growth rates differing
from the growth of incomes, neither a nor b will be invariant over time; nor need sR, sP
be.) In fact, given the definition of 'capital' that is entailed by Piketty's β, the rich's
'saving' rate is inclusive of their spending on (new) owner-occupied real estate. The
wealth of the rich might also enjoy more scope for capital gains, although thereby also
perhaps more prone to the ups and downs of asset price fluctuations (303, 446; but cf.
450, where it is concluded that volatility of returns does not rise with scale of wealth).
The rich also have greater access to tax avoidance and evasion (281–4, 294–5, 451–2,
With regard to the significance of g/r, by substituting equation (2) into equation (9),
the growth of the rich's wealth may be expressed as:
sR(a/b)/βt = sR(a/b)rt/αt (13)
The condition for this to exceed the growth of aggregate income is then:
sR(a/b)rt/αt > gt (14)
sR > αt(b/a)(gt/rt) (15)
In general, many (a/b), (gt/rt) combinations will satisfy this inequality; a ≥ b with gt < rt
is sufficient for the right-hand side to be less than unity. Is it possible for the poor's
wealth to grow more rapidly than aggregate income as well, even if less rapidly than the
rich's wealth? Assuming, for the moment, that all wealth-owners receive the same
uniform rate of return, and substituting equation (2) into equation (10), for the growth of
the poor's wealth to exceed the growth of aggregate income:
sP > αt[(1–b)/(1–a)](gt/rt) (16)
If a > b, then [(1–b)/(1–a)] is greater than unity; so that in order for the poor to increase
their wealth relative to aggregate income they face a greater hurdle than the rich. For the
poor's wealth to grow faster than the aggregate income of just the poor themselves, will
depend also on how a is changing over time.
The combination sR > sP and r > g – assisted by a ≥ b, but it is not essential – captures
the core logic of Piketty's results. In the words of Jesus, to whoever has, shall even
more be given (Gospel of St Matthew, chapter 13, verse 12). By starting ahead of the
rest of the population, the rich as a whole can relatively easily get even further ahead.
The principal reason why a ≥ b can prevail in reality, for a class of wealthy, high
income-earners, are that those already relatively wealthy have access to higher rates of
return on income-earning wealth, so that their share of nonwage income will tend to
exceed their share of wealth (201, 206, 243, 376, 405–06, 430–55); and while it is
logically possible that the distribution of 'labour' income could, to some degree,
counterbalance this, at least in the modern era high incomes at the top end of the labour-
income distribution are reinforcing the income inequality resulting from wealth
inequality (263–5, 276–81). In relation to the former, owner-occupied housing, which
earns no income, will be a much larger proportion of the wealth of lower income
groups, often, their only significant wealth (260, 454).2 In fact, rising income inequality
in the US since the 1970s is 'largely the result of an unprecedented increase in wage
inequality', particularly due to high managerial incomes – and not compensated for by
wage mobility over the life cycle (298–300). (Conditions analogous to inequalities (12)
and (15) can hold for persons with low wealth, initially, but high labour incomes, and
thereby also high saving rates – so that their wealth grows faster than that of the rest of
the population and faster than aggregate income.) Across contemporary developed
economies, the poorest 50 per cent own hardly any wealth at all (257–9, 438).
In any case, the growth of the rich's wealth can still exceed that of the poor, even if
the rich's share of income is less than their share of wealth, depending upon how much
sR exceeds sP (inequality 12); and it can still exceed aggregate income growth,
depending upon also the values of α and g/r (inequality 15). Recall as well that the
'saving' rate which is required to satisfy these inequalities includes spending on (new)
owner-occupied housing. Finally, in the absence of wealth destruction and taxation, at
least in the long run – and with the ups and downs of short-run asset price fluctuation
washing out – the wealth of the rich is likely to enjoy more scope for capital gains
(including in relation to the scarcity value of land in prime residential locations).
Systematic movements in asset prices, particularly housing prices, in Europe, play a
significant role in both the 1913–1950 'dizzying' decline of β ('one-quarter to one-third
of the drop') and its rise from the 1970s forward (148–50; over the same period, β was
much more stable in the US: 154–5). In Piketty's analysis, the dominant factors
explaining the latter, rising trajectory is lower growth combined with a high saving
ratio; but also playing a significant role, privatization of public assets from the 1970s to
the 1990s (commonly at below market prices: 185–7), and more importantly, real estate
and share price trends in the 1980s and 1990s, conceived of as a correction or 'rebound'
in relation to the earlier trajectory of asset prices (172–3, 183–91, 293–6, 451). Rising
It is not clear whether or to what extent imputed rents from owner-occupied housing are included in the
measures of income employed in Piketty's data. Presumably they generally are; and to that extent, owner-
occupied housing in the denominators of r and α is accompanied by imputed income flows in the
numerators, based on some presumed rate of return on housing (a real rate of 3–4 per cent is suggested at
454) – and similarly for β. The only slight explicit references to the issue are in the note accompanying
Figure 6.7 – 'rental value of dwellings' – which suggests that imputed rents are included there at least
(226); and in an endnote indicating that imputed rents ('fictive rents') are excluded from Figure 8.4 (604,
asset prices explain one-quarter to one-third of the 1970–2010 rise in β in the rich
countries (191).3 On the tentative supposition of global s stabilizing at ten percent and a
trend global g of 1.5 per cent, Piketty suggests the possibility of β converging upon 700
per cent in the course of the twenty-first century (195–6, 233; at 431 the possibility of
3.5 per cent global growth until 2030 is allowed).
3. CAUSATION AND THEORY
What precisely is the causal structure of the normal distributional dynamics displayed
in Piketty's empirical results, as understood by him? Before answering that question, a
further theoretical postulate to which he has recourse must be noted.
However classical the questions Piketty addresses, when he turns to explain the
determination of r he has recourse to the conventional, post-classical marginal
productivity theory of distribution: diminishing marginal capital productivity is 'natural'
and 'obvious' (212–16). (He is much less willing to have recourse to time preference:
358–61; cf. 399–400.) The logical critique of capital aggregates – applied either at the
macro or micro level – as supposed independent explanatory variables in the theory of
profit rates, first coherently stated by Piero Sraffa (1960, pp. 81–7; see also Kurz and
Salvadori 1995, pp. 427–67), is nowhere acknowledged or addressed. That such a
relatively well-read economist as Piketty can so unhesitatingly apply this bankrupt
approach, is testament to how completely a valid body of critical theoretical analysis
can be submerged and forgotten in social science (a phenomenon for the sociologists of
knowledge to contemplate). This is so, notwithstanding that Piketty offers a brief
interpretation of the 'Cambridge' capital debates, making them turn upon the issues of
whether there is substitutability in production (and associated flexibility of capital-
output ratios), and whether or not 'growth is always perfectly balanced [i.e., full-
employment growth]' (230–32). In fact, the participants on both sides of those debates
were concerned with production systems in which substitution and capital-output
variability occurred; and continuous full-employment growth was not entailed by
recourse to orthodox, marginalist production functions, a point perfectly understood by
the participants on both sides. Marginal productivity theory is also applied to relative
wage rates, although with much more substantial qualifications – and with regard to the
highest 'labour' or managerial incomes, to the point of almost nullifying at least its
practical relevance (304–21, 330–35, 416–18, 509–12; at 331, 'close to a pure
ideological construct'). With regard to profits, Piketty later comments: 'there is
something astonishing about the notion that capital yields … income that the owner of
Even if, in the very long run, asset-price changes don't much matter for the magnitude of β, the fact that
asset-price movements might wash out over periods of eight or more decades is of no moment for actually
existing human beings whose saving lifespan is four decades or so (putting aside intergenerational
motivation) (cf. 286–7, 488–9).
capital obtains without working. There is something in this notion that is an affront to
common sense and that has in fact perturbed any number of civilizations' (423).4
Piketty's embrace of the production function approach actually raises a potential
problem for him, in reconciling the theoretical implications of that approach with his
empirical findings: the theory entails (at least under competitive conditions) that rising β
will cause declining r, with the direction of change in α, in general, indeterminate (see
equation (2)). His escape route – it is the only possible escape route and therefore the
necessary route for him, so long as he adheres to marginal productivity theory – is to
impose a restriction upon the elasticity of capital/labour substitution, so as to ensure the
compatibility of β and α both rising through time. With the elasticity of substitution of
capital for labour supposed greater than unity, the production function approach
generates this outcome (216–24). A CES production function is posited:
Y = [xK(σ–1)/σ+(1–x)L(σ–1)/σ]σ/(σ–1) (17)
where Y, K and L are the standard aggregate production function variables, x is a
positive parameter (< 1) and σ is the elasticity of substitution. The marginal productivity
of capital is then xβ–1/σ and the capital share is given by,
α = rβ = xβ(σ–1)/σ (18)
Thereby, α is an increasing function of β if σ > unity (online Technical Appendix, p.
38). Piketty adds that the upward trend of both α and β since 1970 is consistent 'also
with an increase in capital's bargaining power vis-à-vis labor over the past few decades'
(221). In short, one may dispense with the elasticity explanation, and the associated
theory of profit rates, and rely entirely upon the role of bargaining power – and the
changing institutions and mechanisms governing it, in different eras and places, over the
last two centuries (cf. 305, 312, 332, 510). The aggregate production function is not a
necessary building block for any of Piketty's findings concerning distributional
dynamics. In fact, if r is taken as given – as Piketty, in practice, commonly assumes (at
about 5 per cent) throughout the book5 – or rising, then it follows by definition that
rising β will be associated with rising α.
But in the marginalist theoretical framework to which Piketty evidently subscribes, the return on capital
is supposedly a compensation for the disutility of 'waiting' (of not consuming). See also his observations
on the supposed marginal productivity of Bill Gates, whose 'contributions depended on the work of
thousands of engineers and scientists … without whom none of his innovations would have been
possible' (444–5; cf. 511). There is also a somewhat sceptical discussion of the 'golden rule' of
accumulation, as derived from marginal productivity theory (562–5).
See, for example, 53, 121, 131, 162, 202, 229, 233, 361, 366, 431, 453, 572; and: 'In both France and
Britain, from the eighteenth century to the twenty-first, the pure return on capital has oscillated around a
central value of 4–5 percent a year … . There has been no pronounced long-term trend. … It is possible,
however, that the pure return on capital has decreased slightly over the very long run … . [But] we cannot
rule out the possibility that the pure return on capital will rise to higher levels over the next few decades'
Piketty's interpretation of the causal structure of the dynamics then appears as
follows. The GDP growth rate (g) is an independent variable in equation (3), determined
in the conventional supply-side manner, so ultimately driven by the growth of potential
productive capacity, in turn reducible to growth of productivity per worker plus
population growth (or more strictly, growth of labour supply). His acceptance of that
approach to growth is a natural accompaniment to his endorsement of marginal
productivity theory (more on this below). Likewise s is treated as an independent
variable. These two variables then determine the path of β, the ratio of s to the initial
value of β being the growth of wealth. Or, if g and s take stable values, they determine
the steady-state β – the level to which β tends in the long run (equation (3)). The capital-
income ratio is hence an independent variable in equation (2). Inserted into that
equation, β then determines the path of r and α – or the steady-state value to which r and
α tend in the long run – via recourse to marginal productivity theory (equations (17),
(18)). The σ > 1 restriction renders this consistent with β and α simultaneously rising;
although In fact, Piketty's empirical results are that α has decreased over the very long
run, 1800–2010, from 35–40 per cent to 25–30 per cent, but on an upward trajectory
since the 1970s (222–4).
The normal distributional dynamics of rich versus poor – whether the former are
specified as the richest 1%, 10%, 20% (or whatever) – then depend upon the
configuration of values in inequalities (12) and (15) above: the rich's initial shares in
incomes and wealth, relative saving rates of rich and poor, the nonwage-income share
and g/r. A low value of g/r, projected also into the future, is the focus of much attention
(350–58, 361–8, 394–401, 410–11). Piketty's empirical results also show a decline in
the share of wealth owned by the top decile, until the 1970s, in favour of the wealth
share of the next 40% of the population – the rise of a middle class – with the remaining
50% still having little (346–50). And there is a revived importance of inherited wealth
for distribution, rebounding subsequent to its mid-twentieth-century decline (377–429),
with the empirical relevance of the life-cycle theory of saving repudiated in this context
(384, 391–2, 399–400, 428). As an instrument for organizing the analysis of inheritance
dynamics, Piketty here has recourse to an identity that may be regarded as his third and
final fundamental equation (along with equations (2) and (3) above):
by = μmβ (19)
where by is the aggregate flow of annual inheritance (and gifts) as a proportion of
aggregate national income, μ is average wealth of individuals at time of death relative to
average wealth of living persons and m is the mortality rate (383–5). This enables
analysis of the determinants of the dynamics of the aggregate of inheritances over time;
further data are required in order to estimate the distribution of the aggregate (407–24).
In fact, notwithstanding that inheritance is a transparently arbitrary element of the
distribution of wealth, the contribution of inheritance to the dynamics of distributional
inequality is only of decisive normative significance if one supposes that the inequality
that would occur in the absence of inheritance would be ethically justifiable and/or
otherwise expedient. Quite apart from how income-earning wealth is acquired, the rates
of remuneration of both the various kinds of labour and the various forms of income-
earning wealth are governed, to a very substantial extent, by conventions resulting from
socio-political factors. Those conventions are arbitrary from the standpoint of both
justice and expedience. (That is to say, with respect to the latter, they are not necessary
or functional for the supply of the relevant production inputs to be forthcoming; they are
not required 'supply-prices'.) Even if all wealth ownership results from individuals'
own saving – out of labour income and income from wealth only acquired by their own
saving, with no inheritance (nor capital gains) – the resulting distribution of wealth can
be no more defensible than the income distribution, and associated rates of
remuneration, from which it arose.
With respect to the dynamics of r and α – and for that matter, the increasing inequality
within the labour income category – these are better understood within the classical
theoretical framework, in which the general rate of return on capital is not uniquely
determined by narrowly economic parameters (as in marginalist theory) but is subject to
wider socio-economic forces, commonly summarized by reference to bargaining power.
It is the 'degree of freedom' in the modern reconstruction of the classical approach to
competition, profit-maximizing choice of production methods, price determination and
its interrelationship with functional distribution, which provides the 'space' for socio-
political forces to naturally play a fundamental role in these dynamics (Kurz and
Salvadori 1995, pp. 94–426). From the marginalist standpoint, these wider forces –
obvious to close observers of the reality of distribution – appear as a kind of artificial
intrusion into the economic process. Relative wages also are in substantial measure
governed by social conventions and socio-political forces.
A consideration of these wider forces would point to the following key issues: the
general level of real wages over time results from the relationship between the dynamics
of money wages versus commodity prices; the ratio of money prices to money wages is
governed by the set of rates of return on capital in different employments; this course of
money wages relative to prices depends upon the whole set of institutions – including
the legal framework, the size and character of the public sector, the extent and forms of
labour unionism, tax policy – governing the balance of bargaining power around the
labour contract; at the same time, rates of return on the variety of capital investments
depend upon central banks' interest rate policies and the spreads between the
consequent riskless rates of return and wider yields; those spreads in turn depend upon
differential risk and illiquidity, costs of intermediation, restrictions on capital mobility
that generate monopoly power and so on; the distribution of rising value-added per
worker resulting from technical progress is also determined by the balance of these
forces (see, e.g., Stirati 2001; Cesaratto et al. 2003). And all this is shaped by the
specific histories and sensibilities of 'place'. There is no intrinsic, determinate and
systematic relationship between the accumulation of capital proper (produced means of
production), or accumulation of wealth, and rates of return on investments – or between
capital-output (or wealth-income) ratios and rates of return. (At least this is so, so long
as gross rates of return cover minima compensating for risk, illiquidity, managerial
costs and so on.) There is no need here to revisit the ways in which these forces,
institutions and mechanisms have changed since the 1970s. The return of large-scale
unemployment was obviously a crucial factor. Unemployment is an issue hardly
mentioned, and only in passing, in Piketty's book.
I asserted above (this section) that in Piketty's distributional dynamics, the GDP
growth rate is determined in the conventional supply-side manner. In fact, this is never
made very explicit in the book. It is as if this conventional causation is regarded as so
obvious (rather like the marginal productivity theory of r) that it can be more or less
tacitly taken for granted (see 42, 69–70 with 586, n. 35, 72–4, 148–9, 460). So it can be
unclear, when growth rates are discussed in terms of population and productivity
growth, whether the recourse is merely to the identity, that GDP growth (approximately)
equals population growth plus productivity growth per capita. This is how growth rates
are formulated by Piketty, rather than in terms of employment growth and productivity
growth per worker. In any case the same issue arises in either formulation. Is it just a
tautological decomposition of growth rates – which is consistent with both supply-side
and demand-side explanations of growth – or is the growth of productive capacity
causing growth? That GDP growth approximately equals employment growth plus
productivity growth per worker is true by definition; that GDP growth approximately
equals labour supply growth plus productivity growth per worker entails a supply-side
theory. But in his brief interpretation of the 'Cambridge' capital debates, mentioned
above, Piketty asserts that 'the growth rate must … be equal to the growth rate of the
population … and productivity' (230). This clearly enough amounts to affirming that
equilibrium or long-run growth is supply-side determined full-employment growth.
This affirmation, in any case, is logical: endorsement of marginal productivity theory
entails also endorsement of a supply-side theory of activity levels and growth, at least
for the long run, since that theory of distribution is simultaneously a theory in which the
demand for factors of production adapts to their supply. Abandoning marginal
productivity theory thereby enables room for a more sensible, Keynesian demand-side
approach to activity levels including growth dynamics. If growth is demand-determined
along Keynesian lines, rising α (in combination with rising β) – a combination that does
not require marginal productivity theory for its explanation – can feed back upon the
critical g/r ratio by dampening growth, thereby reinforcing adverse distributional
dynamics. The plausible supposition that a larger proportion of nonwage income than of
wage income is saved means that rising α will tend to dampen consumption demand,
with follow-on effects to induced investment demand – although, as was seen in the
run-up to the Global Financial Crisis, increasing debt can postpone these consequences
of rising inequality, for a time. (Both higher s and lower g increase the steady-state
value of β.) How much all this might affect the empirical orders of magnitude of the
relevant aggregate variables is another matter; and Piketty's historical empirical results
obviously do not depend upon supposing any particular growth theory, although his
projections of future growth do, to some extent.
Involuntary unemployment arising from demand deficiency – along with its relevance
to distribution via the balance of bargaining power – is also probably directly relevant to
the situation of the bottom 50 per cent who have virtually no wealth. Even though, in
the developed economies, many if not most of these people have wages above
customary subsistence, so that they are capable of some positive saving, they are more
subject, and particularly vulnerable, to 'shocks' that wipe out any accumulated wealth –
like ocean swimmers trying to get out beyond the waves but constantly being thrown
back to the shore. Even merely periodic bouts of temporary unemployment can act in
this manner. The active pursuit of full employment by policy is important not only for
the sake of providing decent work for the involuntarily unemployed themselves, but
also, directly and indirectly, for distributional reasons. There is no shortage of public
investment that can usefully be undertaken, particularly in the context of contemporary
challenges to the maintenance of the natural environment (519, 540–41,565–9).
4. WAGES, PROFITS AND OTHER INCOMES
In Piketty's conceptual framework wage income (including imputed labour incomes of
the self-employed) and nonwage income are mutually exclusive and collectively
exhaustive categories; and all assets earning nonwage income are classified as 'capital'
(18). But on the one hand, since not all income-earning nonhuman assets are capital
proper (produced means of production or financial claims to them), nonwage income
includes revenues that are not profits proper, most notably, rents from scarce natural
resources. Hence Piketty's r is not even the average ex post rate of profit proper, let
alone the normal required rate of return on capital (nor α the profit share proper). On the
other hand, since the wage-income category includes all revenues that are not
attributable to nonhuman assets, it includes the salaries, and super-salaries, of the
managerial class and others (including financial management of course). And then there
is the murky question of how and where remuneration of 'entrepreneurship' fits into all
Most obviously, incomes from scarce natural resources pertain to rents from
unimproved land and other natural resource stocks. To the extent that this is about
agriculture, it is of no great moment to Piketty's aggregate empirical results since
nonwage agricultural incomes are such a small proportion of aggregate nonwage
incomes, at least in the developed world. (The 'capital' value of agricultural land net of
improvements will be its rental income capitalized at an appropriate rate of return.) But
to the extent that it is also about other natural resource stocks (e.g., minerals, oil, gas),
and the scarcity value of prime residential land, it might be rather more significant. The
revenue and capitalized value of the former can change dramatically, as a result of
technical change that renders previously 'useless' resources economically exploitable;6
rising scarcity rents from the latter will also be capitalized into the value of prime
residential property (cf. 222–7, esp. n. 30).
The 'labour' incomes of at least some of the super-salaried might also be explained
(and rationalized) as returns on scarce natural human resources. This might well apply,
for example, to star sportspersons whose natural talents are rare, relative to the revenues
generated in mass-audience sports. But there is a difference between explaining and
rationalizing: if, in fact, these stars would participate in those sports, in the same
manner, for substantially lower incomes, then their higher earnings are not the supply-
price of their activity, but rather, a (taxable) scarcity rent.7 With regard to managerial
super-salaries, which are the dominant element in extreme 'wage' incomes, Piketty
outlines results from some earlier research which shows that the elasticity of executive
super-salaries is greater with respect to 'luck' than with respect to 'talent' (512; Piketty
et al. 2014). And should incomes from intellectual property (notably, patents and
copyright) be conceived of as returns on capital (including human capital) or monopoly
rents on 'non-reproducible' assets, where the non-reproducibility results merely from a
legal restriction? It is highly implausible to think of a normal rate of return on capital
which acts as the supply-price to bring forth an 'optimal' quantity of intellectual capital.
Success in invention and innovation also has a significant lottery element.
The managerial super-salaries cannot plausibly be rationalized as competitive supply-
prices of forms of extraordinarily productive labour. It is no more plausible to regard
these remunerations as rents for particularly remarkable scarce natural human resources
that add extraordinary value to enterprises. More generally, even the remuneration of
entrepreneurship – understood in the strict and substantial sense of innovation – cannot
sensibly be regarded as a supply-price of that innovation, a necessary ex ante return for
it to be forthcoming. Piketty uses the term entrepreneurship rather loosely, sometimes to
refer to innovation but also to refer merely to management functions (41, 53, 204–05,
280, 439–47,571–2). It is of course reasonable to suppose that risk-bearing – associated
with well-defined probability distributions over all possible outcomes of various
economic activities – has a calculable supply-price. (In the case of capital exposed to
risk, this will be in terms of a premium in the rate of return, over and above the riskless
rate of interest.) But innovation belongs to the realm of unmeasurable uncertainty; it is
about unprecedented economic activity in one sense or another.
What the key seminal contributions to the systematic economic analysis of
entrepreneurship point to is that the notion of an ex ante required rate of remuneration
And environmental unsustainability – notably, associated with climate change – may result in 'stranded
assets' which suffer windfall losses in value (even if those losses should have been foreseen), due to their
embodying unsustainable, obsolete technologies.
As against sportspersons, the incomes of entertainment 'celebrities' are more akin to luck – rather like
winning a lottery – since there are more than a few aspirants, who do not 'make it', but who would be
more or less perfect substitutes for most of those who do. Whether or not natural, the talents involved are
not so scarce. In any case, celebrity incomes are only a very small fraction of the aggregate of extreme
salary incomes (302–03).
for entrepreneurship in the substantial sense, as innovation – remuneration that would
be akin to normal supply-prices for non-innovative labour or capital – does not really
make sense (Schumpeter 1934 [1911]; Knight 1921; Aspromourgos 2014, pp. 22–5, 34–
8). Rather, the entrepreneur, properly understood in this substantial sense, is the
'residual claimant' to the net revenues of an innovative or unprecedented enterprise.
And more often than not, the residual will be non-positive; that is to say, the majority of
entrepreneurs (properly understood) actually fail. The hope of extraordinary profit, in
some indeterminate sense as to magnitude, might be a motivation (or even the sole
motivation) to entrepreneurial activity; but there can be no definite required rate of
return to entrepreneurship, necessary to bring it forth – whether it is conceived of as a
kind of labour provision or as capital provision. It is common for inequality to be
defended against its detractors by arguing that it is the necessary price of innovation.
Even if there were a trade-off between reduced economic inequality and innovation, this
would thereby require a judgement of relative social benefit.8 It would be most un-
economist-like simply to presume that innovation is worth any price, in terms of
equality foregone.
It may be added that the Keynesian demand-side approach to activity levels and
growth, as against the conventional supply-side approach, also has an implication for
the theory of profits, supporting and reinforcing other grounds for rejecting the
conventional approach to profits. Instead of aggregate commodity demand adapting to
aggregate potential supply (ultimately regulated by the quantity and productivity of
factors of production supplied), and hence the level of investment adapting to the
quantity of saving, aggregate commodity supply adapts to aggregate demand, the
residual observable underutilized resource being unemployed labour. This process
whereby aggregate commodity supply adapts to aggregate demand is one and the same
process as saving adapting to investment. Thereby, the notion of the rate of return on
capital as the necessary supply-price to bring forth the saving to 'finance' investment is
also fundamentally undermined (but subject to the lower bound of the afore-mentioned
minima covering risk and so on). There is no unique, 'equilibrium' general rate of
return on capital (or rate of interest) required for the functioning of the economic
system. This line of reasoning is fundamental to the thinking behind John Maynard
Keynes's 'euthanasia of the rentier' (Aspromourgos 2011).
Whether innovation can be supposed automatically to translate into widely distributed growth in per
capita consumption is a question as well, which we leave aside. One may add that low or zero taxation of
inheritances is certainly not necessary as an inducement to any economic activity. Those conservatives or
economic liberals who decry government transfer payments and other outlays supporting the poor, on the
basis that they supposedly stifle individual self-reliance and initiative, might consider turning their
attention to inheritance.
5. CONCLUSION: POLICY AND POLITICS
Commentary on the policy dimension of Piketty's book rather naturally has focussed on
his striking advocacy of a progressive global tax on 'capital' (515–39, 555–6, 573). It
therefore may be emphasized that he is a long way from being a single-tax zealot:
discussions of a tax on capital often push people into extreme positions (so that they
either reject the idea out of hand or embrace it as the one and only tax, destined to
replace all others). … In my view, it is urgent to lower the temperature of the debate
and give each argument and each type of tax its due. A capital tax is useful, but it
cannot replace all other taxes.' (642, n. 17)9
appropriate updating of the last century's social-democratic and fiscal-liberal
program is essential … two fundamental institutions … must continue to play a
central role in the future: the social state and the progressive income tax. (515)
Further in relation to his policy views, Piketty doubts that inflation is a reliable policy
for reducing inequality (106–09, 209–12, 452–5, 544–7) and is similarly rather averse to
public debt (129–35, 540–70). Governments should tax the rich rather than sell them
bonds (540, 566).
It is also made clear that revenue-raising is not the key purpose of the capital tax –
rather, combined with global 'democratic and financial transparency', the objective is
'to regulate capitalism' (effectively) – although the estimated revenue is not
insignificant (518, 527–30). And just as Piketty's capital is not capital proper, so his
capital tax in fact is a net worth tax. Hence conceptually, it would apply, above some
threshold of total net worth, also to residential housing – the big component of Piketty's
capital, alongside capital proper – but net of mortgage debt. To that extent, it is arguably
more equitable than current common forms of taxation of residential housing and land,
based on gross value (517). One may add that for a low-growth world, it is difficult to
escape the conclusion that policy to directly reduce the after-tax rate of return on capital
is imperative. Keynes's euthanasia of the rentier via a low or zero riskless real rate of
interest, as a permanent policy, should be taken seriously. Also from a Keynesian
standpoint, there is no reason to expect redistribution to compromise economic growth,
and indeed, there is no compelling empirical evidence that redistributive policies are
associated with lower growth (e.g., Ostry et al. 2014).
The minimum progressivity of a net worth tax would be a threshold combined with a
uniform single tax rate. One tentative suggestion by Piketty is a €1 million threshold
plus a two-step rate structure; 1 per cent from €1 million to €5 million and 2 per cent
above that (517). Of course, notwithstanding the existence of technical and other
practical difficulties in the way of such a net worth tax, the great obstacle is political,
While this quotation is from the endnotes, the text proper also makes his position along these lines very
clear (471, 473, 512–14, 518, 524–7).
not the least element of which is the need for global coordination. Global capitalism
with more or less unrestricted international financial flows (as well as other forms of
international economic mobility beyond merely trade flows) functions, at a global level,
in a manner analogous to that which one strand of liberal political thought hopes for
from federal political systems, at a national level: generating fiscal and regulatory
competition between States and thereby minimizing the policy reach of government (cf.
221, 464, 496–7, 560–62). In the absence of fairly comprehensive international
implementation, sanctions would have to be imposed upon non-complying jurisdictions.
Piketty knows that the proposal is rather 'utopian' (his term; 27, 471, 515). But the
temptation to therefore dismiss it should be resisted. That which is utopian policy today,
may not be so in the future; and more importantly, it will certainly remain utopian if it is
never seriously entertained. Universal adult suffrage was utopian once too, as well as
many other current egalitarian norms (notably, universal health care and school
education). I am reminded of a quotation from Francis Bacon (1875 [1620], p. 48), used
as an epigraph in Aspromourgos (2011), as an expression of Enlightenment optimism:
'It would be an unsound fancy and self-contradictory to expect that things which have
never yet been done can be done except by means which have never yet been tried.' All
human progress begins from contemplation of the unprecedented.
The failure of the contemporary political class, in terms of both ethics and
competence, stands out here as the real basis for pessimism. As mentioned earlier,
although Piketty's capital is not capital proper, from the standpoint of economic and
political power this measure of marketable non-human assets captures the command the
wealthy have over resources. However much labour productivity growth might enable
average real wages to rise, the one thing an average wage-earner will never have the
power to purchase is another average wage-earner (cf. 257), in contrast to the rich – and
the very rich can afford to purchase politicians and other relatively high income-earners
as well (cf. 335). If Piketty is right in his judgement, expressed at one point, that
extreme inequality in the twenty-first century could lead to political conflict of crisis
proportions, then the absence of a sufficiently progressive tax regime might threaten the
viability of the liberal polity and economy (439; cf. 497, 539). As he also points out, any
existing broad consensus of support for the social state (social democracy) and the tax
levels that facilitate it must be undermined by little tax being paid at the highest levels
of income and wealth – particularly the support of the (well-taxed) middle classes (496–
7). The resilience of liberal capitalism, with or without a social-democratic element,
should not be taken for granted – as against its capacity for self-destruction, including
its morphing into illiberal capitalism. Piketty at one point quotes Josiah Wedgwood,
with tacit approval: 'political democracies that do not democratize their economic
systems are inherently unstable' (508; cf. 569–70).
Aspromourgos, T. (2011) 'Can (and Should) Monetary Policy Pursue a Zero Real
Interest Rate, Permanently?', Metroeconomica, vol. 62, pp. 635–55.
Aspromourgos, T. (2014) 'Entrepreneurship, Risk and Income Distribution in Adam
Smith', European Journal of the History of Economic Thought, vol. 21, pp. 21–40.
Bacon, F. (1620) Novum Organum; as transl. (The New Organon) in J. Spedding, R.L.
Ellis and D.D. Heath (eds) (1875) The Works of Francis Bacon … , vol. 4
(Translations of the Philosophical Works, vol. 1), Longmans et al., London.
Cesaratto, S., Serrano, F. and A. Stirati (2003) 'Technical Change, Effective Demand
and Employment', Review of Political Economy, vol. 15, pp. 33–52.
Knight, F.H. (1921) Risk, Uncertainty and Profit, Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
Kurz, H.D. and N. Salvadori (1995) Theory of Production: a Long-Period Analysis.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ostry, J.D., Berg, A. and C.G. Tsangarides (2014) 'Redistribution, Inequality and
Growth', IMF Staff Discussion Note, no. SDN/14/02.
Piketty, T. (2014) Capital in the Twenty-First Century, Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press.
Piketty, T., Saez, E. and S. Stantcheva (2014) 'Optimal Taxation of Top Labor Incomes:
a Tale of Three Elasticities', American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, vol. 6,
pp. 230–71.
Ricardo, D. (1817) On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation, London: John
Murray; in P. Sraffa (ed.) (1951) The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo,
vol. 1, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Schumpeter, J.A. (1934) The Theory of Economic Development: an Inquiry into Profits,
Capital, Credit, Interest, and the Business Cycle, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press (transl. R. Opie, from the 2nd German edn 1926; 1st German edn 1911).
Smith, A. (1776) An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 2
vols., London: Strahan and Cadell; in R.H. Campbell, A.S. Skinner and W.B. Todd
(eds) (1976) The Glasgow Edition of the Works and Correspondence of Adam Smith,
vol. 1, Oxford: Clarendon.
Sraffa, P. (1960) Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities: Prelude to a
Critique of Economic Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Stirati, A. (2001) 'Inflation, Unemployment and Hysteresis: an Alternative View',
Review of Political Economy, vol. 13, pp. 427–51.
Email: tony.aspromourgos@sydney.edu.au
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Supernatural Horror Movies
When discussing supernatural horror it's important to mention the films that paved the way for this genres popularity, including Rosemary's Baby (1968), The Exorcist (1973), Carrie (1976), and the Shining (1980). These films are the glittering beacons of the supernatural genre, the old reliables if you will.
But with the exception of a few later Friday the 13th and Halloween movies, and films such as The Sixth Sense (1999), and The Blair Witch Project (1999), it has been a long time since the supernatural sub-genre has made a lasting impact. That has all changed. The past 10 years has seen the rise of atmospheric and eerie horror, including witches, ghosts and killers that all bring an element of the supernatural.
This boom in modern supernatural horror should without a doubt be accredited to the release and subsequent runaway success of Paranormal Activity (2007); the first of what would become a six-movie mega franchise, and one that would establish Blumhouse Productions as a major player in the horror film industry. Paranormal Activity afforded Blumhouse the opportunity to make a name for themselves as producers of low-budget (often supernatural) horror movies. The following years saw the release of Insidious (2011), Sinister (2012), Oculus (2014), and Unfriended (2015) to name a select few.
These films have a lot in common: they all benefit from ultra low budgets that highlight the eerie and unnerving environment that often accompanies supernatural horror films, and from the immense talent that is working behind the camera. This sub-genre has the distinct advantage of employing some of the greatest directors working in horror today, including Scott Derrickson, Mike Flanagan, and James Wan.
These three directors have among them some of the very best supernatural films, including The Exorcism of Emily Rose (2005), Absentia (2011), Ouija: Origin of Evil (2016), and The Conjuring (2013). But it doesn't stop there. It Follows (2015) made a splash upon release by becoming one of the best-reviewed horror films of all time, and it's already on its way to becoming a genre classic.
Given the immense influx of supernatural horror, and its long history in horror in general, it's impossible to give due credit to every movie but some honorable mentions include: House (1977), Session 9 (2001), The Devil's Backbone (2001), and Lake Mungo (2008).
Not all of these movies are universally loved, but that's the fun of horror movies, there's always something for everyone, and here at HorrorRated we want to help you find something that fits your tastes! Let us know what you think of the movies highlighted here by rating them on the website, and browse our selection of supernatural movies to find your next favorite!
Released: 23 May 1980 |
A family heads to an isolated hotel for the winter where an evil and spiritual presence influences the father into violence,... [read more]
Released: 26 Dec 1973 |
Director: William Friedkin
When a teenage girl is possessed by a mysterious entity, her mother seeks the help of two priests to save her daughter.
Director: Alejandro Amenábar
A woman who lives in a darkened old house with her two photosensitive children becomes convinced that her family home is... [read more]
Director: Richard Donner
Mysterious deaths surround an American ambassador. Could the child that he is raising actually be the anti-christ? The... [read more]
Released: 19 Jul 2013 |
Paranormal investigators Ed and Lorraine Warren work to help a family terrorized by a dark presence in their farmhouse.
Highest Rated: The Shining (1980)
Lowest Rated: The Innkeepers (2011)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


I've been reading this book called "A Geography of Time" on a rec from my super cool friend Pants.
The book is an exploration of how different cultures experience time, and how our current notions of time came to be. In layman's terms, it's why when you're two minutes late in New York City, you're late, but in Brazil, you'd be a half hour early. The book sites studies of how fast people walk across the sidewalk, how long people said they'd be willing to wait for someone else who was late, and how long after a light people start honking, among other measures, to get a measure of the tempo of a city. As it turns out, the pace of a city is directly correlated to per capita income and GDP. The more earning potential have, the more you equate time with money. When an economy is poor, it's not like you can squeeze in another customer call or pitch email in your extra time, so what's the rush?
I was thinking about this when I went to go to breakfast with one of the founders of our portfolio companies. She was about six minutes late and arrived in an apoligetic bluster, literally running up to the outdoor cafe. That's when I noticed that I really didn't care at all.
In fact, I quite enjoyed my six minutes outside in the sun, reading my Kindle app. There's lots of stuff I can do on my phone. I can answer e-mail, read from ReadItLater, play my baseball game, jot some thoughts down for a new blog post. Given that I generally plan to show up to places right on time, I often don't get a lot of free time in the day, so I have no trouble making the most of it--or simply doing nothing at all. People watching works just fine, too.
I think we're all a little bit too tied to the clock. We overschedule, doublebook. Slow down. Very little in your life is make or break. If it doesn't happen today, you'll get it done tomorrow. That's tough to hear as an entrepreneur, but I think the bigger risk is burning out too fast. It wouldn't be so bad if a lot of people slowed down just a bit.
Fred Wilson echoed the same sentiment this morning. He showed up about 15 minutes early for our breakfast at Coffee Shop and I said that I was sorry, but I was still on my way. His response was "No worries. I love free time. Just wanted you to know."
I'm not advocating that we should all suddenly start showing up late to stuff. I can only speak for me, but to be honest, don't rush. If you're late, and we had 30 minutes in the calendar, we'll now we have 25. So what? It's not the end of the world. Thanks for the few minutes. I probably did something useful with them, even if that something is nothing at all.


Long Shadow Farm is a small, organically certified vegetable and fruit farm located in rural Maine. Two hours north of Portland, one hour south of Bangor, and 1.5 hours west of Bar Harbor, Long Shadow Farm is conveniently located to meet all your organic vegetable needs. This year, we are attending weekly Farmers' Markets, hosting a summer CSA and supplying several local restaurants with organic fare.
We currently sell our products at Belfast Farmer's Market, Brooks' Farmer's Market and this year we will sell at the new and improved Searsport Farmer's Market!


Like most children her age, 2-year-old April Tognoni loves playing dress-ups and dreams of one day going to Disneyland.
April was also a very sick little girl – her incurable condition known as Dravet syndrome, a severe form of myoclonic epilepsy, was causing more than 1000 seizures a day.
But now, thanks to parents Jessica and Paul turning to cannabis oil in a last-ditch bid to manage her attacks, April has made a miraculous turnaround.
"My little girl is smiling and for the first time she can look me in the eye," says Jessica.
"I challenge any parent who says they wouldn't do this to save their child's life.
After initially taking the oil every three to four hours orally through a syringe, April now only has the treatment in the morning and at night. As a result, she now has as few as six seizures a day.
Cannabis oil is low in the marijuana compound that's psychoactive but high in cannabidiol (CBD), which is believed by many to have medicinal properties. Scientists think the CBD quiets excessive electrical and chemical activity in the brain that causes seizures.
At their wit's end, Jessica and Paul agreed to try it after watching an American TV show featuring an epileptic child whose symptoms were also eased by cannabis oil.
"When it's life and death, you want to give your child the best chance," says Jessica, also mum to Jonah, 6, Matilda, 5, and 10-month-old Alessandro.


Go to the NCBI home page HERE.
3. On the result page, you will get the list of organism and the number of sequences of that organism in bracket.
4. Click on the list/tree to change the view.
7. Finally You can export you sequences as I explain in step 6 of my previous tutorial.
if I use PROTEIN as target database and search with "all [filter]" query I cannot get the taxonomic tree like in your example. Do I have to change something in the display settings?


Powerlet PPC-012-SC Apple 2G and All Previous iPods Short Powerlet Charging Cable - Works with Apple 2G iPhones and all previous models of iPod including some Nanos. Cable mounted in-line regulator assures the voltage is properly stepped down to operate the iPod. Features a 12" cable and Powerlet PPL-002 Straight Angle Plug. Note: Not compatible with the iPhone 3G (see PPC-026).


When we started The B Hive Apiary, we had no idea that we would find a new passion in helping women make friends not only in their personal lives but also in their businesses and careers. But even beyond that, that we would help those same women seeking solace in the friendships of other professionals to actually build their businesses and careers.
What started as a small book club to make new friends has grown to...TWO book clubs!
As we've learned, experimented and grown with The B Hive Academy, we knew at some point we would need to return to our roots and start a book club again...but this time not just for women who are local to Austin. Because the thing is...The B Hive Academy is not just for Austin women! It's for everyone, across the country and even across the world!!!
So we began a book club, but all online. So, no matter where you are, you can join us in a lively discussion about the professional, personal or business development book we're reading. But even better - we break it all down. Because we know as busy, professional women it can be hard to read an entire book in a month, or even over any period of time. Who really has time to read anymore!?
Our books are broken down into weekly "assignments" and we go live in our Facebook Group to discuss each "assignment" each week! For our very first book, we selected Girl Wash Your Face by Rachel Hollis. Which ended up being totally appropriate because Rachel Hollis lives in Austin! (We only discovered this AFTER we selected the book!).
We LOVED this book. Now there were some caveats for some of the ladies who read along with us, many were not parents so we couldn't always relate to the parts of the books that were about being a mom...but Rachel definitely created some points for each chapter that were relatable to EVERYONE, whether you were a mom or not. Initally we felt that the book was definitely for someone who was just starting to get into self development, but as we got further into the book we liked it even more and found her advice and experiences completely meaningful and actionable.
We're excited to start our next book! Want to get the inside scoop? You can register for our Digital Book Club and get in on our next book!


text:
Why the death of the Firefox phone matters
With its failure to stop the mobile-software dominance of Google and Apple, Mozilla loses relevance and the Web grows a little weaker.
Feb. 5, 2016 10:14 a.m. PT
Budget Firefox OS phones, such as Orange's Klif, weren't enough to sustain the alternative software.
Stephen Shankland/CNET
Maybe you didn't bat an eye when Mozilla killed off Firefox phones.
The nonprofit, after all, faced long odds in taking on Apple's iOS and Google's Android mobile software. And the Firefox OS software had been on a downward trajectory over the past year.
But you should care that Mozilla admitted defeat Thursday because it's further evidence that we live in an Apple-and-Google-only mobile world. Both increasingly draw you into their universe of native apps, where they have more control over what you use. Mozilla, by contrast, offered a more open alternative. The nonprofit's overall waning influence has made it harder to build a vibrant Web, extend its utility to phones, and keep Google and Apple power in check.
Not that Google or Apple are up to anything nefarious, but history is full of examples of big companies abusing their powers, including Microsoft, IBM and the old Ma Bell version of AT&T. You already see heavy-handed behavior with your phone. Don't like Apple Maps on iOS? Tough luck. It's the default.
When the first Firefox OS phones arrived two and a half years ago, Mozilla hoped to repeat its success from a decade earlier when the Firefox browser successfully challenged Microsoft's dominant Internet Explorer and sparked a tremendous burst of innovation and competition. Instead, Firefox OS was bunched with mobile software also-rans like BlackBerry, Canonical's Ubuntu and Microsoft's Windows Phone.
"The circumstances of multiple established operating systems and app ecosystems meant that we were playing catch-up," John Bernard, director of collaboration for connected devices, and George Roter, head of core contributor participation, said Thursday in a note.
Ari Jaaksi, Mozilla's senior vice president of connected devices, said in a blog post that Mozilla will instead focus Firefox OS on the Internet of Things, shorthand for the spread of computing technology to countless devices in homes and businesses.
Firefox as a whole is losing clout, though. The Firefox browser's market share plunged from 19 percent to 9 percent worldwide over the last three years, while Google's Chrome rose from 32 percent to 48 percent, according to analytics firm StatCounter. On smartphones, you're more likely to use Apple's Safari browser on your iPhone or Chrome on your Android device. Increasingly, you're also relying more on so-called native apps.
Not that the Web has disappeared. Who wants to laboriously search for, download and install an app when all you need is a museum's hours or a flight check-in? Even if you do end up installing a company's app, its website is often how you interact first.
Mountain View, California-based Mozilla used Firefox OS to advance Web technology on mobile devices during a time when Apple became more interested in supporting developers of native apps. Despite its focus on Android, Google remains interested in Web development. Yet for years, Mozilla has helped vet and validate Google's plans even as it introduced new technologies like asm.js for faster Web apps and WebGL for hardware-accelerated graphics.
Mobile failures
Firefox OS struggled throughout its development. In May, Mozilla Chief Executive Chris Beard concluded that the company's effort to find a Firefox OS foothold in low-end, low-cost phones had failed despite partnerships with major carriers like Deutsche Telekom and handset makers like Huawei. In December, Mozilla abandoned partnerships with companies like Verizon.
Plan B was to encourage enthusiasts to install Firefox OS on their own phones and turn them into evangelists, replaying the Firefox 1.0 playbook from 2004. But few phones are compatible, installing Firefox OS is harder than installing an app, and popular software like the WhatsApp messaging app is missing.
Tellingly, two high-ranking ex-Mozilla executives rely on Google's Chrome technology. Former CTO Andreas Gal's Internet of Things startup, Silk Labs, uses the Node.js project, which is based on a crucial part of Chrome called V8. Former CEO Brendan Eich's new Brave browser is a variation of Chrome's fundamentals, too.
"We did a careful head-to-head comparison and by every measure" Google's technology won, Eich said in a January mailing list message. "We wish Mozilla well, but as a startup, we must use all sound leverage available to us."
Firefox OS will live on in another form, H5OS, at Acadine Technologies, the startup of former Mozilla President Li Gong. Gong will release the first version of H5OS at the Mobile World Congress show this month and believes Mozilla's withdrawal means more attention for Acadine.
"We are the standard bearer in the open and Web-based mobile OS space," Gong said.
Mozilla itself will continue to push the Firefox browser for Android and iOS devices and for personal computers. Nick Nguyen, vice president of Firefox, promises better performance and new features over the next year.
"Hundreds of millions of users worldwide depend on desktop Firefox," Nguyen said. "We will continue to dedicate the resources needed to build a great browser."
Phones Mobile Apps Firefox OS Firefox
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