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Thurber Tonight: My Life and Hard Times: "A Note at the End." PLUS: "Here Lies Miss Groby"
Though we did skip over those middle chapters of My Life and Hard Times, I thought we should take proper leave of this wonderful little book with its formal envoi. -- Ken
My Life and Hard Times
A Note at the End
The hard times of my middle years I pass over, leaving the ringing bells of 1918, with all their false promise, to mark the end of a special sequence. The sharp edges of old reticences are softened in the autobiographer by the passing of time—a man does not pull the pillow over his head when he wakes in the morning because he suddenly remembers some awful thing that happened to him fifteen or twenty years ago, but the confusions and the panics of last year and the year before are too close for contentment. Until a man can quit talking loudly to himself in order to shout down the memories of blunderings and gropings, he is in no shape for the painstaking examination of distress and the careful ordering of event so necessary to a calm and balanced exposition of what, exactly, was the matter. The time I fell out of the gun room in Mr. James Stanley's house in Green Lake, New York, is, for instance, much too near for me to go into with any peace of mind, although it happened in 1925, the ill-fated year of "Horses, Horses, Horses" and "Valencia." There is now, I understand, a porch to walk out onto when you open the door I opened that night, but there wasn't then.
They tried to sell me baskets.
The mistaken exits and entrances of my thirties have moved me several times to some thought of spending the rest of my days wandering aimlessly around the South Seas, like a character out of Conrad, silent and inscrutable. But the necessity for frequent visits to my oculist and dentist has prevented this. You can't be running back from Singapore every few months to get your lenses changed and still retain the proper mood for wandering. Furthermore, my horn-rimmed glasses and my Ohio accent betray me, even when I sit on the terrasses of little tropical cafes, wearing a pith helmet, staring straight ahead, and twitching a muscle in my jaw. I found this out when I tried wandering around the West Indies one summer. Instead of being followed by the whispers of men and the glances of women, I was followed by bead salesmen and native women with postcards. Nor did any dark girl, looking at all like Tondelayo in "White Cargo," come forward and offer to go to pieces with me. They tried to sell me baskets.
Under these circumstances it is impossible to be inscrutable, and a wanderer who isn't inscrutable might just as well be back at Broad and High Streets in Columbus sitting in the Baltimore Dairy Lunch. Nobody from Columbus has ever made a first rate wanderer in the Conradean tradition. Some of them have been fairly good at disappearing for a few days to turn up in a hotel in Louisville with a bad headache and no recollection of how they got there, but they always scurry back to their wives with some cock-and-bull story of having lost their memory or having gone away to attend the annual convention of the Fraternal Order of Eagles.
A Hotel Room in Louisville
There was, of course, even for Conrad's Lord Jim, no running away. The cloud of his special discomfiture followed him like a pup, no matter what ships he took or what wildernesses he entered. In the pathways between office and home and home and the houses of settled people there are always, ready to snap at you, the little perils of routine living, but there is no escape in the unplanned tangent, the sudden turn. In Martinique, when the whistle blew for the tourists to get back on the ship, I had a quick, wild, and lovely moment when I decided I wouldn't get back on the ship. I did, though. And I found that somebody had stolen the pants to my dinner jacket.
Here Lies Miss Groby
"Here Lies Miss Groby" appeared in The New Yorker of March 21, 1942, and was first collected in book form in My World and Welcome to It. It was also included in The Thurber Carnival. I don't think there will be any great mystery as to why I'm including this piece. I have no idea how much of Miss Groby is creation and how much sheer memory, but she's one of my favorite Thurber characters. And Container for the Thing Contained is one of my favorite Thurber obsessions. -- Ken
Miss Groby taught me English composition thirty years ago. It wasn't what prose said that interested Miss Groby; it was the way prose said it. The shape of a sentence crucified on a blackboard (parsed, she called it) brought a light to her eye. She hunted for Topic Sentences and Transitional Sentences the way little girls hunt for white violets in springtime. What she loved most of all were Figures of Speech. You remember her. You must have had her, too. Her influence will never die out of the land. A small schoolgirl asked me the other day if I could give her an example of metonymy. (There are several kinds of metonymies, you may recall, but the one that will come to mind most easily, I think, is Container for the Thing Contained.) The vision of Miss Groby came clearly before me when the little girl mentioned the old, familiar word. I saw her sitting at her desk, taking the rubber band off the roll-call cards, running it back upon the fingers of her right hand, and surveying us all separately with quick little henlike turns of her head.
Here lies Miss Groby, not dead, I think, but put away on a shelf with the other T squares and rulers whose edges had lost their certainty. The fierce light that Miss Groby brought to English literature was the light of Identification. Perhaps, at the end, she could no longer retain the dates of the birth and death of one of the Lake poets. That would have sent her to the principal of the school with her resignation. Or perhaps she could not remember, finally, exactly how many Cornishmen there were who had sworn that Trelawny should not die, or precisely how many springs were left to Housman's lad in which to go about the woodlands to see the cherry hung with snow.
Verse was one of Miss Groby's delights because there was so much in both its form and content that could be counted. I believe she would have got an enormous thrill out of Wordsworth's famous lines about Lucy if they had been written this way:
A violet by a mossy stone
Half hidden from the eye,
Fair as a star when ninety-eight
Are shining in the sky.
It is hard for me to believe that Miss Groby ever saw any famous work of literature from far enough away to know what it meant. She was forever climbing up the margins of books and crawling between their lines, hunting for the little gold of phrase, making marks with a pencil. As Palamides hunted the Questing Beast, she hunted the Figure of Speech. She hunted it through the clangorous halls of Shakespeare and through the green forests of Scott.
Night after night, for homework, Miss Groby set us to searching in "Ivanhoe" and "Julius Caesar" for metaphors, similes, metonymies, apostrophes, personifications, and all the rest. It got so that figures of speech jumped out of the pages at you, obscuring the sense and pattern of the novel or play you were trying to read. "Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears." Take that, for instance. There is an unusual but perfect example of Container for the Thing Contained. If you read the funeral oration unwarily -- that is to say, for its meaning -- you might easily miss the C.F.T.T.C. Antony is, of course, not asking for their ears in the sense that he wants them cut off and handed over; he is asking for the function of those ears, for their power to hear, for, in a word, the thing they contain.
At first I began to fear that all the characters in Shakespeare and Scott were crazy. They confused cause with effect, the sign for the thing signified, the thing held for the thing holding it. But after a while I began to suspect that it was I myself who was crazy. I would find myself lying awake at night saying over and over, "The thinger for the thing contained." In a great but probably misguided attempt to keep my mind on its hinges, I would stare at the ceiling and try to think of an example of the Thing Contained for the Container. It struck me as odd that Miss Groby had never thought of that inversion. I finally hit on one, which I still remember. If a woman were to grab up a bottle of Grade A and say to her husband, "Get away from me or I'll hit you with the milk," that would be a Thing Contained for the Container. The next day in class I raised my hand and brought my curious discovery straight out before Miss Groby and my astonished schoolmates. I was eager and serious about it and it never occurred to me that the other children would laugh. They laughed loudly and long. When Miss Groby had quieted them she said to me rather coldly, "That was not really amusing, James." That's the mixed-up kind of thing that happened to me in my teens.
In later years I came across another excellent example of this figure of speech in a joke long since familiar to people who know vaudeville or burlesque (or radio, for that matter). It goes something like this:
A: What's your head all bandaged up for?
B: I got hit with some tomatoes.
A: How could that bruise you up so bad?
B: These tomatoes were in a can.
I wonder what Miss Groby would have thought of that one.
I dream of my old English teacher occasionally. It seems that we are always in Sherwood Forest and that from far away I can hear Robin Hood winding his silver horn.
"Drat that man for making such a racket on his cornet!" cries Miss Groby. "He scared away a perfectly darling Container for the Thing Contained, a great, big, beautiful one. It leaped right back into its context when that man blew that cornet. It was the most wonderful Container for the Thing Contained I ever saw here in the Forest of Arden."
"This is Sherwood Forest," I say to her.
"That doesn't make any difference at all that I can see," she says to me.
Then I wake up, tossing and moaning.
SATURDAY NIGHT: "The Secret Life of Walter Mitty" (yes!)
[UPDATE: Make that Sunday night]
THURBER TONIGHT: Check out the series to date
Labels: James Thurber, My LIfe and Hard Times
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State of the Wunion: A Ruckus-Free Return for the Wu-Tang Clan
Kevin Winter/Getty
by Alex Pappademas
A commercially middling cult band whose brand awareness verges on the Beatles-esque, immortal in the hearts of a global stoner coterie for whom new product or its absence is largely beside the point, historically stronger on cryptic envelopment than hooks, never quite the same after drugs robbed them of the guy with the poor-hygiene-evocative stage moniker: Is there any doubt at this point who "rap's Grateful Dead" really is? Jay Z got away with self-applying the title on 2003's "Encore" because it was 2003, when few dared begrudge Hov anything — and because Staten Island's Wu-Tang Clan, then two years into an entropic hiatus that would last four more, weren't around to challenge him.
A Better Tomorrow, reportedly the group's swan song as a recording unit, released earlier this month after endless bickering and dickering, is also the first all-hands Wu album in seven years. (I refuse to count the stunty Once Upon a Time in Shaolin, produced in a limited edition of one copy, priced at $5 million, glimpsed in a Skrillex video last month.) The length of their absence has something to do with logistics — minus Ol' Dirty Bastard, who died in 2004, but including Cappadonna, promoted to first-string membership as of 2007's 8 Diagrams, there are once again nine dudes in the Clan, with solo careers and Hollywood deals and cobranded e-cigar lines to look after. But even getting all nine deadly venoms together in a room now guarantees exactly nothing. During the recording of Diagrams, a rift developed between Raekwon and producer/de facto ringleader the RZA over the creative direction of the group. As late as this April, Rae was still comparing the likelihood of his gracing Tomorrow to "climbing up a fuckin' mountain if you got on slippers." The underlying issues may have been personal or contractual, but they were also musical: Raekwon called RZA a "hip-hop hippie" for pushing live instrumentation over the brass-knuckled beats of yore, and gave interviews questioning his leadership and his read on the marketplace. An entire crew operating on unsynchronized rapper time was an obstacle they'd overcome countless times before. Open revolt was another story.
Apparently some of that tension has since been hugged out: On the hokey, heart-tugging "Wu-Tang Reunion," Masta Killa describes a family gathering with everyone under one roof, enjoying burgers, fried fish, aunt-baked cherry pie, and celebratory Ciroc shots. And Raekwon's all over the record, kicking that old surrealist crime-lord lifestyle porn ("Meetings in the Vatican, drinkin' Scotch with the Muscle Milk") like it's all good. Which it may well be. The Clan's Daily Show appearance this past August — easily the most awkward tête-à-tête between Shaolin's finest and a late-night personality since the RZA built with the god Hank Kingsley on Larry Sanders — will still make the short list of notable Wu TV appearances simply because everybody showed up. (On Sanders, the role of the Clan was played by Cappadonna and third-banana Wu-franchisees Killarmy.)
But to make us forget all we know — the gap between recordings almost as long as Taylor Swift's career, the public sniping, the growing sense of the center not holding and the comeback albums as stages of a long good-bye — this needed to be a world-exciting late-career triumph. Instead it's awkward and tentative and somehow audibly the work of guys who don't communicate like they used to. It's not a bad record; it's just a depressing one. They can still stop you in your tracks with a single turn of phrase, and more than ever, a great line can come from anywhere. "Wild like the theme park ride called the Buccaneer / Weed in the Tupperware, throw you off the upper tier" stopped me twice — once when I heard it, again when I realized it was U-God. But clunkers also abound, as if the need to preserve studio truces made basic quality control impossible; nothing else explains why the first Wu record in seven years would let Inspectah Deck tee off Track 1 with a verse lazily name-checking TV shows ("With the son of anarchy, I be breaking bad") and comparing himself to the Dos Equis guy. If your affection for this outfit hinged in any way on their virtuosic way with a Marianas-deep pop reference, it's tragic to see them resort to channel-surfing dad jokes. But since we now live in a world where Method Man — Method Man! — tells young'uns "I can see your drawers, pull your pants up," maybe we're well on the other side of the dad-rap looking glass by now. And while RZA recently told NME that he grew up freestyling on the same patch of Staten Island sidewalk where cops choked Eric Garner to death, this record feels unbecomingly insulated from the tensions of the past 12 months; even a video splicing together protest footage from Ferguson and New York couldn't make the title track's Puffy-esque pilfering of Harold Melvin & the Blue Notes' "Wake Up Everybody" feel earned.
The real problem here is that Raekwon was right about the music. A cracked maestro of the sampler, RZA just can't coax the same grit and weirdness — what director Jim Jarmusch once called that "beautiful, broken sound" — out of the live instruments he's preferred since learning to read and write music in the early '00s. There's a highly unbecoming jazzbo competence to a lot of these songs, peaking with the sax-vamp outro of the Dusty Springfield–interpolating "Preacher's Daughter," the first Wu-Tang song ever to make me think of a talk-show band really going for it during a commercial break. Wu mythology holds that RZA could never quite re-create the precise grimy texture of the early Wu tracks after a flood destroyed the basement studio where he made them. The closest we get here is "Necklace," which could at least have slipped onto Wu-Tang Forever — storm-cloud piano chords, rattlesnake percussion, a warped soprano sax wavering in the mix like a mirage of Wu-Tang Mountain. The production is credited to 4th Disciple; go figure that the Tomorrow cut that sounds the most identifiably like the RZA is one of two he didn't produce.
Andrew Benge/Redferns via Getty
The most purely enjoyable 2014 Wu product you can't pay for is Raekwon's October mixtape We Wanna Thank You, a collection of 20 freestyles over vintage and semi-vintage R&B instrumentals — from the Isley Brothers' "Footsteps in the Dark" to Sunshine Anderson's "Heard It All Before" — originally released on Rae's Twitter under the #TBT hashtag. It's the sound of a virtuoso slipping into history like it's a borrowed mink. The best Wu-related album you can buy is Ghostface Killah's 36 Seasons, which popped up in stores a week after A Better Tomorrow. Ghost is the Wu member with the most consistent solo discography and (not coincidentally) the one who's benefited the most from the contributions of outside-the-compound producers. On Seasons, the tracks are by the Brooklyn soul band the Revelations — who supplied primo ersatz-Stax grooves for the RZA-approved compilation Wu-Tang Chamber Music back in 2009 — and contributing producers like Fizzy Womack, better known as M.O.P.'s Lil Fame. Relaxed and low-key astonishing where ABT is high-pressure unremarkable, Seasons would be the live-band hip-hop-soul album of the year in a year without a Black Messiah. It still makes a stronger case for human musicians as an acceptable substitute for samples than projects like this one usually do.
As with Ghostface's giallo-soundtrack-inspired 2013 album Twelve Reasons to Die, this is a concept album if you need it to be one, something about an aging tough guy back on the block, finding "crackheads on every corner" and another dude bedding his girl and — worse, from a Tony Starks perspective — wearing his robes. After he is double-crossed and possibly disfigured in an accident (hence the MF Doom–meets-Slipknot mask on the cover, I guess) he goes into "revenge mode." Whatever — the plot is an excuse for Ghost to swear instant-classic oaths like "I'll wipe my dick on your spaghetti fork" and fill out his supporting cast with street-rap luminaries like AZ and Pharoahe Monch. It's a supergroup effort by default, on which it's not Ghostface but Kool G. Rap, rhyming as a crooked cop reminiscing about his first mob hit on "Loyalty," who walks off with the title: "A little place in Coney Island called the Clam Kitchen / I walk right up to the table where I can't miss 'em / And his bodyguard comin' out of the can dissin' / The two waiters serving plates stood in a trance, shivering." Then the punch line, which imbues the rest of the story with the weight of things left unsaid, not to mention an echo of a certain immortal couplet about growing up on the crime side: "Been running here for nine years, and believe me none of them kind years."
Filed Under: Wu-Tang Clan, Ghostface Killah, The RZA, Method Man, Raekwon, U-God, cappadonna
Alex Pappademas is a staff writer for Grantland.
Archive @ PAPPADEMAS
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We Went There: The First and Last Chance to Hear Wu-Tang's 'Once Upon a Time in Shaolin' for 88 Years March 3, 2015
Portrait of the Artist As a Young Stan: Joey Bada$$ and the Anxiety of Influence January 20, 2015
State of the Wunion: A Ruckus-Free Return for the Wu-Tang Clan December 18, 2014
Flashback: Reenter the Wu-Tang, Atomically December 2, 2014
See all Wu-Tang Clan
Gortida Perdita: Manhattan Beach and 'Inherent Vice'
'House Eats 5': A la Barbecue Celebration!


Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, n.d. Plate 28809.
Nos. 11, 8, 1, 16, 2, 14, 12, and 5 from Etudes, Op.81.
Omits Cramer's slow introduction from Busoni's No.6.
Dedicated to Carl Lütschg (1839–1899) in St. Petersburg.
London: Frederick Harris Co., 1897. Plate F.H. 510-511.


We ave a new catagory, Advertisments. Here you can sjhw what Ad toy made for our forum, but first, you have to PM me about it.
Awesome!! Thanks! I'll start working on my BP ad.
If you make some Ads, please have them be videos. Yours is fine Heather.
Subject: Re: Our newest Catagory!


The City of Southaven is proud to be home to the Snowden Grove Baseball Complex. It is the award winning, state-of-the-art, 17 baseball field facility that possesses features previously only found at professional stadiums.
Snowden Grove Baseball Complex is home to the NABF World Series, 10-year-old USSSA World Series, Dizzy Dean World Series, numerous competitive baseball tournaments, and recreational baseball as well.


You will have noticed on some maps the sun is visible and casts nice rays. If you would like this in your map it is eeeeeeeeeze.
I have no idea what the first arg, 1 is for so just leave it as 1 and forget it. The last 3 args should match the settings of the External light in the LED. The position of the sunflare will then be consistant with all the cast shadows. btw. In the RAS maps the sun is created in a file sol.py. For some reason the sunflare is not saved in memory like all the entities and is absent in the saved games. If you put the code in DefFuncs.py it will be recreated as the savegame loads. The sunflare is optional. It is purely cosmetic and does not emit light.
Tweak the Color (0 to 255) and Reflection (0 to 1) to your preference.
If you have a lot of pools, you can make a seperate file, or you can put the pools in objs.py.
Make a file 'TextureMaterials.py'. This is a Key file and must have that exact name. Shortcut here: Copy this file intact from one of the RAS maps and Paste it into your own map. If you using a texture set from a particular map, grab the one from that map. You need not edit it then. Exec it in cfg.py. Useful tip. Keep this file at the end of the execs so it is loaded last. If you have footstep sounds when the map is loaded, you then know that there are no errors in the other files.


text:
I Lost My Tooth! (An Unlimited Squirrels Book) (Hardcover)
By Mo Willems, Mo Willems (Illustrator)
Anderson's Bookshop Naperville
(CH BEG READERS)
This is book number 1 in the Unlimited Squirrels series.
#4: Guess What!? (An Unlimited Squirrels Book) (Hardcover): $12.99
Mo Willems, creator of the revolutionary, award-winning, best-selling Elephant & Piggie books, is back with another breakout beginning-reader series. An ensemble cast of Squirrels, Acorns, and pop-in guests host a page-turning extravaganza. Each book features a funny, furry adventure AND bonus jokes, quirky quizzes, nutty facts, and so, so many Squirrels.
In I Lost My Tooth!, Zoom Squirrel has lost a front tooth! The Squirrels leap into action when they discover the missing tooth is a baby tooth! Do you know more about teeth than the Squirrels do? You will by the end of this book!
Mo Willems, a number one New York Times best-selling author and illustrator has been awarded a Caldecott Honor on three occasions, for Don't Let the Pigeon Drive the Bus!, Knuffle Bunny: A Cautionary Tale, and Knuffle Bunny Too: A Case of Mistaken Identity. His celebrated Elephant & Piggie series has won two Theodor Seuss Geisel Medals and five Theodor Seuss Geisel Honors.
Mo began his career as a writer and animator on Sesame Street, where he garnered six Emmy awards. He lives with his family in Massachusetts. Learn more at pigeonpresents.com and @The_Pigeon.
"Another easy reader hit for Willems. Fans of "Elephant Piggie" will enjoy the author's trademark humor and format and embrace these new squirrely friends."—School Library Journal (starred review)
"Those who worried how the world would survive the end of the Elephant Piggie books can now rest easy; Willems is letting loose a new beginning reader series, Unlimited Squirrels. Preschoolers' newest obsession starts here. Hoard it like acorns."—Booklist (starred review)
Publisher: Hyperion Books for Children
Publication Date: October 2nd, 2018
Series: Unlimited Squirrels
Juvenile Fiction / Readers / Beginner


As real-time and distributed systems become common-place, latencies associated with memory management begin to limit the usability of garbage collected languages. In particular, the Glasgow Haskell Compiler has long relied on a throughput-oriented copying garbage collector; while this collector provides good memory locality for user programs, minimal fragmentation, and efficient collection, it imposes large latencies when collecting large heaps.
Recent language implementations (e.g. Go, Mono, various Java implementations) have moved away from have avoided the problem of garbage collection latency through use of concurrent collection on a non-moving heap. In this talk Ben will provide a high-level overview of a concurrent, non-moving garbage collector implemented for the Glasgow Haskell Compiler. This collector offers significantly improved pause times without the need for code recompilation and with minimal impact on program runtime. He will discuss the trade-offs implicit in the design, the challenges posed by collecting Haskell in particular, and present some preliminary performance measurements from a prototype implementation.


text:
Q: Select and output specific CSV file records This is the CSV data I have:
Host                            Description
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com   check_check_cpu
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com   check_interface_eth0
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_check_cpu
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_interface_eth0
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_interface_eth1
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_memory
devmart1.devad.myworldpanel.com mount-check_usr
devmart1.devad.myworldpanel.com mount-check_var
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_check_cpu
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_interface_eth0
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_memory
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_uptime

I have a GUI where I select the server names, and from there the respective records for those servers should be selected from the CSV and output to another CSV.
e.g.
If I select devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com, and devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com, then my new CSV should have:
Host                            Description
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com   check_check_cpu
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com   check_interface_eth0
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_check_cpu
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_interface_eth0
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_memory
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_uptime

I need some idea on how to do this.

A: We do not see any of the GUI, but assuming your CSV looks like this:
Host,Description
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_check_cpu
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_interface_eth0
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_check_cpu
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_interface_eth0
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_interface_eth1
devetl1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_memory
devmart1.devad.myworldpanel.com,mount-check_usr
devmart1.devad.myworldpanel.com,mount-check_var
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_check_cpu
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_interface_eth0
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_memory
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com,check_uptime

and the selected items are in an array like
$selectedItems = 'devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com','devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com'

Then you could do this:
$csv = Import-Csv -Path 'D:\Test\allhosts.csv'
$selectedItems = 'devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com','devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com'

$csv | Where-Object { $_.Host -in $selectedItems } | Export-Csv -Path 'D:\Test\SelectedData.csv' -NoTypeInformation

to produce a new csv:
Host                           Description
----                           -----------
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_check_cpu
devas1.devad.myworldpanel.com  check_interface_eth0
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com check_check_cpu
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com check_interface_eth0
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com check_memory
devnfs1.devad.myworldpanel.com check_uptime

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Larsa Pippen And Michael Jordan's Son Marcus Seemingly Confirm Relationship With Passionate Kiss
September 24, 2022 12:09 PM PST
It's official! Less than one year after Larsa Pippen and Scottie Pippen finalized their divorce, she has a new beau: Marcus Jordan.
On Friday, September 23, Us Weekly released intimate photos of the alleged new couple. According to the site, they were seen kissing, hugging and cuddling during a dinner date in New York City on Thursday, September 22.
An eyewitness told the outlet, "Marcus and Larsa are dating and have been spending more time together in recent weeks. They are trying to keep it on the down low because of the rift between Scottie and Michael."
"They are definitely an item. As the night progressed it was obvious to everyone in the restaurant that she was really into him. She was hugging and kissing him, and she was practically sitting on his lap by the end of the dinner," said the insider. "It became a bit of a spectacle to onlookers as it was quite distracting."
Rumors of Larsa and Marcus being an item first emerged after the two were caught getting close at Zuma, a Japanese restaurant in Miami earlier this month. It's reported that the pair appeared to be on a double date of some sort with another couple at their table.
In photos released by TMZ, it could be seen Larsa and Marcus were sitting down next to each other during their lunch. According to eyewitnesses, the twosome dined for about 45 minutes. After finishing their meal, they were snapped leaving the eatery together with "The Real Housewives of Miami" alum leading the way and the 32-year-old Marcus following closely behind.
As many speculated that they're an item, a source told TMZ a few days later that Larsa and Marcus were not dating. Insisting that their Miami outing was nothing more than a casual get-together, the informant said that the 48-year-old former Bravolebrity was "not hooking up" with the son of her ex-husband's nemesis as they're "strictly friends."
Later, a photo of Marcus' alleged fiancee circulated online. Gossip of the City posted on September 6 that Marcus "is engaged to a white woman" and that "he's not with Larsa." The gossip account also added a photo of Marcus posing closely with his alleged fiancee.
Tags:Larsa PippenMarcus Jordan


How do these people do this with so much confidence?
To the person who's reading this… I know you either worried, overwhelmed, struggling in some way or questioning God. But listen, he loves you, and had a plan to bring you out of this stronger, brighter and better than you were before.. You're going to make it.


There are two different kinds of leg length discrepancies, congenital and acquired. Congenital means you are born with it. One leg is anatomically shorter than the other. As a result of developmental phases of aging, the brain picks up on the step pattern and recognizes some difference. The entire body typically adapts by tilting one shoulder over to the "short" side. A difference of under a quarter inch isn't grossly irregular, doesn't need Shoe Lifts to compensate and normally does not have a serious effect over a lifetime.
Leg length inequality goes typically undiagnosed on a daily basis, however this condition is very easily remedied, and can eliminate a number of cases of chronic back pain.
Treatment for leg length inequality commonly involves Shoe Lifts. These are generally cost-effective, normally being less than twenty dollars, in comparison to a custom orthotic of $200 plus. When the amount of leg length inequality begins to exceed half an inch, a whole sole lift is generally the better choice than a heel lift. This prevents the foot from being unnecessarily stressed in an abnormal position.
Lower back pain is the most widespread condition impacting men and women today. Over 80 million men and women are affected by back pain at some point in their life. It is a problem which costs employers millions of dollars every year as a result of lost time and production. Fresh and better treatment methods are continually sought after in the hope of lowering economical influence this issue causes.
People from all corners of the world suffer the pain of foot ache as a result of leg length discrepancy. In most of these cases Shoe Lifts are usually of very helpful. The lifts are capable of eliminating any discomfort and pain in the feet. Shoe Lifts are recommended by numerous qualified orthopaedic practitioners".
In order to support the body in a healthy and balanced manner, the feet have got a crucial job to play. Despite that, it's often the most overlooked region in the body. Many people have flat-feet meaning there is unequal force exerted on the feet. This will cause other body parts including knees, ankles and backs to be affected too. Shoe Lifts guarantee that suitable posture and balance are restored.


text:
Джон Моффат ():  (род. 1922) — британский актёр.
 Моффат, Джон (род. 1932) — канадский физик и педагог.
 Моффат, Джон Смит (1835—1918) — британский миссионер и колониальный агент на юге Африки.
  (1841—1918) — шотландский горный предприниматель.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Trump expected to depart White House Wednesday morning for final time as president
The president will be headed to his private club Mar-a-Lago in Palm Beach, Fla.
President Donald Trump waves as he walks to Marine One on the South Lawn of the White House on Jan. 12, 2021.Drew Angerer / Getty Images
By Peter Alexander, Monica Alba, Ali Vitali and Rebecca Shabad
WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump is expected to leave the White House for the final time as president Wednesday morning, according to two people familiar with his plans.
The two sources said that he plans to travel to his home in West Palm Beach, Florida, and land there before noon, when he will still be commander-in-chief. President-elect Joe Biden's swearing-in ceremony at the Capitol will take place around 12 p.m. ET.
Trump's impeachment trial could start next week
Trump didn't like the idea of leaving Washington for the last time on anything but Air Force One, one of the sources said, since that is no longer the call sign for the aircraft once the oath of office has been given to an outgoing president's successor.
People wait for a moving van after boxes were moved out of the Eisenhower Executive Office building inside the White House complex on Jan. 14, 2021.Gerald Herbert / AP
Plans are still being made for Trump's departure, these people caution. There are discussions underway, for example, for a ceremony at Joint Base Andrews where Trump would deliver remarks before leaving for Mar-a-Lago.
This comes as people were seen at the White House Thursday packing boxes into moving trucks.
Workers move boxes onto a truck on West Executive Avenue between the West Wing of the White House and the Eisenhower Executive Office Building at the White House on Jan. 14, 2021.Drew Angerer / Getty Images
Unlike previous inauguration days, the Trumps and the Bidens are not expected to interact before Biden is sworn in. Trump has already said he has opted not to attend his successor's ceremony.
Details have not yet been finalized, however, and as recently as this week, Trump's aides and allies were told the president may leave on Tuesday, which shows how fluid the situation has been and remains with only five days left in his presidency.
Meanwhile, Vice President Mike Pence called Vice President-elect Kamala Harris on Thursday to congratulate her and offer any assistance with the upcoming inauguration, NBC News confirmed.
It was a cordial and pleasant call, according to two sources familiar with the discussion. Pence and his wife plan to attend the inaugural ceremony Wednesday. The New York Times first reported the call.
Peter Alexander is chief White House correspondent for NBC News.
Monica Alba
Monica Alba is a White House correspondent for NBC News.
Ali Vitali
Ali Vitali is a political reporter for NBC News, based in Washington.
Rebecca Shabad
Rebecca Shabad is a congressional reporter for NBC News, based in Washington.


text:
Hawaii holds special election for House seat; Democrats expect loss in Obama's birthplace
By Philip Rucker
Saturday, May 22, 2010; 11:29 AM
Democrats are bracing for the loss of a House seat Saturday in President Obama's birthplace of Hawaii, where a special election in a heavily Democratic district has inflamed tensions within the party.
Republican Charles Djou has been leading in recent public polls in the winner-takes-all contest -- largely as a result of a feud between two Democratic candidates that has splintered their party's base. A Djou victory would break the Democrats' long winning streak of special elections and hand the Republican Party a symbolic victory in its bid to regain control of Congress.
There were no party primaries to replace Neil Abercrombie, a 10-term Democratic congressman who resigned to run for governor, so Saturday's election features 14 candidates. Whoever gets the most votes wins.
The two leading Democrats, state Senate President Colleen Hanabusa and former congressman Ed Case, have been fighting for months, with neither candidate willing to bow out of the race in the interest of party unity.
Seizing the opportunity, Djou appealed to voters' concerns about the federal deficit, striking an anti-Washington tone in an effort to become only the third Republican ever to represent Hawaii in Congress.
"I've centered my whole campaign on my approach to fiscal responsibility and government accountability, and I think that's resonating with the electorate, even here in Hawaii," Djou said in an interview Friday. He added, "For a long time, there's been a feeling that this seat is wholly owned by the Democratic Party. I have been hitting hard on the theme that this is not a seat that is owned by any political party or union or special interest group. This is a seat owned by the people."
The election will be decided by mail-in ballot. About 50 percent of the 1st Congressional District's 317,000 registered voters had returned completed ballots as of Friday, according to state elections spokesman Rex Quidilla. Voters have until Saturday to return ballots, and the results will be announced Saturday night (after midnight Sunday on the East Coast).
Political observers in Hawaii said the campaign has been nastier and more expensive than any congressional election in recent memory, with television advertisements flooding the airwaves in recent weeks.
"Oh, mother of Joseph!" said Dan Boylan, a prominent commentator on state politics. "I don't think I've ever seen as many attack ads in any election in Hawaii. . . . They defined themselves early and just kept repeating it: [Case] was the moderate Democrat, [Hanabusa] was the union-supported more liberal Democrat and [Djou] was the Republican who had never voted for a tax hike."
National Democrats have all but ceded the race. After repeated unsuccessful efforts to persuade one of the Democrats to quit -- the White House even leaked an internal memorandum concluding that the seat would "fall into Republican hands" with both Hanabusa and Case in the race -- officials in Washington effectively waved the white flag.
The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which had spent more than $300,000 on television advertisements attacking Djou, decided earlier this month to stop spending in Hawaii. "Unfortunately local Democrats were not able to work out their differences," DCCC spokesman Andrew Stone said.
Rep. Chris Van Hollen (Md.), the DCCC chairman, told reporters this week that the party is falling victim to "unique circumstances" in the special election. He predicted that Case and Hanabusa together will garner more than 50 percent of the vote in Saturday's election, a sign that a Democrat could win in November's general election when there will be a single nominee, determined in the Sept. 18 primary.
"I can confidently predict that the Democrats together will get a majority of the vote, just like the Democratic candidate in November will get a majority of the vote," Van Hollen said.
Democrats have won the last six House special elections, including Tuesday's race in Pennsylvania to replace the late Democratic Rep. John P. Murtha. National Republicans hope a victory in Hawaii, even without a majority of votes, can provide the party needed momentum heading into the fall.
"The fact that we have an opportunity to win in President Obama's childhood district, where he received 70 percent of the vote in 2008, speaks to the quality of Charles Djou's candidacy and the level of Republican voter intensity across the country," said Ken Spain, spokesman for the National Republican Campaign Committee. "Democrats can try to spin this all they want, but a loss in President Obama's hometown district would be a tough pill to swallow."
The race has been awkward for Democrats. Obama recorded robocalls earlier this month to drive up Democratic turnout, but the president did not mention a candidate, merely asking Hawaiians to vote for "a Democrat." Three former Hawaii governors staged a news conference last weekend to urge voters to support one of the Democrats, but did not single out a candidate because their allegiances are divided between the two.
The campaign has strained relations between Hawaii's most powerful politicians and Democratic leaders in Washington. In the five decades since statehood, Hawaii's politics have been controlled by a Democratic political machine, run by Sen. Daniel Inouye and powered in part by labor unions.
Hanabusa is the hand-picked candidate of Inouye and Sen. Daniel Akaka. Hanabusa has won the endorsements of Hawaii's labor unions, yet she has been trailing in third place in all recent polls.
Hanabusa has touted her relationships with Inouye and Akaka, saying that she is uniquely suited to work with them to bring federal investments to Hawaii.
"They are both portraying this inability to work with the congressional delegation as a sign of independence," Hanabusa said in an interview last month. "That's not a sign of independence. . . . You're not running for this office to serve yourself. You're running to get a job done."
Meanwhile, Case, who represented the 2nd Congressional District from 2002 to 2007, remains within striking distance of Djou, according to polls. Case has run as an insurgent, railing against the Honolulu establishment and touting his independent streak.
"Folks want change, but not just any change," Case said in an interview Friday. "It's not change just swinging across the ideological spectrum. That's not the change that folks want. They want a change that brings independent, consensus-based problem-solving to D.C."


text:
New CD Summer 2017
The CD "Let There Be Love" promises to be an instant classic. As the title suggests, all the songs are intimate, revealing and heartfelt. The mood of some of the songs are deeply sentimental, particularly the ballads like "Let There Be Love", "Us" and "Questions". The emotional "Us" was produced by Lynell Boone and Michael Macon of Mista Monsta Productions. All three songs deftly speak of love's longing for itself.
In "Talk To Me Bass, Dee waxes metaphorically about her favorite instrument—the bass guitar. It's as if she's performing a confessional duet with the instrument. "Talk To Me Bass" is a remake of bassist/producer Frank McKinney's Jazz Instrumental "Meditate on the Bass". This is her homage to the bass guitar.
There are up tempo dance songs that will get you on the dance floor, but they, too, speak of love such as "Every Time", "Turn You On", and "With You", where she is joined by Jarvis Greene adding his flavor of 'old school' Soul. The sensational Sarah LeSol provided soaring background vocals on "Every Time". Saxophonists Ron Adwaters and Vincent Gordon made priceless contributions to the CD. Glen Trevillion provided critical support and guidance in song selection. Studio support provided by Angie Mills' Block Studio. Vince Hakim of Vanishing Tiger Mastering added the perfect sheen to several of the songs. And her fun-filled photo shoot was done by Roger Stephenson Photography.
"Si Tu Crois" (If You Believe) is her first time performing a song in another language. A poem came to her as she was drifting off to sleep one night. She jumped out of bed, wrote it down, and sent it to her friend, Barbara Dubiel, who translated it into French for her. Within a few days, the song (produced by Frank McKinney) was completed and added to the CD.
In a first-time collaboration with producer and guitarist par excellence Ulric Hodge, Dee demonstrates a Smooth Jazz feel. You can expect her to explore that style more in future endeavors. Ulric made her feel comfortable enough to sing whatever she felt to his music. When she first listened to his production, the hook line came immediately, and the song was completed in about 30 minutes. Dee said the music told her what to say, and "Something About You" was born.
Dee revisited two spoken word pieces from her first CD "WomanFlower" with long-time musical collaborator Julius Jae B Barnes—"My Ultimate Man" and "White Grand Prix". Jae B restructured and updated both songs making one Jazzy and the other Neo Soul. Jae B also produced the title song "Let There Be Love" and another song that came to both of them simultaneously…One day as she was driving, she started singing lyrics that had come to her. She immediately pulled over and recorded a couple verses in her phone. Later that same day, Jae B told her that he had a track she needed to hear. The second she heard it, she knew the words that had come to her earlier that day were meant particularly for this music. The lyrics express how people can find clarity by turning on the light in others. That song became "Turn You On".
With this album, Dee has added new dimensions to her musical offerings. But through it all, she doesn't veer far away from her signature style that is easily recognizable by her fans—smooth, classy, and timeless. That's her spot.
Smooth it is...
If you enjoy smooth vocals, mesmerizing lyrics, and enticing music, this CD is for you. Arouse and be aroused...and let there be love.
Hear album now: https://deerobinson.hearnow.com/
1. Every Time (4:33)
2. Turn You On (4:09)
3. With You (4:10)
4. Let There Be Love (4:39)
5. Something About You (4:15)
6. My Ultimate Man (4:04)
7. White Grand Prix (6:00)
8. Questions (4:10)
9. Si Tu Crois (3:58)
10. Talk To Me Bass (3:38)
11. Us (3:56)
Dee Robinson
Julius "JaeB" Barnes
Ulrich "Rick" Hodge
Frank McKinney
Michael "Money Karlo" Macon
Lynell Boone
Copyright © 2018 Dee Robinson - All Rights Reserved.


[http://indepthafrica.com] The fourteen-month old Muslim civil rights movement in Ethiopia has so far had some spectacular implications for the development of democracy and democratic political culture in the country. It has affected both the cultural as well as the institutional dynamics of the country's political situation. In the following lines, I will examine just three very inter-related, but immensely broad, points where the Muslim activism has left great impacts on the contours of the current and future democratic possibilities of Ethiopia. I will deliberately be sketchy and short, as I don't intend to render this piece of writing a journal article.
Many 20th and 21th century dictators pose a modicum of conundrum to anyone who studies the nature of their power. They belie any traditional categorization of regime type. On the one hand, they style themselves as democratic and constitutional. They conduct elections, draft democratic constitutions, establish "human rights" institutions, and tirelessly speak of the need for and their commitment to democracy. On the other hand, they rig elections, embezzle public funds and intimidate, round up, torture and kill their opponents unconstrained by any notion of the rule of law. Such governments strive to have it both ways at the same time: they wish to get the benefits of holding two apparently opposite faces.
The EPRDF has been akin to this type of rule, a master of this Janus-faced game (it isn't a game for the victims, of course). On its "democratic" face, it has deafened us with its rant of the need for the rule of law; enshrined a more or less democratic constitution; conducted several elections, and installed a parliamentary system. On its autocratic face, however, it defiled the constitutional system and the rule of law by violating the basic political and natural rights of citizens with impunity. By any standards, it has never been serving the law and the state. In fact, it has been the state and the law.
How have the two faces of the EPRDF gone along together? They have been meant to deliver certain political functions internal and external to the state. And in principle, they are supposed to be exploited in their proper places, times, and context, and hence are not expected to be contradictory. But in practice, their relationship has usually been precarious, and tense at times. The democratic face has been used to garner "democratic" legitimacy from those who have been expected to have had any voluntary reason to side by the government. Moreover, this face has also helped these supporters to gratify themselves about the "democratic" cause they have been helping being fulfilled in Ethiopia. Finally, it has helped these same people to self-boost their moral status while engaging in a heated debate with the detractors of the regime.
But the most important function of the democratic face has had to do with the international community (to be precise, major international powers). For the sake of obtaining either diplomatic or economic or military assistance or all, building such an image has always been crucial for any regime in the world that has grabbed state power since 1991. The EPRDF has not been an exception, and it has maximally used—and in many cases succeeded—in styling itself as a pioneer of democracy in this otherwise troubled region of the world we call the Horn of Africa.
But democracy and "EPRDF-cracy" do not by nature go well with each other. As a minority – based party, the EPRDF can't afford to genuinely liberalize the country and still stay in power. Here comes the need for the second face, which has been at the heart of the persistence of the party's reign since 1991 well into the 2010s. It has to mortify the psyche, inflict fear in the mind, torment the body, and take life in order to ensure its survival. These mechanisms have been pushed through on those who have refused to be socialized into the regime's propaganda. The same mechanism has also been applied to those who trusted the regime's propaganda and, taking it at its words, plunged themselves into public contestation with it. When they appeared threatening, they received the strong message–physical or otherwise–that they should back down.
But the crucial thing in assessing the Janus-faced political order of things is the one related to the balance of the two faces. The balance is very delicate, and with any disturbance, it may lead to either near regime collapse or full-blown regime brutality. When the democratic side is allowed to thrive more than the autocratic one, the EPRDF regime is bound to lose power. However, if the autocratic tactics are put in place with more severity or duration, then the benefits of appearing to be democratic withers away. Hence, striking a balance between those two apparently contradictory aspects of the regime's image has been of phenomenal significance for ensuring its political longevity.
The regime's capacity in maintaining this balance has been put to test many times. It has emerged successful few times, but failed in many others. Especially at the international level, the EPRDF has managed, at least in the first couple of years after its cling on to state power, to make an effective use of its "democratic" credentials in order to get multi-faceted support from the major powers of the world. But the internal dimension has quite frequently oscillated from one extreme to another.
The challenge from the numerous oppositions has largely forced the regime to emerge more brutal than democratic, although the trend has not been quite linear. The regime has expectedly turned more autocratic as challenges have mounted and gotten threatening, and it has resumed its democratic discourse when they have subsided. As a minority-based party, the ruling party could not defeat the ethnic or the Ethiopian nationalist oppositions on a peaceful political stage. The need to secure its regime at all odds has repeatedly led the party to use force or the threat of using it to silence its oppositions, something that has seriously damaged its democratic credentials. But at least in one occasion, the ruling party also oscillated in the opposite direction. In 2005, it opened up the political system, and wished to stage a more credible democracy-like contestation from which the new rulers could emerge. The results went rather disastrous to the political life of the EPRDF. It learned the lesson—which it had assumed for long—that democracy is its nemesis. Exposing too much of the democratic face might lead to the replacement of the very body of which the face is a part. As a result, the reversion to brutality has been effected once again in the aftermath of the election.
But this brutality had to wait for yet another—undoubtedly the most significant –phenomenon to emerge as the only pillar of regime survival and to appear in its darkest, most unambiguous, form than ever before. This most significant challenge that has impacted most on the image of the government is the Muslim civil rights movement that has been going on since December 2011. All the developments leading up to the challenge and the form of government response to it have most severely weakened the democratic status of the regime, and laid bare its true unbridled authoritarian nature. The rights movement has altogether shattered the ever-strong desire of the government to be seen as democratic and forced it to discard its hypocritical behaviour. With the looming danger of a critical mass awakening, and the speed at which it has been spreading, the ruling party could not help but throw away its "nicey" grab and take up its most merciless stick.
True, this is not the first time the EPRDF is being challenged, and it is not the first time it responds to challenges with impunity. Right from its contentions with the Oromo Liberation Front, to the most recent threat it sensed from Ethiopian nationalist forces, the government has responded violently. Tons of innocent people—including journalists– have been unfairly victimized, according to a plenty of independent sources. But the regime had never been, I argue, so much involved in the amount of hooliganism that it has been involved in for the last one or so year. Hence, I submit that the rights movement's one great achievement is that it has brought to a serious end the little possibility that the EPRDF had had of running the politics of hypocrisy.
In the first few responses to the simmering Muslim opposition to its anti-secularist policies, the government tried to play it legal. It acknowledged that the Majlis (Ethiopian Islamic Supreme Council) problem was a legitimate concern and also was willing to negotiate with the committee that was representing the angry crowd. It praised the demands of the representatives, and declared that an election would be held to form a new Majlis. It was true, however, that genuine democracy and the full realization of any kind of right is against the controlling behavior of the EPRDF. Hence, the apparent opening needed to be neutralized by other means. Accordingly, it was soon announced that the Majlis election was to be held in an obviously highly controlled environment (the ulama council, a Majlis affiliate, in charge of the elections, which in turn were to be conducted in the government-controlled kebeles—both contrary to the demands of the protesting masses).
These were the kinds of government responses we've been used to since 1991, and there is nothing surprising about them. There have been, however, some other turn of events—some happening quite early, others very recently– that would seal the record of the ruling party as a democracy-free, totalitarian-to-the-core, group of gangs. It all had begun shortly before the Muslim activism set in and actually had led to its break out. A new chapter in the history of Ethiopian state repression began with the state-orchestrated religious indoctrination and forceful imposition of a highly controversial, arguably foreign, religious doctrine on Ethiopian Muslims. A deliberate state imposition of religious outlook on its people was I think the first of its kind among the many anti-democratic deeds of the EPRDF. It was not only deeply anti-democratic, anti-secular and totalitarian, but also incredibly rude, unintelligibly ambitious and utterly perplexing. It was an unprecedentedly bizarre experiment.
But the emergence of the unique forms of totalitarianism of the EPRDF never stopped there. Some of its reactions to the attendant activism have been most strikingly brutal as well. That some people in Harar and Asasa were shot and killed; that people in the thousands have been constantly intimidated, detained and tortured; that the whole movement is denigrated as terrorist and Islamist etc—all these are not quite staggering. But unprecedentedly staggering are, for example, the most recent developments like the state-devised night-time house break-ins and blatant robbery. Many Muslims have by now confirmed that masked thugs accompanied by security officers have broken into their houses without search warrants, intimidating them, searching for materials and taking away some of their valuables. Unconfirmed but numerous reports of highway robbery by government-sponsored thugs especially targeting Muslims with laptops have also been reported.
It is also quite odd for security officers to break into places of worship and desecrate them beyond imagination. Although this is not without precedent (think of the first Anwar incident in the early 90's, for example), the scale of what has happened this time around and the severity with which it has happened is quite unique. It has been reported by different sources, for instance, that people were preparing food for a Sadaqa session when tons of security officers barged into the Awoliya compound in one night of July 2012, fired tear gas on the people who took refuge in the mosque, rushed into the mosque shoe clad, and deliberately messed up the praying precinct and hurled the Holy scriptures inside it. Since then, other similar incidents have been reliably reported to have occurred in other Addis Ababa mosques, too.
Moreover, security officers have also forcefully prevented the Sadaqa gatherings– that brought together people from diverse backgrounds (and sometimes even faith groups) for sharing food and sending across messages of peace, unity and the protection of citizens' rights– from taking place. Some of the measures taken by the Police to this end have been both simply outrageous and/or ludicrous. In some occasions, they have confiscated the animal to be slaughtered, and the food ingredients to be used, for cooking. In other occasions, commercial cooks have been impeded from conducting their daily business of selling food items to the Sadaqa organizers. Still in other instances, grand mosques have been unusually closed in the morning hours for fear that Sadaqa sessions would be conducted in them. Finally, and perhaps most outrageously, many intercity busses have been stopped and "Muslim-looking" people have been forced out of the busses by security officers. The reason given: they might be travelling to attend a Sadaqa session in another town!
Also, unprecedentedly, the government, in perhaps the most glaring instance of the breach of the rule of law, has unilaterally revoked a court-issued decree to ban the broadcast of a documentary on the government-owned Ethiopian Television (ETV). The lawyers of the detained Muslim committee members had demanded that the documentary that would allegedly violate the presumption of innocence of the defendants be taken off the air, a demand that the court endorsed and issued a ban on the broadcast. According to the lawyers, however, soon after the letter from the court reached the ETV, the President of the Supreme Court unilaterally reversed the court injunction and the documentary was accordingly released at prime time on Feb 5, 2013. With utter shock and disgust, the lawyers then demanded that the ETV representatives appear in court and expound their decision to release the film in contravention to the court-issued ban. The TV station officials have never felt obliged to appear in court, though.
What do all these examples tell us about the capability of the regime in maintaining a two- forked, ambivalent image (of the kind mentioned above)? They tell us that in this particular sense, the government has been getting remarkably weak in the face of the impending Muslim opposition to its policies. It has failed—and miserably so– to put an end to it without losing the delicate, albeit much-needed, balance between its two faces. The challenge has been so strong and so persistent that it has been forcing the government to come out in what is left of its hither- to hidden authoritarian skin—all naked. The ever-flimsy attempt at justifying the EPRDF's rule from the point of all those rosy stuffs we have been deafened with—group rights, individual rights, democracy, equality —has now been permanently laid to rest. In short, although we have always known the ruling party to be brutal, the Muslim movement (its immediate causes as well as the government reactions to it) has helped us know what the brutality looks like when it reaches its limit—completely deprived of its "humane" cover.
The political culture of Ethiopia has been deeply beset by the politics of exclusion and the psychology of rebellion. On the one hand, the successive governments of Ethiopia have uncompromisingly held the belief that their political survival largely depends on the political death of those they see as their opponents. The exclusion of a significant portion of the voices from the mainstream political system has been at the hallmark of the governments' power. The excluded might have been earmarked in ethnic, gender, religious, regional or personal terms. This has been an exclusion that bases itself on the self-identification and the political and economic interests of the ruling class, as well as on the personal idiosyncrasies of its members. Opposition, even more than difference, has needed to be "solved", rather than incorporated and managed. Unflinching on their grip on the bar of certainty, they have never swallowed the virtue of plunging oneself into the unknown that inclusion brings with it. Bent on saving the regime from a lurking threat, exclusion has been the normal and first procedure that has been applied to disagreement.
Exclusion usually breeds rebellion, and persistent and absolute exclusion breeds persistent and absolute rebellion. This has been largely true throughout the political history of this country. Different reformers might have started out to air their critical views in moderate terms, but many of the organized movements in much of modern Ethiopian history have been radical. They have been radical in the sense that they have been anti-system and mostly violent. This system that they have targeted has ranged from the existing political order with all its traces and affiliates to the very entity we call Ethiopia. In other words, while some have violently rebelled against the regime and everything associated with it, and demanded its complete displacement, others have fiercely demanded nothing short of the dismemberment of Ethiopia itself. In either case, the movements haven't just looked for change, but a radical change supposedly wrought about in a radical way.
The politics of exclusion paradoxically married to the psychology of rebellion has had disastrous consequences for the democratic record of the country. Democracy both as a historical process and as a theory is about compromise, inclusion, diversity, and toleration. In a society, on the one hand, where the balance of power between the rulers and the ruled is highly skewed against the latter; where the rulers feel insecure to hear dissent from the ruled; where the usual mechanism of regime stability is not pulling up, but pushing out, as many voices as possible; and on the other hand, where the ruled do not aspire to bring about a culture of loyal opposition in the country but one of unbounded rebellion; where they refuse to see a possibility for change coming with the least cost, but with the excesses of violence; where being an anti-system is seen as the only way of making the system work better; where the anti-regime movement itself becomes exclusivist and narrow—in a society where these are the noted manifestations of its political culture, democratic culture will have really hard times to foster. Such has been the problem with the political culture of Ethiopia. I hasten to add here that I'm not necessarily and generally blaming the anti-government forces in Ethiopia or elsewhere for operating as rebellious folks, as radicalism may be justifiable in some senses and in certain cases. What I'm offering here is a general tool for understanding the elements of a political culture that is unfavorable to the flourishing of sustainable democracy. It can also help us to question the "natural-ness" of human endeavors (reactions to oppression, for example) by putting things in a cultural context. Finally, in the specific Ethiopian case, it can slightly account for the never- ending replacement of political exclusion by itself.
It is my belief that the current Muslim rights movement has gone an unprecedented distance in transcending this dichotomy. Under fire from a highly exclusivist regime much frequently and for so long, neither the leaders of the movement nor the major actors in it have (yet) developed a (n ultra) radical consciousness or behavior. It is simply surprising—but perhaps explicable– for any seasoned observer of Ethiopian politics that people in their millions, from so diverse backgrounds, consistently demonstrating so loudly every week for over a year, and receiving all sorts of brutal reactions from government forces, would be so consistent in their demands and conduct. There has so far been no evidence of radicalism, disorganization, or confusion in the ranks of the protestors. The unflinching obedience they have showed to their leaders' injunctions before the latter's arrest, and the unwavering commitment to their last words after their arrest should appear as something baffling to those who have always witnessed the opposite in the political history of Ethiopia. The movement has been consistently demanding for the protection of democratic and constitutional rights and nothing more or less. It has couched its demands in the most legal and legitimate manner, and has staged perfectly non-violent rallies. It has never, on the one hand, asked for, or worked towards, the realization of religious interests beyond or independent of the constitutional framework, nor, on the other hand, has it demanded, or sought, the displacement of that framework by a new secular system. This is very significant for the development of an inclusive and non-violent democratic culture in the country, as I will further elaborate later.
The government, just like its predecessors would, has responded to the opposition in an exclusivist manner, trying to relegate the voices of dissent to the margins. The voices, however, refused to be marginalized. The barrage of formal and informal, overt and covert, physical and verbal pressures that have been put on the protestors to keep them silent and endure all that comes from the government have been blatantly rejected. The movement has kept going— unabated—for so long despite the cravings of an otherwise highly repressive regime.
But the fact that it has rejected the call to be silenced is just the first instance of saying no to marginalization. The movement has also refused to be plunged into the margins by taking a radical turn. Radicalization is a gamble with very high stakes. It might succeed to bring on board many people, or end up alienating many. It is something uncontrollable especially during its early stages, and might not have the stability or the sustainability that proper mass recruitment requires. It is also liable to be defeated as government violence is usually more refined, more disciplined, and more brutal than that of its opponents. The Muslims' movement in this sense refused to commit suicide by transforming itself into what the government wants it to become: a supra-constitutional "pariah". It has been very critical of the government, but very respectful of the constitutional order at the same time. This doesn't mean that it has been supportive of the ruling party or of its policies in other areas. It simply means that its aim has been the full realization of democratic and secular order with the minimum cost that may come along constructive change, but with the maximum effort that such a change requires. This is a very economic use of mass power against the state.
In echoing a loud and critical, but non-radical, voice, the movement has contributed a lot to the development of a new stream of culture in the politics of this country. First, it has helped us to assess the possibilities and potential outcomes of a non-violent democratic struggle for constructive change in Ethiopia. Bearing the brunt of a set of violent responses from the government, the Muslims' movement has taught us that at least a strong public sphere that aspires to change the status quo can be established with or without the existence of a repressive state structure. Part of this contribution is that it has widened our horizons to, and raised our hopes in, finding solace in peaceful struggle against dictatorship. Yes, a very unique Ethiopian non-violent struggle is unfolding before our eyes, and we're being forced to re-think some of our assumptions about the way we understand the mechanisms of effecting political change in Ethiopia.
Secondly, it has also helped us to understand the vulnerability of authoritarian rule. Apart from its vulnerability in the sense I mentioned towards the beginning of this paper (forced to shed its "democratic" face), the regime in Ethiopia has also failed in keeping under control the momentum of the opposition it has been facing for about fourteen months. Contradicting the academic assertions that accord undue historic value to state power against the people, the Muslim struggle has proven to us that state violence is not always effective in putting an end to opposition. This won't really be congratulated as new information for those of us living in the age of the Arab Spring, but I think it is quite unique in Ethiopian land. Someone might pose the disagreement that counter-regime movements have succeeded in Ethioipia's past, too. My rejoinder is that, yes, they have succeeded in ending regimes, but they have done so only by either carrying arms or getting the military on their side or both. Nothing of these things have been happening in Ethiopia for over a year now. There hasn't been a violent Muslim– anti- regime or even rights' –struggle in Ethiopia, nor has the security apparatus of the state showed any sign of siding with the civil rights movement. Be that as it may, the quest for freedom has been loud and rampant, frustrating the wishes of the government from coming into fruition.
The maintenance of a loud quest for freedom at the face of state repression also means something else. The Muslim activism, by demonstrating authoritarian vulnerability, has taught us that all marginalization is self-marginalization. Many structuralist accounts on this topic have contributed a lot to our understanding of the wider forces in play on our societies, but some of them have been unfairly neglectful of subjective and agential forces that are otherwise very important in explaining political outcomes. As already mentioned, the Ethiopian government has always required that no opposition "disturbs" its "proper" functioning, and its response to the Muslim demands has been underpinned by the same logic. But all the efforts at silencing people have failed to bear fruits. While the power of the state should indeed be considered in accounting for the muting of opposition, we need to consider as well the will of the receiving end of that power. Power resides not just in the state, but also in the subjectivities of the individuals whom the state targets. In other words, the locus of power is not to be sought just in the material, mundane objects of repression, but also in the minds and souls of the forces of anti- oppression. If an opposition (in this case, in the form of mass movement) to a state rule becomes silent, it may not only mean that it has been silenced by the government; it may also mean that it has silenced itself. The will power of individuals comes in between the repression of the state and the act of being silent. State-centric accounts of power mislead us from this very important fact.
The Muslim activism is therefore very significant in affecting the political culture of the country. It has brought about a strong, consistent and yet moderate opposition to dictatorship. Most importantly, it has relocated our focus of the paraphernalia for building a democratic state. We have been, in the past, fixated on changing exclusivist systems, but ended up bringing/witnessing other exclusivist ones. This time around, perhaps we need to be fixated on democracy itself—the idea, the culture, the way of life. When the ultimate and major goal of activism is changing regimes or changing territorial borders—however much democratically couched the discourses for those ends could be– there is no guarantee that the new regime or the new country will adopt a democratic system. But I think when the ultimate goal, and the way towards that goal, is democracy, equality, inclusion and freedom; and when the masses behind such a massive change are thoroughly democratized in mind and spirit; and when retaliation has no place in the minds of the wider public, I think we are a step closer to bringing about the system we have cherished for long. I think Ethiopian Muslims have offered us a lesson in this regard by democratizing their discourse and behavior, in remaining steadfast in both aspects for so long, and saying no to radicalization. At the same time, they have effectively morally defeated the Ethiopian regime by forcing it to become the darkest it can be. By volunteering to risk their precious lives, they have experimented (and are experimenting) the different alternative paths to democracy—alternatives we Ethiopians are not very much used to. Ethiopian Muslims have charted for all of us a new path towards a new Ethiopia.
I have already discussed the implications of the Muslim struggle in both exposing the nature of the Ethiopian government, and in showing an alternative way towards building a culture of democracy, or, more strictly, an alternative way towards setting up a democratic framework through the establishment of a culture of democracy. In the following lines, I will take the second point further, and argue that the Muslim rights movement has not just demonstrated a different way towards democracy, but it has itself become perhaps the most reliable venue for democratic outburst in Ethiopia. At this rather bleakest moment of the EPRDF's era, the civil rights movement has remained to be the foremost locus of democracy.
Struggle for freedom and democracy has not been new for Ethiopians; many have been doing it at least since the second half of the 20th century. But the struggles, among other things, have felt short of developing a critical mass and sustainable Ethiopia-wide public that can act as dependable reservoir of democratic crucible in the society. They have been either non-pan- Ethiopian, or unsustainable and/or authoritarian, or any combination of those. Some freedom fighters have fought just to save their ethnic groups from government brutality; some Ethiopia- wide movements couldn't succeed in their peaceful struggle, and hence have had to go underground, thereby (usually) developing clandestine non-transparent, centralized, structures that have rendered them authoritarian themselves. Or when they have escaped the establishment of a clandestine centralized rule, they have faded away from the public and couldn't remain strong refuges of democracy. The fact that nothing of this sort has yet developed with regards to the Muslim activism is worth-noting. By its very nature, the Muslim activism has been trans-ethnic and trans-regional, and hence it has had a modicum of pan- Ethiopian trait (despite the obvious limitation of its being religion-based). But it has been not only pan-Ethiopian, but also "Ethiopia-centred" in the sense that its discourse-framing, its actors, its visions etc have been very Ethiopian, not international or regional. The government's accusations notwithstanding (which are not to be taken seriously by any sober observer), there hasn't been any trace of foreign involvement in the struggle.
The democratic activism has not only been Ethiopia-centred, but, as already mentioned elsewhere, also has been sustainable for so long. This is indeed an indication that in a country where NGO's have been severely crippled, press freedom dying out, religious institutions tightly controlled, and professional associations effectively co-opted– in short, where civil society is in grave danger of extinction, there has been one starkly different arena of visible democracy: the arena of the protesting Muslims. They have been the last –but interestingly the most vibrant– bastion of democracy in the country. Their voice has been the only remaining dependable, independent and loud voice of liberation–uncontrolled and uncontrollable by the government. Their unsubduable behavior has created an immensely empowering political climate in the country. Their unshattarable unity has given many a good reason to imagine a post-divided Ethiopia. Their freedom-induced fury and chaos-phobic discipline are the very marrows of democracy. The Ethiopian Muslims are coming out of this year-long journey as a new brand of strong, assertive, post-violent, and unified locations of anti-authoritarian force.
I have raised a few, but broad, points by way of showing the democratic implications of the fourteen-month old civil rights movement of Ethiopian Muslims. I have considered it to be of phenomenal significance in the socio-political history of Ethiopia. But I also believe that it will play its full potential only when two actors join it wholeheartedly: the rest of Ethiopians, and the international community. By the former, I specifically have in mind Ethiopian Christians in Ethiopia. It is true that many of them have disclosed their support for the Muslim rights movement, and have helped in sheltering, feeding and morally supporting the elements therein. But total democratic transformation requires more than this. The struggle for democracy in that country has gone through several stages, and has now reached one of its most promising ones. As such, I don't see it wise at all to leave this struggle just to Muslims, and by doing so, deliberately limit the fruits of a potentially far-reaching and holistic transformative experience. Christians should join the movement bringing with them their own demands for freedom from government interference in religious matters (that they have a lot to complain about), and later on jointly escalate the democratic demands, chanting for those great ideals that all self- respecting humans have always called for throughout history. I think most of us who have supported the Muslim struggle should from now on expand on this proposal—the need for it, the challenges to it and the mechanisms of doing it.
Another proposal is to the big players on the world stage. My message here is deliberately short since I prefer to reserve the elaboration for another piece of mine and others' to come. I'd now say, paraphrasing Condoleezza Rice, many of you have dreamt of and at times have sought to help (create) what you thought were forces of stability even at the expense of democracy, and as a result have failed on both accounts. One path towards realizing both valuables is to stand by and protect non-radical, massive, persistent and daring forces of unity and anti- authoritarianism from below. Start with the protesting Ethiopian Muslims!