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NEWS LEAD
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WIN tickets to 'The Cemetery Club' at Ipswich Little Theatre
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Here's the latest celebrity gossip and entertainment news from the world of stage, screen and television.
Dirty John – it's the Netflix series everybody is talking about, scared about and perhaps will cause you to never date online again. With Aussie talent Eric Bana playing psychopath and con man, John Meehan and also executively directing the show, Dirty John is based upon a true story – yikes! However, there were a few changes to what really happened – and we have the inside scoop!
1. Some of the biggest and simplest changes had to do with the make-up of Debra's family. In real-life, the divorced interior designer had four children, not three. (John also had another sister and a brother, who weren't depicted on the show.)
2. Debra's eldest daughter was not included in any media retelling of their family's trauma, while Debra's second child's name was changed from Jacquelyn, to Veronica. Her beloved nephew's name was changed from Shad Vickers in real-life to Toby on the show. Both Jacquelyn and Shad gave their accounts on the Dirty John podcast by the LA times, but the show didn't have the 'life rights' to their stories – and asked their names to be changed.
3. Some other minor details left out of the show included things like Debra having to buy a whole new wardrobe for John as he told her, "Dress me. I want to please you." They went to Brooks Brothers after he claimed his clothes had been stolen during his time in Iraq.
You may not believe in psychic mediums, but Rebel Wilson does!
In an episode of Hollywood Medium With Tyler Henry, which premiered in February, the powers-that-be are considerably more interested in getting in touch with the actor's younger sister, Liberty.
"They're having me talk about her starting over. That's really the only way I can describe it," Tyler explains. "They're basically having me talk about her feeling insecure because of her age and where she's at…obviously, she's still young. But there's this feeling of trying to plan the future and feeling like she's behind in some way."
Rebel doesn't give away too much about what sister Liberty is going through, but begins getting emotional – and knows exactly what Tyler is referring to.
"Liberty has just been going through a rough…a rough patch," she says. "So, I think as her sisters and as her family we all try to help her move past it and become the person she's supposed to be."
According to Tyler, it's not just the Wilson sisters in her corner – actually there are quite a few unearthly authorities looking out for Liberty, too. And apparently, they want her to know she's on the right path.
"They're needing to let her know, like, 'No. This is good. The best is yet to come,'" Tyler relays, adding a strong recommendation to "get all this stuff from the past out" and stay focused on moving forward.
Rebel whipped out her phone to tell Liberty, who was gobsmacked but appreciative of Tyler's advice.
Little Penelope Disick got her first hair cut – and it's probably the 'it' do of the season.
Penelope, now six showed off her new shoulder-length hair on mother Kourtney Kardashian's instagram, with fringed layering at the ends and a hint of bangs. It was styled with a messy center part. Whilst most kids have a hair cut well before six years old, Kourtney Kardashian does things a little differently. Her eldest son, Mason had long hair until he was six and her youngest son Reign, also rocks a baby man bun.
Kourtney is often slammed for her unorthodox and hippie style of parenting, but one thing is for certain – she does make cute kids.
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The EESC issues between 160 and 190 opinions and information reports a year.
It also organises several annual initiatives and events with a focus on civil society and citizens' participation such as the Civil Society Prize, the Civil Society Days, the Your Europe, Your Say youth plenary and the ECI Day.
Find the latest EESC opinions and publications at http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/our-work/opinions-information-reports/opinions and http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/our-work/publications-other-work/publications respectively.
The EESC is active in a wide range of areas, from social affairs to economy, energy and sustainability.
Learn more about our policy areas and policy highlights at http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/policies
The EESC holds nine plenary sessions per year. It also organises many conferences, public hearings and high-level debates related to its work.
Find out more about our upcoming events at http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/agenda/our-events/upcoming-events
Here you can find news and information about the EESC's work, including its social media accounts, the EESC Info newsletter, photo galleries and videos.
Read the latest EESC news http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/news-media/news and press releases http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/news-media/press-releases
The EESC brings together representatives from all areas of organised civil society, who give their independent advice on EU policies and legislation. The EESC's 350 Members are organised into three groups: Employers, Workers and Various Interests.
Find out more about our Members and groups at http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/members-groups
The EESC has six sections, specialising in concrete topics of relevance to the citizens of the European Union, ranging from social to economic affairs, energy, environment, external relations or the internal market.
Find out more at http://www.eesc.europa.eu/en/sections-other-bodies
The Future of the EU: Benefits to citizens and respect for European values (Exploratory opinion at the request of the Romanian Presidency)
Adopted on 20/03/2019 - Bureau decision date: 16/10/2018
SC/52-EESC-2018-5821
Exploratory opinion Presidency
OJ C 228, 5.7.2019, p. 57
Mihai IVAŞCU (Diversity Europe - GR III / Romania)
Co-rapporteur:
Stéphane BUFFETAUT (Employers - GR I/France)
Plenary session:
EESC opinion: The Future of the EU: Benefits to citizens and respect for European values (Exploratory opinion at the request of the Romanian Presidency)
The European project has brought the longest period of peace in the continent's history, created a region of unprecedented wealth and social development, facilitated free movement of people, goods and services and created the largest single market in the world. All this ensures that European citizens have a significantly better standard of living, social welfare and increased opportunities compared to most parts of the globe.
The EESC:
underlines that EU citizens must regain the sense that acting at European level does not mean renouncing national policies, rather acknowledging that some projects have a better outcome when decisions are made together;
believes that European workers must be provided with training, re-skilling, up-skilling and life-long learning programmes, in order to fully benefit from technological change;
believes that the EU should not engage protectionist trends in trade policy but should continue to promote free, fair and sustainable trade in a multilateral system and trade agreements that respect social, consumers and environmental rights, while supporting businesses to grow and evolve;
emphasises that sound economic growth must be achieved together with a stable social dimension, while the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR) represents one of the main driving forces for social cohesion;
underlines that social partners and other civil society organisations (CSOs) are crucial players in the European democratic project
is of the opinion that Europe can and needs to deliver on the implementation of the sustainability goals and that it is essential to respect the commitments made in the various agreements on climate, biodiversity and water;
believes that programmes, like Erasmus + that facilitate youth education and inclusion in the labour force play an important role for the future of the European Union and that alongside these other similar programmes supporting those with less economic resources must be immediately developed;
believes that the EU must prove to our citizens that it is an effective security provider and welcomes the Commission's plan for a balanced, comprehensive and common migration policy;
believes that the EU need to step up its effort in communicating with its citizens by simultaneously providing more funds for communication while using all the available channels: European, national, but also the social partners and other representative organised civil society bodies;
asks for common and firm action in order to increase people's power of analysis, safeguarding freedom of expression, prevent dissemination of fake news, and build fact-checking and verification tools.
Related opinions

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Patrick McGoohan and The Prisoner in France
How TV's most individualist character made a communitarian country swoon
Emmanuelle Richard | 1.15.2009 3:00 PM
"Patrick McGoohan finally escaped," a reader of the French newspaper Le Monde noted with loving tenderness yesterday in an online forum dedicated to the late visionary behind the cult TV series The Prisoner. The sentiment came just short of asserting that the actor, writer, and director was better off dead, but then, the French have had a distinctly existential relationship with their revered secret agent man for 40 years now.
The Prisoner was arguably the most popular vehicle of libertarian ideas in socialist France over the past half-century. Ask a Parisian to name an Ayn Rand book and he'll give you a blank stare; mention The Prisoner and you'll likely hear back the French version of the series' catch-phrase, "Be seeing you"–Bonjour chez vous! Unveiled just months before the May '68 riots, this philosophical and rebellious series struck a nerve in an overwhelmingly Catholic country at a time when its long-haired youth were loudly questioning authority.
As the inevitably self-flattering French story goes, upon its 1967 premier in the U.K., The Prisoner was immediately misunderstood by the "Rosbeefs," who were expecting McGoohan to reprise his hugely popular role as the James Bond-style secret agent John Drake in Danger Man. Instead, The Prisoner felt like a collective hallucination induced by Cold War paranoia. A British intelligence officer with an uncanny resemblance to Drake is kidnapped and held captive in a bucolic seaside village that turns out to be a nightmarish surveillance society where people are stamped with a number and enslaved by an omniscient bureaucracy armed with artificial intelligence, virtual reality, and a terrifying blob called the "Rover." By the time the final (and most confusing and controversial) episode of the series aired, Brits jammed the switchboard of ITV with complaints.
With total artistic freedom granted by legendary TV producer Lew Grade, McGoohan was the creator, executive producer, star, and frequent director of the show, playing the obsessive and resourceful Number 6. He spent 17 episodes (watch them all here) plotting to escape and trying to identify the ruler in charge of the Village, Number 1, who turns out (in that final episode) to be none other than himself. McGoohan, an Irish-American and self-described "devout Roman Catholic," certainly believed that evil exists in man, but also that freedom could be achieved through inner sovereignty.
Which turned out to be a potent combo for communitarian France. For young French people to watch the Village community hound and almost lynch Number 6 in this episode for the sin of being "unmutual" (that is, for insisting on his privacy instead of happily joining the collective), was to turn a cherished French ideal on its head. In the episode, those who refuse to conform are subjected to "instant social conversion" via frontal lobotomy. When French fans felt outrage at this brain-deadening cure to "individualism"—a word almost always used as a pejorative in France—they were unwittingly swallowing a libertarian message without ever having heard the word.
The Prisoner traveled around the world as a cult classic, but aired in France again and again over the years. It was debated frequently in French media and in 1989 even became the object of an expensive art book Le Prisonnier: chef d'oeuvre télévisionnaire (later translated into English as The Prisoner: a Television Masterpiece), filled with appreciations by various artists and intellectuals. In a rare interview for the book, McGoohan mused about why the French could relate to the wisecracking yet severe Number 6: "Addressing ridiculousness with humor is a survival tool," he said, "but there comes a time when revolt is necessary: In the last episode…there was no room for niceness anymore. There were machine guns, and people died. It was time for the Revolution. The French know that: 'Allons z' enfants…'"
Still, when McGoohan left England after The Prisoner flopped in 1968, he didn't take refuge in collectivist France, but instead paused in Switzerland briefly and then lit out for Hollywood. There he played mostly villains in movies (Ice Station Zebra, Escape from Alcatraz, Braveheart, Silver Streak), acted on the stage, and worked with his friend Peter Falk on Columbo.
But as his French fans loudly lamented, McGoohan became "a prisoner of The Prisoner." The creative force and controlling hand of one of the most distinctive and revered TV series ever would never release another project of his own. He said he was always asked to come up with new ideas, presumably set in Los Angeles, where he lived in relative obscurity: "I have written a series called Oasis that is another take of the thesis in The Prisoner, but on a different theme and in a very different style," he told Alain Carrazé for the Television Masterpiece book. "When I show it, people are interested but they always ask: 'Can we change this a little bit here? And there?' They don't want to give me the final cut…freedom."
That irony never escaped the French. As Philippe Meyer wrote, "The Village has caught up with its rebel." But if nothing else, on the few occasions when he spoke with the media, McGoohan expressed satisfaction for having produced a fully realized piece of art, a "concept that was completely expressed during its television run." For 17 weird and wonderful episodes, McGoohan was not a number, he was a man.
According to a producer of the upcoming AMC remake of The Prisoner, McGoohan had agreed on making a cameo appearance but dropped out recently because he "couldn't travel." Fans are sure to be intrigued by this seeming endorsement of the project from a man who lived as he saw fit, turning down interviews and lucrative roles such as Gandalf in the Lord of the Rings franchise. As McGoohan once told New Video magazine about his alter-ego Number 6: "He shouldn't have to answer to anyone. It's entirely his prerogative, his God-given right as an individual, to proceed in any way he sees fit. That's the whole point of it all."
Emmanuelle Richard was a longtime member of Le Rôdeur, the official French Prisoner fan club.
NEXT: Asset Forfeiture Helps the FBI's Gambling, Jewel-Studded Masturbators
Emmanuelle Richard
PoliticsCultureWorldFranceTelevisionScience FictionDystopia


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Everything, Everywhere Cast, Crew Stuck With Monterey Park Dinner
By Elliott Stough Last updated Jan 26, 2023 0
Tuesday was a big day for the largely Asian American cast and crew of Everything Everywhere All at Once, which scored an impressive 11 Oscar nominations. A gathering the night before, however, was a more solemn affair than they could have predicted when they booked it weeks ago, the Los Angeles Times reports. A group of cast and crew members had dinner at a restaurant in Monterey Park, two nights after the mass shooting that killed 11 people. "We started the night acknowledging what happened," says actor Ke Huy Quan. "We had a moment of silence for the victims. We just wanted to show Monterey Park that we love them."
Quan, nominated for best supporting actor, says he spent many years living in the area and he was devastated by news of the massacre at a ballroom dance studio. "But then I realized that we cannot cancel. This is not the time to stay away from Monterey Park," he says. "Instead we should go there and support them and show them our love. The local businesses need us." He says it was sad to see empty streets and businesses. "We walked into the restaurant, and it was empty," he says. "I'm so glad we went. We didn't shy away from it." (Read more Monterey Park shooting stories.)
mass shootingsMonterey Park shooting
Elliott Stough
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RIDLEY SCOTT ANNOUNCES NEW TITLE FILM ALIEN: COVENANT.
ALIEN: COVENANT. australian films galaxy Ridley SCOTT sci fi Sydney by Caroline Russo | on November 17, 2015 | 0 comments | in Film News | Like it
20th Century Fox is thrilled to announce the title of Ridley Scott's new Alien project to be filmed in Australia, which will be titled ALIEN: COVENANT.
Ridley Scott returns to the universe he created in ALIEN with ALIEN: COVENANT, the second chapter in a prequel trilogy that began with PROMETHEUS — and connects directly to Scott's 1979 seminal work of science fiction. Bound for a remote planet on the far side of the galaxy, the crew of the colony ship Covenant discovers what they think is an uncharted paradise, but is actually a dark, dangerous world — whose sole inhabitant is the «synthetic » David (Michael Fassbender), survivor of the doomed Prometheus expedition.


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Russian Constitution of 1906
Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire
Основные Государственные Законы Российской империи
Osnovnyye Gosudarstvennyye Zakony Rossiyskoy imperii
Nicholas II of Russia opening the First Duma,
established under the Russian Constitution of 1906
6 May [O.S. 23 April] 1906
Ratified
Place where document signed, not location of copies
Mikhail Speransky
Original 1833 version
Peter Kharitinov
Revised 1906 version
Emperor Nicholas II of Russia
Constitution for the Russian Empire
The Russian Constitution of 1906 refers to a major revision of the 1832 Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire, which transformed the formerly absolutist state into one in which the emperor agreed for the first time to share his autocratic power with a parliament. It was enacted on 6 May [O.S. 23 April] 1906, on the eve of the opening of the first State Duma. This first-ever Russian Constitution was a revision of the earlier Fundamental Laws, which had been published as the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire (Russian: Свод законов Российской империи, pre-1917 Russian orthography: Сводъ законовъ Россійской имперіи) in 1832. It was granted during the Russian Revolution of 1905, in a last-ditch effort by the imperial government to preserve its own existence and keep the nation from sliding into all-out anarchy.
The new constitution provided for a bicameral Russian parliament, without whose approval no laws were to be enacted in Russia. This legislature was composed of an upper house, known as the State Council, and a lower house, known as the State Duma. Half of the members of the upper house were appointed by the Tsar, while the other half were elected by various governmental, clerical and commercial interests. Members of the lower house were to be chosen by different classes of the Russian people, through a complex scheme of indirect elections—with the system being weighted to ensure the ultimate preponderance of the propertied classes. While the Duma held the power of legislation and the right to question the Tsar's ministers, it did not have control over their appointment or dismissal, which was reserved to the monarch alone. Nor could it alter the constitution, save upon the emperor's initiative. The Tsar retained an absolute veto over legislation, as well as the right to dismiss the Duma at any time, for any reason he found suitable.[1] The emperor also had the right to issue decrees during the Duma's absence—though these lost their validity if not approved by the new parliament within two months.
This charter had been granted under duress, and Nicholas abhorred its restrictions upon his power, which he had sworn at his coronation to pass on to his son. He dismissed the First and Second Dumas when they proved "unsatisfactory" to him,[2] and unilaterally altered the election statutes (in violation of the constitution) to ensure that more landed persons would be elected to future Dumas. Although the resulting Third and Fourth Dumas proved more lasting, they still quarreled with the Tsar and his government over the general direction of state policy, and over the fundamental nature of the Russian state. Ultimately, with the outbreak of the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Duma took a leading role in bringing about the Tsar's abdication, which led in turn to the abolition of the monarchy and the ascent to power of the Russian Provisional Government under Kerensky.
1 Russian government prior to 1906
2 Adoption of the constitution
3 Provisions
4 Abolition of the 1906 constitution
Russian government prior to 1906[edit]
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Prior to the enactment of the 1906 Russian constitution, the Russian Empire had been an absolute monarchy, ruled by an autocratic emperor, who was commonly referred to by his pre-imperial title of "Tsar". The precise regulations by which the Tsar exercised his imperial prerogatives were first codified in 1832, with the issuance of the Set of Laws of the Russian Empire (Свод законов Российскои империи), penned by Mikhail Speransky. These laws could be altered or repealed by the emperor. However, the autocratic Tsars were generally limited by two constraints: they and their spouses must profess the Russian Orthodox faith, and they must obey the laws of succession laid down by Emperor Paul I. Beyond that, the power of the Russian emperor was virtually limitless.
Although a Boyar Duma had existed in Russia from Muscovite times until the rule of Peter I, it was an advisory institution, without legislative prerogatives. Peter abolished this organ in 1721, replacing it with the Governing Senate. This body consisted of nine (later ten) members, and was intended to oversee administration of the empire, under the direction of an Ober-Procurator, appointed (as were all members of this body) by the sovereign. The emperor might submit draft decree proposals to this committee for their deliberation and recommendations, but he was not bound to do so, nor was he required to accept their advice, once tendered. In later years, the Governing Senate took on an important role in administration and law, and by the late nineteenth century it had evolved into the highest judicial organ in Russia, with all officials and legal institutions under its control. Its decisions as to interpretation of the legal code, unless countermanded by the Tsar, were seen as absolutely authoritative. However, the Senate still remained at all times under the monarch's direct control: he named and dismissed its members, could alter its prerogatives, and was free to overrule its actions. As such, the Ruling Senate was never considered to be a "parliament" in the modern sense.
The centenary session of the State Council in the Marie Palace on 5 May [O.S. 22 April] 1906, prior to adoption of the Constitution of 1906. Painting by Ilya Repin.
Various proposals for reform emerged during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: Alexander I formed a Privy Committee to investigate introducing a parliament and ministerial system; the latter was eventually introduced, but the former foundered due to the Napoleonic Wars and opposition from conservative members of the nobility. Alexander did establish a State Council, with 35—later 60—members, whose major duty was the investigation, promulgation and abrogation of laws. Its four departments were:
Legislative;
Civil and Ecclesiastical Administration;
State Economy; and
Industry, Science and Commerce.
Each department had its own presiding officer (called a State Secretary) and met separately to discuss matters assigned to it. There were also plenary sessions of the whole Council, called to peruse laws proposed by the Tsar's ministers, who were ex-officio members. While most sessions concerned the budget and state expenditures, the Council would examine anything submitted to it. It had no authority to propose changes to existing laws, nor to investigate anything not initiated by the Tsar. Decision-making authority rested with the emperor, who appointed and dismissed members of the Council.
Alexander's nephew Alexander II entertained reformist ideas, culminating in a project initiated by Count Mikhail Loris-Melikov, who had been appointed his Minister of Interior in August 1880. One of these proposals would have established two Imperial commissions, to be populated by indirectly elected members, who would advise the Emperor on further reforms. Alexander's assassination, on the very day he intended to sign this proposal into law, effectively killed all mention of legislative reform in Russia—as the murdered Tsar's son, Alexander III, insisted upon preserving the autocracy intact. Nicholas II, who succeeded his father in 1894, was also committed to maintain absolute monarchy, even in the face of ever-increasing calls for reform, peasant unrest, and the rise of revolutionary organizations within his empire. When reforms became inevitable, Nicholas would insist upon retaining as much of his previous authority as possible. For instance, faced with demands from municipal and provincial dumas for the establishment of a national legislative assembly, Nicholas offered only a broadening of the local councils' authority, insurance for factory workers, and the abolition of censorship. This was not considered nearly enough for the liberals, who agitated even more for a constitution and far-reaching political reforms.
Nicholas II, Emperor of Russia: 1894–1917. Portrait by Ernest Lipgart.
Adoption of the constitution[edit]
Main articles: Russian Revolution of 1905 and October Manifesto
Russian defeat in the Russo-Japanese War of 1905 combined with a rising tide of revolutionary feeling in Russia to produce the Russian Revolution of 1905. This upheaval was initially provoked by Bloody Sunday, in which thousands of unarmed protesters (largely urban workers and intellectuals) seeking to present a petition to the Tsar were met by imperial troops, who opened fire on them and killed several.[3] As word of this tragedy spread across the empire, it combined with the catastrophic Russian defeat in the Far East to incite a major uprising against the emperor's authority. Although the Tsarist army largely remained loyal to the emperor, close advisors to the Tsar became convinced that some kind of fundamental change in State administration was inevitable, if the monarchy was to survive.
Count Sergei Witte, the Tsar's Minister of Finance and recent Russian plenipotentiary at the Treaty of Portsmouth negotiations (ending the war with Japan), was named chairman of the Tsar's Council of Ministers after returning home from New Hampshire. He proposed introduction of an elected legislature, the granting of basic civil rights, and the formation of a constitutional monarchy. Nicholas strenuously resisted these ideas, but gave in after his first choice to head a military dictatorship,[4] Grand Duke Nicholas, threatened to shoot himself in the head if the Tsar did not accept Witte's suggestion.[4] Nicholas unwillingly agreed, and issued what became known as the October Manifesto on 30 October [O.S. 17 October] 1905, promising basic civil rights and an elected parliament called the Duma, without whose approval no laws were to be enacted in Russia in the future.
Accordingly, three proposed drafts were prepared for a revision of Speransky's Fundamental Laws. The Tsar chose to accept the draft authored by Peter Kharitonov, Deputy State Secretary of the State Chancellory, as the basis for the new constitution. Other constitutions from Austria-Hungary, Japan and Prussia were also studied, as was a draft constitution authored by the Union of Liberation, and published abroad.[5] The State Chancellory prepared a draft, which was discussed during five sessions of the Council of Ministers, where alterations were made to further strengthen the emperor's prerogatives at the expense of the new parliament. Following this, the draft was further discussed and amended under the Tsar's chairmanship; Nicholas chose to officially publish this new constitution on 6 May [O.S. 23 April] 1906. With this act, Russia was officially transformed from an absolute monarchy into a constitutional one, though the exact extent of just how constitutional quickly became the subject of debate, based upon the emperor's subsequent actions.
Provisions[edit]
The Russian Constitution of 1906 contained an introduction and eleven chapters:[6] comprising a total of 124 articles:
The Introduction (Articles 1-3) declared that Russia was "one and indivisible",[7] and mandated the use of Russian in the armed forces and other public institutions.[8] It also acknowledged the Grand Principality of Finland as an "inseparable part of the Russian state", while ambiguiously acknowledging its special legislative and political status.[9]
Chapter One (Articles 4-24) concerned "the essence of the supreme autocratic power", declaring that the emperor possessed "supreme sovereign power", and that obedience to his commands was mandated by God himself.[10] It provided for the ruler's prerogatives, while making him personally inviolable.[11] The Tsar possessed an absolute veto over all legislation,[12] legislative initiative on all matters,[13] and the sole prerogative to initiate any revision of the constitution itself.[13] The emperor had charge over Russia's administrative and external affairs,[14] and sole power to declare war, make peace and negotiate treaties,[15] as well as the supreme command of the armed forces.[16] The emperor also retained authority over the minting of money,[17] as well as the right to grant pardons and quash judicial proceedings.[18] He appointed and dismissed his ministers at will, and decided the nature and scope of their duties.[19]
Chapter Two (Articles 25-39) regulated the order of succession to the throne. The thrones of Poland and Finland were declared "inseparable" from that of Russia,[20] while precise rules on succession to the throne were spelled out. Females were eligible to succeed, though they were placed last in order behind all dynastically qualified male descendants of Romanov emperors.[21] A female ruler was guaranteed all the prerogatives and privileges of the imperial office, though her consort was not to take the title of "emperor".[22] Children born to a marriage between a dynastic Romanov and a person "not of corresponding dignity" (defined as "not belonging to any royal or sovereign house") were ineligible for the throne,[23] as was any person who inherited the throne while ruling over another nation whose state religion was not Orthodox, if unwilling to renounce that other throne and faith.[24]
Chapter Three (Articles 40-82) concerned issues of regency and guardianship, if the emperor was a minor. The age of majority was established at sixteen,[25] and instructions were given concerning the appointment of a regent and a mandatory[26] regency council, together with the prerogatives exercised by the same.
Chapter Four (Articles 53-56) concerned accession to the throne and the Oath of Allegiance to be sworn by all male citizens of the empire, aged twenty and above,[27] each "according to his faith and law".[28]
Chapter Five (Articles 57-58) concerned the coronation and anointing of a new sovereign, which was to take place "according to the rite of the Greco-Russian Orthodox Church."[29] Explanatory Note 1 at the end of this chapter indicated that the emperor was conjointly crowned Emperor of Russia and King of Poland. Explanatory Note 2 required him to recite the Nicene Creed according to the Orthodox Christian formula (without the filioque clause), and mandated a specific prayer for him to recite during the ceremony while wearing the Imperial Crown of Russia and holding the sceptre and orb.
Chapter Six (Articles 59-61) concerned the many formal titles held by the Russian sovereign, together with the precise makeup of the Russian state coat of arms and seal.
Chapter Seven (Articles 62-68) concerned the relationship of the Russian state to the various religions professed by its subjects. The Orthodox faith was declared the state religion,[30] and both the emperor and his or her consort were required to profess that religion.[31] The Tsar was named as the "supreme defender and guardian" of the Russian Orthodox Church,[32] while those of other confessions were promised full religious liberty,[33] which was also extended to "Jews, Muslims and heathens."[34]
Ilya Repin, 17 October 1905. Russians celebrating the granting of the October Manifesto by Nicholas II, which led to the granting of the 1906 Constitution.
Chapter Eight (Articles 69-83) concerned the "rights and obligations" of Russian citizens. Citizens were guaranteed protection from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment,[35] the inviolability of their domiciles,[36] protection from illegal search and seizure,[36] the right to travel (subject to restriction),[37] and the right to own private property.[38] Other rights promised in the document included freedom of assembly,[39] freedom of expression,[40] to organize unions and similar organizations,[41] and freedom of religion.[42] Military service was mandatory for all male subjects called to it, regardless of social rank,[43] and payment of taxes and performance of "other duties in accordance with lawful decrees" was required.[44]
Chapter Nine (Articles 84-97) concerned the promulgation of laws. Article 86 required the approval of the emperor, Duma and State Council for all laws, while Article 87 permitted the Tsar and his cabinet to issue decrees during times when the Duma was not in session. However, these lost their validity if not introduced to the new Duma within two months of its convocation, or if the new Duma or Council refused to confirm them. This article furthermore prohibited the emperor from using this authority to change the Constitution itself, or to change the laws for election to the Duma or Council. Nicholas' violation of this provision during the so-called Coup of June 1907 would irreparably damage his reputation among Russian liberals, and led many to conclude that the entire Russian Constitution was ultimately a sham.[45] This contributed to more revolutionary agitation, and to the Tsar's eventual overthrow in February 1917. The Russian system did not offer any right of impeachment to the legislative branch of government.
Chapter Ten (Articles 98-119) regulated the modus operandi of the State Council and Duma. Both were required to meet at least once per year, though the duration of their sessions and the length of their recess were the emperor's prerogative.[46] The Tsar was granted the right to appoint up to one-half of the membership of the State Council,[47] while members of the Duma were to be elected for a five-year term according to the state election statutes.[48] Both houses possessed equal rights in legislative matters,[49] while either or both of them could be dissolved at any time by the emperor, though new elections for the Duma must be announced at the same time as its dissolution.[50] Both houses possessed the right of legislative initiative, save in respect to the constitution itself; amendments to the constitution could only be proposed by the monarch.[51] The Imperial Court Ministry was not subject to the Duma's control.[52] Securing of governmental loans was also beyond the legislature's purview,[53] nor was it permitted to refuse or reduce funds to repay such obligations.[54] The Duma was equally prohibited from using its budgetary power to deny manpower requests from the Army or Navy; should the legislature not approve such a petition, the military was allowed to call a new number of draftees equal to the previous year's number.[55]
Chapter Eleven (Articles 120-124) concerned the Council of Ministers. It established the office of Chairman of the Council of Ministers,[56] and made all members of this council responsible to the emperor for their actions.[57] "Regulations, instructions or orders" issued by this council, or any member thereof, could not contradict existing law.[58] Ministers could be interrogated by either the State Council or Duma for their actions while in office,[59] but only the Tsar could remove them.[60]
Abolition of the 1906 constitution[edit]
With the abdication of Tsar Nicholas in February 1917 (Old Style), the government of Russia was initially taken over by a Provisional Government established by the Fourth Duma. Alexander Kerensky, who became the most prominent leader of this government, unilaterally abolished the Russian monarchy on 15 September 1917, thereby formally abrogating the 1906 Constitution. In October Russia was taken over by the Bolshevik party, leading ultimately to the establishment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on 30 December 1922. Prior to that time, the Communists had enacted a new constitution, firmly establishing Russia as a Bolshevik state. This was in turn superseded by the 1924 Soviet Constitution and the constitutions of 1937 and 1978, the last of which lasted until the fall of the Soviet Union and the adoption of Russia's current governing document in 1993, under which the nation is currently governed.
Constitution of Russia
^ "Основные Законы Российской Империи — Викитека". ru.wikisource.org (in Russian). Retrieved 2017-11-17.
^ Ukase of 3 June 1907.
^ The 1905 Revolution and The Russian Revolution, by Peter Litwin.
^ a b Scenarios of Power, From Alexander II to the Abdication of Nicholas II, by Richard Wortman, pg. 398
^ Russian Fundamental Laws of 1906, Great Encyclopedia of Russian History.
^ Russian Fundamental Laws of 1906
^ Article 1.
^ a b Article 8.
^ Articles 10-13.
^ Article 13.
^ Articles 13 and 14.
^ Chapter One, Article 6.
^ Article 36
^ Explanatory Note 2, at end of this chapter.
^ a b Article 75.
^ Lessons from Russian parliamentary history, early twentieth century
^ Articles 98 and 99, respectively.
^ Article 100.
^ Articles 104 and 105.
^ Chapter Ten, Article 108.
^ Chapter One, Articles 10 and 17.
Russian Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Основные Законы Российской Империи
The Russian Constitution of 1906
Constitutions of Russia
1993 (2008 amendments)
Retrieved from "https:/w/index.php?title=Russian_Constitution_of_1906&oldid=903105006"
Defunct constitutions
Politics of the Russian Empire
Law in the Russian Empire
1906 in the Russian Empire
1906 in law
1906 in politics
CS1 Russian-language sources (ru)
Articles needing additional references from May 2018
Related to Russian Constitution of 1906
1905 Russian Revolution
The Russian Revolution of 1905 was a wave of mass political and social unrest that spread through vast areas of the Russian Empire, some of which was directed at the government. It included worker strikes, peasant unrest, and military mutinies. It led to constitutional reform, including the establishment of the State Duma, the multi-party system, and the Russian Constitution of 1906.
A duma (дума) was a Russian assembly with advisory or legislative functions. The term comes from the Russian verb думать (dumat') meaning "to think" or "to consider". The first formally constituted duma was the State Duma introduced into the Russian Empire by Tsar Nicholas II in 1905 after the revolt of people against him demanding for the elected assembly. The Tsar dismissed the first duma within 75 days and re-elected second duma within three months. It was dissolved in 1917 during the Russian Revolution. Since 1993, the State Duma is the lower legislative house of the Russian Federation.
Count Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was a Russian reformist during the reign of Alexander I of Russia, to whom he was a close advisor. He later served under Tsar Nicholas I of Russia. Speransky is referred to as the father of Russian liberalism.
Sergei Witte
Count Sergei Yulyevich Witte, also known as Sergius Witte, was a highly influential econometrician, minister, and prime minister in Imperial Russia, one of the key figures in the political arena at the end of 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century.
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This is a list of all reigning monarchs in the history of Russia. It includes the titles Prince of Novgorod, Grand Prince of Kiev, Grand Prince of Vladimir, Grand Prince of Moscow, Tsar of All Rus'(Russia), and Emperor of All Russia. The list begins with a semi-legendary Rurik, Prince of Novgorod, sometime in the mid 9th century (c. 862) and ends with the Emperor of All Russia Nicholas II who abdicated in 1917, and was executed with his family in 1918.
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The State Council was the supreme state advisory body to the Tsar in Imperial Russia. From 1906, it was the upper house of the parliament under the Russian Constitution of 1906.
Imperial Crown of Russia
The Imperial Crown of Russia, also known as the Great Imperial Crown, was used by the monarchs of Russia from 1762 until the Russian monarchy's abolition in 1917. The Great Imperial Crown was first used in a coronation by Catherine the Great, and it was last worn at the coronation of Nicholas II. It was displayed prominently next to Nicholas II on a cushion at the State Opening of the Russian Duma inside the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg in 1906. It survived the 1917 revolution and is currently on display in Moscow at the Kremlin Armoury's State Diamond Fund.
Mikhail Rodzianko
Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko was a Russian statesman of Ukrainian origin. Known for his colorful language and conservative politics, he was the State Councillor and chamberlain of the Imperial family, Chairman of the State Duma and one of the leaders of the February Revolution of 1917, during which headed the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. He was a key figure in the events that led to the abdication of Nicholas II of Russia on 15 March 1917.
State Duma (Russian Empire)
The State Duma or Imperial Duma was the Lower House, part of the legislative assembly in the late Russian Empire, which held its meetings in the Taurida Palace in St. Petersburg. It convened four times between 27 April 1906 and the collapse of the Empire in February 1917. The First and the Second Dumas were more democratic and represented a greater number of national types than their successors. The Third Duma was dominated by gentry, landowners and businessmen. The Fourth Duma held five sessions; it existed until 2 March 1917, and was formally dissolved on 6 October 1917.
1906 Russian legislative election
Legislative elections were held in the Russian Empire from 26 March 1906 till 20 April. At stake were the 478 seats in the State Duma of the Russian Empire, the legislative assembly. Election for the First State Duma, which only ran from 27 April to 8 July (O.S.) 1906, returned a significant bloc of moderate socialists and two liberal parties which demanded further reforms. For this reason, it is sometimes called the Duma of Public Anger.
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Coup of June 1907
The Coup of June 1907, sometimes known as Stolypin's Coup, is the name commonly given to the dissolution of the Second State Duma of the Russian Empire, the arrest of some its members and a fundamental change in the Russian electoral law by Tsar Nicholas II on 16 June [O.S. 3 June] 1907. This act is considered by many historians to mark the end of the Russian Revolution of 1905, and was the subject of intense subsequent debate as to its legality. It also created a fundamental shift in the makeup of future Dumas in the Russian Empire: whereas previous laws had given peasants and other lower-class people a larger proportion of electors to the Duma, the new law transferred this to the propertied classes, in an effort to avoid election of the large number of liberal and revolutionary deputies who had dominated the First and Second Dumas. Although it largely succeeded in this objective, it ultimately failed to preserve the Imperial system, which ceased to exist during the Russian Revolution of 1917.
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The Emperor or Empress of All Russia was the absolute and later the constitutional monarch of the Russian Empire.
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Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire
The Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire was the highest executive authority of the Russian Empire, created in a new form by the highest decree of October 19, 1905 for the general "management and unification of the actions of the chief heads of departments on subjects of both legislation and higher state administration". The ministers ceased to be separate officials, responsible to the emperor, each only for their actions and orders.


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French Foreign Policy
Archaeology, humanities and social sciences
French archaeological missions are key actors...
French archaeological missions are key actors in international scientific cooperation
The numerous archaeological sites from all five continents are under threat of armed conflict, looting and degradation by man and the passing of time, as well as natural disasters. In view of this, safeguarding, protecting and securing ever greater knowledge of this universal heritage is essential.
For the past 70 years, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs has worked towards this goal, to ensure the excellence and sustainability of research, and has constantly reiterated its support for the teams on the ground worldwide. On the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the Commission des fouilles (Excavation Commission), and of the International Conference on the Protection of Endangered Heritage in Abu Dhabi on 2 December 2016, co-chaired by France, we wanted to highlight this commitment and share with you the results of all those years spent by men and women working for missions on the ground.
Every Friday, for seven weeks, discover the goals and challenges of French archaeological missions: knowledge and skills transfers between partners, the training of young researchers, France's contribution to advanced technology, and the adaptation of missions to new modern world challenges to preserve sites in crisis zones and their post-conflict rehabilitation. We will also describe the participation of French missions in major discoveries such as the Toumai man in Chad, and flagship missions like Angkor in Cambodia and Petra in Jordan.
Diplomacy and archaeology: a unique framework – a historical link
Since the mid-19th century, close ties were forged between archaeology, a discipline invented by France among others, and diplomacy. Diplomats' interest in archaeology was first evident in 1843 when the French consuls in Mosul, Paul-Emile Botta and Victor Place, discovered the site at Khorsabad. In 1877, the French Consul in Basra, Ernest de Sarzec, in turn revealed the Sumerian civilization at the Telloh archaeological site.
This process continued in the wake of the Second World War, when this tie was sealed through the creation, initiated by General de Gaulle and the archaeologist Henri Seyrig, of the Commission consultative des recherches archéologiques françaises à l'étranger or Commission des fouilles (Excavation Commission).
This body brings together the best specialists on the geographical areas and periods concerned to evaluate each year the scientific quality of research projects and propose the main scientific guidelines to be followed abroad. In 2016, 160 missions were financed in the five continents, including 12 projects led by young archaeologists, attesting to the generational renewal of teams.
Archaeological missions deployed in over 70 partner countries worldwide generate close scientific and academic cooperation, by awarding fellowships, establishing an international research network and involving a great many local researchers in archaeological digs. International, multidisciplinary teams conducting joint research on the ground are being set up around the world.
Internationally recognized for the quality of its production, its innovative capacity, and the dialogue it promotes with host countries, French archaeology is a particularly relevant diplomatic asset in a context of economic globalization and growing pressure from human and environmental threats to major sites of civilization. The long-standing partnerships French archaeology creates on the ground sometimes help maintain or restart dialogue that transcends political developments in the host country.
Updated: december 2016
Investing in France
What are the trends for French archaeology abroad in 2017?
A rundown on archaeological discoveries in recent years (13 January 2017)
Excavations Commission, leader of French archaeology abroad (January 6, 2017)
A living discipline to explore the past: specific methods and leading-edge techniques in archaeology (December 23, 2016)
French archaeology abroad: a driver for developing training and partnerships (December 16, 2016)
Post-crisis situations: how can missions resume after a conflict ends? (December 9, 2016)
Safeguarding endangered heritage in conflict zones (December 2, 2016)
Research grants for archaeological missions
The network of French Research Institutes Abroad (IFRE)
A European Research Area open to the world
Scientific Partnerships
Research and innovation through public-private partnerships
France and development research
Cooperation in the space sector


India was the most discussed country in Apple's latest earnings call. The initial trigger was CEO Tim Cook, who in his opening remarks called out India as one of the most promising markets for the company. He said the 4G roll-out in particular could have a huge impact.
BENGALURU: India was the most discussed country in Apple's latest earnings call. The initial trigger was CEO Tim Cook, who in his opening remarks called out India as one of the most promising markets for the company. He said the 4G roll-out in particular could have a huge impact.
"Looking ahead, we're seeing some very exciting developments in India. Reliance Jio is rolling out a first of its kind all-IP (internet protocol) network in India with 4G coverage in 18,000 cities and 200,000 villages across the country," he said. He noted that Reliance is offering a free year of service to purchasers of new iPhones and that the company was partnering with them to ensure great iPhone performance on their network. In the opening remarks, he noted that iPhone sales in India were up over 50% in fiscal 2016 compared to the prior year. "…we believe we're just beginning to scratch the surface of this large and growing market opportunity," he said.
Later, when a brokerage house suggested that India's disposable income may not make for a big market for Apple, Cook said it would be more useful to look at India's population and its age profile. "I think it's important to look not only at per capita income, which may be what you're looking at, but sort of look at the number of people that are or will move into the middle class…over the next decade. And the age of the population…almost 50% of the population is under 25. And so you have a very, very young population," he said.
He admitted the smartphone had not done as well in India as some other places. But he attributed that to the infrastructure. "But this year or this year and next year, there are enormous investments going in on 4G and we couldn't be more excited about that because it really takes a great network working with iPhone to produce that great experience for people. And so I see a lot of the factors moving in the right direction there. I also think the government is much more focused on the infrastructure…," he said.