BCCI (Board of Control for Cricket) posted a picture on their social media handle after Team India visited the Indian High Commission in London on Tuesday.
The whole team along with members of the supporting staff are seen posing with Indian diplomats. Every member of the team was seen following a formal code as they were seen wearing blue trousers, white shirts and grey waistcoats.
However, one thing that turned the heads of the Twitterati was the presence of Virat Kohli's wife Anushka Sharma.
Bollywood actress can be spotted standing by the side in the middle of the middle of the group photograph clad in a traditional attire.
Netizens had a hard time finding out why Anushka was a part of the formal meeting which involved Indian cricket team and why she was the only partner accompanying a player on the occasion.
Team India is in London for the second Test against England which is scheduled to begin at Lord's on Thursday.
After losing the first Tests against England by 31 runs, India will be locking horns with the hosts for the second Test at the Mecca of cricket to level the series.
Skipper Virat Kohli scored a century at the Edgbaston and fast-bowler Ishant Sharma picked a five-wicket haul but England didn't let victory slip out of their hands as they made a comeback to win the match.
England have already announced their squad for the second Test and made two changes to their side. Dawid Malan and Ollie Pope have been in roped in the squad at the expense of star all-rounder Ben Stokes and middle-order batsman Dawid Malan have been dropped.


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Home » Case Studies » Case Studies from the Sector: BME Suffolk Support Group (BSSG CIC)
Case Studies from the Sector: BME Suffolk Support Group (BSSG CIC)
BME Support Group is a non-profitable organisation providing practical support for Black and Minority Ethnic families and individuals in North-West Ipswich and its district, helping to achieve social integration and wellbeing.
They've done some incredible work supporting people. You can read the image below, or scroll to see the full text version.
To submit your own case studies, email bryony.glover@communityactionsuffolk.org.uk. We'd love to help spread the word about your organisation.
Full text version:
BME Suffolk Support Group have been providing vital help. When one woman came to them, she was a single parent from Zimbabwe who had experienced domestic violence. She had four dependent children. Things were very difficult financially, because her ex-husband was the breadwinner of the family – and with him gone, she was left in huge debt with four children to look after. Having tested positive for Covid-19, she was also self-isolating and unable to do her job.
Luckily, the BME Suffolk Support Group were able to help. They provided her with regular food parcels and children's clothing. They applied for LWAS for utilities' bills (£100), household items (including a bed frame, mattress, drawer and dining set) and supermarket vouchers (£100). They provided emotional support, too, in a group setting. Meanwhile, Lighthouse Women's Aid provided counselling. All this meant that the woman was supported as she navigated her next steps.
The Group also helped to support a couple, aged 50 and 70, from Nigeria. They'd been referred by a Pentecostal Church, and things were very difficult. The wife had been in the UK for four years and was unemployed with no digital skills. She had no idea how the UK system worked. The husband, meanwhile, had been in the UK for fifteen years, but it took him a long time to get permanent resident status in the UK. Because he hadn't paid enough national insurance to be eligible for a pension, he was continuing to do odd jobs to survive – despite the fact that he'd reached retirement age. Struggling financially, socially isolated and unemployed, things were very hard. The BME Suffolk Support Group supported them with regular food parcels, and applied for winter fuel payment from East Suffolk Council, securing £200. The British Red Cross also awarded £240 for rent, while the wife benefitted from Radius training to learn digital skills to improve her chances of employment. Both were extremely grateful for all the help they received. They said that they hadn't been aware of the local charitable funds available. Now they are part of the BME Suffolk Support Group, building relationships with other local members.
Coronavirus has been a tough time for everyone, and even tougher for those who lost their jobs, with no furlough and no recourse to public funds due to immigration status. The Group had lots of referrals for food parcels, clothing and more. They also overturned a Home Office decision, meaning that British children whose parents were migrant workers could now be granted welfare support. Because of this, families were prevented from being homeless. It's an amazing result!
You can reach them on 07492691190/0147231549 or email info@bmesuffolk.org. Their office is 17 Tower Street Ipswich Suffolk IP1 3BE.
Image of Funmi Akinriboya, BME Suffolk Support Group (BSSG) Founder/ Managing Director.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


This Nashville farmers market is located at 6401 Harding Rd. St. Henry's Catholic Church parking lot. Drop by to see for yourself. Phone to find out about its selection of organic food, vegetables, fruits, crafts and local specialties. Hours are June-October Tuesday, 7:00 a.m. - 12:00 Noon. Use the Edit link if you frequent this market to tell us more about what is sold.
If you've shopped at Nashville F.A.R.M I, tell us what you think of the market.


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COVID-19 numbers continue to rise in Sweet Home
As of Friday, Sept. 3, Oregon had reported 3,272 COVID deaths, marking a rise in 236 COVID reported deaths in the state since Monday, Aug. 23.
On Sept. 3, the Oregon Health Authority had reported 283,873 new and presumptive cases of COVID, an increase of 26,229 cases since Aug. 23.
As of Sept. 2, Linn County has reported 8,860 cases of COVID since the start of the pandemic, and 83 deaths. That's 1,289 more cases in the county since Aug. 23, and one more death since that date.
As of Sept. 1, 874 COVID-19 cases had been recorded in Sweet Home's 97386 zip code, an increase of 209 cases in...
'A Quality Person'
Local dogs' lives looking up with new park
Army Corps officials h...Benny Westcott
First Linn County baby...
Boys and girls wrestle...


The course emphasizes on skill development and latest advancements in the technological world that will help an individual to build up and upgrade skills thereby closing the technological gaps.
Examination: Examination for the certificate course will be conducted by the NIELIT(formerly DOEACC Society) as per the calendar of events given below.
Date of commencement of Exam.
Near IIT Patna, Amhara, Bihta, Patna(Bihar)-801106.
After completing this chapter, you will be able to understand computers, understanding its components and its applications.
Keep Software updated: how to set automatic updates for windows operating system.
After completing this chapter, you will be able to understand GUI Based operating systems and its components, file management.
The objective of this Chapter is to acquaint an individual with the concepts of computer hardware.
Mail Merge: Using mail merge; printing mailing labels; merging for sending emails using outlook.
After completing this chapter, you will be able to acquire skills in Word Processing Basics.
Formulas and Function: Using Formulas, Function, basic mathematical operators, using AutoSum etc., using formulas with multiple cell references, finding the right function, relative and absolute cell references, fixing formula errors; Charts: learning about charts, creating charts; Working with graphics; Clip Art; SmartArt.
Use of Pivot Table and Pivot Chart.
After completing this chapter, you will be able to acquire skills in creating spreadsheet and its features.
Slide Show: Running a Slide Show, Transition and Slide Timings, Automating a Slide Show.
After completing this chapter, you will be able to acquire skills in creating and developing a presentation and its features.
Creating a Table: concepts of field, field types; entering data in a table, preview and print a table, changing row and column height; closing and opening of table, sorting of table, finding and replacing texts; using queries wizard; creating report from tables / queries from report wizard, modifying a report, printing of report; creating a form using wizard, entry in the forms; basic of formatting of forms and reports.
After completing this chapter, you will be able to acquire skills in creating and developing forms, queries and reports.
Overview and understanding of IT Act 2000.
After completing this chapter student will be able to know about security features & vulnerabilities and will be able to secure its network from attacks.
Basic troubleshooting: restart computer, checking cables, uninstalling a software, start windows in safe mode etc.
Windows installation and upgrades, CPUs and motherboards, Memory systems, Expansion cards, Data storage devices, Ports, connectors, and cables, Printers and scanners, Display devices, Portable computers and devices, Networking, Security, Maintaining the PC environment.
This unit will introduce about maintenance and troubleshooting of PC.
Know how to identify a secure web site:https, lock symbol; Security Considerations: Know about security threats from web sites like: viruses, worms, Trojan horses, spyware.
Commerce on Internet, Impact of Internet on Society.
Introduction to Cloud Computing: What is cloud computing, Properties & Characteristics, Service models, Deployment models; Concepts of: IaaS (Infrastructure as a Service), PaaS (Platform as a Service), SaaS (Software as a service), DaaS (Desktop as a Service).
Introduction to Mobile Computing, its components and characteristics.
Digital signature: definition as per ITA 2000, how digital signature works; role of certifying authorities: Digital Certificates and their uses, Certifying Authority regulation in India, Obtaining a trial version of a Digital Certificate; legal aspect covering digital signatures in India; how to use digital signatures on electronic documents. Legal aspects covering digital signatures in India.
After completing this chapter, you will be able to understand the concepts of cloud computing and mobile computing, you will be able to understand the IT Act 2000 on the nature and operation of digital signatures and get an idea about e-Governance & its benefits.
Why savings are needed, Why save in a bank, Banking products-ATM card, Rupay Card, Banking Instruments-Cheque, Demand Draft (DD), Currency Notes, Banking Services Delivery Channels, Know Your Customer (KYC), Opening of bank account and documents required, Types of bank accounts, Bank's services including remittances, loan, mobile banking, Overdraft, Pension etc., Types of Insurance, Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY), password security and ATM withdrawal, Insurance, Social Security Schemes-Atal Pension Yojana (APY), Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY), Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana (PMJJBY), Pradhan Mantri Mudra Yojana (PMMY).
After completing this chapter, you will be able to understand the concepts of internet banking and different financial services provided by the Government, banking products etc. you will also be aware of the various social security schemes of the country and utilize it for your benefit.
Email Protocols: SMTP, POP3, IMAP4, MIME5; Email Clients: Netscape mail clients, Outlook Express, web based E-mail; Email encryption.
The objective of this Chapter is to develop the skills to effectively compose emails and its features.
Components of Multimedia: Images and their types, Animation, Digital audio, Digital Video Software for Multimedia, Introduction to MS-Publisher and Photodraw, Developing simple application and presentations using MS-Publisher.
The objective of this Chapter is to understand the concepts of multimedia and building small applications/presentations using multimedia.
The objective of this chapter is to develop the understanding of HTML.
Listening Skills: Types of Listening; Tips for Effective Listening: Academic Listening- (lecturing), Listening to Talks and Presentations, Listening to Announcements.
The objective of this Chapter is to develop the written, verbal, non-verbal, and technical communication skills.


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The Merging Effect
Relationship building beyond our own homes.
by Ruth Wilson
Photo Credit: Hemera/Thinkstock
My daughter was ten years old when I told her that Fred and I were going to get married. My daughter's response was that he could live with us, but that "he can't be a part of the family." This response could be based on what she understood to be acceptable and unacceptable in our culture. Fred is African-American, and I am white. My daughter had no first-hand experience with inter-racial couples and had never lived in an integrated neighborhood. To her, the idea of an African-American being a part of our family wasn't consistent with what was familiar to her.
Another reason for saying "he can't be part of the family" could be based on the fear that Fred would be replacing her birth father. She was not OK with this.
Fred and I have now been married for 28 years. We've had to struggle with some issues unique to inter-racial couples—where to live was just one of the decisions we had to make. There were few integrated neighborhoods in our city. We decided to live in a predominately white neighborhood—in large part to keep my daughters from having to transfer to a different school. The schools in the city where we lived were quite segregated—and as is true in too many urban communities, the schools in the black communities had far fewer resources than the schools in the white communities.
The recent shooting at the Emanuel Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, SC seems to have been motivated by a belief that black people don't belong in certain places. Reports indicate that the alleged shooter expressed a belief in segregation and that he was concerned about black people "taking over" the country. He seemed to have a fear of white people losing their place in society once black people are welcomed into the group. This fear is based on the idea that "letting (or welcoming) someone in" means "taking someone else out."
After Fred and I got married, it didn't take my daughter long to realize that Fred could be part of the family and that having Fred as a stepfather didn't mean excluding her birth father from her circle of love and concern. Fred's understanding and kindness certainly had a lot to do with establishing a healthy relationship within our family.
Relationship building can occur at the individual-to-individual level, and this is an important part of our lives. But relationship building can also occur at the group-to-group level. This, too, is important, not only for individuals in the group, but for the larger society, as well.
The alleged shooter in Charleston said that he "almost changed his mind" about killing black people in the church because they were so nice to him. They welcomed him, a young white person, into their place of worship. They didn't question him about his background, income, or beliefs. They were just nice to him. This acceptance and kindness almost changed his mind. Amazingly, the families of the victims then forgave him for the terrible crime he committed.
Could niceness and a willingness to welcome others into our families, churches, and other settings in which we gather as a people help prevent future tragedies of people killing each other because they are considered "other" rather than one of us? This is what "almost" happened in Charleston. Can we optimistically think that the "almost" might become the reality of a different outcome?
In addition to the fact that in Charleston there was "almost" a different outcome due to kindness, some evidence about a "merging effect" associated with personal relationships may also help us imagine the possibility of harmonious group-to-group relationships. The "merging effect" occurs when the boundaries between individual partners disintegrate and they begin to think of their own fate as being intertwined with the fate of the other. If merging can occur on the individual-to-individual level, can it occur on the group-to-group level, as well? If through kindness and acceptance we can turn an "almost" into a reality, the future will look much brighter for all us.
Ruth Wilson, Ph.D., is a retired educator who now works with the Children and Nature Network as curator of the Research Library.
She also devotes her time to writing and consulting, especially on issues relating to children and nature. Wilson has written several books and numerous articles on these and other topics relating to the way humans interact with the rest of the natural world.
Click here for more!
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layout: post
date: '2016-02-08'
title: "COCKTAIL DRESSES Sherri Hill 8522 Short Sequin Homecoming Dress"
category: COCKTAIL DRESSES
tags: [COCKTAIL DRESSES]
---
### COCKTAIL DRESSES Sherri Hill 8522 Short Sequin Homecoming Dress
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Sherri Hill 8522 Short Homecoming Dress.

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Buy it: [https://www.eudances.com/en/cocktail-dresses/1362-sherri-hill-8522-short-sequin-homecoming-dress.html](https://www.eudances.com/en/cocktail-dresses/1362-sherri-hill-8522-short-sequin-homecoming-dress.html)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


This creamy no-bake vanilla cheesecake is so simple and easy to doctor up with your favorite fruits or a drizzle of caramel sauce! It's made with a homemade browned butter graham cracker crust that sets it apart from your average cheesecake!
So, it's true. I have a cheesecake problem. I feel the need to expose that every time I post a cheesecake recipe now, because I am losing track of how many I have. Most of them don't involve baking because quite frankly, I'm not a baker by nature. But I do love me a creamy cheesecake, and let me tell you, the secret to the creamy deliciousness in this recipe is in the Dunkin' Donuts Extra Extra creamer that I use.
I actually use the creamer twice in this recipe. Once during the beginning when I'm whipping up the filling, and again when I'm melting the white chocolate chips in the microwave. Let me tell you, this is my new secret to melting chocolate chips. Usually I have to buy those really expensive melting chocolate bars to get extra smooth and creamy results, but when I add this creamer to the chocolate chips, it's a game changer. No more pricey melting chocolate for me!
How long does it take this cheesecake to set?
This cheesecake is pretty set after 4 hours, but I love to chill overnight when I can!
How can I make sure my cheesecake is smooth?
The key to a smooth and creamy cheesecake is to let the cream cheese sit at room temperature for at least an hour before beginning. You don't want it to be at all cold. Then, you beat it separately from any other ingredient until it's smooth and whipped. After that, you're good to add the other ingredients as instructed.
In this case, you also need to ensure that the melted chocolate comes back up to room temperature or it will mess with the consistency.
How do I get nice, clean slices when I cut in?
Take a long, sharp knife. Run it under hot water for 15 seconds. Wipe it dry and make your first cut. Clean, and repeat for each slice you make.
This creamy no-bake vanilla cheesecake is so simple and easy to doctor up with your favorite fruits or a drizzle of caramel sauce!
Add the chocolate chips to a medium bowl. Microwave for 30 seconds, stir, and add 3 tablespoons of the Dunkin' Donuts Extra Extra creamer, saving the other 3 for later. Continue to heat for 30 seconds at a time, stirring in between, until smooth and melted. Set aside and let it come back up to room temperature.
In a small saucepan, melt the butter over medium-low heat. Watch it carefully as it will soon start to bubble and 'fizz'. This is when the butter starts to caramelize and sweeten. Whisk it for 2 minutes as it caramelizes and then remove it from the heat.
In a large bowl, use an electric mixer to whip the (room temperature) cream cheese.
Once whipped and fluffy, add the powdered sugar and beat until smooth. Add the vanilla extract and remaining 3 tablespoons of creamer. Beat until smooth.
Add the filling to the top of the crust and refrigerate for 4 hours or overnight. Slice, and serve with your favorite fruits, sauces, or whipped cream!


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Q: Show that the functional $F(u)=\int ((u_x^2-1)^2+u_y^4)$ has zero infimum on a Sobolev space Let $\Omega=(-1,1)\times (-1,1)$. We consider the functionnal
$$F(u)=\int_{\Omega}\left[\left(\left(\frac{\partial u}{\partial x}\right)^2-1\right)^2+\left(\frac{\partial u}{\partial y}\right)^4\right]dx,$$
where $u\in W_0^{1,4}(\Omega)$.
I am trying to prove that
$$\inf\{F(u): u\in W_0^{1,4}(\Omega)=0\}$$
by finding a sequence $u_n\in  W_0^{1,4}(\Omega)$ such that $F(u_n)\rightarrow 0$. I chose $u_n(x)=(x^2-1/n^2)(y^2-1/n^2)$ for $(x,y)\in (-1/n,1/n)\times (-1/n,1/n)$ and $u_n(x)=0$ in $\Omega\backslash (-1/n,1/n)\times (-1/n,1/n)$. However, it did not work !
Can any one give some hints to find the sequence $\{u_n\}$ ?

A: Under zero boundary condition, the $y$ derivative controls the supremum of $u$. So you need to make $|u_x^2-1|$ small while also making the supremum of $u$ small. This can only be achieved if $u_x$ quickly oscillates between $1$ and $-1$.
As a first attempt, put $u(x,y) = d_n(x)$ where $d_n(x)=\operatorname{dist}(x,n^{-1}\mathbb{Z})$. Note that $u_x^2-1=0$ a.e. and $0\le u\le 1/(2n)$. Also, the derivative $u_y$ is identically zero. The only problem is that $u$ is not zero on top and bottom of the square.
So, modify the constriction by $u(x,y)=d_n(x)\eta(y)$ where $\eta$ is a cut-off function, e.g. $\eta(y)=\min(1, \epsilon^{-1}(1-|y|))$. Note that $\eta(y)=1$ when $|y|<1-\epsilon$, so on most of the square this function is $1$. Now you have to worry about two things:

*

*$u_y^4 = d_n(x)^4(\eta'(y))^4$ is of the size $1/(\epsilon n)^4$. This gets integrated over a set of measure about $\epsilon$, so you need $\epsilon^{-3}n^{-4}$ to be small.

*$(u_x^2-1)^2 = (\eta(y)-1)^2$. This terms is not a problem; it's $0$ on most of the square and at most $1$ everywhere.

So, letting $\epsilon=1/n$ does the trick.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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No Nest Egg Retirement Plan
George is one of the most gifted salesmen on the planet. How in the world could he be in such a terrible financial situation at age 53 only a year ago?
As a first-generation American, George and his 4 siblings all went to Ivy League schools. His father had come from Spain and believed education was the key to success. Two doctors, one engineer, one real estate entrepreneur, and George was the youngest. When he got his first job at Bankers Trust flying all over Latin America, he seemed like the most successful of the lot.
He married Ellie, his college sweetheart and a northeast prep school kid. They had three daughters in rapid succession and George was adopted into a well- to- do WASPY extended family. His in-laws had a summer "castle" in Normandy, which only added to George's repertoire of stories and experiences.
We met at Goldman Sachs where George was hands down one of the best salesmen.
George could walk into a meeting cold and connect like he'd known the older rich guy his whole life. Somehow George could quickly make a human connection where there had never been any familiarity. It didn't hurt that George hunted, fished, and smoked cigars with cognac in connecting with older rich white guys. His career trajectory at Goldman was so rapid that the senior partners would travel with him to Brazil, Argentina, and other exotic locations. He was a natural born salesman if there ever was one.
Nobody knew this was taking a toll on Ellie and she suffered from depression. Nobody knew this morphed into alcohol abuse. Nobody knew of the chaos George found when got back from business trips. So, George moved to Brazil to work for a family he knew and to run their bank. He wouldn't have to travel and he could be there for Ellie and the girls. He built an amazing support system using cheap local help.
The problems of Ellie going off her program continued. She even retreated to the US to go to rehab. She did this several times.
George helped sell the bank he ran and relocate to Connecticut. This was close to Ellie's family and her siblings. George took a much less demanding job as the girls went through high school. George tried to step up and keep his daughters' lives as normal as possible given their mother's condition.
True to form, his girls attended NYU, Cornell, and Boston College all on student loans George signed for personally. George now owes over $6000 per month for about the next 6 1/2 years. Ellie and George finally divorced when the youngest got into college. George owes 30% of his gross income to Ellie as alimony FOREVER.
To say money is tight for George is a massive understatement.
But George isn't bitter, he's always working an angle. He called me and I helped him get a job overseas working with me. He easily extended his career length five years and lowered his cost of living and his taxes. As you would expect, he became a mini-celebrity as a senior salesman. The younger folks have never seen an animal like George. They literally give him relationships too tough for them to crack so they can sit in the meetings with him. His appointment calendar is booked solid.
One day George came to me and asked me about "that internet stuff you do". He knows about my physical products business and all the information products I'm involved with. We have lunch every weekend and he is always inquisitive.
George deduced that there are a lot of relationship managers in their 30's that never had the opportunity to go through a Goldman Sachs training program, or any other for that matter. They all yearn for professional development and little is offered formally. He gets asked for help every day. George sees an opportunity.
George wondered, "What if I could coach several of them and create a course with what I learned that could help many more?" Brilliant!
George's Plan
George's plan is to find the areas of greatest interest and film a series of 90 minute workshops he will hold. After each workshop, he will ask what are the next series of topics his protégées would like to cover. He has a rough outline he's constantly refining.
George is taking his first step in the next 6 weeks to help five very eager younger salespeople. His biggest struggle is the word is getting out and more people want to attend. They are even offering to pay money to be involved! He's now debating the optimal size to get the best outcome for everyone involved.
This is how it is all starting again for George. It's exciting to see and be a part of. What's amazing is he's only a couple of steps ahead of most people reading this story.
The advice I give to friends like George and others who seek me out: "Work to learn, then make money with what you know".
Join our community and create a plan to do what you love while adding income to retire happy.
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Ian Bond is a private banking senior executive with over three decades of experience in wealth and asset management with Goldman Sachs, Credit Suisse, and Citigroup. He has built major businesses on four continents.
Despite his professional responsibility for assets over $100B and revenues over $1B, after the 2008 crash Ian was personally going broke. Within five years he destroyed his debt, became an expat in 2014, and built multiple streams of income to fund his imminent retirement. Ian is also the founder of MyRetirementRehab.me created to help other executives and professionals rehabilitate their finances and make a prosperous, enduring retirement a reality.
The No Nest Egg Retirement Plan
Copyright © 2016-2019 Retirement Rehab. All rights reserved.


Shop Wagler Mini Barn's selection of A-Frame Mini Barns in a variety of shapes of colours to suit your style and functionality needs. For a complete list of available colours, visit our Colour Gallery. For information regarding sizing and prices of A-Frame Mini Barns and more, visit our Barns page.
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Stylekeepers' skirt is a perfect for brides-to-be or brides maids that want to wear effortless separates. Cut with pleat and designed in a wrap-style silhouette. It has a tie beld that defires your waist.An effortless choice for day or evening. We'll be wearing with simple cami top or lace top.


The resolution pushes for the implementation of virtual student IDs, which Solomon Davis originally supported during the MSA presidential campaign and a larger student health fee in order to provide access to emergency contraceptives on campus.
The newly formed organization has been collecting signatures since September for its Plan B petition, which focuses on the emergency contraceptives effort.
Missouri has some of the strictest and most actively debated abortion laws in the country, said NARAL Pro-Choice Missouri director Alison Dreith.
Demonstrators filled the sidewalk on both sides of Providence Road.
Event organizers estimated that there were at least 800 demonstrators.
From banning hoverboards on campus to an announcement on potential new student housing, here's what happened during winter break.
"As a state and federally funded university with a health system, we are required to follow applicable state and federal laws," interim Chancellor Hank Foley said in a statement.
This essential organization does far more than just abortions.
Planned Parenthood CEO Laura McQuade said she wants a campus leader who won't respond to political pressure.
From race relations to graduate student rights to Planned Parenthood, MU has been through a lot so far this semester.
While abortion services at the St. Louis Planned Parenthood clinic were found to be legal, they are scheduled to end at the Columbia clinic unless new privileges can be found.
Chancellor Loftin was called to testify on behalf of the MU hospital and their possible misuse of public funds.


text:
Toyota Vehicles
www.scottcrumptoyota.com | blog home
Take a Trip in the New Toyota Corolla near Hoover
Are you trying to find a new car near the Hoover, Alabama area? Look no further than Scott Crump Toyota! We maintain a comprehensive inventory of quality new and pre-owned Toyota cars, trucks, and SUVs available for purchase. One car that stands out from the rest on the lot is the Toyota Corolla. The Toyota Corolla near Hoover would be an excellent addition to your life because of its efficient performance, plentiful technology, and first class safety system.
Efficient Performance
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text:
He Bought the Fencing Coach's House. Then His Son Got Into Harvard
April 5, 2019 Joshua MillerThe Boston Globe
It was a modest house by this town's standards, a center-entrance colonial, three bedrooms and a two-car garage on a quarter-acre lot. The inside hadn't welcomed a renovator in many, many years, and the outside didn't wear its age particularly well. Its owner: Peter Brand, Harvard University's legendary fencing coach.
Its assessed value: $549,300.
So when the house sold to a wealthy Maryland businessman for close to a million dollars in May 2016, the town's top assessor was so dumbfounded that he wrote the following in his notes: "Makes no sense."
View more of the latest education news.
This latest news has been archived and may contain content that is out of date.


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La lontra dal naso peloso (Lutra sumatrana ()) è un mammifero della famiglia dei Mustelidi. È la più rara e la meno nota delle cinque lontre (sottofamiglia Lutrinae) diffuse nell'Asia orientale. A causa della persecuzione umana e della distruzione dell'habitat, la lontra dal naso peloso è classificata come «specie in pericolo» (Endangered) dalla IUCN.

Descrizione
La lontra dal naso peloso è una lontra di medie dimensioni, dalla lunghezza totale di circa 1,3 m e un peso di circa 7 kg. Presenta membrane interdigitali complete tra le forti dita artigliate. La pelliccia è marrone scuro nella parte superiore e un po' più chiara nella parte inferiore. Il mento e il labbro superiore sono nettamente accentuati dal loro colore crema-biancastro. L'intera regione nasale è breve e ricoperta da peli scuri.

Distribuzione e habitat
L'areale della specie copre parti del Sud-est asiatico e non è ancora noto con esattezza. Prove sicure della sua presenza negli ultimi 20 anni circa provengono da Thailandia, Cambogia, Vietnam, Malesia, Brunei e dall'isola indonesiana di Sumatra e per quanto riguarda le segnalazioni negli anni '80 anche da varie altre località del Borneo settentrionale. Prove storiche sono disponibili anche per il Myanmar. Probabilmente l'areale della specie copre gran parte del Sud-est asiatico dall'India nord-orientale a est fino al Vietnam e a sud alle Grandi Isole della Sonda.

Secondo i rapporti disponibili, la specie sembra vivere nelle foreste torbiera, nel corso inferiore dei fiumi, sulle coste marine e, soprattutto, nelle mangrovie.

Biologia
In un'area paludosa della foresta torbiera nel sud della Thailandia, l'85,5% della dieta era costituito da pesce; altre specie oggetto di caccia erano serpenti acquatici, lucertole, tartarughe d'acqua, mammiferi e insetti. Finora, non abbiamo a disposizione pressoché nessuna informazione riguardo a comportamento sociale e riproduzione. Come in altre lontre, il periodo di gestazione dura circa due mesi. Nel delta del Mekong, a quanto pare, le femmine partoriscono a novembre e dicembre. In questo luogo, dei piccoli sono stati visti tra dicembre e gennaio e in un caso entrambi i genitori si prendevano cura del piccolo.

Conservazione
La specie è rara o molto rara in tutto il suo areale. Tra il 1998 e il 2005 si pensava addirittura che fosse estinta e non sono ancora disponibili dati sulla densità di popolazione. La IUCN presume che la popolazione sia diminuita fino al 50% negli ultimi 30 anni e sia ancora in declino. La principale minaccia, nell'intero areale della specie, è la persecuzione umana. Ulteriori minacce per le poche popolazioni al di fuori delle aree protette sono la distruzione dell'habitat a causa della conversione in terreni agricoli, lo sfruttamento del legname e gli incendi, nonché la mancanza di prede adatte a causa dell'eccessivo sfruttamento umano. La lontra dal naso peloso viene quindi classificata come «specie in pericolo» (Endangered) dalla IUCN.

Note

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni

Mustelidi
Fauna asiatica
Taxa classificati da John Edward Gray

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Join us on the 2nd March for our tribute to the dynamic duo Kevin & Perry! With huge anthems from Ayla, Fatboy Slim, Jamiroqui, Nightmares on Wax and more, we'll keep you moving til' the lights come up!
🚨 Plenty of reaching for the lasers!
This event is not affiliated with Kevin & Perry.


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Republicans ask acting AG James to subpoena NY Gov. Cuomo state's COVID-19 nursing home policies
(Natural News)
Rep. Elise Stefanik and her fellow Republican Congressmen from New York signed a letter Wednesday, Feb. 3, asking the acting U.S. attorney general to immediately subpoena Gov. Andrew Cuomo and his team for all documents and communications related to the state's COVID-19 nursing home policies.
This move came after New York State Attorney General Letitia James released a report last week detailing how Cuomo's administration had underreported thousands of coronavirus-related deaths in state nursing homes by as much as 50 percent.
Officials of New York State Department of Health immediately issued new data for nursing home COVID-19 deaths, adding more than 3,800 to the previous tally. This increased the overall death toll related to those facilities by more than 40 percent.
In the letter, addressed to acting U.S. Attorney General Robert "Monty" Wilkinson, the seven House Representatives requested that Wilkinson issue subpoenas to Cuomo, Secretary to the Governor Melissa DeRosa, state Health Department Commissioner Dr. Howard Zucker as well as their staff.
They argued that James's report showed how Cuomo and his staff "recklessly and knowingly" underreported deaths in nursing homes across the state after his decision in March last year to require nursing homes to accept COVID-19 patients.
"We are grateful to New York State Attorney General Letitia James for revealing the veracity of Governor Cuomo's mismanagement in her recent report, but the people of New York deserve greater transparency, accountability, and ultimately, the truth about the cover-up that Governor Cuomo's administration engaged in," the letter said.
In August last year, the Republican House Representatives pushed for the Department of Justice, then headed by Attorney General William Barr, to investigate the state's nursing home policy. In their letter, they also requested an "immediate and thorough" update on that probe.
Fellow Democrat puts Cuomo in hot water
The report by James, a Democrat, cast more doubt on the state's decision to send nursing home residents who had been hospitalized with the coronavirus back to the nursing homes.
The apparent undercount of deaths in nursing homes also gave weight to speculation that the state may have intentionally played down the number of those deaths to avoid blame.
"We will work to ensure that Acting Attorney General Wilkinson and President [Joe] Biden support this pursuit for the truth about Governor Cuomo and his administration, considering the scathing evidence presented in Attorney General James's recent report," Stefanik said in a prepared statement. "Tens of thousands of innocent people in our great state died, and unlike the Governor, we care."
Stefanik has been a vocal critic of Cuomo throughout the pandemic. She has repeatedly criticized him over the state's nursing home policies during the crisis. She was the lead signer in the letter. (Related: Nolte: Andrew Cuomo's nursing home massacre revealed as one more true 'conspiracy theory.')
"This is now more than a nursing home scandal," said Stefanik. "This is a massive corruption and cover-up scandal."
Cuomo's camp was quick to fire back.
"It's no surprise this QAnon Trump puppet, her treason caucus and their friends want to talk about anything other than the approaching one month anniversary of the Capitol insurrection that they helped foment and resulted in the death of a police officer," Rich Azzopardi, senior advisor to the governor, said in a prepared statement Wednesday night. "It's a naked ploy and New Yorkers see right through it. Maybe someone should investigate what she and the rest of the Trump enablers knew about the organizing and planning of this riot."
Deaths in nursing homes and other long-term care facilities have accounted for about a third of the country's over 430,000 COVID-19 deaths. This is why federal and state authorities have made vaccinating staff and residents at such facilities a top priority. In New York, deaths in those facilities were a great source of controversy.
For several months now, Cuomo had been accused of obscuring a more accurate estimate of nursing home deaths.
Health commissioner explains discrepancy
Dr. Zucker, the state's health commissioner, said that the state website had always been clear that the deaths it listed did "not include deaths outside of a facility." This means that the state's count only included the number of deaths at the facilities and not accounting for the residents who died at a hospital after being transferred there.
"The word 'undercount' implies there are more total fatalities than have been reported," he said. "This is factually wrong."
While the new data released by the state health department put the total number of deaths connected to nursing homes from less than 9,000 to 12,743, the increase did not alter New York's coronavirus death count of more than 42,000.
The department simply reassigned deaths previously counted toward a municipality to the nursing homes those people were residents of.
But aside from the number of deaths connected to nursing homes, James's report also scrutinized immunity provisions granted to healthcare providers codified by Cuomo in the state budget.
The report said the protection of immunity may have prompted some nursing homes to make financially motivated decisions at the height of the pandemic, like admitting patients even when the facilities were facing staff shortages or were unequipped to care for them.
For the uninitiated, the New York State budget for the 2020-2021 fiscal year offers legal immunities to healthcare providers in the fight against COVID-19. Known as the Emergency or Disaster Treatment Protection Act (EDTPA), it designates "immunity from any liability, civil or criminal," for New York healthcare providers.
Follow Pandemic.news for more news and information related to the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic.
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This article was originally published by Naturalnews.com. Read the original article here.
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Then why would she be mad if Makoto dated him in episode 9 of the R Season?
Not what I meant; it's just that that episode gave me the vibe that while Usagi was alright with the girls dating, she wasn't alright for them to date the guys who were interested in her.
I get that, but you're likely not going to find an answer to the contradiction with any applicable logic. Except, of course, that Usagi's terribly bad at secretly being a spoiled harem queen. Which most would -- understandably -- cast aside as too unbelievable.
If I had to guess, it's related to the anime's attempts at being entertaining; that is, the part of it that lacks imagination and sense. The thing is, not much happens between Usagi and Mamoru, romantically, because it's mainly reserved for dramatic moments. To provide a stark contrast to the (stereo)typical romance to be expected, any other "romantic" instances either lack seriousness or longevity. The unattached girls don't get to be as fortunate as Usagi; even if they had been, their other half would be even less relevant than Mamoru, to the point where one might wonder if there had ever been a point to pairing them up.


Victory at the inaugural edition of the FIFA U-17 Women's World Cup has firmly established Korea DPR's status as superpowers of the women's game, a position exclusively held until now by the United States, Germany and to a lesser extent Brazil. Two years on from their triumph at the FIFA U-20 Women's World Cup in Russia, the Koreans have repeated the feat here at New Zealand 2008.
This double success underlines the tremendously gifted crop of players the country has produced in recent years, while two world title wins in what is undoubtedly a golden period in Korean women's football is sure to inspire future generations. Nor could the Asians' procession to the two coveted trophies be attributed in any way to good fortune. Choe Kwang Sok's Steel Rosebuds won all six of their matches at Russia 2006, conceding just once along the way. Meanwhile Ri Ui Ham's charges drew two of their six encounters here on Kiwi soil, both in the group stage, and won their other four on the way to a well-deserved world crown.
"Thanks to the results of our predecessors, since then we've had a reputation to live up to," said Korea DPR starlet Jon Myong Hwa in the wake of her side's semi-final win over England. "There's a great deal of expectation surrounding our side. I know we've got what it takes to meet those expectations because every minute we spend together on the pitch makes us grow as a team."
Three days later and the task was complete, a mission masterminded by Ri Ui Ham. "
" said the Korean coach, the trophy in his arms. "That's what we trained for. We worked hard for a long time with that goal in mind and we arrived here in perfect condition. That work has paid off because we've improved with every game."
Quite so, as those who watched the North Koreans open their campaign with a discreet 1-1 draw against African hopefuls Ghana, a match they went very close to losing. Their next game was a solid 2-1 win over Costa Rica, before Jon Myong Hwa and Co rounded off the group stage with another 1-1 draw - fighting back to equalise after then tournament favourites Germany had grabbed their customary early goal. Buoyed by this performance the Asian champions put in a ruthless display in disposing of quarter-final opponents Denmark.
"They are very clinical. Every individual error you make against them leads to a goal," said Danish supremo Bent Eriksen, whose side were dismantled 4-0. "And they don't make any mistakes themselves. That being the case, it's difficult to even score against them, let alone beat them." Last-four opponents England did manage to find a way past Korea DPR keeper Hong Myong Hui, but the two first-half goals already conceded meant Rebecca Jane's 75th-minute strike was merely a late consolation.
The final obstacle in Korea DPR's path to the title was a physically powerful United States side, victors over the Germans in their semi-final. After conceding an unfortunate own goal by their usually reliable shotstopper within two minutes, the Korean girls showed their endless reserves of physical fitness and cool under pressure to turn the scoreline on its head and claim the first ever FIFA U-17 Women's World Cup title.
"It was a difficult game, as we'd expected," said victorious coach Ri after the final whistle. "But even though we went a goal down very early on, my players showed their strong character to come from behind and take the victory."
With the latest edition of the FIFA U-20 Women's World Cup set to begin in Chile in a matter of days, a second global title in just two years should provide a timely boost for holders Korea DPR. A strong showing is expected from the Steel Rosebuds on South American soil and, given the evidence of Russia 2006 and New Zealand 2008, another world youth success is a distinct possibility.


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Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender with Julie Mell
Posted on February 15, 2019 January 25, 2023
In this episode, we talk to Julie Mell, an associate professor of history at North Carolina State University and author of the two volume book, The Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender.
In The Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender, Mell marshals previously untapped primary sources to upend the common historical narrative regarding the role of Jewish moneylenders in the development of the modern economy. On Mell's reading, the prevailing understanding of the medieval Jewish moneylender–common to both antisemitic and philosemetic discourses in the 19th and 20th centuries– has no more basis in history than does the prevailing myth of barter.
At North Carolina State University, Mell teaches courses in medieval history, Jewish history, and economic thought; she also recently served as a fellow at the Center for the History of Political Economy and as a visiting scholar at the Centre for Hebrew and Judaic Studies at the University of Oxford.
The following was transcribed by Megan Reilly and has been lightly edited for clarity. See here for a French translation of the transcript.
Scott Ferguson: Julie Mell, welcome to Money on the Left.
Julie Mell: Thank you. I'm delighted to be here.
Scott Ferguson: I was wondering if we could start by having you tell us a little bit about your scholarly background, your intellectual training, and what brought you to your current book project.
Julie Mell: Sure. I was a major in the history of religions. I started out interested in East Asian Studies and then gravitated back to Abrahamic religions by the end of college. When I was thinking about going on to graduate school, I was really struck by two fields. One was Rabbinic Judaism and the other was medieval history. As things turned out, I entered a master's program in medieval history and worked with a very well-recognized women's historian at the time. Meanwhile, I was not only working on Latin in my medieval studies program, but I had also been learning modern Hebrew. I had just come back from a summer in an ulpan in Tel Aviv, so I asked her if I could continue with modern Hebrew.
Fortuitously, at other universities that collaborated with ours and in the research area where I was a graduate student, there had just been hired a professor of Hebrew literature and a chaired professor in Jewish history who happened to be a medievalist. Through the confluence of those things, I ended up working on the Jewish community and medieval England. With my professor who was a women's historian at the time–it was at a point where women's history was transitioning into gender studies–there was a lot of discussion and debate around issues of difference and recognizing differences among women. She asked me to work on Jews in order to bring a major minority group in medieval Europe into conversations about gender and women's history.
Actually, the first paper I wrote in graduate school was on medieval Jewish women money lenders. But even then, I had a sense when I finished that first research paper that there was something profoundly wrong about it, or there was something off. Women's history at the time, and still today, very often has a heroic mode to it–you're recovering voices, you're recovering women's economic activities where we've assumed there weren't any–so the female moneylenders became the heroes, the heroines, of this piece of research. At the same time, I was aware in the background of all the stereotypes about Jews and money lending, which sat very uneasily with me. I actually abandoned that work and moved into a very different area. I ended up moving after the masters to religious studies to do a lot more training with the one Rabbinic scholar that ultimately oversaw my dissertation.
My plan when I started out with the dissertation that would eventually become the book was that I would work on a type of Hebrew text known in English as Responsa and in Hebrew as She'elot u-Teshuvot, or questions and answers. These are actually legal texts that are sent from one rabbi or one Rabbinic court to another, which they recognize as superior, asking for advice on a particular case or asking theoretical questions which they'll frame as if it were a case. And we have many of these from medieval Europe. They have not been used very much at all for historical work. So I wanted to work on a gender issue in relation to economics through this kind of source. I actually had a dissertation project that was inspired by a Marxist-feminist work that was looking at the household as a form of work.
This was at a point in the nineties when a major turn to notions of identity, of performativity, were really at the forefront. I felt that there was something that had been lost in terms of the materialist base in a Marxist or socialist critique. What I wanted to do was examine this issue of separation between market and household. I was going to do it in this type of source known as Responsa using the Jewish community as an example for all of Europe. And the more that I got into the project, the more I kept thinking to myself, you know, the problem is nobody's going to take the Jewish communities of Western Europe as a representative case study for Europe as a whole because they're going to say Jews were different economically. And so, what initially started as an introduction–as an "I'll set the story straight" over time–became the dissertation that turned into the book: The Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender.
Maxximilian Seijo: So in the book, as you've just said, you critique what you call the "mythic meta-narrative" of the medieval Jewish moneylender. I was wondering if you can explain for our audience what this mythic meta-narrative is, and why it's so deleterious for understanding the roles that Jews have played in political and economic life both past and present? Perhaps you could also talk about how the narrative has changed over time?
Julie Mell: That narrative is one that tells a story of European economic development as something which is spurred by the Jewish population as modernizers. The way this simple narrative goes is that in the early medieval period the Jews were the traders for Western Europe until European peoples–this is a very 19th century version right now–developed enough to take on trade for themselves. Once they had done so, they pushed Jews out of trade and Jews turned to the new economic niche of credit which was opening up. And so, they became the moneylenders for Europe. Moneylending, as we know from our wise modern perspective, is necessary, or credit is necessary for economic development. The Jewish moneylenders were actually benefiting Europe. Yet, at the same time, they suffered an antisemitic backlash for providing credit, or tagged as "usury" at the time.
They suffered a backlash precisely for doing the thing that was in Europe's best interest–it is a tragic tale. This is the standard narrative that you've had from the late 19th century through today. We can talk a bit later about how it's grounded in older layers of history, but as a mainstream academic narrative, it emerges in late 19th century Germany as a philosemitic story. In other words, it is one that's sympathetic to the Jews, sympathetic to the plight that they suffered. Though it's presented by members of the German historical school of political economy, it's grounded in the work of Jewish historians and in the interwar period, and particularly during World War II as the Holocaust is happening. In the latter part of the war, there are a number of Jewish émigrés who take up the narrative and really refashion it in relation to the Holocaust.
That narrative has become the one that we find in history textbooks and in Jewish museums. It's a common piece of history that a lot of people know. But one thing to point out about this narrative is that it's dropped down in different places at different times. As a historian who looks for uniqueness and contingency in historical events, when I see the same narrative being used in three different places and periods of time, I become very suspicious. Medieval England and northern France in the 13th century is one locus for this narrative. Another is 15th-16th century Italy, and the third one is early modern Germany and the court Jews. It can be tweaked in different ways, but that's essentially the narrative. I should point out that I call it a meta-narrative in the sense that the postmodern philosopher Lyotard uses it–as a grand narrative, or a master narrative. For me, that signals the fact that it's a kind of framework. It's the box within which we've been asking questions, but we've never questioned that box itself, or that framework. Once we do, I think that new avenues of exploration will open up.
Scott Ferguson: Can you tell us why you see this box, this meta-narrative, as so problematic and so damaging?
Julie Mell: It shares a lot of assumptions with antisemitic stereotypes. In fact, it's really just an inversion of those stereotypes based on a liberal economic point of view; that the development of markets, commerce, et cetera, is positive, and therefore Jewish moneylending was positive. My own research has attempted to show that most Jews were not moneylenders, even in the very places and periods where we thought that most Jews were. Most of the Jewish population were quite poor. My target audience are really Jewish studies scholars, the Jewish public, Jewish museum curators, and so on, who are not antisemitic at all. Attempting to start there and change the stereotypes that are still very strong and still circulate really widely today is the best place to begin to revise this narrative. Hopefully once textbooks are rewritten and so on, then it will gain more purchase.
Scott Ferguson: You're saying that both the positive and the negative version of this story, just to clarify, end up being equally problematic because they don't challenge the meta-narrative. Is that correct?
Julie Mell: They both assume that Jews are in a way non-European, that they're different, they're other. It is the idea that Jews perform this modernizing role in the economy and that there's some inherent connection–and this is framed differently by different thinkers–between Jews, Judaism, and money.
Scott Ferguson: This actually leads us nicely into the next question we had for you. We're certainly interested in your project for pushing back against a problematic history of the Jewish people and this problematic figure of the Jew. But it also speaks to our interests in heterodox economics and Modern Monetary Theory, also known as neochartalism, which understands that money is a medium that arises–as another great myth of modernity goes–not from private barter relations between individual people, but from a centralized governance project, whether that project is the Catholic Church in the High Middle Ages or the emerging modern nation state. It struck us that your critique of the Jewish moneylender as an origin of modern European political economy really speaks to and helps flesh out the Modern Monetary Theory critique that barter is somehow this asocial, external, interpersonal activity that begins on the fringes of society and comes into the middle rather than actually starting as a governance project. And so, how much did you think about this barter myth while you were researching and writing your book? Has your thinking changed as you've come into contact with folks like us embracing your work and beginning a dialogue?
Julie Mell: That's a great question. There are two different ways I would go with that. In attempting to figure out where this narrative came from, and what was inaccurate about it, I was led back into 19th century political economy and then to the school specifically known as the German historical school of political economy. The way in which they describe the historical development of the economy is in discrete stages. You generally go from barter to money to credit, that would be the most simple kind of schema, but you can get more complex ones up to seven or eight stages depending on which thinker you're looking at. I became aware of the fact that the very same intellectuals that were thinking through the historical development of the economy were also those that were thinking about Jews as modernizers, or Jews as having an instinctive capitalist instinct.
Some of the names would be Wilhelm Roscher, Werner Sombart, and Max Weber, who carry the historical school forward and are bringing forward Marxism into academic discussion. For all these thinkers, the two really worked hand-in-hand; that is, the stages theory of economy or what you refer to as the barter myth is closely linked to this narrative about Jews as moneylenders. With the stages theory, you need an agent that's going to propel movement from one stage to the next. And in this construct, Jews are defined as a non-European people–they're on the outside, they're already civilized. There's an organic folk model for how nations evolve and develop that follows a pattern of the human life cycle.
The Jewish population is seen as older, more advanced, and mature. They then teach the Europeans, tutoring them in trade and economy and so on. If you have this stages theory, you also have to have an outside agent that's going to propel that change forward. That's how I saw the two linked, and they became disjoined in the 20th century with critiques. There are people who have critiqued the Jewish narrative. And there are a whole bunch of medieval historians who created the field of medieval economic history, who critiqued the stages theory. I'm going to pause there because you asked me to connect this to MMT.
Scott Ferguson: I think the connection to MMT is that MMT insists that there is no outside. Money doesn't begin outside, it's always internal to a centralized governance project. It seems to us that there's a kind of homology here in critiquing the Jew as outsider who's not, and money itself as outsider that's not. And it seems to me that the Jew then becomes–we've long thought about the Jew as scapegoat–the Jew becomes here a scapegoat for an emerging modern Europe's incapacity to deal with its own monetary technology as internal to itself.
Julie Mell: Yes, absolutely. The second part of my intellectual journey is that, in my initial interest in this relationship between the household and market, I lean on the Hungarian economist Karl Polanyi. Not only in The Great Transformation but particularly the work that he did later with the group of ancient historians, sociologists, and anthropologists at Columbia University in the 1950s was really an inspiration for the way in which I have approached the economy. If David Graeber is the one who coined barter myth–I'm not sure if that's the case–he is also influenced by Karl Polanyi, because there's a whole anthropological tradition influenced by him. What he says is that the economy is an instituted process. There's no such thing as a separate market, rather it's created and constructed by governments. And The Great Transformation that he wrote during the last years of the war has a brilliant study that argues that even the free market per se, is only possible when it's constructed by governments and when it's closely regulated by governments. What emerges out of this tradition of work around Polanyi is what's known as substantive economics. And that is redefining economics not as money markets and trade, but rather as the substance that we require as human beings for continuing our lives, for improving our lives and so on.
In that way, it's quite in line with MMT. What I was seeking in the dissertation–and it remains an open question for me, I haven't solved this problem yet–was to find a way to narrate a European economic history from this Polyani-esque model, or economy as an instituted process, which gets rid of the barter myth. Maybe not surprisingly, a lot of medieval historians have contributed to that rethinking of money and coinage, people like Marc Bloch and others.
Maxximilian Seijo: In your book, you spend quite a bit of time on the medieval period and you suggest that the Jewish moneylender myth originates in the medieval period. I wanted to ask what the main social, legal, and cultural features that you find in medieval society are and how we've repeated those structures and perhaps the meta-narrative of those structures in a way which is wrong? To those ends, you started to mention some historians who've dealt with the medieval question of money and antisemitism. In your book, you draw on Giacomo Todeschini's critical analysis of these medieval Franciscans and find the roots of modern market-based society in their thought. I was wondering how your story about medieval times and the Jewish medieval moneylender myth develop or even complicate his narrative?
Julie Mell: Let me respond to Todeschini first then maybe I'll go back to those social-legal features of medieval society that do initiate this association between Jews and usury. I see Todeschini's work and my own as a pair that fits together beautifully, although I did most of my work before I encountered his work and I have not yet really integrated his thinking into mine. He goes at it from the angle of intellectual history looking particularly at those new kinds of Christian movements like the Franciscans in particular that are defining the best kind of Christian life around the ideal of voluntary poverty. It's those individuals who not only are the radical preachers and movers of medieval western Christianity at the time, but they also become the great intellectuals in the universities, so they're the thinkers that are initiating new kinds of ideas about the economy: what are the limits, what's permissible, and what's impermissible?
My own work goes at it from the angle of, on the one hand, Jewish history and traditional economic history, and at the same time from 20th century historiographic tradition and how it's been constructed. I think our work really sits well together. What he really brings out is that one of the things that has emerged by the 15th century is the notion of the good merchant over and against the bad usurer. This is depicted brilliantly of course in Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice where you have those two ideals pitted against each other.
What is it that makes one different from the other? It's not actually the economic activity that they're doing, but it's the valuation or the assessment of the value of their activity for the community as a whole. So a merchant is seen as a good merchant because whatever he's doing economically benefits the Christian society as a whole. And the usurer, whether Jewish or not Jewish, is seen as bad because their economic activity is harmful to the good of the community as a whole. These labels of merchant and usurer are also deeply rooted in religious notions so that only a true Christian can be a good merchant. Jews in a way are already set up to be usurers by virtue of being non-Christians and the major non-Christian religious minority in Europe at the time.
We can still see these kinds of associations in the use of words like trust which can have an economic meaning, but also has a moral meaning as well. This intellectual history piece of it is really important. What strikes me most about Todeschini's work is the way in which he's uncovering the medieval Christian and theological roots of many of our basic economic concepts.
If I may, I'll go in a little bit more about usury here. One of the misconceptions is that in the medieval period–and here you'll hear it again, a stages theory–this is a narrative I do not agree with. In the earlier medieval period, there was a church dominated society, an agrarian society, and the economy was static. In the 12th and 13th century, we see what medievalists would refer to as a commercial revolution happening spurred by our cultural revolution and demographic growth and so on. The church now is put in a position where they can no longer hold the line against usury, but they have to give in to the market. So we have a model where market and religion are in conflict and tension with each other. Religion has to give way to the progress of a market society.
In fact, what's happening is really different. There isn't a prohibition on usury except for clergy until we hit this high medieval commercial revolution. It's the very same Franciscan Dominican thinkers who hold up poverty as the ideal Christian life who are thinking out both what is permissible economically and what is not permissible. So they are the ones that really flesh out and create a concept of usury at the very same time that they're creating all kinds of ways to loan and make a profit on that loan that's perfectly legitimate. So they actually invent the term interest, and that has no negative moral implications to it. They are actually two things that go hand-in-hand. I know that other medievalists that work on this would agree with me here. Usury is really just a label that marks out someone as undesirable. Usury should not be understood as lending money on profit. It goes back to the first part of your question about social, legal, and cultural features that lead to the development of this inception of Jews as usurers.
I've told some of the story in terms of the Franciscans and the intellectual thought that's going into economy. It's not a surprise that the outsider, not one of the faithful who's not a believer, would be tagged as a usurer. There is at the same time a development of anti-Judaism or some might even call it antisemitism in this high medieval period that I think runs together and crosses over with this economic discourse. So Jews are seen as an internal enemy during the period of early rampant crusading, who is dangerous and who wishes to harm Christian society out of sheer malice. One of the ways in which they could do that potentially is through their economic activity.
Having said that, one of the things I try to emphasize to other medievalists is that actually, there's a whole church campaign against usury and that campaign is actually not focused on Jews. It's focused on Christians and only later is it applied to Jews. Even in this notion of the Jewish usurer, we can see that stereotype developing in the 12th and 13th centuries. You have great intellectuals like Benard of Clairvaux who says, you Christian merchants are Judaizing because of your usury. Even in that context, the principle campaign against usury is not directed towards the Jews. I think actually our perception of Jewish usury is really shaped much more by a modern context of political antisemitism from the late 19th century on.
Maxximilian Seijo: And to heighten the point that you're making there, money is central to the construction–and there are a lot of inversions along the way–of the way in which modernity thinks about Jews and how antisemitism has developed. I think what you've suggested and what Todeschini has suggested as well, is that the drawing of the line of what the community represents and who's allowed in it, a lot of that work gets done in this period and money is central to that question. And politicizing that is, from a historical perspective, really important. I wanted to ask you, given that, how did the myth about the Jewish medieval moneylender change shape under modern fascisms and totalitarianisms? Specifically, how did the Nazis mobilize and reshape it?
Julie Mell: There's a really good example if I can go from the macro down to a micro example in the thinking about court Jews during the 1920s, 30s and 40s. There's a rather famous novel by Feuchtwanger written about one of the most famous court Jews known as Jud Süß. It spurs a lot of other accounts. There's a first archival study done by Selma Stern. There's a play version and there's a film made in England in the late thirties which is a very sympathetic portrait of Jud Süß as a man. It's the same narrative then that is taken and appropriated by the Nazis and made into one of the most viciously antisemitic of films known as Jud Süß. I don't know if it still is today, but for many, many years it was banned in postwar Germany–something that was thought to have been seen by millions of people, to have been shown at Hitler Youth Evenings and so on. If you look at those two films, you could see in the second one that Jud Süß is demonized actually as a rapist, who is after the beautiful German blonde. So there's a demonization and other kinds of accusations that are brought together there. To me, it's a really striking example of how this kind of narrative can shift.
Another example would be the fact that Jews in Nazi Germany were demonized both as hyper-capitalists and as rabid Marxists. How can you be both at once? The figure of the court Jew is interesting because in the 30s, it really became a locus for these struggles between antisemites and German Jews over the question of Jewish emancipation and Jewish inclusion in the nation. The reason they become a touchstone is that they are seen as the precursors of emancipation in the sense that they were allowed to dress without a distinctive Jewish garb to participate in court society. These individuals became quite wealthy and a number of them, but not all of them, would shed their religious practices and certainly their religious dress and become art patrons and collectors and so on. They figure in a period when integration wasn't yet allowed as an integrated precursor for Jews as a whole. But that very same kind of image of them then becomes for Nazi thinkers a great example of how Jews can present one face to the world and yet are something else.
So that falseness and fakeness makes them become a negative locus for that mover, for that modernizer that's lying outside. And I haven't done this work, but I would speculate that perhaps the Nazi ideas might be grounded in that notion of a stages theory of economic development in which all studies go through these stages in the same sequence arriving at a fully developed economy at the end of that role. The Nazi thinkers are drawing from that German historical school, which itself was quite philosemitic. They're drawing the notion of the Jew as that outside agent that is affecting the modernization.
One of the underlying elements–whether it's philosemitic or antisemitic–is that the notion that court Jews, Jewish bankers, and in the medieval period, Jewish moneylenders represent the Jewish community as a whole. They stand in for all other Jews and therefore one can say "the Jews" had a powerful economic role in Europe. So that's one piece of it. And then we have to pay attention also to the fact that there's a process of racialization that's going on where Jewishness is being redefined not as a religion but really as a racial national essence which is alien from European peoples and alienated from European political and class structures.
Scott Ferguson: I want to give you a chance to potentially put something into relief that feels to me at the level of the larger stakes of your project and your claims. We've long known that the Jew as a figure has played the role of a scapegoat. And that figure, that phantom, if you will, played a central role in various moments in the rise of modern antisemitism, and maybe we could say culminating with World War II. But how does your rethinking of the myth of the Jewish moneylender and taking us outside of that meta-narrative frame rethink the critique of Jew as a scapegoat? How would you speak back to the Jewish community, Jewish studies scholars, and maybe Marxists who will also use the trope of the Jew as scapegoat? I'm curious if you have any thoughts about that.
Julie Mell: I would start there with Hannah Arendt's The Origins of Totalitarianism. I'm not sure I can pull a quote out of my head about this, but she starts off with a critique of both the notion of a Jewish scapegoat and the notion of the Jews as all powerful, and she's seeking for some way in between those two. An article that I've been working on goes on to unpack the way in which she appropriates and transforms the other narrative as the Jewish moneylender in order to answer that question. My reading of her is quite critical at that point, but I think her initial starting point, which is to firmly reject both the scapegoat and the notion of Jewish power, is right on.
My own work, I think does both, and it leaves us in a kind of uncharted terrain in terms of thinking through how we describe the variety and the diversity of Jewish economic life. How do we narrate Jewish history from the medieval period through the early modern ghettoisation expulsions to the emancipation, opening up of European life, and the integration that happens later? I think that's really an open question. My lovely life companion likes to joke that my book writes Jews out of history. My argument does argue that Jews are not central in terms of economic development and that the scapegoating function is not, at least, a real part of the narrative.
There are points where it can be a kind of imaginary accusation, but it's not real because most Jews weren't in fact moneylenders. It leaves us at a point that's more ambiguous, ambivalent, and therefore also to immediately integrate with political action. I was at the Association of Jewish Studies Conference in December, and one of the things that we discussed in the panel that I was on called Jews for Racial and Economic Justice was a pamphlet that they had put out that uses that narrative in order to explain antisemitism, explain Jews to non-Jews. It's used for good purposes and yet I think it's dangerous because it's easy to flip it back on its head.
I wish I had a good answer for what we could substitute as a new narrative in order to answer that. It does''t have the kind of defensive force that the concept of scapegoating does have behind it. This is part of my argument too: why this narrative became so important in the 20th century and something that people hold on to so strongly is that it really provided the best support against antisemitic rhetoric. My own feeling is that, where we are in terms of a post-Holocaust moment and the absorption of the Holocaust in North America and in Europe, has put us in a different place. Since the moment I was at the end of the book to today, the whole world has changed. There are ways in which the antisemitic rhetoric with new kinds of fascisms is rearing its head. With my more nuanced, careful, and ambiguous history, maybe the post-Holocaust setting that we're in isn't going to be strong enough to allow that to be sufficient.
Scott Ferguson: I would say in defense of your project to what your companion says is that you've made Jews no longer the center of history. To me, the great achievement here is that you've actually integrated Jews into history. It's not simply that you leave us with ambiguity; you leave us with an important critical ambiguity. Also, you're telling us that there is no outside and there are no figures that are outside. Political economy and social life and culture [are] complicated and contested. If we want to avoid fascistic tendencies or the rise of fascistic forms of governance, we have to fully reckon with our mutual inter-relatedness and our social interiority.
Julie Mell: That's beautifully put. I have said on an intellectual level that the revision of our understanding of Jewish history has really important implications for our understanding of economic history more broadly, which I think you all responded to in recognizing that my book speaks to common interests with the MMT movement.
Maxximilian Seijo: I'm currently working on a project on the Jewish 20th century critical theorist Siegfried Krakauer. And he has this figure for what he calls himself–the so-called "wandering Jew." He calls himself extra-territorial. Intellectual theorists have thematized this in talking about critical theory and his ideas, but it seems to me what your work shows, and you bring it together with heterodox economics, is that there's really this reassertion of intra-territoriality and the ways in which they don't eliminate or annihilate difference, but the different experience of being a Jew in the 20th century or throughout modernity and earlier. And I think, as Scott was saying, and as your work has shown, it really isn't a difference that is categorical in a sense that changes the way in which we need to think about what our community is and what it represents and who deserves power and a voice in that community. Obviously, we would say everyone because everyone is already inside it. I think your work really puts into sharp relief the way forward that you were alluding to. In integrating Jews back into history, I think having that in mind is such an important idea.
Julie Mell: Thank you for that comment. That's a wonderful way to see my own thinking expanding far beyond borders that I had imagined.
Scott Ferguson: I want to shift gears a little bit and go back to some of the origins of Modern Monetary Theory and chartalism which has a long history that takes us all around the world, to the medieval period and before. But in its high modern form, it was originated or re-originated by this figure, Georg Friedrich Knapp who happened to not only be a late 19th, early 20th century German, but he also belonged to the German historical school that is so responsible for philosemitic myth of the Jewish moneylender. And you may or may not have encountered or thought all that much about Knapp, but his claim was that money is a creature of the state. Implicit in what he was saying was that there is no outside, or there is no external private barter relationship that then is somehow absorbed by the center of the community. I was wondering if you've encountered Knapp in your work and if you've given much thought about that?
Julie Mell: I have encountered Knapp in my work as one of the representatives, as you said, of the German historical school, one of the younger ones of the German historical school, in particular, in terms of his model of the stages of economic development. After I was at the recent MMT conference, I returned home and I was reading up on neochartalism and discovered the surprising fact that Knapp is actually a basis for chartalism, someone that's spoken about and referenced in chartalism. I was really struck by that because it seemed to me quite contradictory. I don't have an answer for you today, but I have a hunch. It's an issue that would be a great piece of research for an article. My hunch is that he is both. The way in which chartalism fits into his model–I'm speaking off the cuff here, I haven't gone back to look at his stuff–it fits at the end of that sequence of economic stages. It's a manifestation of the modern form of economy that's at the end of the teleological trajectory. That's my guess. If I'm right about that, then I think this tension between the barter myth and chartalism raises some critical issues for neochartalism and for MMT more generally. Those are really around the issue of whether the critiques of MMT scholars are applicable only to nation state models or whether they can be extended beyond the nation state. I think that's a really important question to take up, not only because the EU still exists but because we're at a moment in history where we still have strong nation states, but intellectually the thinking is moving to transnational models. That's where, in terms of our political structures, where we're headed. What do you think?
Scott Ferguson: I think those are all important and interesting tensions to think about. I will say that in my own experience, the history of chartalist thinking sometimes gives up when it comes to history. They'll put chartalism in the present and then it gets lost at the origin. Not in MMT 101 soundbites for the public, but in a lot of the actual scholarship, there is a less positivistic and much more elastic understanding of what is meant by a state. We don't mean a modern nation state. You might have noticed that I kept using the expression centralized governance. That can be overlapping, it can be nested, it can be called different things, and it can be organized in a number of ways. This is to get away from the disembedded barter, the disembedded market, and those sorts of imaginaries.
Maxximilian Seijo: I had done a little bit of reading a while back of Sombart talking about Knapp. Maybe this will illuminate something about Knapp that's maybe only implicit, but it seems like Sombart seems to draw a distinction between commerce money and state money. There seems to be this sense that, as your intuitions suggested, there's a contradiction happening and it's happening simultaneously. There is both commerce or commodity money and state money and they both come from private actors who implicitly are often Jews and the state, and they're trying to straddle this on both sides in order to not allow for the incoherence to actually change the way that they're thinking–at least Sombart in this case–about the question of where the money comes from.
Julie Mell: That's a wonderfully illuminating comment. It brings to my mind a distinction that I find troubling that runs alongside that one, which is the distinction between credit for consumption and credit for production. If the second is highly valued and the first is not, which ignores–to get back to Karl Polanyi–the basic definition of economy, which really hinges on consumption. We're not economic actors in order to make profits, but in order to live.
Maxximilian Seijo: Right. And that consumption is inextricable from the production and the allocation of credit for such production.
Julie Mell: Exactly.
Scott Ferguson: For a final question, if we could come back to the present moment, I don't think anybody here is an expert political scientist or political theorist who has mapped all of what's going on right now across the globe. But as you noted, we're at a moment where we're seeing the rise of various kinds of neo-fascisms. And you mentioned that those neo-fascisms, some of them include and are turning upon the negative figure of the Jew. I'm curious if we could just zoom in a bit. Do you have any examples of that? Are there other examples of rising neo-fascisms that don't call upon the figure of the Jew? And if they don't, are they maybe working in the same kind of meta-narrative and frame, but without naming the Jew specifically? I'm just curious if you've been thinking about the present geopolitical context.
Julie Mell: I have. I would say that a number of events in Hungary are particularly disturbing. The neo-fascism there has gone much further than we've seen in other areas. I'm having trouble thinking of a specific instance right now that would be a good example of the antisemitism there. I'll turn to the other side of that question. Do I see it appearing in other ways in other places? Yes. I think the figure of the Muslim and the Muslim immigrant is a much greater target than Jews in these new movements. It's a really interesting question for me, whether there are patterns, tropes, or meta-narratives that have moved from antisemitism to this anti-immigrant language or anti-Islamic language. Yes, in certain ways, but I don't think it's the economic ones there. I would say the immigrant is posed as an internal danger to society in the same way that the medieval Jew was. The immigrant is seen as one that's taking something that belongs to the citizens of that nation, that's somehow a threat, one that's heightened through the association that's made unjustly between Islam and terrorism. There are similarities structurally that I see there. I see very much immigrant populations, not only the Muslim population, but immigrant populations in the US and Europe in a very similar situation to the Jewish population previously in history that is marked out as the unwanted outsider and so on.
Maxximilian Seijo: Well, Julie Mell, thank you so much for coming on Money on the Left.
Julie Mell: Thank you all so much. I enjoyed the conversation.
* Thanks to the Money on the Left production team: Alex Williams (audio engineering), Megan Reilly (transcription) & Meghan Saas (graphic art).
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Julie Mell : Sur « Le mythe du prêteur juif médiéval » (The Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender) – 🔴 Info Libertaire January 24, 20232:00 pm
[…] partielle d'une interview parue sur le site de la revue Money on the Left en février 2019 : https://moneyontheleft.org/2019/02/… […]


text:
Q: Trouble disabling a text field based on dropdown selection (JavaScript) I have a form with a dropdown menu followed by a text input field. The input box is disabled by default. Selecting a specified option from the menu should enable the text field.
I did some research and found many similar problems, however none of the solutions seem to be working. I tried a very simple code on jsfiddle to see if it's the solution itself that's the problem, or my code in particular.. My original code did not work, and neither did the simplified version. Here is the simplified code sample:
HTML:
<select id="menu" onChange="checkOption()">
    <option value="A">Option A</option>
    <option value="B">Option B</option>
    <option value="C">Option C</option>
    <option value="D">Option D</option>
</select>
<input type="text" id="input" disabled>

JavaScript:
function checkOption() {
    if(document.getElementById("menu").value != "A") {
        document.getElementById("input").disable = 'false';
    }
    else {
        document.getElementById("input").disable = 'true';
    }
}

The text box remains disabled no matter what I click. I tried removing the default disable, and still no luck. I also tried various other solutions, however this was the most straightforward which is why I don't understand why it's not working.
It's probably something really obvious that I'm not seeing... I'm very very new at this, so if anyone would care to shed some light on my problem, I would be very grateful.

A: It's disabled not disable
document.getElementById("input").disabled = true;

You can also clean the code up by passing this into your handler and referencing that (also no need for the if, else - just disable based on a condition directly:
<select id="menu" onChange="checkOption(this)">

function checkOption(obj) {
    var input = document.getElementById("input");
    input.disabled = obj.value == "A";
}

Aaaaand a fiddle: http://jsfiddle.net/23EpC/


Robert P. Geller, a shareholder at Hertz Schram, is co-chair of the firm's Transactional Practice Group and chair of the firm's ERISA litigation practice. Mr. Geller's clients include private and public companies for whom he handles a wide variety of transactional matters, including initial organization, acquisition and disposition of business interests, mergers and acquisitions, federal and state securities filings, and private securities offerings. Mr. Geller possesses significant experience counseling clients on compliance issues in connection with the private sale of securities and negotiating investment agreements with venture capital and private equity firms, as well as angel investors.
As chair of the firm's ERISA litigation practice, Mr. Geller supervises a team of ERISA attorneys who litigate ERISA class actions throughout the United States. In the past seven years the firm has recovered over 95 million dollars for participants of pension plans sponsored by Fortune 500 companies. Through the efforts of its ERISA practice group, the firm has established a national reputation representing participants of retirement plans in class actions, and its ERISA attorneys frequently counsel United States Senators and Representatives on various ERISA matters and related legislation.
Mr. Geller received his Juris Doctor degree from the Boston University School of Law in 1982 and his Master of Arts Degree in Political Science from the University of Michigan in 1979. Early in his professional career, Mr. Geller worked for the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in Mogadishu, Somalia, where he worked as a contracting officer and assisted in implementing development projects in Somalia sponsored by USAID.


text:
Min-ki is a Korean male given name.

People with this name include:
Jo Min-ki (1965–2018), South Korean actor
Kim Min-ki (born 1951), South Korean singer, composer, and playwright
Lee Min-ki (born 1985), South Korean actor and singer

See also
List of Korean given names

Korean masculine given names