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US Internal Policy
The Iran Deal – We made a deal with Germany & Japan after WWII
Remarks by the President on the Iran Nuclear Deal
11:58 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Everybody, please have a seat. Thank you very much. I apologize for the slight delay. Even Presidents have problems with toner. (Laughter.)
It is a great honor to be back at American University, which has prepared generations of young people for service in public life. I want to thank President Kerwin and the American University family for hosting us here today.
Fifty-two years ago, President Kennedy, at the height of the Cold War, addressed this same university on the subject of peace. The Berlin Wall had just been built. The Soviet Union had tested the most powerful weapons ever developed. China was on the verge of acquiring a nuclear bomb. Less than 20 years after the end of World War II, the prospect of nuclear war was all too real. With all of the threats that we face today, it's hard to appreciate how much more dangerous the world was at that time.
In light of these mounting threats, a number of strategists here in the United States argued that we had to take military action against the Soviets, to hasten what they saw as inevitable confrontation. But the young President offered a different vision. Strength, in his view, included powerful armed forces and a willingness to stand up for our values around the world. But he rejected the prevailing attitude among some foreign policy circles that equated security with a perpetual war footing. Instead, he promised strong, principled American leadership on behalf of what he called a "practical" and "attainable peace" — a peace "based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions — on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements."
Such wisdom would help guide our ship of state through some of the most perilous moments in human history. With Kennedy at the helm, the Cuban Missile Crisis was resolved peacefully. Under Democratic and Republican Presidents, new agreements were forged — a Non-Proliferation Treaty that prohibited nations from acquiring nuclear weapons, while allowing them to access peaceful nuclear energy; the SALT and START Treaties which bound the United States and Soviet Union to cooperation on arms control. Not every conflict was averted, but the world avoided nuclear catastrophe, and we created the time and the space to win the Cold War without firing a shot at the Soviets.
The agreement now reached between the international community and the Islamic Republic of Iran builds on this tradition of strong, principled diplomacy. After two years of negotiations, we have achieved a detailed arrangement that permanently prohibits Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. It cuts off all of Iran's pathways to a bomb. It contains the most comprehensive inspection and verification regime ever negotiated to monitor a nuclear program. As was true in previous treaties, it does not resolve all problems; it certainly doesn't resolve all our problems with Iran. It does not ensure a warming between our two countries. But it achieves one of our most critical security objectives. As such, it is a very good deal.
Today, I want to speak to you about this deal, and the most consequential foreign policy debate that our country has had since the invasion of Iraq, as Congress decides whether to support this historic diplomatic breakthrough, or instead blocks it over the objection of the vast majority of the world. Between now and the congressional vote in September, you're going to hear a lot of arguments against this deal, backed by tens of millions of dollars in advertising. And if the rhetoric in these ads, and the accompanying commentary, sounds familiar, it should — for many of the same people who argued for the war in Iraq are now making the case against the Iran nuclear deal.
Now, when I ran for President eight years ago as a candidate who had opposed the decision to go to war in Iraq, I said that America didn't just have to end that war — we had to end the mindset that got us there in the first place. It was a mindset characterized by a preference for military action over diplomacy; a mindset that put a premium on unilateral U.S. action over the painstaking work of building international consensus; a mindset that exaggerated threats beyond what the intelligence supported. Leaders did not level with the American people about the costs of war, insisting that we could easily impose our will on a part of the world with a profoundly different culture and history. And, of course, those calling for war labeled themselves strong and decisive, while dismissing those who disagreed as weak — even appeasers of a malevolent adversary.
More than a decade later, we still live with the consequences of the decision to invade Iraq. Our troops achieved every mission they were given. But thousands of lives were lost, tens of thousands wounded. That doesn't count the lives lost among Iraqis. Nearly a trillion dollars was spent. Today, Iraq remains gripped by sectarian conflict, and the emergence of al Qaeda in Iraq has now evolved into ISIL. And ironically, the single greatest beneficiary in the region of that war was the Islamic Republic of Iran, which saw its strategic position strengthened by the removal of its long-standing enemy, Saddam Hussein.
I raise this recent history because now more than ever we need clear thinking in our foreign policy. And I raise this history because it bears directly on how we respond to the Iranian nuclear program.
That program has been around for decades, dating back to the Shah's efforts — with U.S. support — in the 1960s and '70s to develop nuclear power. The theocracy that overthrew the Shah accelerated the program after the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, a war in which Saddam Hussein used chemical weapons to brutal effect, and Iran's nuclear program advanced steadily through the 1990s, despite unilateral U.S. sanctions. When the Bush administration took office, Iran had no centrifuges — the machines necessary to produce material for a bomb — that were spinning to enrich uranium. But despite repeated warnings from the United States government, by the time I took office, Iran had installed several thousand centrifuges, and showed no inclination to slow — much less halt — its program.
Among U.S. policymakers, there's never been disagreement on the danger posed by an Iranian nuclear bomb. Democrats and Republicans alike have recognized that it would spark an arms race in the world's most unstable region, and turn every crisis into a potential nuclear showdown. It would embolden terrorist groups, like Hezbollah, and pose an unacceptable risk to Israel, which Iranian leaders have repeatedly threatened to destroy. More broadly, it could unravel the global commitment to non-proliferation that the world has done so much to defend.
The question, then, is not whether to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, but how. Even before taking office, I made clear that Iran would not be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon on my watch, and it's been my policy throughout my presidency to keep all options — including possible military options — on the table to achieve that objective. But I have also made clear my preference for a peaceful, diplomatic resolution of the issue — not just because of the costs of war, but also because a negotiated agreement offered a more effective, verifiable and durable resolution.
And so, in 2009, we let the Iranians know that a diplomatic path was available. Iran failed to take that path, and our intelligence community exposed the existence of a covert nuclear facility at Fordow.
Now, some have argued that Iran's intransigence showed the futility of negotiations. In fact, it was our very willingness to negotiate that helped America rally the world to our cause, and secured international participation in an unprecedented framework of commercial and financial sanctions. Keep in mind unilateral U.S. sanctions against Iran had been in place for decades, but had failed to pressure Iran to the negotiating table. What made our new approach more effective was our ability to draw upon new U.N. Security Council resolutions, combining strong enforcement with voluntary agreements from nations like China and India, Japan and South Korea to reduce their purchases of Iranian oil, as well as the imposition by our European allies of a total oil embargo.
Winning this global buy-in was not easy — I know. I was there. In some cases, our partners lost billions of dollars in trade because of their decision to cooperate. But we were able to convince them that absent a diplomatic resolution, the result could be war, with major disruptions to the global economy, and even greater instability in the Middle East. In other words, it was diplomacy — hard, painstaking diplomacy — not saber-rattling, not tough talk that ratcheted up the pressure on Iran.
With the world now unified beside us, Iran's economy contracted severely, and remains about 20 percent smaller today than it would have otherwise been. No doubt this hardship played a role in Iran's 2013 elections, when the Iranian people elected a new government that promised to improve the economy through engagement with the world. A window had cracked open. Iran came back to the nuclear talks. And after a series of negotiations, Iran agreed with the international community to an interim deal — a deal that rolled back Iran's stockpile of near 20 percent enriched uranium, and froze the progress of its program so that the P5+1 — the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, and the European Union — could negotiate a comprehensive deal without the fear that Iran might be stalling for time.
Now, let me pause here just to remind everybody that when the interim deal was announced, critics — the same critics we're hearing from now — called it "a historic mistake." They insisted Iran would ignore its obligations. They warned that sanctions would unravel. They warned that Iran would receive a windfall to support terrorism.
The critics were wrong. The progress of Iran's nuclear program was halted for the first time in a decade. Its stockpile of dangerous materials was reduced. The deployment of its advanced centrifuges was stopped. Inspections did increase. There was no flood of money into Iran, and the architecture of the international sanctions remained in place. In fact, the interim deal worked so well that the same people who criticized it so fiercely now cite it as an excuse not to support the broader accord. Think about that. What was once proclaimed as a historic mistake is now held up as a success and a reason to not sign the comprehensive deal. So keep that in mind when you assess the credibility of the arguments being made against diplomacy today.
Despite the criticism, we moved ahead to negotiate a more lasting, comprehensive deal. Our diplomats, led by Secretary of State John Kerry, kept our coalition united. Our nuclear experts — including one of the best in the world, Secretary of Energy Ernie Moniz — worked tirelessly on the technical details. In July, we reached a comprehensive plan of action that meets our objectives. Under its terms, Iran is never allowed to build a nuclear weapon. And while Iran, like any party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, is allowed to access peaceful nuclear energy, the agreement strictly defines the manner in which its nuclear program can proceed, ensuring that all pathways to a bomb are cut off.
Here's how. Under this deal, Iran cannot acquire the plutonium needed for a bomb. The core of its heavy-water reactor at Arak will be pulled out, filled with concrete, and replaced with one that will not produce plutonium for a weapon. The spent fuel from that reactor will be shipped out of the country, and Iran will not build any new heavy-water reactors for at least 15 years.
Iran will also not be able to acquire the enriched uranium that could be used for a bomb. As soon as this deal is implemented, Iran will remove two-thirds of its centrifuges. For the next decade, Iran will not enrich uranium with its more advanced centrifuges. Iran will not enrich uranium at the previously undisclosed Fordow facility, which is buried deep underground, for at least 15 years. Iran will get rid of 98 percent of its stockpile of enriched uranium, which is currently enough for up to 10 nuclear bombs, for the next 15 years. Even after those 15 years have passed, Iran will never have the right to use a peaceful program as cover to pursue a weapon.
And, in fact, this deal shuts off the type of covert path Iran pursued in the past. There will be 24/7 monitoring of Iran's key nuclear facilities. For decades, inspectors will have access to Iran's entire nuclear supply chain — from the uranium mines and mills where they get raw materials, to the centrifuge production facilities where they make machines to enrich it. And understand why this is so important: For Iran to cheat, it has to build a lot more than just one building or a covert facility like Fordow. It would need a secret source for every single aspect of its program. No nation in history has been able to pull off such subterfuge when subjected to such rigorous inspections. And under the terms of the deal, inspectors will have the permanent ability to inspect any suspicious sites in Iran.
And finally, Iran has powerful incentives to keep its commitments. Before getting sanctions relief, Iran has to take significant, concrete steps like removing centrifuges and getting rid of its stockpile. If Iran violates the agreement over the next decade, all of the sanctions can snap back into place. We won't need the support of other members of the U.N. Security Council; America can trigger snapback on our own. On the other hand, if Iran abides by the deal and its economy begins to reintegrate with the world, the incentive to avoid snapback will only grow.
So this deal is not just the best choice among alternatives -– this is the strongest non-proliferation agreement ever negotiated. And because this is such a strong deal, every nation in the world that has commented publicly, with the exception of the Israeli government, has expressed support. The United Nations Security Council has unanimously supported it. The majority of arms control and non-proliferation experts support it. Over 100 former ambassadors — who served under Republican and Democratic Presidents — support it. I've had to make a lot of tough calls as President, but whether or not this deal is good for American security is not one of those calls. It's not even close.
Unfortunately, we're living through a time in American politics where every foreign policy decision is viewed through a partisan prism, evaluated by headline-grabbing sound bites. And so before the ink was even dry on this deal — before Congress even read it — a majority of Republicans declared their virulent opposition. Lobbyists and pundits were suddenly transformed into arm-chair nuclear scientists, disputing the assessments of experts like Secretary Moniz, challenging his findings, offering multiple — and sometimes contradictory — arguments about why Congress should reject this deal. But if you repeat these arguments long enough, they can get some traction. So let me address just a few of the arguments that have been made so far in opposition to this deal.
First, there are those who say the inspections are not strong enough because inspectors can't go anywhere in Iran at any time with no notice.
Well, here's the truth: Inspectors will be allowed daily access to Iran's key nuclear sites. If there is a reason for inspecting a suspicious, undeclared site anywhere in Iran, inspectors will get that access, even if Iran objects. This access can be with as little as 24 hours' notice. And while the process for resolving a dispute about access can take up to 24 days, once we've identified a site that raises suspicion, we will be watching it continuously until inspectors get in. And by the way, nuclear material isn't something you hide in the closet. It can leave a trace for years. The bottom line is, if Iran cheats, we can catch them — and we will.
Second, there are those who argue that the deal isn't strong enough because some of the limitations on Iran's civilian nuclear program expire in 15 years. Let me repeat: The prohibition on Iran having a nuclear weapon is permanent. The ban on weapons-related research is permanent. Inspections are permanent. It is true that some of the limitations regarding Iran's peaceful program last only 15 years. But that's how arms control agreements work. The first SALT Treaty with the Soviet Union lasted five years. The first START Treaty lasted 15 years. And in our current situation, if 15 or 20 years from now, Iran tries to build a bomb, this deal ensures that the United States will have better tools to detect it, a stronger basis under international law to respond, and the same options available to stop a weapons program as we have today, including — if necessary — military options.
On the other hand, without this deal, the scenarios that critics warn about happening in 15 years could happen six months from now. By killing this deal, Congress would not merely pave Iran's pathway to a bomb, it would accelerate it.
Third, a number of critics say the deal isn't worth it because Iran will get billions of dollars in sanctions relief. Now, let's be clear: The international sanctions were put in place precisely to get Iran to agree to constraints on its program. That's the point of sanctions. Any negotiated agreement with Iran would involve sanctions relief. So an argument against sanctions relief is effectively an argument against any diplomatic resolution of this issue.
It is true that if Iran lives up to its commitments, it will gain access to roughly $56 billion of its own money — revenue frozen overseas by other countries. But the notion that this will be a game-changer, with all this money funneled into Iran's pernicious activities, misses the reality of Iran's current situation. Partly because of our sanctions, the Iranian government has over half a trillion dollars in urgent requirements — from funding pensions and salaries, to paying for crumbling infrastructure. Iran's leaders have raised the expectations of their people that sanctions relief will improve their lives. Even a repressive regime like Iran's cannot completely ignore those expectations. And that's why our best analysts expect the bulk of this revenue to go into spending that improves the economy and benefits the lives of the Iranian people.
Now, this is not to say that sanctions relief will provide no benefit to Iran's military. Let's stipulate that some of that money will flow to activities that we object to. We have no illusions about the Iranian government, or the significance of the Revolutionary Guard and the Quds Force. Iran supports terrorist organizations like Hezbollah. It supports proxy groups that threaten our interests and the interests of our allies — including proxy groups who killed our troops in Iraq. They try to destabilize our Gulf partners. But Iran has been engaged in these activities for decades. They engaged in them before sanctions and while sanctions were in place. In fact, Iran even engaged in these activities in the middle of the Iran-Iraq War — a war that cost them nearly a million lives and hundreds of billions of dollars.
The truth is that Iran has always found a way to fund these efforts, and whatever benefit Iran may claim from sanctions relief pales in comparison to the danger it could pose with a nuclear weapon.
Moreover, there's no scenario where sanctions relief turns Iran into the region's dominant power. Iran's defense budget is eight times smaller than the combined budget of our Gulf allies. Their conventional capabilities will never compare with Israel's, and our commitment to Israel's qualitative military edge helps guarantee that. Over the last several years, Iran has had to spend billions of dollars to support its only ally in the Arab World — Bashar al-Assad — even as he's lost control of huge chunks of his country. And Hezbollah has suffered significant blows on the same battlefield. And Iran, like the rest of the region, is being forced to respond to the threat of ISIL in Iraq.
So contrary to the alarmists who claim that Iran is on the brink of taking over the Middle East, or even the world, Iran will remain a regional power with its own set of challenges. The ruling regime is dangerous and it is repressive. We will continue to have sanctions in place on Iran's support for terrorism and violation of human rights. We will continue to insist upon the release of Americans detained unjustly. We will have a lot of differences with the Iranian regime.
But if we're serious about confronting Iran's destabilizing activities, it is hard to imagine a worse approach than blocking this deal. Instead, we need to check the behavior that we're concerned about directly: By helping our allies in the region strengthen their own capabilities to counter a cyber-attack or a ballistic missile; by improving the interdiction of weapons shipments that go to groups like Hezbollah; by training our allies' special forces so that they can more effectively respond to situations like Yemen. All these capabilities will make a difference. We will be in a stronger position to implement them with this deal. And, by the way, such a strategy also helps us effectively confront the immediate and lethal threat posed by ISIL.
Now, the final criticism — this sort of a catch-all that you may hear — is the notion that there's a better deal to be had. "We should get a better deal" — that's repeated over and over again. "It's a bad deal, need a better deal" — (laughter) — one that relies on vague promises of toughness, and, more recently, the argument that we can apply a broader and indefinite set of sanctions to squeeze the Iranian regime harder.
Those making this argument are either ignorant of Iranian society, or they're just not being straight with the American people. Sanctions alone are not going to force Iran to completely dismantle all vestiges of its nuclear infrastructure — even those aspects that are consistent with peaceful programs. That oftentimes is what the critics are calling "a better deal." Neither the Iranian government, or the Iranian opposition, or the Iranian people would agree to what they would view as a total surrender of their sovereignty.
Moreover, our closest allies in Europe, or in Asia — much less China or Russia — certainly are not going to agree to enforce existing sanctions for another 5, 10, 15 years according to the dictates of the U.S. Congress. Because their willingness to support sanctions in the first place was based on Iran ending its pursuit of nuclear weapons. It was not based on the belief that Iran cannot have peaceful nuclear power. And it certainly wasn't based on a desire for regime change in Iran.
As a result, those who say we can just walk away from this deal and maintain sanctions are selling a fantasy. Instead of strengthening our position as some have suggested, Congress's rejection would almost certainly result in multilateral sanctions unraveling. If, as has also been suggested, we tried to maintain unilateral sanctions, beefen them up, we would be standing alone. We cannot dictate the foreign, economic and energy policies of every major power in the world.
In order to even try to do that, we would have to sanction, for example, some of the world's largest banks. We'd have to cut off countries like China from the American financial system. And since they happen to be major purchasers of or our debt, such actions could trigger severe disruptions in our own economy and, by the way, raise questions internationally about the dollar's role as the world's reserve currency.
That's part of the reason why many of the previous unilateral sanctions were waived. What's more likely to happen, should Congress reject this deal, is that Iran would end up with some form of sanctions relief without having to accept any of the constraints or inspections required by this deal. So in that sense, the critics are right: Walk away from this agreement and you will get a better deal — for Iran. (Applause.)
Now, because more sanctions won't produce the results that the critics want, we have to be honest. Congressional rejection of this deal leaves any U.S. administration that is absolutely committed to preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon with one option — another war in the Middle East.
I say this not to be provocative. I am stating a fact. Without this deal, Iran will be in a position — however tough our rhetoric may be –- to steadily advance its capabilities. Its breakout time, which is already fairly small, could shrink to near zero. Does anyone really doubt that the same voices now raised against this deal will be demanding that whoever is President bomb those nuclear facilities?
And as someone who does firmly believes that Iran must not get a nuclear weapon, and who has wrestled with this issue since the beginning of my presidency, I can tell you that alternatives to military action will have been exhausted once we reject a hard-won diplomatic solution that the world almost unanimously supports.
So let's not mince words. The choice we face is ultimately between diplomacy or some form of war — maybe not tomorrow, maybe not three months from now, but soon. And here's the irony. As I said before, military action would be far less effective than this deal in preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. That's not just my supposition. Every estimate, including those from Israeli analysts, suggest military action would only set back Iran's program by a few years at best, which is a fraction of the limitations imposed by this deal. It would likely guarantee that inspectors are kicked out of Iran. It is probable that it would drive Iran's program deeper underground. It would certainly destroy the international unity that we've spent so many years building.
Now, there are some opponents — I have to give them credit; there are opponents of this deal who accept the choice of war. In fact, they argue that surgical strikes against Iran's facilities will be quick and painless. But if we've learned anything from the last decade, it's that wars in general and wars in the Middle East in particular are anything but simple. (Applause.) The only certainty in war is human suffering, uncertain costs, unintended consequences. We can also be sure that the Americans who bear the heaviest burden are the less than 1 percent of us, the outstanding men and women who serve in uniform, and not those of us who send them to war.
As Commander-in-Chief, I have not shied from using force when necessary. I have ordered tens of thousands of young Americans into combat. I have sat by their bedside sometimes when they come home. I've ordered military action in seven countries. There are times when force is necessary, and if Iran does not abide by this deal, it's possible that we don't have an alternative.
But how can we in good conscience justify war before we've tested a diplomatic agreement that achieves our objectives; that has been agreed to by Iran; that is supported by the rest of the world; and that preserves our options if the deal falls short? How could we justify that to our troops? How could we justify that to the world or to future generations?
In the end, that should be a lesson that we've learned from over a decade of war. On the front end, ask tough questions. Subject our own assumptions to evidence and analysis. Resist the conventional wisdom and the drumbeat of war. Worry less about being labeled weak; worry more about getting it right.
I recognize that resorting to force may be tempting in the face of the rhetoric and behavior that emanates from parts of Iran. It is offensive. It is incendiary. We do take it seriously. But superpowers should not act impulsively in response to taunts, or even provocations that can be addressed short of war. Just because Iranian hardliners chant "Death to America" does not mean that that's what all Iranians believe. (Applause.)
In fact, it's those hardliners who are most comfortable with the status quo. It's those hardliners chanting "Death to America" who have been most opposed to the deal. They're making common cause with the Republican caucus. (Laughter and applause.)
The majority of the Iranian people have powerful incentives to urge their government to move in a different, less provocative direction — incentives that are strengthened by this deal. We should offer them that chance. We should give them that opportunity. It's not guaranteed to succeed. But if they take it, that would be good for Iran, it would be good for the United States. It would be good for a region that has known too much conflict. It would be good for the world.
And if Iran does not move in that direction, if Iran violates this deal, we will have ample ability to respond. The agreements pursued by Kennedy and Reagan with the Soviet Union, those agreements, those treaties involved America accepting significant constraints on our arsenal. As such, they were riskier. This agreement involves no such constraints. The defense budget of the United States is more than $600 billion. To repeat, Iran's is about $15 billion. Our military remains the ultimate backstop to any security agreement that we make. I have stated that Iran will never be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon. I have done what is necessary to make sure our military options are real. And I have no doubt that any President who follows me will take the same position.
So let me sum up here. When we carefully examine the arguments against this deal, none of them stand up to scrutiny. That may be why the rhetoric on the other side is so strident. I suppose some of it can be ascribed to knee-jerk partisanship that has become all too familiar; rhetoric that renders every decision that's made a disaster, a surrender — "you're aiding terrorists; you're endangering freedom."
On the other hand, I do think it's important to acknowledge another, more understandable motivation behind the opposition to this deal, or at least skepticism to this deal, and that is a sincere affinity for our friend and ally, Israel — an affinity that, as someone who has been a stalwart friend to Israel throughout my career, I deeply share.
When the Israeli government is opposed to something, people in the United States take notice. And they should. No one can blame Israelis for having a deep skepticism about any dealings with a government like Iran's — which includes leaders who have denied the Holocaust, embrace an ideology of anti-Semitism, facilitate the flow of rockets that are arrayed on Israel's borders, are pointed at Tel Aviv. In such a dangerous neighborhood, Israel has to be vigilant, and it rightly insists that it cannot depend on any other country — even its great friend the United States — for its own security. So we have to take seriously concerns in Israel.
But the fact is, partly due to American military and intelligence assistance, which my administration has provided at unprecedented levels, Israel can defend itself against any conventional danger — whether from Iran directly or from its proxies. On the other hand, a nuclear-armed Iran changes that equation.
And that's why this deal ultimately must be judged by what it achieves on the central goal of preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. This deal does exactly that. I say this as someone who has done more than any other President to strengthen Israel's security. And I have made clear to the Israeli government that we are prepared to discuss how we can deepen that cooperation even further. Already we've held talks with Israel on concluding another 10-year plan for U.S. security assistance to Israel. We can enhance support for areas like missile defense, information sharing, interdiction — all to help meet Israel's pressing security needs, and to provide a hedge against any additional activities that Iran may engage in as a consequence of sanctions relief.
But I have also listened to the Israeli security establishment, which warned of the danger posed by a nuclear-armed Iran for decades. In fact, they helped develop many of the ideas that ultimately led to this deal.
So to friends of Israel, and to the Israeli people, I say this: A nuclear-armed Iran is far more dangerous to Israel, to America, and to the world than an Iran that benefits from sanctions relief.
I recognize that Prime Minister Netanyahu disagrees — disagrees strongly. I do not doubt his sincerity. But I believe he is wrong. I believe the facts support this deal. I believe they are in America's interest and Israel's interest. And as President of the United States, it would be an abrogation of my constitutional duty to act against my best judgment simply because it causes temporary friction with a dear friend and ally. I do not believe that would be the right thing to do for the United States. I do not believe it would be the right thing to do for Israel. (Applause.)
Over the last couple weeks, I have repeatedly challenged anyone opposed to this deal to put forward a better, plausible alternative. I have yet to hear one. What I've heard instead are the same types of arguments that we heard in the run-up to the Iraq War: Iran cannot be dealt with diplomatically; we can take military strikes without significant consequences; we shouldn't worry about what the rest of the world thinks, because once we act, everyone will fall in line; tougher talk, more military threats will force Iran into submission; we can get a better deal.
I know it's easy to play on people's fears, to magnify threats, to compare any attempt at diplomacy to Munich. But none of these arguments hold up. They didn't back in 2002 and 2003; they shouldn't now. (Applause.) The same mindset, in many cases offered by the same people who seem to have no compunction with being repeatedly wrong, led to a war that did more to strengthen Iran, more to isolate the United States than anything we have done in the decades before or since. It's a mindset out of step with the traditions of American foreign policy, where we exhaust diplomacy before war, and debate matters of war and peace in the cold light of truth.
"Peace is not the absence of conflict," President Reagan once said. It is "the ability to cope with conflict by peaceful means." President Kennedy warned Americans, "not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than the exchange of threats." It is time to apply such wisdom. The deal before us doesn't bet on Iran changing, it doesn't require trust; it verifies and requires Iran to forsake a nuclear weapon, just as we struck agreements with the Soviet Union at a time when they were threatening our allies, arming proxies against us, proclaiming their commitment to destroy our way of life, and had nuclear weapons pointed at all of our major cities — a genuine existential threat.
We live in a complicated world — a world in which the forces unleashed by human innovation are creating opportunities for our children that were unimaginable for most of human history. It is also a world of persistent threats, a world in which mass violence and cruelty is all too common, and human innovation risks the destruction of all that we hold dear. In this world, the United States of America remains the most powerful nation on Earth, and I believe that we will remain such for decades to come. But we are one nation among many.
And what separates us from the empires of old, what has made us exceptional, is not the mere fact of our military might. Since World War II, the deadliest war in human history, we have used our power to try to bind nations together in a system of international law. We have led an evolution of those human institutions President Kennedy spoke about — to prevent the spread of deadly weapons, to uphold peace and security, and promote human progress.
We now have the opportunity to build on that progress. We built a coalition and held it together through sanctions and negotiations, and now we have before us a solution that prevents Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, without resorting to war. As Americans, we should be proud of this achievement. And as members of Congress reflect on their pending decision, I urge them to set aside political concerns, shut out the noise, consider the stakes involved with the vote that you will cast.
If Congress kills this deal, we will lose more than just constraints on Iran's nuclear program, or the sanctions we have painstakingly built. We will have lost something more precious: America's credibility as a leader of diplomacy; America's credibility as the anchor of the international system.
John F. Kennedy cautioned here, more than 50 years ago, at this university, that "the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war." But it's so very important. It is surely the pursuit of peace that is most needed in this world so full of strife.
My fellow Americans, contact your representatives in Congress. Remind them of who we are. Remind them of what is best in us and what we stand for, so that we can leave behind a world that is more secure and more peaceful for our children.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
12:54 P.M. EDT
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The original story can be found at http://bpnews.net/53985/louisiana-baptists-celebrate-church-planting
Louisiana Baptists celebrate church planting
by Brian Blackwell, posted Monday, December 02, 2019 (one month ago)
Tags: 2019 state annual meetingsLouisiana Baptist Convention
ALEXANDRIA, La. (BP) -- In addition to electing officers, passing a budget and other business, Louisiana Baptists celebrated 250 new church plants since 2010 at their annual meeting Nov. 11-12.
Louisiana Baptist Convention president Eddie Wren encouraged messengers to wait on God.
LBC photo
Eddie Wren, LBC president, gave a sermon challenging messengers to wait on the Lord and not lose hope in the current age.
"Though we may be experiencing some difficulties, it's not the end," Wren proclaimed. "Don't give up; don't give in. Wait on the Lord and in due time He will renew your strength, He will lift you up and He will change your situation. And you will be renewed. You'll leave the rubble and despair behind and by God's grace you'll soar."
The 2020 financial plan is based on expected contributions of $18,653,700, a year-to-year decrease of $160,118, following three previous consecutive years of annual decreases of at least $535,000 ($693,587 in 2019, $535,426 in 2018 and $550,435 in 2017).
Cooperative Program projections are based on actual receipts from August 2018 through July 2019.
The allocation formula for distributing Cooperative Program gifts remains unchanged with 63.26 percent dedicated to support ministries in the state and 36.74 percent forwarded to fund national entities.
Messengers elected David Cranford, pastor of the First Baptist Church in Ponchatoula, president.
Leroy Fountain, church health strategist for the New Orleans Baptist Association, was re-elected first vice president, and Marc Taylor, a layman from the Cook Baptist Church in Ruston, was elected second vice president.
Fountain and Taylor were elected by acclamation.
Consensus statements
Newly elected Louisiana Baptist Convention officers are (from left) Marc Taylor, member of Cook Baptist Church, Ruston, second vice president; Leroy Fountain, church health strategist for New Orleans Baptist Association, first vice president; and David Cranford, pastor of First Baptist Church, Ponchatoula, president.
Messengers approved four consensus statements -- one expressing appreciation to the Randolph Riverfront Center in Alexandria for hosting the annual meeting and to individuals who contributed in important ways to the production of the two day event; one declaring that being transformed from sinner to believer means our "old selves have passed away" as well as our old identity with those sins; and one calling for Louisiana lawmakers "to provide legal relief for churches to allow them the freedom to share information reasonably believed to be a true allegation about an individual to prospective employers or other congregations as a means to prevent predators from continuing to harm others;" and finally, one expressing support for the proposed "Love Life Amendment," slated to be on the statewide ballot in 2020.
Messengers agreed the pro-life statement gives "our strongest possible endorsement of the Love Life Amendment and the constitutional protection it affords against unilateral actions to undo prolife laws" and urges "all eligible Louisiana Baptists to register and to vote for the Love Life Amendment and to encourage others to do likewise in order to overwhelmingly pass this 2020 ballot measure."
During two Bible study sessions, Jake Roudvoski, professor of evangelism and church leadership at New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, offered his observation "the greatest need in the evangelical world and our own convention is for us to experience the renewal of the holiness of God."
"When we recapture the vision of the holy God who is sovereign, then it would lead us to trust Him no matter what happens in our lives," Roudvoski said.
Jeffrey Friend, pastor of the Suburban Baptist Church in New Orleans, gave a sermon thanking messengers for the support, encouragement and financial resources they provided after an EF-3 tornado in Feb 2017 heavily damaged the church's campus.
Friend, whose church also previously sustained damage from Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and Hurricane Gustav in 2008, said at times he has felt like the man the Good Samaritan helped, who was left battered and torn on the side of the road.
In the end, the man was restored.
"It's a precious thing to me to be able to say it loud that I'm Southern Baptist and proud," Friend said. "As I was sitting in the debris after the tornado hit on that Tuesday, I began to talk to my master, 'Lord, what am I going to do?'
"God gave me an opportunity to tell you what a certain man never got to tell the Samaritan," Friend said. "After the Samaritan did so much for him, he left. But nowhere did it say a certain man got the opportunity to say thank you."
Jamie Dew, the newly elected president of NOBTS, shared with messengers that the school will emphasize servanthood during his tenure, a theme that is also the focus in the school's new mission statement: "New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary and Leavell College prepare servants to walk with Christ, proclaim His truth, and fulfill His mission."
"This is a faculty that I am proud to line up by and be numbered among. These are men and women that have given their lives, not just to the academic profession of preparing the next generation of servants, but they are themselves practitioners of the Gospel ministry," Dew said. "Virtually all of them serve in local church and they are doing it in locations where difficulty and darkness abounds."
Dew said that the faculty of NOBTS serve as frontline Gospel ministers in a way unique to New Orleans.
"I don't know a better city to learn in, to prepare and be a pastor and servant of Jesus Christ."
Paul Chitwood, president of the International Mission Board, challenged messengers to preach and teach with urgency about the Lord's coming.
Referencing Revelation 20:21-22, Chitwood said, "On the day that He comes, the opportunity to repent will have passed because at that point you cannot be saved. And that's why there must be an urgency that accompanies the preaching of the Gospel."
Church planting celebration
Messengers also celebrated the 250th church planted in the state since 2010. The achievement moves Louisiana Baptists closer to the goal of planting 300 churches by 2020 as part of one of the 10 action steps identified in the president's 2020 Commission Final Report.
James Jenkins, director of church planting for Louisiana Baptists, told the Baptist Message the reception to mark the occasion was a celebration of partnership among church planters, sponsoring churches and directors of missions.
"This celebration, and the ones we have had along the way to the 300th church plant, is a way of thanking God for His grace and Louisiana Baptists for their giving," Jenkins said.
The 250 church plants represent a strategy of diversity: 78 are African-American, 32 Hispanic, 12 Asian and 18 have a largely multi-ethnic makeup.
Most importantly, the 250 church plants represent a focus on soul winning -- 13,731 professions of faith since 2010 with 4,094 baptisms to date.
The final messenger count for the 2019 Annual Meeting was 583, an increase from 535 in 2018 at Temple Baptist Church in Ruston.
Steve Horn, in the LBC executive director's report, called on messengers to unite for the sake of the Gospel.
"We are different. We don't all agree on every issue in Southern Baptist life. But, taking the picture that the Bible gives to us about the different parts of the body of Christ, we should celebrate our differences instead of complain about our differences," Horn said. "You are here at the convention because you believe in that spirit of cooperation or at least are curious about what we could do in cooperation with one another. This is a great time to renew our commitments because so much is new."
The 2020 Annual Meeting is scheduled for Nov. 9-10 at Franklin Avenue Baptist Church in New Orleans.
Brian Blackwell is a staff writer for the Baptist Message, newsjournal of the Louisiana Baptist Convention.
Kentucky Baptists urged to 'strive together'
Virginia Baptists meet to 'Renew'
Northwest Baptists highlight 'A More Excellent Way'
Texas Baptists urged to proclaim Christ, care for vulnerable
Minnesota-Wisconsin Baptists increase budget, focus on outreach
Michigan Baptists 're-envision God's desire'
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text:
Akalpia oblonga is een hooiwagen uit de familie Sclerosomatidae. De wetenschappelijke naam van Akalpia oblonga gaat terug op Roewer.

Sclerosomatidae

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Thank you for sharing your story Torrey. It's really inspiring, and one thing that I learned from this is that we should never give up. Rejections are a part of life but it is up to us what we learn from it.
Thanks for your comment and subscribe! Really appreciate the feedback.


This series is an on-going project to document Burns' travels through South America. From 2010 to 2011 he lived in Chile and traveled to Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil. He moved to Brazil in 2011. These images reflect what he has seen and felt during his excursions. Many of the images do not have backgrounds, and this is intentional. Burns´ approach to creating art requires that he get to the fundamental level of his attachment to the subject. As a result, subjects often don´t require a background in order to say what they need to say.
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One of his next steps is to actually take a freight ship from North America or Europe to South America to explore the modern-day sense of colonialism that's still felt in South America.


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text:
1951 () fue un año común comenzado en lunes según el calendario gregoriano.

Acontecimientos

Enero
 1 de enero: en Nueva York, la ONU crea el ACNUR (Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados).
 4 de enero: las fuerzas comunistas reconquistan la ciudad coreana de Seúl.
 9 de enero: en Nueva York se inaugura oficialmente la sede de las Naciones Unidas.
 11 de enero: al norte de Tonkín (China) el grupo guerrillero Vietminh realiza una ofensiva.
 15 de enero: en Alemania Occidental, Ilse Koch, la «Bruja de Buchenwald», esposa del comandante de ese campo de concentración, es sentenciada a cadena perpetua.
 17 de enero: en la Guerra de Corea, fuerzas de China y la República Popular Democrática de Corea capturan la ciudad de Seúl.
 20 de enero: en Italia, Suiza y Austria, varias avalanchas sepultan a más de 45.000 personas durante horas; mueren unas 240.
26 de enero: se funda Amorebieta en Vizcaya
 27 de enero: en el campo de pruebas de Nevada, 100 km al noroeste de Las Vegas (Nevada) se inicia la operación Ranger con la explosión de la bomba atómica Able (de 0,5 kilotón), la novena de la Historia humana.
 28 de enero: en el sitio de pruebas de Nevada ―en el marco de la operación Ranger―, Estados Unidos detona en el aire la bomba atómica Baker (de 8 kilotones).

Febrero
 1 de febrero: en el sitio de pruebas de Nevada ―en el marco de la operación Ranger―, Estados Unidos detona en el aire la bomba atómica Easy (de 1 kilotón).
 2 de febrero: en el sitio de pruebas de Nevada ―en el marco de la operación Ranger―, Estados Unidos detona en el aire la bomba atómica Baker 2 (de 8 kilotones).
 3 de febrero: en Checoslovaquia, la policía detiene a Vladimir Clementis, ministro de Asuntos Exteriores.
 6 de febrero: en el sitio de pruebas de Nevada ―en el marco de la operación Ranger―, Estados Unidos detona en el aire la bomba atómica Fox (de 22 kilotones).
 12 de febrero: Mohammad Reza Pahlevi se casa con Soraya Esfandiary.
 13 de febrero: en Londres, Miguel Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia es designado embajador de España.
 15 de febrero: en París se inaugura la conferencia sobre la formación de un ejército europeo.
 15 de febrero: en la frontera con Ecuador se produce un incidente militar en el que mueren dos soldados peruanos (según un comunicado oficial del gobierno de Perú).
 19 de febrero: en Rocquencourt, cerca de Versalles (Francia) se establece el mando general de las fuerzas de la OTAN.
 19 de febrero: en Barcelona se estrena la película La revoltosa, protagonizada por Carmen Sevilla y Tony Leblanc.
 19 de febrero: en Australia es ejecutada Jean Lee, por la tortura y asesinato de un librero de 73 años. Lee será la última mujer ahorcada en ese país.
 21 de febrero: en el Reino Unido, el primer ministro Winston Churchill decreta la desaparición del DNI.
 25 de febrero: en Checoslovaquia, las emisoras de radio anuncian el descubrimiento de un complot contra el Gobierno, cuyos instigadores serían Gustav Húsak y Vlado Clementis.
 25 de febrero: en Buenos Aires (Argentina), el presidente constitucional Juan Domingo Perón inaugura los primeros Juegos Panamericanos (en la imagen).

 27 de febrero: en los Estados Unidos se vota la 22.º (vigésimo segunda) enmienda a la Constitución, que limita las presidencias a dos periodos.

Marzo
 1 de marzo: en Barcelona se realiza una huelga de usuarios de tranvías.
 4 de marzo: en Nueva Delhi (India) comienzan los I Juegos Asiáticos.
 6 de marzo: en los Estados Unidos comienza el juicio a Ethel y Julius Rosenberg por traición.
 7 de marzo: en Teherán (Irán), un adepto de la cofradía de los fedayínes (asociación secreta análoga a la de los Hermanos Musulmanes) asesina al general Haj Alí Razmara, primer ministro iraní.
 11 de marzo: en Nueva Delhi (India) culminan los I Juegos Asiáticos.
 Israel crea el Mosad, su servicio de espionaje.
 20 de marzo: en Irán, la Asamblea de Consulta Nacional ratifica la nacionalización de los petróleos de Irán.
 21 de marzo: en México inicia sus transmisiones Canal de las Estrellas.

Abril
 1 de abril: en Miyazaki (Japón) se funda la ciudad de Hyuga.
 5 de abril: en los Estados Unidos el gobierno condena a muerte a Ethel y Julius Rosenberg por espiar a favor de la Unión Soviética.
 8 de abril: en el atolón Enewetak ―en el marco de la operación Greenhouse―, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Dog (de 70 kilotones), la decimocuarta de la Historia humana.
 18 de abril: en París, seis estados europeos (Bélgica, Francia, Alemania, Italia, Luxemburgo y los Países Bajos) firman el Tratado de París, por el que se constituye la Comunidad Europea del Carbón y del Acero (antecesora de la Unión Europea).
 21 de abril: en el atolón Enewetak ―en el marco de la operación Greenhouse―, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Easy (de 47 kilotones).
 22 de abril: en México― El equipo Atlas Fútbol Club gana su primer campeonato de la Primera División de México.
 23 de abril: en México inicia el Primer Congreso de Academias de la Lengua Española, que finaliza el 6 de mayo con la creación de la Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española.
29 de abril: el equipo de fútbol Atlas, se corona campeón del futbol mexicano torneo 1950-51, no volvería a ser campeón hasta 2021.

Mayo
 6 de mayo: en México finaliza el Primer Congreso de Academias de la Lengua Española, iniciado el 23 de abril, con la creación de la Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española.
 9 de mayo: en el atolón Enewetak ―en el marco de la operación Greenhouse―, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica George (de 225 kilotones), la decimosexta de la Historia humana. Es el primer experimento de una bomba termonuclear, con núcleo de deuterio.
 25 de mayo: en el atolón Enewetak ―en el marco de la operación Greenhouse―, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Ítem (de 45,5 kilotones), la decimoséptima de la Historia humana. Es la primera bomba aumentada con tritio.

Julio
 3 de junio: en Ciudad del Vaticano, el papa Pio XII beatifica al papa Pio X.
 20 de julio: en la Ciudad de Caracas, capital de Venezuela es fundada la organización con fines políticos Frente Electoral Independiente movimiento que aglutinó a algunos simpatizantes de la Junta Militar de Gobierno presidida por el Dr. Germán Suárez Flamerich, con el propósito de apoyar a Marcos Pérez Jiménez para las elecciones de 1952.

Julio
 5 de julio: William Shockley inventa el transistor de unión.
 18 de julio: formación del sexto Gobierno nacional de España (1951-1956), presidido por el dictador Francisco Franco.

Agosto
 10 de agosto: en Ion Sion (Rumania) se registra la temperatura más alta en la Historia de ese país: 44,5 °C (112,1 °F).
 13 de agosto: en Turquía se registra un terremoto de 6,9 que deja 50 muertos y más de 3.000 heridos.
 22 de agosto: en la avenida Nueve de Julio, en Buenos Aires (Argentina) se realiza el Cabildo Abierto del Justicialismo para presentar a Perón-Evita, la Fórmula de la Patria. Sin embargo, Evita Perón renuncia a participar en la fórmula presidencial (para la reelección del presidente Perón).
 31 de agosto: la empresa alemana Deutsche Grammophon presenta el primer LP (elepé).

Septiembre
 10 de septiembre: en el Reino Unido adopta un programa de medidas de boicot económico contra Irán como represalia por la nacionalización del petróleo.
 24 de septiembre: en el sitio de pruebas atómicas en Semipalatinsk (Kazajistán) la Unión Soviética hace detonar su segunda bomba atómica (la decimoctava de la Historia humana).

Octubre
 17 de octubre: en Buenos Aires inicia sus transmisiones el primer canal de televisión de Argentina: Canal 7. Transmite el multitudinario acto político del Día de la Lealtad Peronista con un discurso de Evita Perón.
 18 de octubre: en el Semipalatinsk (Kazajistán) la Unión Soviética hace detonar a 380 m de altura su tercera bomba atómica (la decimonovena de la Historia humana), Mariya (que la CIA bautizó como Joe-3), de 42 kilotones. Es la primera prueba soviética con una bomba arrojada desde un avión.
 22 de octubre: en el sitio de pruebas nucleares de Nevada, Estados Unidos detona desde una torre la bomba atómica táctica Able, que por error resulta de muy débil potencia (0,0004 kilotones). Es la primera de la Operación Buster-Jangle (que expondrá de manera no voluntaria durante un mes a unos 6500 soldados de infantería a siete explosiones atómicas en un mes, con propósitos de entrenamiento).
 en Taiwán, una serie de terremotos, hasta el 5 de diciembre, de 7,1 a 7,8 dejan 85 muertos.
 26 de octubre: en el Reino Unido, Winston Churchill inicia su segundo mandato como primer ministro.
 28 de octubre: en el sitio de pruebas nucleares de Nevada, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Baker (de 3,5 kilotones) dejándola caer desde un bombardero B-50. Es la segunda de la Operación Buster-Jangle.
 29 de octubre: Finaliza el divorcio entre el cantante Frank Sinatra y Nancy Barbato.
 30 de octubre: en el sitio de pruebas nucleares de Nevada, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Charlie (de 14 kilotones) dejándola caer desde un bombardero B-50. Es la tercera de la Operación Buster-Jangle.
 30 de octubre: en Colombia, Roberto Urdaneta Arbeláez ocupa la presidencia.

Noviembre
 1 de noviembre: en el sitio de pruebas nucleares de Nevada, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Dog (de 21 kilotones) dejándola caer desde un bombardero B-50. Es la cuarta de la Operación Buster-Jangle.
 7 de noviembre: El cantante y actor Frank Sinatra contrae nupcias con la actriz Ava Gardner (Ava Lavinia Gardner).
 5 de noviembre: en el sitio de pruebas nucleares de Nevada, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Easy (de 31 kilotones) dejándola caer desde un bombardero B-45. Es la quinta de la Operación Buster-Jangle.
 11 de noviembre: en Argentina, Juan Domingo Perón es reelegido presidente.
 19 de noviembre: en la superficie del sitio de pruebas nucleares de Nevada, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica Sugar (de 1,2 kilotones). Es la sexta de la Operación Buster-Jangle.
 29 de noviembre: en un pozo a 5 m en el sitio de pruebas nucleares de Nevada, Estados Unidos detona la bomba atómica subterránea Uncle (de 1,2 kilotones). Es la séptima y última de la Operación Buster-Jangle (que expuso de manera no voluntaria durante un mes a unos 6500 soldados de infantería a siete explosiones atómicas con propósitos de entrenamiento).

Diciembre
 11 de diciembre: en Buenos Aires se funda oficialmente el Partido Revolucionario Febrerista, un partido socialista de Paraguay.
 24 de diciembre: Libia se independiza de Italia.
 27 de diciembre: en el cerro Delgado Chalbaud de la sierra Parima (Venezuela) la Expedición Franco-Venezolana, al mando Mayor Franz Rísquez Iribarren, logra llegar a las tan buscadas fuentes del gran río Orinoco.

Nacimientos

Enero

 3 de enero: Rosa Montero, periodista y escritora española.
 8 de enero: John McTiernan, cineasta y guionista estadounidense.
 10 de enero: Ronni Moffitt, activista estadounidense, asesinada con Orlando Letelier (f. 1976).
 11 de enero: La Mona Jiménez, cantante cuartetero argentino.
 12 de enero:
Kirstie Alley, actriz estadounidense (f. 2022).
Rush Limbaugh, locutor conservador estadounidense (f. 2021).
 13 de enero: Kim Manners, director y productor de televisión estadounidense (f. 2009).

 14 de enero:
Carme Elías, actriz española.
Elizabeth Dupeyrón, actriz mexicana.
 20 de enero: Ian Hill, bajista británico de rock (Judas Priest).
 23 de enero: Chesley Sullenberger, aviador estadounidense.
 25 de enero: Steve Prefontaine, corredor estadounidense (f. 1975).

 30 de enero:
Phil Collins, músico británico.
Charles S. Dutton, actor estadounidense.
 31 de enero: Phil Manzanera, músico británico.

Febrero

 1 de febrero: Albert Salvadó, escritor andorrano.
 3 de febrero:
Felipe Muñoz Kapamas, nadador olímpico mexicano.
Blaise Compaoré, expresidente de Burkina Faso.
 5 de febrero: Ryūsei Nakao, seiyū japonés.
 6 de febrero: Darío Gómez, cantautor colombiano de música popular (f. 2022).
 10 de febrero: Roque Narvaja, músico argentino.
 14 de febrero: Kevin Keegan, futbolista y entrenador británico.
 15 de febrero:
Jane Seymour, actriz británica.
Luis Eduardo Garzón, político colombiano.
 20 de febrero:
Anthony Davis, compositor y pianista estadounidense de jazz.
Gordon Brown, político británico.
Randy California, músico estadounidense (f. 1997).
 24 de febrero:
Debra Jo Rupp, actriz estadounidense.
Helen Shaver, actriz canadiense.
Laimdota Straujuma, primera ministra letona.
 25 de febrero: Don Quarrie, atleta jamaicano.

Marzo

 4 de marzo: Kenny Dalglish, futbolista y entrenador británico.
 9 de marzo: Zakir Hussain, músico indio.
 11 de marzo: Steve David, futbolista trinitense.
 12 de marzo: Diego Edison Umaña, exfutbolista y entrenador colombiano.
 17 de marzo:
Kurt Russell, actor estadounidense.
Carlos Eduardo Ball, locutor radial venezolano. (f. 2020).
Carmenza Duque, cantante y actriz colombiana.
 20 de marzo: Jimmie Vaughan, músico estadounidense.

 21 de marzo: Antonio La Palma, futbolista y entrenador italiano.
 26 de marzo: Carl E. Wieman, físico estadounidense.
 30 de marzo:
Jorge Alemán, psicoanalista, filósofo, politólogo, poeta y escritor argentino.
Manuel Campo Vidal, periodista español.

Abril

 3 de abril: Cristina Lemercier, actriz y presentadora de TV argentina (f. 1996).
 4 de abril: Mercedes Milá, periodista española.
 8 de abril:
Joan Sebastian, cantante y compositor mexicano (f. 2015).
Geir H. Haarde, político islandés.
 10 de abril: Steven Seagal, actor y aikidoka estadounidense.
 11 de abril: Gato Pérez (Javier Patricio Pérez), cantautor hispanoargentino (f. 1990).
 14 de abril: Justine Kasa-Vubu, política congoleña (RDC).
 17 de abril: Olivia Hussey, actriz estadounidense de origen argentino.
 17 de abril: Horst Hrubesch, futbolista alemán.
 20 de abril: Luther Vandross, cantante estadounidense (f. 2005).
 21 de abril: Fernando Jaramillo Paredes, músico colombiano, director de la orquesta Los Tupamaros (f. 2014).
 22 de abril: José Fernando Castro, político colombiano (f. 2008).
 24 de abril: Enda Kenny, primer ministro irlandés.
 25 de abril: Soledad Gallego-Díaz, periodista española.
 26 de abril: Diego Verdaguer, cantante mexicano-argentino (f. 2022).
 26 de abril: Tito Valverde, actor español.
 27 de abril:
Ace Frehley, guitarrista estadounidense, de la banda Kiss.
Viviane Reding, política luxemburguesa.
 29 de abril: Dale Earnhardt, piloto de automóviles estadounidense (f. 2001).

Mayo

 4 de mayo:
Jackie Jackson, músico estadounidense, de la banda The Jackson Five.
Gérard Jugnot, actor y cineasta francés
Mick Mars, guitarrista de la banda estadounidense, de la banda Mötley Crüe.
 8 de mayo: Ricardo Tobón Restrepo, arzobispo católico colombiano.
 11 de mayo:
Andrés Pérez Araya, director de teatro y actor chileno.
Ricardo Rubio, escritor, poeta y dramaturgo argentino.
 15 de mayo: Frank Wilczek, físico estadounidense.
 16 de mayo:
Claudio Baglioni, compositor italiano.
Rubén Alberto Gómez, delincuente y torturador militar argentino.
Christian Lacroix, diseñador de modas francés.
 19 de mayo: Joey Ramone, músico estadounidense.
 21 de mayo:
Al Franken, cómico y político estadounidense.
William Vinasco, periodista narrador deportivo, empresario de radio y político colombiano.
Lolita Ayala, presentadora y periodista mexicana.
 23 de mayo: Anatoli Kárpov, ajedrecista ruso.
 27 de mayo:
Ana Belén, actriz y cantante española.
Reynaldo Vasco Uribe, poeta argentino (f. 2014).
 30 de mayo:
Miguel Lucero Palma, político mexicano.
Stephen Tobolowsky, actor estadounidense.

Junio

 2 de junio:
Edgardo Codesal Méndez, árbitro mexicano.
Rubén Mattos, cantante y compositor argentino.
Arnold Mühren, futbolista neerlandés.
Raúl Saldívar, político chileno.
Khattiya Sawasdiphol, militar tailandés (f. 2010).
 3 de junio: Jill Biden, primera dama de los Estados Unidos.
 6 de junio: Carlos Pizarro Leongómez, político y guerrillero colombiano (f. 1990).
 8 de junio:
Miguel Ángel Moratinos Cuyaubé, político y diplomático español.
Bonnie Tyler, cantante galesa.
 9 de junio: Carlos Oteyza, director de cine, historiador y guionista venezolano.
 10 de junio: Alicia Giménez Bartlett, una filóloga y escritora española.
 16 de junio: Emoé de la Parra, actriz mexicana.
 19 de junio: Aymán az Zawahirí, terrorista y cirujano egipcio (f. 2022).
 21 de junio: Nils Lofgren, músico estadounidense.
 22 de junio: Rosario Murillo, poetisa y política nicaragüense.
 23 de junio: Michèle Mouton, piloto francesa de automovilismo.
 24 de junio: Myint Swe, político birmano.
 27 de junio: Mary McAleese, expresidenta irlandesa.
Julia Duffy, actriz estadounidense.
 29 de junio:
Don Rosa, ilustrador estadounidense (Pato Donald).
Jaume Rovira, dibujante español.

Julio

 1 de julio: Fred Schneider, músico estadounidense.
 6 de julio: Geoffrey Rush, actor australiano.
 8 de julio: Anjelica Huston, actriz y cineasta estadounidense.
 11 de julio:
Bonnie Pointer, cantante estadounidense, de la banda The Pointer Sisters.
Miguel Ángel Polti, guerrillero argentino asesinado en la Masacre de Trelew (f. 1972).
Evelyn Scheidl, conductora de televisión y exmodelo argentina.
 12 de julio:
Jaime Mayor Oreja, político español.
Jamey Sheridan, actor estadounidense.
 15 de julio:
Gregory Isaacs, músico jamaiquino (f. 2010).
Jesse Ventura, luchador y político estadounidense.
Nelson Martínez, político venezolano (f. 2018).

 17 de julio: Irene Bianchi, periodista, crítica teatral, actriz y traductora argentina.
 18 de julio: Elio Di Rupo, político belga.
 19 de julio: Abel Ferrara, cineasta estadounidense.

 21 de julio: Robin Williams, actor y humorista estadounidense (f. 2014).
 22 de julio: Daniel Ciobotea, patriarca de la Iglesia Ortodoxa Rumana.
 24 de julio: Lynda Carter, actriz estadounidense.
 26 de julio: Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, política alemana.
 27 de julio: Eduardo Gómez, actor español (f. 2019).
 28 de julio:
Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, político español, ministro del Interior desde 2006 (f. 2019).
Santiago Calatrava, arquitecto e ingeniero español.

Agosto

 1 de agosto:
Tommy Bolin, guitarrista estadounidense (f. 1976).
Constanza Duque, actriz colombiana.
 5 de agosto: Gustavo Bueno Wunder, actor peruano.
 6 de agosto: Catherine Hicks, actriz estadounidense.
 8 de agosto: Louis van Gaal, futbolista y entrenador neerlandés.
 10 de agosto:
Milton Becerra, artista plástico venezolano.
Ricardo López Murphy, economista y político argentino.
Juan Manuel Santos, político colombiano, presidente desde 2010 a 2018.
 12 de agosto: Vicente Muleiro, escritor, dramaturgo y periodista argentino.
 13 de agosto: Dan Fogelberg, músico estadounidense (f. 2007).
 14 de agosto: Rita Segato, escritora, antropóloga y activista feminista argentina.
 15 de agosto: Ada Maza, política argentina.
 17 de agosto:
Mario Callejo, aviador argentino.
Richard Hunt, titiritero estadounidense, de Los Muppets (f. 1992).
Robert Joy, actor canadiense.

 19 de agosto:
Laura Bozzo, presentadora peruana de televisión.
John Deacon, bajista británico, de la banda Queen.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, político francés.
Ana Miranda, novelista, poetisa y exactriz brasileña.
Gustavo Santaolalla, compositor y guitarrista argentino.
 20 de agosto:
Francisco Javier Delicado Martínez, historiador, ensayista y crítico de arte español.
Greg Bear, escritor estadounidense de ciencia ficción.
 23 de agosto: Cholo Valderrama, cantautor colombiano de música llanera.
 24 de agosto:
Hélmer Herrera, narcotraficante colombiano (f. 1998).
Oscar Hijuelos, escritor estadounidense (f. 2013).
Orson Scott Card, escritor estadounidense.
 25 de agosto: Rob Halford, vocalista británico.
 26 de agosto: Liliana Caldini, actriz y modelo argentina (f. 2022).
 29 de agosto: Craig Cline, bloguero e informático estadounidense (f. 2006).
 30 de agosto:
Timothy Bottoms, actor y productor estadounidense.
Dana, cantante y política irlandesa.
Wilson Manyoma, cantante colombiano.

Septiembre

 2 de septiembre: Mark Harmon, actor estadounidense.
 3 de septiembre: Eusebio Ruvalcaba, escritor mexicano.
 4 de septiembre:
Rosa León, cantante española.
Martin Chambers, baterista británico, de la banda The Pretenders.
María Luisa Geiszer, política argentina.
 5 de septiembre:
Paul Breitner, futbolista alemán.
Michael Keaton, actor estadounidense.
Juan Ramón de la Fuente, médico mexicano.
Patti McGuire, modelo estadounidense.
 7 de septiembre: Chrissie Hynde cantante, guitarrista y líder de la banda estadounidense The Pretenders.
 9 de septiembre: Alexander Downer, político australiano.
 12 de septiembre:
Bertie Ahern, político irlandés.
Joe Pantoliano, actor estadounidense.
Sabú, cantante y actor argentino (f. 2005).
 13 de septiembre: Jean Smart, actriz estadounidense.
 15 de septiembre: Federico Jiménez Losantos, periodista español.
 17 de septiembre: Mariano Cívico, cantante y músico puertorriqueño (f. 2013).
 18 de septiembre: Poncho Zuleta, cantautor colombiano de música vallenata.
 20 de septiembre: Javier Marías, escritor y editor español.
 21 de septiembre: Bruce Arena, futbolista y entrenador estadounidense.
 23 de septiembre: Carlos Holmes Trujillo, político colombiano (f. 2021).

 25 de septiembre: Mark Hamill, actor estadounidense.
 29 de septiembre:
Michelle Bachelet, médica, política y primera presidenta chilena.
Andrés Caicedo, escritor colombiano (f. 1977).

Octubre

 2 de octubre:
Sting, músico británico.
Romina Power, actriz y cantante italo-estadounidense.
 5 de octubre: Bob Geldof, músico irlandés.
 9 de octubre: Robert Wuhl, actor y comediante estadounidense.

 10 de octubre: Jeanette, cantante anglo-hispana.
 13 de octubre: Pinij Jarusombat, político tailandés.
 15 de octubre: Miguel Alfonso Murillo, actor colombiano (f. 2017).
 16 de octubre: Morgan Stevens, actor estadounidense (f. 2022).
 17 de octubre: Luis Pérez Pons, actor y comediante venezolano.
 18 de octubre: Pam Dawber, actriz estadounidense.
 20 de octubre: Alma Muriel, actriz mexicana (f. 2014).

 23 de octubre:
Charly García, músico argentino.
Ángel de Andrés López, actor español, en Las cosas del querer y ¿Qué he hecho yo para merecer esto? (f. 2016).
Federico Moura, músico argentino.
 27 de octubre: Yordano, músico italo-venezolano.
 28 de octubre: Rodrigo Obregón, actor colombiano (f. 2019).
 31 de octubre: Santos Pastor, catedrático, economista y jurista español.

Noviembre
 2 de noviembre: Ricardo Luis Alfonsín, abogado y político argentino, hijo del expresidente Raúl Alfonsín.
 8 de noviembre:
Angelina Abbona, abogada y política argentina.
Alfredo Astiz, marino y criminal argentino.
 11 de noviembre: Bill Moseley, actor estadounidense.
 14 de noviembre: Zhang Yimou, cineasta chino.
 15 de noviembre: José Vélez, cantautor español.
 16 de noviembre:
Sibila Camps, periodista, escritora y docente argentina.
Miguel Sandoval, actor estadounidense.
 17 de noviembre: Dean Paul Martin, animador y artista estadounidense (f. 1987).
 19 de noviembre: José María Fraguas de Pablo, realizador español.
 20 de noviembre:
León Gieco, cantautor argentino.
Rodger Bumpass, actor estadounidense.

 23 de noviembre: Margarita Londoño Vélez, escritora colombiana.
 25 de noviembre: Arturo Pérez-Reverte, periodista y escritor español.
 27 de noviembre:
Kathryn Bigelow, cineasta estadounidense.
Vera Fischer, actriz brasileña.
 29 de noviembre: John Stagliano, director estadounidense de cine porno.

Diciembre

 1 de diciembre: Jaco Pastorius, bajista estadounidense (f. 1987).
 3 de diciembre: Mercedes Cabrera Calvo-Sotelo, socióloga, historiadora y política española.
 8 de diciembre: Bill Bryson, periodista y escritor estadounidense.
 11 de diciembre: Spike Edney, tecladista y guitarrista británico, músico de apoyo de la banda Queen.
 14 de diciembre:
Amy Hempel, escritora estadounidense.
Jan Timman, ajedrecista neerlandés.
Celia Weston, actriz estadounidense.
Paul Zaloom, actor y titiritero estadounidense.
 15 de diciembre: Avelino Corma, químico español.
 21 de diciembre: Manolo Tena, cantante español (f. 2016).
 26 de diciembre: Hilda Carrero actriz venezolana
 27 de diciembre: Ernesto Zedillo, presidente mexicano entre 1994 y 2000.

 28 de diciembre: Carmen Magallón, catedrática española de Física y Química de la Universidad de Zaragoza.
 29 de diciembre: Roberto Converti, arquitecto y urbanista argentino.
 31 de diciembre: Fernando Jaramillo Paredes, músico colombiano, director de la orquesta Los Tupamaros (f. 2014).

Fechas desconocidas
 Antonio Ugo, actor y director argentino de cine, teatro y televisión (f. 2012).
 Margarita López Maya, historiadora venezolana.

Fallecimientos

Enero
 3 de enero: Ferdinand Porsche, ingeniero austriaco (n. 1875)
 5 de enero: Andréi Platónov, escritor ruso.
 7 de enero: René Guénon, filósofo y sufi francés (n. 1886).
 10 de enero: Sinclair Lewis, novelista estadounidense, premio nobel de literatura en 1930.
 28 de enero: Carl Gustaf Mannerheim, militar y presidente finlandés entre 1944 y 1946.
 29 de enero: Evaristo Valle, pintor español.
 30 de enero: Ferdinand Porsche, empresario alemán.

Febrero
 19 de febrero: André Gide, escritor francés, premio nobel de literatura en 1947.

Marzo
 24 de marzo: José Enrique Varela, militar español.
 26 de marzo: Walter Kirchhoff, tenor alemán (n. 1879).

Abril
 13 de abril: Bala Sahib (82), virrey y artista indio, creador de la serie de yoga suria namaskar (n. 1868).
 19 de abril: Frank Hopkins, militar y jinete estadounidense, activista para la preservación del mustang (caballo).
 20 de abril: Ivanoe Bonomi, político italiano.
 23 de abril: Charles Gates Dawes, financiero y político estadounidense, premio nobel de la paz en 1925.
 29 de abril: Ludwig Wittgenstein, filósofo austro-británico.

Mayo
 3 de mayo: Homero Manzi, letrista, político y cineasta argentino (n. 1907).
 6 de mayo: Élie Cartan, matemático francés.
 7 de mayo: Warner Baxter, actor estadounidense.

Junio
 7 de junio: Oswald Pohl, líder político nazi alemán.
 8 de junio: Herman Hupfeld, compositor estadounidense.
 21 de junio: Charles Perrine, astrónomo estadounidense radicado en Argentina (n. 1867).

Julio
 12 de julio: Juan Alcaide, poeta español.
 13 de julio: Arnold Schönberg, compositor austriaco.
 23 de julio: Philippe Pétain, militar y político francés.

Agosto
 5 de agosto: Artur Schnabel, compositor y pianista austriaco (n. 1882).
 21 de agosto: Constant Lambert, director de orquesta y compositor británico.

Septiembre
 3 de septiembre: Ernestina Lecuona, compositora, pianista y docente cubana (n. 1882).
 7 de septiembre: María Montez, actriz dominicana.
 12 de septiembre: Ethel Warwick, modelo y actriz británica (n. 1882).
 14 de septiembre: Fritz Busch, director de orquesta y músico alemán.
 15 de septiembre: Jacinto Guerrero, compositor español de zarzuela.
 19 de septiembre: José Ribelles Comín, bibliógrafo y periodista español .

Octubre
 6 de octubre: Otto Fritz Meyerhof, fisiólogo alemán, premio nobel de medicina en 1922.

Noviembre
 5 de noviembre: Reggie Walker, atleta sudafricano.

Diciembre
 10 de diciembre: Algernon Blackwood, escritor británico.
 17 de diciembre: Jimmy Yancey, pianista y compositor de blues estadounidense.
 23 de diciembre: Enrique Santos Discépolo, compositor, músico, dramaturgo y cineasta argentino (n. 1901).

Arte y literatura
 Se descubren las pinturas rupestres de La Sarga (España).
 La escritora estadounidense Madeleine L'Engle publica la novela Camila Dickinson.
 La escritora francesa Marguerite Yourcenar publica su novela histórica Memorias de Adriano.
 El escritor chileno Óscar Castro Zúñiga publica su obra La vida simplemente.
 El escritor español Camilo José Cela publica la novela La colmena.
 El escritor estadounidense J. D. Salinger publica El guardián entre el centeno.
 El escritor francoargentino Julio Cortázar publica su primer libro de cuentos Bestiario.
 El escritor mexicano Juan Rulfo publica su obra ¡Diles que no me maten!.
 6 de enero: Luis Romero obtiene el premio Nadal por su novela La noria.
 Isaac Asimov: Fundación, En la arena estelar.
 Samuel Beckett: Molloy.
 Ray Bradbury: El hombre ilustrado.
 Truman Capote: El arpa de hierba.
 Agatha Christie: Intriga en Bagdad, Ocho casos de Poirot.
 Friedrich Dürrenmatt: La sospecha.
 C. S. Lewis: El príncipe Caspian.
 Eugène Ionesco: La lección.
 Tennessee Williams: La rosa tatuada.
 Jean-Paul Sartre: El diablo y Dios.
 Albert Camus: El hombre rebelde.

Ciencia y tecnología
 20 de diciembre: un experimento con el Reactor Experimental Reproductor Número Uno (EBR-I) demostró la viabilidad de la energía nuclear al iluminar cuatro bombillas.
 En México, Luis E. Miramontes sintetiza la 19-noretisterona, primer anticonceptivo oral.

Cine

 Bellisima, película italiana dirigida por Luchino Visconti.
 Caravana de mujeres, película estadounidense dirigida por William A. Wellman.
 Cielo negro, película española dirigida por Manuel Mur Oti.
 Diario de un cura rural, película francesa dirigida por Robert Bresson.
 El comienzo del verano, película japonesa dirigida por Yasujirō Ozu.
 El gran carnaval, película estadounidense dirigida por Billy Wilder.
 El río, película francesa dirigida por Jean Renoir.
 Esa pareja feliz, película española, ópera prima de los directores Juan Antonio Bardem y Luis García Berlanga.
 Extraños en un tren, película estadounidense dirigida por Alfred Hitchcock.
 La reina de África, película estadounidense dirigida por John Huston, ganadora de un premio Óscar en 1952.
 La señorita Oyu, película japonesa dirigida por Kenji Mizoguchi.
 Milagro en Milán, película italiana dirigida por Vittorio De Sica.
 Otelo, película de coproducción marroquí-estadounidense-franco-italiana dirigida por Orson Wells, ganadora del Gran Premio del Jurado del Festival de Cannes (Francia) de 1952.
 Quo vadis, película estadounidense dirigida por Mervyn LeRoy.
 Surcos, película española dirigida por José Antonio Nieves Conde.
 Ultimátum a la Tierra, película de ciencia ficción estadounidense dirigida por Robert Wise.
 Un americano en París, película estadounidense dirigida por Vincente Minnelli, ganadora de 6 Premios Óscar en 1952, entre ellos a la mejor película.
 Un lugar en el sol, película estadounidense dirigida por George Stevens, ganadora de 6 Premios Óscar en 1952.
 Un tranvía llamado deseo, película estadounidense dirigida por Elia Kazan, ganadora de 4 Premios Óscar en 1952.
 Un solo verano de felicidad, película sueca dirigida por Arne Mattsson, ganadora del Oso de Oro del Festival Internacional de Cine de Berlín en 1952.

Música
 Tras triunfar en la Unión Soviética y en los Estados Unidos, la Sinfonía n.º 5 de Prokofiev fracasa en Europa. El crítico de Music Survey Dennis Dobson la califica como «un regalo a los enemigos de la música contemporánea».
 En septiembre, debido a problemas financieros y al declive en su carrera, el cantante y actor Frank Sinatra hace su debut  en el Hotel Dessert Inn de Las Vegas, Nevada. Además de cantar en el Riverside Hotel en Reno, Nevada.

Deporte
 Del 25 de febrero al 9 de marzo se celebran los I Juegos Panamericanos en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Baloncesto
 Del 3 al 12 de mayo se celebra el VII Campeonato Europeo Masculino en la ciudad de París (Francia).

Béisbol
 Liga de Béisbol Profesional de la República Dominicana: los Tigres del Licey se proclaman campeones al derrotar a los Leones del Escogido en la primera edición de la competición.

Fórmula 1
 El argentino Juan Manuel Fangio se consagra campeón del mundo de Fórmula 1.

Fútbol
 Fútbol Profesional Colombiano: Millonarios (2.ª vez).
 Llega al aeropuerto madrileño de Barajas el futbolista argentino Roque Olsen, contratado por el Real Madrid.
 El 22 de abril el Atlas de Guadalajara se corona campeón de la Primera División de México.

Premios Nobel
 Física: John Cockcroft, Ernest Walton.
 Química: Edwin McMillan, Glenn T. Seaborg.
 Medicina: Max Theiler.
 Literatura: Pär Lagerkvist.
 Paz: Léon Jouhaux.

Televisión

Referencias

Enlaces externos


The final trailer(?) showed Aqua meeting Terra and Ven in another location. Technically not spoilers.
I'm taking about the one where Terra says "Aqua, you can see me"
Hmm, interesting observation there. I think that that scene must have happened after Terra-Xehanort found out about the chamber, though, since it's before Terra-Xehanort split himself into Ansem and Xemnas.


HCS welcomes those who enjoy singing, with no formal auditions, although an ability to read music is desirable. Membership is open to anyone over 18 years of age, with current members' ages ranging from early 20s to late 80s.
Subscriptions are currently £33 per term.
The first term is half-price for new singers.
You can take a look at our information booklet for members here.
The membership secretary, Kim Burke, can be contacted on 07525 179167.
Music is provided by the Society, although many members choose to purchase their own copies of key works.
Whether you would be continuing with an existing interest, restarting an old one - or just want to try a new experience - come and give us a try. You will be very welcome!
Copyright © Hillingdon Choral Society 2010-2018. Registered charity no. 1004362.
Site design by Adam Szmigin. Graphics by Stuart Hughes.


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text:
← Honor Killings Coming to Your City or Town Soon
The Crossroads →
Richard C. Hoagland and Dark Mission
Posted on Thursday, January 24, 2008 by PIF31
What is the level of the Lie? Because the Lie is different every level.
This reminds me of the days when I was a commercial salmon fisherman in Washington State. Everyone you talked to within the Washington Department of Fish & Game had a different version of what was going on in the fisheries and none of the versions matched in anyway any other version. So the only way to even get close to the truth was to dig in the Departments own public statistics.
Naturally, once I had successfully proven one canard (lie) to be false: to wit that the salmon runs were actually increasing, not decreasing as they had all the public and the media believing, the Department eliminated most of the public information, including their comprehensive Red Book – akin to NASA's Photo Libraries.
Preamble blurb from Dark Mission
The name of Richard Hoagland – a bearded Viking warrior, still standing after all these years – is inevitably etched in the minds of all those who have contemplated the possibility that all may not be the way we are led to believe on the Moon and Mars. Informed and opinionated, and proud to have been a steady thorn in NASA's side for over twenty years, Richard makes regular appearances as the Science Adviser on Coast to Coast AM – and has written two books, the most recent of which, Dark Mission, has climbed to near the top of the New York Times best seller list.
We visited Richard at his Albuquerque home on two occasions. The first, in December 2006, generated the kind of spirited and wide-ranging restaurant conversation that really should have been captured on video. The second time, a year later, we channeled all our conversation on camera – three hours' worth – and then celebrated with the restaurant conversation afterwards. The three of us were delighted with what we had captured.
This interview, in three comprehensive parts, first chronicles Richard's personal journey; then detailed photographic analysis evidencing NASA's deception of the public for decades; and finally his personal views and conclusions about 2012.
Richard – articulate, outspoken and controversial as always – packs a huge amount of information into the nearly three hours of edited interview. Whatever your personal views about NASA, the Apollo missions, or the possible real history of our solar system and its exploration past and present, you will find material here that will educate, inform and stimulate, and which cannot be ignored.
Dark Mission – an interview with Richard Hoagland Part 1 of 3 Albuquerque, December 2007 – 58 min:
Dark Mission – an interview with Richard Hoagland Part 2 of 3 Albuquerque, December 2007 – 63 min
From Part 2:
"…and parrots don't fly very well. Parrots also don't tell you the truth, they only tell you what they are told." – Neil Armstrong on ALL his fellow Apollo astronauts. 1994 White House Clinton arranged photo op. He was incredibly nervous and upset as he spoke…
He later turned to the students in the photo op and continued, "There are wonders beyond belief on the moon for those who can remove truth's protective layers…"
Among the other various Lunar anomalies, did you know that beneath the one to two inches of lunar dust, the surface is very hard, and as you go deeper it gets harder? And what is down there? I ask because the current Lunar missions (Japanese and Chinese) have high powered ground penetrating radar, ostensibily to look for minerals. Huh?
Unnamed intel source, "We would rather give up a major American city to (nuclear terrorists) than give up this physics." (Which we are not supposed to know). See:
The Man Who Changed Everything
The Life of James Clerk Maxwell
by Basil Mahonr
Ever wonder what the rings of Saturn were made of and how they are stable? Maxwell made his prediction in 1859, and was completely right! The Man Who Changed Everything is an excellent book if you are interested. It details the life of James Clerk Maxwell, perhaps one of the most important scientists of the 19th century, yet almost completely unknown. Most importantly Maxwell unified the theories of electricity and magnetism; he also advanced Kinetic gas theory, took the first color photograph, developed ways to analyze stress in a structure, and even laid the foundations of cybernetics. The book's style is easy to read but in depth both in detail and Maxwell's theories.
Oliver Heaviside
The Life, Work, and Times of an Electrical Genius of the Victorian Age
by Paul J Nahin
Oliver Heaviside, who took the Scot James Clerk Maxwell's 200 quaternions and, discarding all but 4, transformed them from field to vector equasions – because these were obvious mathematical "abominations," and he didn't believe in fields, so he eliminated them – brought us all we know which lies beneath absolutely everything dealing with electromagnetic radiation of any kind – physics, chemistry, computers, radio, television, cell phones, lasers, you name it. The absolutely stunning aspect of the four equations is the processes they describe never appeared in Maxwell's work! Along the way he had help from another Englishman – Gibbs.
"He was a man who often was incapable of conducting himself properly in the most elementary social interactions. His only continuing contacts with women were limited to his mother, nieces, and housekeepers. He was a man who knew the power of money and desired it, but refused to work for it, preferring to live off the sweat of his family and long-suffering friends, whom he often insulted even as they paid his bills."
This, then, was Oliver Heaviside, a pioneer of modern electrical theory. Born into a low social class of Victorian England and dying in poverty as a recluse, Heaviside (in between) made advances in mathematics, by introducing the operational calculus; in physics, where he formulated the modern-day expressions of Maxwell's Laws of electromagnetism; and in electrical engineering, through his duplex equations. This acclaimed biography is the only one devoted to Oliver Heaviside. Now available in paperback with a new preface by the author, it will appeal to historians of technology and science, as well as to scientists and engineers who wish to learn more about this remarkable man.
And see: The Kipplies Are Coming!
Dark Mission – the Website
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3. Although drunkenness reduces a man to a temporary insanity, it does not excuse him or palliate his offence, when he commits a crime during a fit of intoxication, and which is the immediate result of it. When the act is a remote consequence, superinduced by the antecedent drunkenness of the party, as in cases of delirium tremens or mania a potu, the insanity excuses the act. 5 Mison's R. 28; Amer. Jurist, vol. 3, p. 5-20; Martin and Yeager's. R. 133, 147;. Dane's Ab. Index, h. t.; 1 Russ. on Cr. 7; Ayliffe's Parerg. 231 4 Bl. Com. 26.
4. As there must be a will and intention in order to make a contract, it follows, that a man who is in such a state of intoxication as not to know what he is doing, may avoid a contract entered into by him while in this state. 2 Aik. Rep. 167; 1 Green, R. 233; 2 Verm. 97; 1 Bibb, 168; 3 Hayw. R. 82; 1 Hill, R. 313; 1 South. R. 361; Bull. N. P. 172; 1 Ves. 19; 18 Ves. 15; 3 P. Wms. 130, n. a; Sugd. Vend. 154; 1 Stark. 126; 1 South. R. 361; 2 Hayw. 394; but see 1 Bibb, R. 406; Ray's Med. Jur. ch. 23, 24; Fonbl. Eq. B. 2, 3; 22 Am. Jur. 290; 1 Fodere, Med. Leg. §215. Vide Ebriosity; Habitua. drunkard.