The financial crisis of 2008 had many causes. They ranged from a housing bubble to excessive speculation, and from inadequate accounting rules to reckless corporate governance. But at the heart of the meltdown were the financial industry's distorted incentives — created in large part by decades of misguided government policy — which caused bankers and investors to take enormous risks without due regard for their consequences.
The easiest way to make money on Wall Street was (and remains) heavy borrowing and extreme risk-taking. The reason is simple: There has long been a sense — which has only grown stronger over the past year — that the government will step in if the situation gets out of hand. Anyone who runs a large financial institution and makes a huge bet on a loan or investment understands that one of two outcomes is now possible: Either he'll get lucky and make a bundle, or he'll get unlucky and walk away (with Uncle Sam left holding the bag). Why should the titans of finance bother to keep risk in check if the government is going to bail out ruined gamblers? Being judged too important to the economy to fail is a financial institution's one sure bet.
I think, actually, what's changed is in the other direction. These banks that were too big to fail are now bigger. Government has sponsored and supported several mergers that made them larger. And that guarantee — that implicit guarantee of moral hazard, the idea that the government is not going to let these banks fail — which was implicit a year ago, it's now explicit.
The message to Wall Street has clearly been that large financial institutions are now shielded from the consequences of their own decisions.
It is even possible to assign a numerical measurement to this expansion of the "too big to fail" regime. As a recent study by Dean Baker and Travis McArthur showed, the advantages large banks enjoy over small banks have only increased since the crisis. Between 2000 and 2007, large banks (those with assets of more than $100 billion) could borrow money at interest rates that were about 0.29 percentage points lower than those available to smaller banks. In the period since, the spread has grown to 0.49 percentage points. This increased spread is the market's estimate of the benefit of the implicit insurance offered to large banks by the "too big to fail" policy.
For the 18 American banks with more than $100 billion each in assets, this advantage corresponds to a roughly $34 billion total subsidy per year. This subsidy distorts the marketplace by hampering the ability of small banks to compete, which in turn leads to greater bank concentration. This increases the power of banks at the expense of depositors and borrowers, and all but ensures that banks will be even bigger the next time a rescue gets called in. In 1998, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York only had to coordinate a rescue of Long Term Capital Management, costing the major creditors $3.6 billion. In 2008, the government had to spend $700 billion to save the whole financial sector. What will we face in 2018 if we don't change course?
And yet changing course is far from easy. The government's serial-bailout approach can't just be written off as indulgent folly: In many cases, it has been the most practicable response to very real threats to the financial system, and to the lack of options for assessing and constraining the risks taken by large financial players. But what the Obama administration has proposed as an alternative is hardly an improvement: Its regulatory approach would throw the baby out with the bathwater, preventing American banks from competing and thriving in an attempt to keep their risk-taking in check.
What we need now is a better way to judge and restrain that risk, but without placing undue constraints on economic growth and the freedom of the market. Of course, balancing these two crucial yet seemingly divergent aims will be no small feat.
If "too big to fail" is so evidently bad, what other options do we have? One approach would be to remove the implicit guarantee given to large banks by making it clear that the government will not step in to protect them should they fail. But such pledges alone would not get us very far, as policymakers in a crisis would be very unlikely to hold to them — and might even be wrong to. The sudden failure of a large bank could in fact be catastrophic for the nation's financial system. And when politicians are faced with catastrophe, long-term concerns tend to take a back seat to the immediate crisis.
Another option is to make the alternatives to intervention more palatable. This is the logic behind the Obama administration's proposal that financial institutions prepare so-called "living wills" — contingency plans for how to unwind their obligations in the event of failure at minimal cost to the system. All market players would understand in advance what would be involved in the failure of a particular institution, and it would be clear to all that massive intervention would not be required and, more important, should not be expected. In principle, this is a good idea; in practice, however, every institution would have a strong incentive to sabotage its own "living will" — designing it so that it would fail to protect the system from the shock of the firm's collapse, and so requiring the government to step in and keep the firm afloat.
A third option would be to avoid the circumstances that create the need for interventions, by restricting the risks that financial institutions can take. If neither government nor the firms can be relied on to refrain from passing the costs of excessive risk-taking on to the public, then the risk-taking itself should be prevented.
This is clearly the best option for changing the behavior of large financial institutions and correcting the distorted incentives that produced such disastrous consequences in the past few years. But everything depends on just how the particular remedy would be carried out in practice.
Many proponents of this approach suggest severely restricting the activities in which large financial institutions may engage, in essence radically simplifying the nature and range of permissible transactions. This is what the Obama administration has recently proposed — prohibiting banks from owning, investing in, or advising hedge funds or private-equity funds, and prohibiting proprietary trading with bank funds. Such a policy would be very costly and doomed to fail: very costly because it would require prohibiting the involvement of large financial institutions in an enormous range of financial activities that now allow them to profit and compete; doomed to fail because such regulations are extremely easy to bypass. It takes no time for a clever financier to design a contract that gets around most restrictions. Most important, the 2008 financial crisis was not caused by deposit-taking banks that assumed excessive risk through their proprietary trading desks, but rather by investment banks that took excessive risk in their portfolios and by commercial banks underwriting too many bad real-estate loans. President Obama's proposal would not prevent either of these activities.
Instead of restricting particular activities, then, regulators should restrict the total amount of risk that large financial institutions may undertake. In what follows, we propose a means of doing exactly that, while minimizing the burdens of such restrictions on the larger economy.
In general terms, this is not a new idea in banking regulation. It is in the spirit of the Basel I and Basel II accords of 1988 and 2004, in which many of the world's central bankers agreed to establish some minimal capital requirements for banks to help safeguard their solvency. But our proposal differs from the Basel approach in two key respects.
First, it does not put its faith in the abilities of rating agencies to assess the risks taken by financial institutions, as the Basel accords did. Rating agencies are useful up to a point. But when a change in rating can unleash enormous economic consequences, rating agencies cannot be relied on to make the right call, because they are extremely sensitive to the practical outcomes of their decisions. American International Group was still rated AA two days before it received an $85 billion bailout from the government.
Second, our proposal would not place its trust in regulators themselves to act in time, since the incentives they face almost always argue against swift action before a crisis. There is no political payoff for an early intervention, especially given the uncertainty that surrounds all such decisions. After Washington Mutual was taken over in 2008, there were still people complaining that the government acted too early. Preventive banking regulation is something like pre-emptive war: There is no credit for the pain avoided, while there is plenty of blame for the pain inflicted. Experience shows that regulators simply cannot be relied upon to resist these pressures.
Any successful mechanism to contain the risks that large financial institutions take, and so to avoid future bailouts, would therefore have to be driven not by refereeing institutions but by the market itself. It would need to rely on the market's ability to collect relevant information promptly, and to make it known widely.
How can the market be expected to assess the risks large institutions take if market players know that those institutions will eventually be bailed out in a crunch? The very existence of the "too big to fail" policy makes it extremely difficult for the market to usefully measure and analyze such risks.
Fortunately, the logic behind "too big to fail" itself may actually offer a way around this problem. As many observers have noted, the government's reason for bailing out large financial institutions is not exactly that these firms are so large that their failures would crush the whole system. Rather, the government's concern has been that these firms are so interconnected with other financial institutions — through their various transactions, obligations, and contracts — that a default might trigger losses among an enormous number of counterparties, producing further defaults that would cascade out of control.
To function properly, the financial system needs to operate under the assumption that certain assets, such as deposits, are "worry free." Depositors with money in, say, checking and savings accounts should not have to monitor counterparty solvency, or worry about which banks their bank is dealing with. This sense of security saves a great deal of anxiety and cost — which ultimately allows the system to operate more efficiently. But this belief can be sustained only if the prompt and full repayment of so-called "sensitive" or "systemically relevant" obligations is not in question. People need to know that not just bank deposits, but also short-term interbank borrowing and the network of derivative contracts, are secure enough that they won't suffer even if their bank collapses. In a system built on trust and confidence, the fundamentals have to be secure to allow people to take sensible risks at the margins.
Once we understand that the issue addressed by "too big to fail" is the interconnectedness of large financial institutions, and therefore the stability of the larger system, we can make some important distinctions. Not all of the debt held by large financial institutions, and not all of the transactions they engage in, are systemically relevant in this way, and so in need of such total protection. Specifically, long-term debt is not "systemically relevant." There is no reason for a large financial institution to hold bonds or other long-term debt in other financial institutions. This debt mostly resides in the massive portfolios of mutual funds and pension funds, which can absorb losses in the value of such debt in the same way they absorb losses from equity investments. A default on that debt, therefore, would not trigger a cascade of bank failures the way a default on short-term debt could.
Our proposal, then, is for a new system of regulation that protects the systemically relevant obligations of large financial institutions — making sure they would be repaid by the institution (not by taxpayers) in the case of bankruptcy — but leaves open the possibility that non-systemically relevant obligations will not be protected.
Under this new system, banks would be required to hold two layers of capital to protect their systemically relevant obligations. The first layer would be basic equity — not much different from today's standard capital requirement, except for the fact that the amount of equity required would be determined not by an accounting formula, but by a market assessment of the risk contained in the second layer.
That second layer would consist of so-called "junior long-term debt." Being explicitly labeled "junior" means this debt would be repaid only after the institution has made good on its other debt, and so also means that it would involve more risk for those who buy it (therefore offering higher rates of return). Such debt would provide an added layer of protection to basic equity because, in the event the institution defaulted, the junior long-term debt could be paid back only after other (more systemically relevant) obligations have been repaid. Perhaps most important, because this layer of debt would be traded without the assumption that it would always be protected by federal bailouts, it would make possible a genuine market assessment of its value and risk — and therefore of those of the financial institution itself.
This is the crucial innovation of the approach we propose. The required second layer of capital would allow for a market-based trigger to signal that a firm's equity cushion is thinning, that its long-term debt is potentially in danger, and therefore that the financial institution is taking on too much risk. If that warning mechanism provides accurate signals, and if the regulator intervenes in time, even the junior long-term debt will be paid in full. If either of these two conditions is not met, the institution may burn through some of the junior-debt layer — but its systemically relevant obligations will generally still be secure. In this case, the firm may suffer, but the larger financial system will be kept safe.
This remedy would work more or less as a margin-call system does in the stock market. When an investor buys stocks on margin, he puts down only part of the cost; as a result, he must show that he has enough collateral to cover the risk his broker is taking in lending him the money to make up the difference. If the stock price drops below an agreed-upon level, that risk increases. The broker then issues a "margin call" — which means the buyer must either provide additional collateral or sell his stocks to pay back the broker in full. The system of financial regulation we are proposing would treat large banks the same way: They would have to show the regulator that they have enough collateral (in the form of equity) to ensure that all of their debt — not just the systemically relevant part — could be paid in full. And if declines in the value of their underlying assets put the banks' debt at greater risk, they would face a kind of margin call from the regulator, forcing them to either post additional capital or submit to liquidation — allowing their debt to be repaid either way.
The success of this system rests, of course, on the timely intervention of the regulator tasked with making that "margin call." If the intervention were too slow in coming, the bank's long-term creditors could be at risk (though as long as the delay was not too severe, the systemic obligations would still be shielded). Thus, it is essential to have an effective mechanism that assesses risk and triggers a response — operating as both a warning to the regulator and a means of compelling him to act swiftly.
In a normal margin account, a broker considers the total value of the investment — which is easily determined, since all assets are traded — and compares the value of the collateral his client has posted with the likely risk of loss. If the collateral is insufficient to cover a plausible decline in the stock's value, he calls for more collateral. In the system we propose, of course, the value of the "investments" (that is, the value of the financial institution's assets) is not as easy to determine, because the assets — commercial loans and home-equity lines, for example — are not standardized and not frequently traded; they do not have a clear price. It is therefore difficult to tell when the equity the bank has posted is too thin to protect the existing debt — and so difficult to know when the bank has taken on too much risk. In addition, debt holders are often dispersed, and incapable of coordinating a margin call. If a margin-call approach is to be followed, then, it requires an easily observable, automatic trigger.
Ideally, such a trigger would be market based — i.e., tied to the price of some traded security. This means it would incorporate and reflect all the information available in the market, which traders gather because it is profitable for them to know it. The breadth and diversity of the market also mean that such a signal would be hard to corrupt, and not subject to political pressures like those that can be focused upon a single credit-rating agency or government regulator.
To avoid unnecessary fluctuations and false alarms, the trigger should also be a security traded in a market with a lot of liquidity, and therefore stability. And its price should be closely linked to the financial event we want information about: in this case, the fact that an institution's long-term debt is at risk.
Equity prices, for instance, fail to satisfy this final criterion. As long as there is the possibility of a significant upside, equity prices will stay relatively high even when the company is close to bankruptcy and the debt is at risk of not being paid in full.
The price of the junior long-term debt would be a better place to look. When the equity cushion is running thin, that long-term debt becomes endangered and will start trading below par. This option, though, fails to meet another criterion: The bond market, where such debt might be traded, is highly segmented and illiquid; bond prices are therefore unreliable signals.
Since a CDS is basically a bet on the odds of a particular firm's failure, the CDS price reflects the market's assessment of how likely it is that the firm's debt will not be repaid in full. It thus offers exactly the instrument we seek. Under our system, the CDS price for a bank's long-term debt would be used to gauge the risk of the equity cushion's being devoured by losses. If the CDS price were to rise above a critical threshold — thereby flagging imminent danger — the regulator would force the institution in question to issue equity (that is, to offer new stock for sale) until the CDS price moved back below the threshold. If the price did not fall below that threshold within a predetermined period of time, the regulator would intervene.
Credit default swaps have developed a bad reputation lately, as they are often cited as one of the causes of the financial crisis. The problem, though, was not with credit default swaps as such, but with the way they were traded. To profit from the higher margins available in an opaque market, large banks lobbied heavily against requiring credit default swaps to be traded in an open exchange and to be properly collateralized. A seller in the futures market, for instance, has to update his collateral position daily, which protects the buyer against the risk of the seller's default. But the CDS market before the crisis required no such protections — allowing AIG, for example, to sell enormous amounts of "insurance" without posting the proper collateral. When the risk increased and the buyers asked for the collateral, AIG had to be rescued. So credit default swaps are not bad per se; they can be dangerous only to the extent that they are not properly collateralized. When traded in an organized exchange, the CDS is a very useful instrument for reducing the exposure to credit risk — and its price offers just the signal upon which our system relies. Fortunately, there is now a clear trend toward moving credit default swaps onto exchanges, which will naturally require better collateralization to protect the exchanges' members. Thus it seems likely that CDS prices will become increasingly reliable.
Another benefit of this transparent, market-based signal is that it helps to address two major risks posed by regulatory intervention in the financial system. One is that a regulator could arbitrarily close down well-functioning financial institutions for political reasons. The other is that a regulator, under intense lobbying by the regulated, can be too soft — a phenomenon known in the banking literature as "regulatory forbearance" (and a contributing factor to the 2008 crisis). Our mechanism removes most of the regulator's discretion to make either error: The regulator cannot intervene if market prices do not signal distress, and yet it would be difficult for the regulator to avoid intervening when the market does signal — to everyone — that a firm is in trouble. As added incentive, we would allow bondholders in a regulated institution to sue the regulator if the trigger were clearly set off without any action being taken. Since the required subsequent intervention would stabilize the value of the bonds, bondholders would have a legitimate cause of action.
And just what form should the regulator's intervention take? Here, too, we think the presence of a market-based trigger for action makes it possible to adopt targeted, prudent measures that avert both overreaction and under-response.
If the trigger were to be set off by a too-high CDS price, the regulator would be required to carry out a "stress test" on the financial institution to determine if it is indeed at risk. In a stress test, regulators use sophisticated algorithms to run "what if" scenarios that examine whether a financial institution has sufficient assets to survive serious financial shocks. A stress test should precede any other action, so that extraneous panic is not allowed to bring down financial institutions unnecessarily. If, for instance, a few significant hedge funds or other investors lost confidence in a bank on the basis of a rumor or misperception about its strength, and began to buy credit default swaps as protection against its failure, the CDS price would rise and might trigger regulatory action. It is important that the regulator first test the validity of the concern before acting on it.
If the bank passed the test and showed the regulator that the CDS price was not accurate, the regulator would then declare the company adequately capitalized. But if the bank failed the test, the debt was found to be at risk, and issuing equity did not improve its situation, the regulator would replace the institution's CEO with a receiver or trustee. This person would be required to recapitalize and sell the company, guaranteeing in the process that shareholders were wiped out and creditors — while not wiped out — received a "haircut," meaning that the value of what they were owed would be reduced by some set percentage. That haircut is crucial in ensuring that the market prices credit default swaps in a way that takes regulator interventions seriously — showing that creditors will pay a price for an institution's failure — and so makes the trigger more reliable.
This regulatory receivership would be similar to a mild form of bankruptcy. But while it would achieve the chief goals of bankruptcy — imposing discipline on investors and management — it would avoid bankruptcy's worst cost: the possibility that one firm's failure could take down the entire financial system.
A potential risk of this proposal is that the news that a regulator is performing a stress test on a bank might scare off the short-term creditors and induce a run on the bank. This problem can easily be fixed by having the regulator temporarily guarantee the bank's senior debt for the brief period of the stress test itself. With our early-warning system and double layer of protection, the systemic obligations (which in our mechanism are all "senior" debt) will essentially always be paid. So the government is not assuming real risk; it is only defusing the risk of a run. This guarantee can then be lifted when the bank is deemed well capitalized (and more junior debt is issued) or, if the bank is put into receivership, when it emerges from receivership.
In addition to setting out the conceptual case for the trigger and the form of intervention, putting this approach into practice requires us to specify two parameters: the particular size of the junior-debt cushion financial institutions should be required to have, and the particular threshold CDS price for triggering regulatory action.
The best way to estimate both is to try to apply our proposal to the financial crisis of 2008. When we do, the first thing we learn is that the CDS rate is in fact a powerful predictor of the fate of large financial institutions in a crisis. Table 1 shows the one-year CDS rates for the nation's largest financial institutions throughout the crisis in basis points per year. (A CDS rate of 11 basis points means that it costs $11 to insure a $10,000 debt against default for a year.) The dates we have chosen are what is now taken to be approximately the beginning of the crisis, the end of 2007, the date of the rescue of Bear Stearns, and the date the initial TARP proposal was rejected by Congress.
While it is true that the CDS market did not anticipate any problem until the summer of 2007, after that point the market provided a remarkably accurate indicator of the eventual fate of the major financial institutions. As the table makes clear, the market early on singled out Washington Mutual and Bear Stearns as the two most problematic institutions. In fact, if one had to predict in August 2007 the five institutions that would go under first on the basis of their CDS rates, one would be correct in four out of five cases. By the end of 2007, the data showed a decisive worsening of the situations of the investment banks and Washington Mutual. In late December, the market put the probability of Washington Mutual's defaulting within a year at 10%. By March 2008, that estimate had risen to 30% — and yet the regulator waited until September 25 to take over the bank.
This history of the crisis read through the lens of CDS rates can also help us see approximately where and when the CDS-rate trigger should be set. If our goal is to intervene between, say, six and nine months in advance of a genuine failure, we can go back and see how high the CDS rates of failed institutions were six to nine months before the failures occurred. We can then determine the false positive rate by looking at how many stable institutions the trigger mechanism would have flagged as questionable.
Table 2 presents a one-month average of one-year CDS rates six months and nine months before the "failures" of major institutions. We use failure here loosely, because Bear Stearns, Merrill Lynch, AIG, and Citigroup did not fail — they were of course rescued by the government, either through a shotgun wedding or a direct taxpayer bailout. The classification "surviving" is also open to debate, since Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley could also be said to have been saved by the government. But these labels generally correspond to how the practical fate of these institutions has been understood.
As the table demonstrates, all the "failed" institutions had CDS rates above 100 basis points six months before collapsing; only Lehman Brothers and Washington Mutual had CDS rates above 100 nine months before they went under. With the exception of Bear Stearns, though, all of the institutions had CDS rates above 40 nine months before their respective failures.
In Table 3 we look at the false positives; that is, when the institutions that did not fail would have first set off our market-based trigger.
For the commercial banks — Bank of America, J.P. Morgan Chase, and Wells Fargo — the 100 basis points threshold would have been only after the Lehman failure that sent the financial industry into a panic. For the two investment banks — Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley — it would have been crossed in February 2008 and in November 2007, respectively. It is unclear, though, whether these are really false positives: One could easily argue in retrospect that these two institutions did in fact need more capital back then. The 40 basis points threshold, by contrast, definitely seems to generate too many false positives — since it would have triggered an intervention in Wells Fargo back in November 2007. A trigger at 100 basis points therefore seems roughly appropriate.
With the benefit of this information, we can also consider the appropriate size of the junior-debt cushion. Given our trigger rule and the potential delays in a regulator's response, the junior-debt layer should be thick enough to fully protect the systemically relevant debt. Suppose we wanted to make sure each institution had a sufficient cushion to endure a delay of six months: It would be reasonable for us to set the rules such that after an institution has exhausted its equity layer, the probability of its running through the junior-debt layer in six months is less than 5%. If asset volatility is around 8% per year, our calculations suggest that maintaining a layer of junior long-term debt worth roughly 11% of assets will offer the necessary protection. By today's standards, this figure is hardly high: For the eight largest banks, the long-term debt-to-asset ratio in September 2008 was 19%. A new regulatory system that required a CDS rate below 100 and a long-term debt layer of at least 11% would therefore not be a great burden for the major banks today.
The key to our proposal is not the toughness of the initial rules, but rather the promptness of the corrective action triggered by a market signal. This lack of a harsh crackdown means the transition to our system would be relatively painless for the banks. Our approach would also have several other significant advantages over today's regulatory system, not to mention most of the ideas for reform now being proposed and debated. For one thing, it would be quite simple, and not very different from the system of capital requirements currently in place. Second, it would be easily applicable to diverse financial institutions — such as hedge funds and insurance companies, as well as banks — if policymakers wanted to expand its reach. Many mechanisms designed explicitly for banks would be difficult to adapt to other financial institutions, but our system is based on three simple concepts that are easily portable: an equity cushion, a junior-debt cushion, and a CDS trigger. Third, this approach would overcome the natural tendency of regulators to forbear by introducing a trigger determined not by one person but by the whole market. Last, but surely not least, our mechanism would not rely on significant amounts of taxpayer money.
The financial crisis of 2008 resulted from a series of misguided policies, failures of regulation, and missed signals. Unfortunately, much of the conversation about regulatory reform since has revolved around ideas that would only extend and exacerbate all three. Even worse, the actions taken in the aftermath of the crisis — and the remedies now being proposed — seem likely to further solidify the dangerous perception that some institutions are just too big to fail.
That perception dulls competition and distorts the allocation of capital — favoring excessive risk-taking, and sowing the field for the next crisis. What we need instead is a means of curbing reckless risk-taking, and especially the incentives that drive it, while making sure not to unduly constrain economic activity, investment, and growth.
The combination of a new capital requirement for large financial institutions with a new market trigger for regulatory action would offer just that balance. It could be introduced today without causing any serious hardship to financial institutions or the larger economy, without costing taxpayers much (if anything at all), and without requiring much in the way of new legislation. Our proposal would also offer a means of averting future bailouts, of re-establishing some confidence and order in the system, and of allowing once again for genuine competition in the world of finance. It would offer an opportunity to apply the lessons of the financial crisis without overreacting — and, most important, to protect the dynamism of American capitalism without neglecting the government's responsibility to protect the American public.
Oliver Hart is the Andrew E. Furer Professor of Economics at Harvard University.
Luigi Zingales is the Robert C. McCormack Professor of Entrepreneurship and Finance at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business.


I have a complicated relationship with fish.
I want to like it, I really, really want to love it. I want to serve non battered and deep fried fish to my family twice a week just like all of the healthy food guides recommend. I want the benefit of all of those healthy oils in our diets instead of sneaking little bits of cod liver oil into our smoothies. Yes, I do that. Don't ask, don't tell is the rule at our place when it comes to smoothies.
Whenever I pass the fish department at the grocery store, I gaze longingly at the lovely snapper, salmon, trout, and shellfish, wishing that I could bring them home and create delicious meals that everyone will enjoy. The problem however is that preparing fish has almost always been an exercise in futility because by and large "ok" was as good a response as I could get, and I often agreed. When the cook says a meal is only so-so, it's really not great.
My mom grew up on the east coast, so you'd think that fish would be a natural extension in our daily meals. Not so. She often explained that after eating fish three times a day for years and years she had no desire to do the same forever more. She did have a few great recipes that graced the table. The first was called fish and brewis and it consisted for the most part of cod fish that had been dried and salted, then rehydrated for cooking, a hard bread that was softened, and fried pork belly. All ingredients meant to store in a pantry for extended periods of time. My mom would make this and the batches were never seemingly big enough, everyone devoured it. My sister would eat multiple plates and as an adult take home the left overs. It was, for whatever reason, a family favorite despite the fact that I hated it and never understood the draw. I still say it's a great recipe because it was a big hit with everyone else, so I'm chalking it up to a personal preference.
The second fish was also dried, these little things called caplin. My grandmother once told me that the caplin would come to shore in schools and they would collect them washed up on the beach and throw them into barrels where they would be salted and dried. You can see a video about them here. I loved them for the longest time, and considered them to be a great treat. In fact, I remember feeling very grown up having tea and caplin with my grandmother when she came to visit.
It's been years and years since I've even seen a caplin and I'm not even certain I remember how to eat one.
The third fish was hands down, my favorite. Kippers. My mom would wrap them in foil and heat them in the oven, serving them with a bit of bread and some water. Kippers are salted, smoked herring and just writing about them makes me crave them. I can easily buy these from my local grocery store, frozen and packed in Scotland but I dare not. The sodium content would likely puff me up like a ballon and it would take days to get the smell out of the house.
C) Because we are inland it's actually quite expensive and not worth the risk for a meal that will only turn out mediocre.
I'd kind of given up on the whole thing secretly thinking maybe, just maybe, I didn't actually like fish. Guess what? Not true!
A few months ago I had the sudden, unexpected chance to travel to Lisbon, Portugal for a few weeks. It's a long story for another day, but suffice it to say that I had time to experience the local cuisine.
When I go somewhere new, I really like, as much as possible, to eat where the locals eat. Not frou frou overpriced tourist meals, but the solid fare that the average family would eat. Lisbon was a delight food wise, so many good restaurants serving basic, well prepared meals, their menus filled with fish and more fish. To be fair the grilled chicken was also a three star home run, but it was in Lisbon I decided that I was going to work out whether it was fish or was it me. I started with salmon steaks and worked all the way to whole makerel, served with the head on, watching me trying to figure out how to eat it. I taught myself how to debone along the way. Let me tell you that all of it was delicious except for one chick pea and cod salad made with the dreaded salt cod. Fresh roasted cod was fantastic I learned, the salt cod I can stay away from. Now I know.
That matter finally settled, I'd been trying to pluck up my courage to give fish another try. I wanted to make some simple, good fish that I knew I'd like and hope that the family would too.
Off to the grocery store I went with a good bet and picked up a whole pacific salmon and two good sized mackerel, two lemons, and two BBQ grill baskets for fish. Go big or go home.
They cleaned the makerel for me but left the heads on at my request. The salmon was already cleaned but needed to be de-scaled. That was to be my new skill for the day and I finally learned how to use my fish knife!
After de-scaling the salmon (makerel don't have scales), I brushed the outsides with olive oil, salt, and pepper and then put basic seasoning and lemon slices on the inside and secured them into the grill baskets.
As simple as that. I grilled them on the BBQ, flipping them only once, and then removed the meat from the skin thinking that my family wasn't yet ready for food with a face.
The verdict? I hit the home run of fish meals, my teenaged son who lives on potato chips and late night grilled cheese asked if we can have this on a weekly basis. Seriously.
The recipe in case you missed it?
Fish, lemons, olive oil, salt, pepper. Maybe a bit of dill or tarragon or whatever is on your spice rack. A BBQ and a grilling basket.
So thank-you Lisbon for your awesome grilled foods and your love affair with seafood. I stopped short of trying your grilled octopus, but perhaps if I ever return we can try again.


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Studying Medicine in the Caribbean
by MakeItEsasier | May 21, 2022 | preferred universities
St. George's University was founded as an independent School of Medicine in 1976, St. George's University opened its doors to students beginning in January 1977. It has evolved into a top center of international education, drawing students and faculty from 140 countries to the Caribbean island of Grenada, in the West Indies. Students attending SGU enjoy the benefits of a thriving multicultural environment on the True Blue campus, offering all the amenities and technologically advanced facilities of a world-class institution.
The University's more than 17,000 graduates include physicians, veterinarians, scientists, and public health and business professionals across the world. The University offers medical and veterinary medical degrees in the Schools of Medicine and Veterinary Medicine, and independent and dual graduate degrees in the sciences, public health, and business. Undergraduate degree programs are also available through its School of Arts and Sciences, and students may build on their education by pursuing a degree in the School of Graduate Studies. The University programs are accredited and approved by many governing authorities, and SGU is affiliated with educational institutions worldwide, including in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and Ireland.
Why is St, George's the Caribbean Leader?
FIRST private medical school in the Caribbean.
First Entering Class: January of 1977
First Affiliation between NY Hospital and Private International Medical School for conducting clinical training.
First Graduating Class: May 1981
Recognized International Leader in US Licensing Examinations over the University's lifetime.
2015: St. George's University's US and Canadian Students achieved a 97% first-time pass rate on the USMLE I, surpassing students from US and Canadian Schools 6 years in a row. (http://www.usmle.org/performance-data)
2012: USMLE Step 1 First-Time Test Takers Achieve 97% Pass Rate St. George's University students who took the USMLE 1 for the first time in 2012 achieved a 97 percent pass rate, marking the fourth consecutive year that SGU's overall first-time pass rate on the examination surpassed 90 percent. These students have come to SGU from 37 countries, with Canadian students achieving an impressive 100 percent pass rate.
2011: Top Performance on USMLE Board Exams St. George's University students who took the USMLE 1 for the first time in 2011 achieved a 95% pass rate. The first-time taker pass rate posted on the USMLE website for students at US and Canadian schools for this same period is 94%. SGU's US and Canadian students who took this examination for the first time in 2011 achieved a 96% pass rate.
2008: 15-year Leader in Caribbean USMLE Step 1 and USMLE Step II/CK first time pass rate. An article in Academic Medicine cited Grenada (SGU is the only medical school in Grenada) as the 15 year leader in USMLE Part 1 and 2 first time pass rates. This article puts Grenada 14.7% ahead of the closest country, Dominica. (Academic Medicine, Vol 83, No. 10/October 2008 Supplement).
1985: Leader in ECFMG examination results. An article in the Journal of the American Medical Association cited St. George's University as having the highest initial pass rate on the ECFMG examination of any non-US medical school with a significant number of US medical students (100+ over the studied period of 1969–1982).
Recognition And Accreditation: A World Of Firsts
2016: SGU re-designated at the World Health Organization Collaborating Center on Environmental and Occupational Health.
2015: SGU MPH program is re-accredited by CEPH for a full seven-year period into 2022. SGU MPH program remains the only CEPH accredited program in the English-speaking Caribbean and one of six programs outside the United States.
2013: SGU/WINDREF approved as the first and only United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Regional Collaborating Center in the English-speaking Caribbean to focus on mitigating the effects of climate change in small island states
2013: SGU selected to host the Gamma Kappa Chapter of the Delta Omega Honors Society, the oldest professional public health society in the world and the first for the Caribbean region.
2012: SGU was selected to serve as the first and only World Health Organization Collaborating Center (WHO CC) for the English-speaking Caribbean in the area of Environmental and Occupational Health.
2010: FIRST Caribbean school to earn accreditation for its Master of Public Health Degree by the Council on Education for Public Health (CEPH).
2009 FIRST private medical school to be accredited by The Caribbean Accreditation Authority for Education in Medicine and other Health Professions (CAAM-HP)
2007: FIRST existing private medical school to receive provisional accreditation by the Caribbean Accreditation Authority for Education in Medicine and other Health Professions (CAAM-HP).
1987: FIRST private medical school in the Caribbean to be approved by the New York Education Department for the purpose of placing long-term clinical clerks in New York hospitals. This approval was a full decade before any other private medical school in the Caribbean was approved.
1984: FIRST private medical school in the Caribbean to be approved by the New Jersey Board of Medical Examiners for the purpose of placing long-term clinical clerks in New Jersey hospitals.
The Doctor of Medicine (MD) program at St. George's University School of Medicine has been accredited and/or approved by many external bodies.
Accredited by the Government of Grenada
Accredited by the Caribbean Accreditation Authority for Education in Medicine and other Health Professions (CAAM-HP), which is recognized by the General Medical Council (GMC) in the UK and by the World Federation for Medical Education/Foundation for Advancement of International Medical Education and Research (WFME/FAIMER). After 2023, the Educational Commission for Foreign Medical Graduates (ECFMG) will issue an ECFMG certification only for degrees obtained from a medical school with an accreditation recognized by the WFME.
In March 2015, St. George's University School of Medicine's MD program was approved by the New York State Education Department for long-term clinical clerkships in New York for a period of seven years, subject to standard reporting requirements.
Approved by the New Jersey State Board of Medical Examiners to conduct clinical clerkship programs at SGU-affiliated New Jersey teaching hospitals and an alternatively accredited medical school by the Advisory Graduate Medical Education Council of New Jersey (AGMEC) within the New Jersey Commission of Higher Education
Approved by the Georgia Composite Medical Board for clinical clerkships
Included on the list of medical schools recognized by the Medical Board of California
Licensed by the Florida Commission on Independent Education
The National Committee on Foreign Medical Education and Accreditation (of the US Department of Education), for the purpose of conferring student loans, has deemed Grenada's accreditation standards to be comparable to those utilized by the United States.
St. George's University's Master of Public Health degree has been accredited by the Council on Education for Public Health (CEPH).
The US Accreditation authority for public health programs, CEPH has granted full accreditation to St. George's University's Master of Public Health degree program through 2022. The program originally gained accreditation in 2010, and was re-accredited in 2015 for seven more years, the maximum term for re-accreditation. SGU is one of only a few non-US institutions approved by the CEPH to hold this coveted distinction.
Department of Public Health and Preventive Medicine Designated as World Health Organization (WHO) Collaborating Center on Environmental and Occupational Health
SGU School of Medicine has been reviewed and approved by the following bodies internationally:
The Bahamas Medical Council
The Bermuda Medical Council
The Sri Lankan Medical Council
The Thailand Medical Council
The Medical Board of Trinidad and Tobago
St. George's University graduates have also gained registration with medical licensing authorities in the following countries:
Grenada Haiti
Senegal Sierra Leone
In 1996, the US Department of Education reviewed the standards of medical education in 30 countries for the purpose of conferring student loans. Grenada was one of four countries approved during the initial review: the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada were the other three. Other countries have subsequently been approved.
St. George's University School of Medicine is listed with the World Health Organization.
The School of Veterinary Medicine
The Doctor of Veterinary Medicine program has been granted Full Accreditation by the American Veterinary Medical Association Council on Education (AVMA COE).
The Government of Grenada continued the accreditation of St. George's University School of Veterinary Medicine in February 2010. The School of Veterinary Medicine is fully authorized by the government of Grenada to confer the Doctor of Veterinary Medicine degree upon those candidates who successfully complete its academic requirements.
In October 2016, the St. George's University Small Animal Clinic (SAC) was accredited by the American Animal Hospital Association (AAHA), one of only two institutions outside the US and Canada with the distinction.
Broad-based training programs offer exposure to the art of veterinary medicine that was especially designed for its international student body. Each student determines the individual government entry requirements in the country or state where they intend to practice.
The School of Arts and Sciences
The Government of Grenada has recognized St. George's University School of Arts and Sciences since 1996. The School of Arts and Sciences is fully authorized by the Government of Grenada to confer Baccalaureate and Masters degrees upon those candidates who successfully complete its academic requirements.
The History Of St. George's University
A handful of dreamers set out to change the status quo in medical education in the 1970s and founded an international University that has educated more than 17,000 people worldwide…and impacted the word by the many thousands more who have benefitted from their knowledge and care. Their vision of what international education should be attracted progressive education leaders with prestigious credential to shape the future of the young school. The result of their shared dream was St. George's University.
It began on July 23, 1976, when Charles Modica, Louis Modica, Edward McGowan, and Patrick F. Adams witnessed the birth of their dream through an act of Grenada's Parliament, establishing St. George's University School of Medicine. It opened its doors in January 1977, welcoming a modest group of students to Grand Anse as part of its charter class. They were the first of many, the University having produced over 14,000 physicians who have gone on to practice in all 50 US states and more than 50 countries worldwide.
What was an opportunity for the charter class has developed into the opportunity for many. The Doctor of Medicine program at St. George's University School of Medicine has been accredited and approved by many external bodies, such as the Caribbean Accreditation Authority for Education in Medicine and other Health Professions (CAAM-HP), the Government of Grenada, and medical boards throughout the United States. SGU students now have access to clinical training opportunities at over 70 affiliated hospitals and clinical centers in the United States, Canada, Grenada, and United Kingdom, and annually secure highly competitive US-based residencies, with SGU serving as the number one provider of doctors into first-year positions in the US over the last six years combined, including more than 870 in 2016 alone.
Growth in Research and International Presence
St. George's University expanded its medical program even further in 2005, this time overseas, establishing the Keith B. Taylor Global Scholars Program, which allows School of Medicine students to spend their first year of basic sciences at Northumbria University in Newcastle, United Kingdom. With it, these students obtain unprecedented international experience in medicine, gaining exposure to models of medicine in three different countries by the time they graduate.
In addition to basic science training, students have been able to carry out short- and long-term, multidisciplinary research and education programs with the Windward Islands Research and Education Foundation (WINDREF), which the University established in True Blue in 1994.
Medicine and Beyond
Beyond medicine, SGU has created a wide range of programs for students of all interests. In 1996, the newly founded School of Arts and Sciences welcomed its first student class, and in 1999, the University established the School of Veterinary Medicine, which is now accredited by the American Veterinary Medical Association (AVMA) and owns clinical affiliations with 29 US veterinary medical schools. Since then, more than 1,200 SGU veterinarians have entered the workforce. Also in 1999, the Master of Public Health program launched. It has since gained accreditation from the Council on Education for Public Health (CEPH), and the Department of Public Health and Preventive Medicine has been distinguished as a World Health Organization Collaborating Center (WHO CC) for Environmental and Occupational Health, the first of its kind in the Caribbean. SGU has also created a School of Graduate Studies, which offers more than 30 distinct programs across a wide variety of professional fields.
In 2014, St. George's University received an equity investment from a group led by Canadian investor Altas Partners and a fund advised by Baring Private Equity Asia, to assist the University with its efforts in forging ahead with a new chapter of its development. In 2015, Dr. G. Richard Olds was appointed as President and Chief Executive Officer to help lead this change.
School Of Medicine Tuition And Fees
Investing in You for a World of Difference
The cost of medical school can be tallied on a calculator, but the return on this investment in medical school is not quantifiable. Invest today for a future of making a difference in the world. SGU's medical school tuition compares favorably with other top medical schools — plus we offer scholarships and other financial aid assistance.
How Much Is Medical School at SGU?
Premedical (Grenada)
Per Term $12,791
Per Credit $853
Basic Sciences (Grenada and KBT)** Clinical Years
Term 1 $28, 906 Term 1 $29,535
Term 2 $28,906 Term 2 $29,535
Term 3 only $10,636 Term 3 $29,535
Term 3/4 $39,541 Term 4 $29,535
Term 5 $31,925
Malpractice Insurance, Clinical Terms 1-5
Per Term $357
Oral Examination Fee $1,407
Graduation Fee $713
Books, per term (approximately) $515
MPH Programs, per credit $977
MSc Programs, per credit $853
PhD Programs, per credit $853
Of the total cost to attend St. George's University School of Medicine, approximately 15% represents administrative/student fees.
Individual Advancement Program (IAP)
Students approved to enter IAP who will be repeating courses will not be recharged tuition for the repeated courses but will be charged full administrative/student fees.
Basic Sciences students who repeat courses at the direction of the Promotions and/or Appeals Committee will not be charged tuition for the repeated courses; however, in all these cases, full administrative/student fees will be charged.
Term 3 and Term 4 are typically billed as a combined term.
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text:
Coventry City confirms plans for new stadium
on 21st July 2020
Newly promoted Championship football team Coventry City has announced today (Tuesday) that it is working with the University of Warwick to explore a potential new stadium for the club.
The two parties have commenced planning for a partnership that would see the university provide land to the club for the development of a new stadium. An exact site has yet to be agreed but Coventry said its proximity would be on the agricultural field area of the university land on its main campus.
The club would own and be entirely responsible for the cost of the stadium and its operations and would receive all stadium revenues it generates. The stadium would be environmentally friendly in terms of materials, energy, noise, building and access.
Coventry said that fans would arrive at the stadium through a new light rail station at the ground, which would run alongside a new link road. The club stressed that the project would require significant discussion and partnership work with surrounding local authorities, the West Midlands Combined Local Authority and the LEP.
The capacity of the stadium was not disclosed by the club but Coventry Live reported that it would seat around 20,000, with the potential to expand to 35,000 if required. The project could take up to five years.
Coventry's statement added: "The club and the university wanted to make people aware of this exciting new development as soon as possible and hope that in doing so, it will pave the way to many discussions needed with a range of partners to progress this project. The club and the university do not expect to issue any further joint statements on this initiative until there is significant news that we can share."
The 2019-20 season saw Coventry win promotion to the second-tier Championship and the club spent the entire campaign playing at Birmingham City's St Andrew's stadium. The groundshare deal was signed amid a long-running battle between Sisu, which owns Coventry, and Wasps Holdings Limited, the parent company of Premiership Rugby club Wasps and the Ricoh Arena, where Coventry had previously played its home games.
Sisu has argued that Coventry City Council undervalued the sale of the 32,000-seat Ricoh Arena to Wasps by £28m (€31.1m/$35.6m). Sisu had taken its complaint to the European Commission over claims the deal broke state aid rules.
Wasps moved from London to Coventry as part of the Ricoh Arena deal, which saw the football club assume tenant status at the venue it has played at since 2005. Coventry also spent the 2013-14 season groundsharing with Northampton Town amid another stadium dispute.
Last December, Sisu compiled a long list of potential new stadium sites and Coventry chief executive Dave Boddy had not ruled out the possibility of a return to the Ricoh Arena. Coventry Live reports that the club is in negotiations over a return to the Ricoh for the new season, although it has the option to remain in Birmingham.
Image: Coventry City
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Bhopal Encounter Killings And Rule Of Law
in Human Rights / India — by Samar — 07/11/2016
The fact that the Madhya Pradesh state government has shed even the pretence of fair-trial, a cornerstone of the rule of law, has emerged as the only uncontested truth four days after the incredulous police encounter that resulted in the killing of 8 under-trial jail escapees. The circumstances of the reported jailbreak from the supposedly highest security prison in the state, and all that followed, are still fuzzy.
Police claims about the circumstances of the jailbreak are downright bizarre. Think about it for a moment: under-trials, belonging to a proscribed group – Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) – escaped after killing an armed guard with spoons and steel plates, unlocking themselves with the keys made of wood, and scaling three layers of jail walls, the last being 25 feet high, undetected, as not a single close circuit television camera installed in the jail was working. There is humour somewhere here in this story.
One cannot laugh at what followed after this reported jailbreak however. An Inspector General of Madhya Pradesh Police (IGP), in charge of the Bhopal area, claimed that the escapee under-trials, spotted on a cliff with no escape route, some 8 kilometres away from the jail, were armed with country made pistols. The Home Minister of the state, who is responsible for all law and order issues, supported the claim. Another IGP, the Chief of Anti-Terror Squad, however, claimed later that the escapee under-trials had no firearms with them at the time of the "encounter". Cops under his command conducted the "encounter".
The message is clear. The IGP, Bhopal, tried to justify the killings as unavoidable: blaming the slain for firing at the police parties closing in on them. The IGP (ATS) believed in no such pretense. He asserted on camera that the under-trials were unarmed and added, "so what"! "Even if the police are not being fired at, they can use such force."
The problem is that the law of the land disallows police from using such lethal force against unarmed persons, even those accused of having committed heinous crimes. The Supreme Court of India has repeatedly criminalised use of such force against those causing no threat to the life of others and have recommended stringent sentences with death penalty for such "trigger happy" cops indulging in such extrajudicial executions; for example, in cases like Prakash Kadam & Etc. v. Ramprasad Vishwanath Gupta & Anr. (Criminal Appeal Nos.1174-1178 of 2011) and the People's Union for Civil Liberties v. State of Maharashtra & Ors. (Criminal Appeal No. 1255 of 1999).
The Supreme Court of India has also devised a detailed guideline for police "encounters" resulting in deaths. The guidelines ask for immediate registration of a First Information Report in the deaths, the institution of a probe, and no out of turn promotion to the cops involved until the probe is over, and submission of six monthly status reports to the National Human Rights Commission. Evidently, either the IGP (ATS) is unaware of the law or is absolutely certain of the impunity the cops enjoy in the state!
The actions of Madhya Pradesh government in the wake of the encounter suggest the source of this confidence, despite the flouting of clearly established legal procedures. Forget taking punitive action against the those responsible, for allowing the killing of unarmed undertrials, as per IGP (ATS') own admission, and in that being the case, against IGP (Bhopal) for concocting evidence, the Chief Minister of the state went on to facilitate the cops involved in the encounter. He did that on Madhya Pradesh Foundation Day, the day after the killings. He also announced a cash reward of Rs. 2 lakh each to the cops who participated in the encounter and Rs. one lakh each for those who participated in the search operation. Worse even, he asked the audience if it was not the right way to deal with the 'terrorists', perhaps deliberately hiding the fact that they were just undertrials, not convicts!
Of course, he later ordered for a judicial probe into the encounter, as is mandated by the Supreme Court! The fate of this probe launched after the State government already rewarding the cops involved in the extrajudicial killing of the under-trials is anyone's guess!
Is it not high time for the Supreme Court to step in and stop the farce by taking suo moto notice and instituting a probe, monitored under its purview? If it cannot do that, it might consider exempting Madhya Pradesh from the need of enforcing the law of the land, including the rights the Constitution guarantees to the citizenry.
Samar is Programme Coordinator – Right to Food Programme Asian Legal Resource Centre / Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong
Encounter of the Rule of Law
Vikas Dubey Encounter Killing: Time For Serious Action On Police Reforms
Bhopal Encounter: Fact Finding Report
Rakesh Sharma Demolishes The Script of M.P Police on Bhopal Encounter
Tags: BhopalEncounter
Author: Samar
K SHESHU BABU says:
After a long struggle waged by civil society and human rights organisations, supreme Court declared encounters are fake. Even then, the rulers are continuing to violate courts verdicts …where us ' rule' of law ??? There is only RULER OF LAW ..


Students from area high schools chant during a Black Lives Matter rally they organized at the Skate Park at Bradenton's Riverwalk.
BRADENTON — They gathered Thursday evening dressed in all black. More than 80 students from multiple Manatee County high schools arrived at the Bradenton Riverwalk skate park with one message: Black lives do matter.
Organized by students, the rally was a continuation of earlier showings of protest after an issue arose Wednesday when a student brought a Confederate flag onto the Manatee High School campus as part of Spirit Week. The presence of the flag, which was confiscated, upset many.
The rally was filled with high energy as students chatted, snapped selfies and chanted. Several motorists honked in support.
At one point, a young man on a bicycle approached the group. He said people fought for the Confederate flag and listened as they explained what else took place Wednesday at Manatee High.
"The boys with the flag took it as a joke," Torres told him. Others chimed in and said there were racial slurs hurled at other students.
The mood turned light as several students engaged in a dance-off at the bottom of a skate bowl. Olivia Lee, a sophomore at Palmetto High School, described the experience as amazing.


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Mr. Shobhit Verma
Trauma/Fractures
Childhood Fractures
Growth Plate Fractures
Cast Care
Paediatric Orthopaedic
Apophysitis
In Toeing
Flatfoot in Children
Limb Deformities
Bowlegs & Knock-Knees
Arthroscopy is a surgical procedure in which an arthroscope is inserted into a joint. Arthroscopy is a term that comes from two Greek words, arthro-, meaning joint, and -skopein, meaning to examine.
The benefits of arthroscopy involve smaller incisions, faster healing, a more rapid recovery, and less scarring. Arthroscopic surgical procedures are often performed on an outpatient basis and the patient is able to return home on the same day.
Click the desired topics below to find out more.
Why is Arthroscopy necessary?
Diagnosing joint injuries and disease begins with a thorough medical history, physical examination, and usually X-rays. Additional tests such as an MRI, or CT scan also may be needed. Through the arthroscope, a final diagnosis is made which may be more accurate than through "open" surgery or from X-ray studies.
What are the joints that can be viewed with an Arthroscope?
Although the inside of nearly all joints can be viewed with an arthroscope, six joints are most frequently examined with this instrument. These include the knee, shoulder, elbow, ankle, hip, and wrist. As engineers make advances in electronic technology and orthopedic surgeons develop new techniques, other joints may be treated more frequently in the future.
What are the conditions that can be treated by Arthroscopy?
Some problems associated with arthritis can also be treated. Several disorders are treated with a combination of arthroscopic and standard surgery.
Disease and injuries can damage bones, cartilage, ligaments, muscles, and tendons. Some of the most frequent conditions found during arthroscopic examinations of joints are:
Synovitis – Inflamed lining (synovium) in knee, shoulder, elbow, wrist, or ankle.
Injury – Acute and chronic.
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text:
Daniele Salera (* 23. Juli 1970 in Rom) ist ein italienischer römisch-katholischer Geistlicher und Weihbischof in Rom.

Leben
Daniele Salera erlangte zunächst an der Universität La Sapienza in Rom einen Abschluss im Fach Soziologie. Anschließend trat Salera ins Päpstliche Römische Priesterseminar ein. Er studierte Philosophie und Katholische Theologie an der Päpstlichen Universität Gregoriana. Am 21. April 2002 empfing Salera im Petersdom durch Papst Johannes Paul II. das Sakrament der Priesterweihe für das Bistum Rom. Nach weiterführenden Studien erwarb er an der Päpstlichen Universität Gregoriana ein Lizenziat im Fach Spirituelle Theologie. Ferner absolvierte er am Istituto Superiore per Formatori (ISFO) einen Kurs für Ausbilder an Priesterseminaren.

Salera war zuerst als Pfarrvikar der Pfarrei Santa Maria Madre del Redentore a Tor Bella Monaca (2002–2008) und als Religionslehrer (2003–2008) tätig, bevor er Mitarbeiter der Katecheseabteilung des Bistums Rom und Ausbilder am Päpstlichen Römischen Priesterseminar wurde. Von 2014 bis 2016 wirkte er als Subregens am Päpstlichen Römischen Priesterseminar. Ab 2016 war Daniele Salera Pfarrer der Pfarrei San Frumenzio ai Prati Fiscali und Kirchlicher Assistent der Region Centro Urbis der Associazione Guide e Scouts Cattolici Italiani (AGESCI).

Am 27. Mai 2022 ernannte ihn Papst Franziskus zum Titularbischof von Tituli in Proconsulari und zum Weihbischof in Rom. Der Kardinalvikar des Bistums Rom, Angelo De Donatis, spendete ihm sowie Riccardo Lamba und Baldassarre Reina am 29. Juni desselben Jahres die Bischofsweihe; Mitkonsekratoren waren der emeritierte Erzbischof von Agrigent, Francesco Kardinal Montenegro, und der Erzbischof von Siena-Colle di Val d'Elsa-Montalcino, Augusto Paolo Kardinal Lojudice. Daniele Salera wählte den Wahlspruch Obœdientia et pax ("Gehorsamkeit und Frieden").

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Römisch-katholischer Bischof (21. Jahrhundert)
Weihbischof in Rom
Titularbischof
Absolvent der Päpstlichen Universität Gregoriana
Italiener
Geboren 1970
Mann

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To help children and their families cope with a traumatic diagnosis, Larger Than Life provides an "Emergency Comfort Kit" designed to reduce the stress of the harsh reality surrounding a child's cancer diagnosis.
After a tragic cancer diagnosis, children and their families require precise responses to their needs. The results of a Larger Than Life survey, carried out by our staff and volunteers, highlighted a short list of needs to help the children and families better cope with their distressing daily routine.
While there's no way to remove the pain of receiving such a diagnosis, we do our best to make families as comfortable as possible as they process their new challenge.
Larger than Life offers a complimentary "Emergency Comfort Kit" to the families of all children diagnosed with cancer. Designed to ease the transition for newly-diagnosed children and teens with cancer and their families, the kit provides comfort and familiarity to ease the transition to their traumatic lifestyle changes.
The kit includes a large thermal cup for hot and cold drinks, a portable battery charger, a warm blanket, a large towel, games specially selected for various ages, a notebook and pen, and a relevant or popular novel for the parents to read.
Our ability to provide such a necessary resource is thanks to the generosity of people like you. We hope that you'll join our community in helping to uplift and support Israeli families fighting childhood cancer.


The Prialt ads tackle a serious issue with stunning imagery and emotional words. Featuring a girl who is drowning, the ads make you feel like you're struggling for breath as well.
Created by advertising agency Saatchi & Saatchi Health, the Prialt ads capture the feeling of those who rely on certain medications for their well-being. This is definitely not an easy thing to go through and the ads capture the feeling well.
Images like the ones from the Prialt ads provide a reminder that there is always a person behind every label.
Implications - Consumers are looking for designs they can relate to. Artwork that features a deeper meaning allows shoppers to create an emotional connection to certain images. In order to increase this level of attachment with customers, a company could develop more items like this.


Shakira (Dewi Persik), a stripper, meets James (Robby Shine) who then becomes her lover. One day by chance Shakira sees a murder in the basement at her lover's house. Apparently the lover and his friends run an illegal business by selling body organs.
Since she witnesses the murder, Shakira herself gets murdered and thrown at Lapindo mud to avoid suspicion. Her heart is taken to be sold to a woman patient. When this heart starts to beat again in the woman's body, Shakira rises from the mud and seeks avenge.
A terrifying terror starts to unleash itself. Shakira hunts down her murderers one by one to make them pay. After killing all of them, Shakira's spirit roams, searching for James. What James does to her became a question she has to resolve.


text:
You are here: Home / The Power of BUZZ Marketing / How the Powr of PR Helped CVS Hire Pharmacists
April 27, 2017 By Robert Kravitz
How the Powr of PR Helped CVS Hire Pharmacists
In the past ten to 15 years, more retailers such as megastores have been opening up pharmacies in their stores. One of the effects of all these new pharmacies was that more traditional pharmacies, such as CVS, were having difficulty in finding and attracting new pharmacists. Further, the Bureau of Labor Statistics was predicting that there would continue to be a shortfall of pharmacists for many years to come.
Due to this increased competition for a limited number of pharmacists, in 2005 CVS decided to launch a PR program designed to recruit older pharmacists (those over 50) as well as pharmacists who had already retired. CVS believed this program would not only help it find new pharmacists but also bolster its commitment to the communities it served.
To see if such a program would even work, the PR company CVS hired conducted research studies to find out if these older workers would be interested in changing companies or, in the case of retirees, returning to the workforce. For the most part, the studies indicated that they would.
So, with this knowledge in hand, the PR firm set out the following strategy for CVS's recruitment program for older workers and, specifically, older pharmacists:
Show these older workers that CVS is a solid company and a good place to work.
Establish CVS as a corporate leader when it comes to workforce development.
Position the company as an employer that wants workers 50 and older to join its team.
In implementing CVS's recruitment program, the PR firm decided against hiring a celebrity spokesperson. Instead, it turned to the current mature staff at CVS to be the spokespeople—telling other mature workers about the virtues of working for CVS.
Among the next steps for implementing the recruitment program were the following:
Get CVS recognized as an AARP Featured Employer, and let AARP members know what CVS is doing to attract older workers.
Promote two current studies indicating that older workers do not cost more to train than younger workers.
Make potential mature workers aware that CVS offers flexible work schedules, something that other studies indicated are important to older workers.
The recruitment program went into full force in 2006, and from January to December of that year, nearly 40 articles were published discussing the CVS program, highlighting the fact that CVS was looking and eager to hire experienced pharmacists and other workers.
The PR firm found that, along with the numerous articles, there were more than 36 million media impressions about the CVS recruitment program, plus discussions about the program in scores of national, regional, and trade publications. These media impressions jumped to about 200 million from 2006 to 2007, a very significant jump for a PR program that was only two years old.
While CVS's program to hire mature pharmacists and workers likely got more media coverage than anyone expected, what about the results of the program for CVS?
With fewer than 300 mature pharmacists working for CVS before the PR campaign began, the chain reported that it had more than 1,000 mature pharmacists employed by the end of 2006, which indicated to CVS that the program was definitely a success.
"The [program] also helped to show current employees, customers, and stakeholders the ways in which CVS is a leader in workforce development," added a spokesperson for the PR firm in charge of the CVS recruitment program.
Not only was CVS satisfied with the results, but this PR program was essentially done on a shoestring budget. This shows that PR can be not only powerful and effective, when compared to many other traditional marketing avenues, but also considerably less expensive.
Filed Under: The Power of BUZZ Marketing, Blog!


We love our new mini Nintendo!
As part of our open door policy, in 2013, ALL DOORS were eliminated in most of our locations to improve accessibility as well. We have NO MULTILEVEL offices. Fast Trak is a proud sponsor of the Fraternal Order Of Police since 2016.


text:
Going Rogue
Massive banana disease, worsened by climate change, threatens global crops
PlatanoColombia/WikimediaCommons
No, not that banana disease.
by H. Claire Brown and New Food Economy
Environment Issues
You may have heard that virtually all bananas we eat are from the genetically identical Cavendish cultivar. You've also likely heard about a big, scary disease called Fusarium Wilt (also known as Panama Disease) that evolved to threaten the previously resistant Cavendish. (Panama Disease basically knocked out the last great banana cultivar, the Gros Michel—French for "Big Mike!")
Listen to H. Claire Brown talk about Black Leaf Streak disease with The Takeaway's Tanzina Vega here.
But there's another, less dramatic disease that actually causes larger global yield losses than Fusarium Wilt. It's called Black Sigatoka or Black Leaf Streak disease, and climate change has increased its risk by 44 percent since the 1970s, according to a new study by researchers at the University of Exeter.
Unlike Fusarium Wilt, Black Sigatoka does not kill off entire banana farms. Rather, it affects the plant's leaves, which can in turn interrupt the fruit ripening process and depress yield by up to 80 percent, according to the study.
Scot Nelson
Photo of a tree in Hawaii affected by Black Sigatoka
The fungus that causes Black Sigatoka thrives on wet leaves and in temperatures that hover around 80 degrees Fahrenheit. The researchers found that climate change has bred precisely these conditions in many banana-growing regions in Latin America. They came to these conclusions by cross-referencing experimental data on Black Sigatoka infections with 60 years of climate data. "I was surprised by the strong climate change signal in the data, for Latin America," researcher Dan Bebber wrote in an email. "Conditions have definitely improved for the fungus across large areas."
"Black Sigatoka is definitely a forgotten disease, but it costs banana growers hundreds of millions of dollars to control."
Black Sigatoka can be controlled by fungicides, but Bebber says it develops resistance very quickly. Farmers have to spray many times over the course of a growing season, switching chemical formulations often. It's expensive and increasingly environmentally unsound. "For sci-fi fans, it's like fighting the Borg," he adds. (I had to look it up—it's a group of cyborgs in Star Trek that adapts to changing conditions with great agility. Checks out.)
Since it was first identified in Honduras, Black Sigatoka has spread to Latin America, the Caribbean, and even parts of Florida. And while the study acknowledges that humans certainly had a hand in spreading the fungus via trade routes, climate change has clearly aided in its spread and survival. Though the study does not make any predictions about the future of the fungus, it stands to reason that rapidly-evolving fungicide resistance coupled with a changing climate may mean it won't go away on its own.
"Black Sigatoka is definitely a forgotten disease [but] it costs banana growers hundreds of millions of dollars to control … we urgently need more research to develop sustainable, affordable solutions," Bebber says.
Environment, Issuesbananadiseasefoodfood supplyfruitgrocerygrowers
H. Claire Brown
Claire Brown is a staff writer for The New Food Economy focusing on food policy and the environment. Her reporting has won awards from the Newswomen's Club of New York and the New York Press Club. She is based in Brooklyn. She can be reached via email at [email protected] or on Twitter at @hclaire_brown.
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text:
At the BarbicanLiz Jobey
Vol. 38 No. 11 · 2 June 2016
At the Barbican
Liz Jobey
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For once the difficult architectural layout of the Barbican Art Gallery works in favour of the current exhibition. Strange and Familiar: Britain as Revealed by International Photographers, curated by the English photographer Martin Parr, is made up of around 250 works by 23 photographers who came to Britain for long and short periods between the 1930s and 2014. The division between the two floors of the gallery offers a useful temporal break: the first fifty years upstairs; the later works below. More to the point, the division between the two floors signals an aesthetic break. The pictures on the upper floors, almost all of them in black and white, were conceived for the pages of a magazine or a book, while the works downstairs – most of them in colour and reproduced at a much larger scale – were intended for the gallery wall. Upstairs, most of these earlier pictures tell stories – political, social, domestic – about the people and places they depict. Downstairs a later generation of photographers believes the narrative tropes of photojournalism are something to avoid. (The exhibition closes on 16 June.)
Baker Street Underground Station photographed by Sergio Larrain (1958).
Anybody looking for Britain's character to emerge from the show is likely to be disappointed. It's rather a reminder that, with rare exceptions, photographers find what they come looking for. Not that this means the show is a failure. What soon becomes clear is how much the UK has been read through its social groups: royalty and the aristocracy in the south, working and industrial classes to the north and west. The upstairs downstairs divide is still deeply ingrained and over the years visiting photographers have only reinforced the national stereotypes: the nanny, the butler, the toff, the man in the bowler hat, the black-faced miner, the snot-nosed child, the woman in rollers and a headscarf, the brass band, the council estate, the corner shop, each one as emblematic as the Union Jack and the London bus.
The German-born photographer Evelyn Hofer came to London in the early 1960s to make a series of portraits of the city and its people for V.S. Pritchett's book London Perceived. Her subjects stand or sit patiently for her camera, willing but unsmiling, recalling, though without quite the same compositional rigour, the portraits of August Sander, which she knew and admired. Her Crossing Guard portrays solid reliability in her (yellow?) calf-length coat and peaked cap, her lollipop sign held upside-down at her side. The Bus Conductress and Postman, taken in 1977, might have stepped out of Sander's taxonomy, People of the 20th Century, were it not for their local insignia.
Henri Cartier-Bresson, for the purposes of this exhibition, is cast as a royal reporter. In 1937, his first year working for the French communist daily Ce Soir, he covered the coronation of George VI, turning his back on the royals to capture the event through the reactions of the crowd. He was back for Ascot in 1953, for Churchill's funeral in 1965, for Princess Anne's wedding in 1973, and the queen's silver jubilee in 1977, but nothing here has either the lightness or the precision of his best pictures. As with other photographers in this show, notably Garry Winogrand, what could be done with ease and subtlety at home was harder to achieve abroad.
Robert Frank worked in Britain between 1951 and 1953. Born in Switzerland but based in New York, he was still half-hoping his pictures would appeal to a magazine like Life but at the same time he was trying, as he wrote, to 'break from the Traditional … trying to forget easy photo, trying to make something coming from within'. Yet Frank, too, sees the country through divisions of class: the City is a place of bowler and top hats, rolled umbrellas and canes. London is lyrically subsumed in fog. Only in Wales, in 1953, does he seem to relax and let his camera roam in a chiaroscuro sequence of blackened faces and bleak landscapes and into a miner's home.
Photographers who arrived in Britain without an agenda are refreshing. The Chilean Sergio Larrain, for example, who came to London on a British Council grant in 1958-59, could make a picture out of an empty office with its sea of desks and phones, or the landscape of terraces seen from a train window. He noticed the unwitting choreography of people moving through the streets. The Italian Gian Butturini caught London at the tail end of the 1960s in a series of high-contrast, grainy black and white shots of anti-Vietnam demonstrators, as well as homeless people and a few stray hippies, putting it all together with a poem by Allen Ginsberg in a self-published book. Rineke Dijkstra's large-format full-length portraits of girls in Liverpool in 1995 announce a sudden shift in scale. Dressed for a night out at the Buzz Club they stand fidgety and self-conscious, not sure what they will unwittingly disclose.
By the later stages of the show, as David Chandler points out in his catalogue essay, Britain was often just a stopover for those intent on creating an international body of work in which their own style was paramount. Sometimes their subjects are its victims. The American Bruce Gilden manages to find a number of his typical close-cropped grotesques at West Bromwich bus station and on the streets of Essex. The Dutch photographer Hans Eijkelboom surreptitiously (shutter release hidden in his pocket) adds shoppers in the Bullring in Birmingham to his ever expanding mail-order-style catalogue of 21st-century types. In an era of globalisation, the works of these later photographers, Chandler writes, 'often suggest similarities and continuities between cultural contexts as much as localised differences'. They took from Britain what they needed.
Liz Jobey is an associate editor of the FT Weekend Magazine.
Dreams of the Decades: Bill Brandt
More by Liz Jobey


We require a Subject Leader of Mathematics to start in September 2019, at our small, over-subscribed, 11-18 mixed Church of England comprehensive school on the edge of Richmond Park in South West London.
• passionate about learning and teaching.
• an outstanding teacher capable of teaching Mathematics to A level.
• someone who will be an exceptional leader.


text:
Stallion TV
Dear Filly
The Stallion
Home News Senator Pierzchajlo proposes parking lot cameras
Senator Pierzchajlo proposes parking lot cameras
Isai Vega
At ABAC cameras are in many of the buildings around campus for security purposes, however, the one place on campus that isn't covered is the campus parking lots. This allows more crimes to occur like fights, thefts, vandalism and most commonly hit and runs.
Garret Pierzchajlo, Senator for Arts and Sciences in the Student Government Association (SGA), is the one who is proposing, that cameras are added, saying, "ABAC is a very safe campus compared to most universities but where our crime does occur is in the parking lot." Crimes like hit and runs are the most common with roughly seven to ten being reported each semester.
This leaves students to deal with an expensive issue that could be resolved if there were cameras watching. Pierzchajlo also believes that just having the cameras up would serve as a deterrent to crimes in the parking lot. There have been a few incidents of people taking yeti coolers out of trucks and taking stuff from unlocked cars.
Also, fights like the one that occurred earlier in Nov. ending with one student being expelled and the other suspended for two semesters may have been easier to resolve.
The student who was suspended believed if cameras had recorded the incident, it could have helped him prove his innocence or guilt.
Pierzchajlo hopes that cameras will eliminate situations like this if students are aware of them. It's a problem of the cost of setting up the cameras versus the benefits they provide.
Pierzchajlo said that they hope they can get approval soon to obtain the cameras. Grant Thelen, the President of the SGA, said that installing the cameras would be most likely take place first in the south parking lot when it is redone by ABAC. Pierzchajlo stated that, "It will be expensive, but in terms of the university's budget it's a drop in the bucket. But the justification for this is that this could knock out all the crime at ABAC."
He hopes that he can push this through during his term as Senator. Even though these cameras would be watching the parking lot, they would not be monitored by staff. They would only record footage that is then stored for a set period of time.
Although the cameras being implemented around the parking lots seems like a good idea, it is not as straightforward as everyone thinks it is. Most of the time cameras do not help when it comes to catching the person responsible.
While talking with the Chief of Police Frank Strickland, the cameras ABAC will receive are going to be for recording purposes only and "even if you have a picture of the person, somebody's got to know the person to be able to identify the person."
Strickland further explained that cameras work two different ways. The first is by using the cameras to record everything within a day and storing it on a server for 30-60 days so that it can be reviewed for any reason. The second is to have people hired to specifically watch the video, both of which are very expensive.
Given the high cost of cameras and servers for a relatively low crime rate at ABAC, cameras may not be the best way for the college to spend money.
Especially when you take into account that cameras are only good for seeing what took place after a crime has been committed.
Diego Diaz
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The Stallion is a student-edited newspaper, published bi-weekly during the fall and spring semesters (except for holidays and breaks) and during the summer session by Abraham Baldwin Agricultural College. Contents do not represent the official opinions of ABAC, the University System of Georgia, or the Stallion unless specifically indicated.
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It's the time of the year where we search for that something special and useful to gift our loved ones. Below is an assortment of inspiring tranquility-infused gift ideas ranging from $1.99 to $50.
Over the years I've created a few tools or treats I was seeking and my hope is that these creations of love help spread tranquilosophy in a meaningful way. And the best part, your purchase helps support small businesses and a portion of all proceeds benefits Pigs & Pugs Project.
Tranquility Tea. This beautiful and fragrant blend of green tea, rosebuds, chamomile, lavender, and vanilla essence complements mindful moments. $12. Only 10 left and it's our last run of this blend for now. Shop tea.
2.Tranquillité parfumis bursting with notes of gardenia, jasmine, sweet musk, rose, and sandalwood and was handcrafted in a Parisian apartment. Comes in parfum oil and eau de toilette. $38-$58. Shop parfum.
3. Tranquility du Jour app. Get instant access to all Tranquility du Jour podcast interviews—learn ways to give back, create art, love animals, eat well, practice yoga and mindfulness, live with style, make meaning, and more. Available on your iOS or Android mobile device. $1.99. Shop app.
4. Pigs & Pugs Project. Contribute a tax deductible donation of $50 or more to help pig sanctuaries and pug rescues in need and we'll send you (or your gift recipient) a darling Pigs & Pugs reusable tote. $50+. Donate.
5. Books. A collection of writings from the past 12 years available in an assortment of PDFs, Kindle, and hold-in-your-hand physical form. Tranquilista is also available in Chinese, Russian, Bulgarian, and Dutch! $19-$28. Shop books.
Great. Now I need Tranquility du Jour .
Aren't there physical books, Too? I find them easier to work with than on line.